This is a modern-English version of Travels in West Africa: Congo Français, Corisco and Cameroons, originally written by Kingsley, Mary Henrietta.
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and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If
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Travels in West Africa (Congo Français, Corisco and Cameroons)
by
Mary H. Kingsley.
To my brother, C. G. Kingsley this book is dedicated.
To my brother, C. G. Kingsley, this book is dedicated.
CONTENTS
Table of Contents
PREFACE.
PREFACE TO THE ABRIDGED EDITION OF TRAVELS IN WEST
AFRICA.
INTRODUCTION.
CHAPTER I. LIVERPOOL TO
SIERRA LEONE AND THE GOLD COAST.
CHAPTER II. FERNANDO
PO AND THE BUBIS.
CHAPTER III. VOYAGE DOWN COAST.
CHAPTER
IV. THE OGOWÉ.
CHAPTER V. THE
RAPIDS OF THE OGOWÉ.
CHAPTER VI. LEMBARENE.
CHAPTER
VII. ON THE WAY FROM KANGWE TO LAKE NCOVI.
CHAPTER VIII.
FROM NCOVI TO ESOON.
CHAPTER IX. FROM ESOON TO AGONJO.
CHAPTER
X. BUSH TRADE AND FAN CUSTOMS.
CHAPTER XI.
DOWN THE REMBWÉ.
CHAPTER XII. FETISH.
CHAPTER
XIII. FETISH - (Continued).
CHAPTER XIV. FETISH
- (Continued).
CHAPTER XV. FETISH - (Continued).
CHAPTER
XVI. FETISH - (Concluded).
CHAPTER XVII. ASCENT
OF THE GREAT PEAK OF CAMEROONS.
CHAPTER XVIII. THE GREAT PEAK OF
CAMEROONS - (Continued).
CHAPTER XIX. THE GREAT PEAK
OF CAMEROONS - (Continued).
CHAPTER XX. THE
GREAT PEAK OF CAMEROONS - (Concluded).
CHAPTER XXI.
TRADE AND LABOUR IN WEST AFRICA.
CHAPTER XXII. DISEASE IN
WEST AFRICA.
APPENDIX. THE INVENTION OF THE
CLOTH LOOM.
PREFACE.
PREFACE TO THE ABRIDGED EDITION OF TRAVELS IN WEST AFRICA.
INTRODUCTION.
CHAPTER I. LIVERPOOL TO SIERRA LEONE AND THE GOLD COAST.
CHAPTER II. FERNANDO PO AND THE BUBIS.
CHAPTER III. VOYAGE DOWN COAST.
CHAPTER IV. THE OGOWÉ.
CHAPTER V. THE RAPIDS OF THE OGOWÉ.
CHAPTER VI. LEMBARENE.
CHAPTER VII. ON THE WAY FROM KANGWE TO LAKE NCOVI.
CHAPTER VIII. FROM NCOVI TO ESOON.
CHAPTER IX. FROM ESOON TO AGONJO.
CHAPTER X. BUSH TRADE AND FAN CUSTOMS.
CHAPTER XI. DOWN THE REMBWÉ.
CHAPTER XII. FETISH.
CHAPTER XIII. FETISH - (Continued).
CHAPTER XIV. FETISH - (Continued).
CHAPTER XV. FETISH - (Continued).
CHAPTER XVI. FETISH - (Concluded).
CHAPTER XVII. ASCENT OF THE GREAT PEAK OF CAMEROONS.
CHAPTER XVIII. THE GREAT PEAK OF CAMEROONS - (Continued).
CHAPTER XIX. THE GREAT PEAK OF CAMEROONS - (Continued).
CHAPTER XX. THE GREAT PEAK OF CAMEROONS - (Concluded).
CHAPTER XXI. TRADE AND LABOR IN WEST AFRICA.
CHAPTER XXII. DISEASE IN WEST AFRICA.
APPENDIX. THE INVENTION OF THE CLOTH LOOM.
PREFACE
TO THE READER. - What this book wants is not a simple Preface but an apology, and a very brilliant and convincing one at that. Recognising this fully, and feeling quite incompetent to write such a masterpiece, I have asked several literary friends to write one for me, but they have kindly but firmly declined, stating that it is impossible satisfactorily to apologise for my liberties with Lindley Murray and the Queen’s English. I am therefore left to make a feeble apology for this book myself, and all I can personally say is that it would have been much worse than it is had it not been for Dr. Henry Guillemard, who has not edited it, or of course the whole affair would have been better, but who has most kindly gone through the proof sheets, lassoing prepositions which were straying outside their sentence stockade, taking my eye off the water cask and fixing it on the scenery where I meant it to be, saying firmly in pencil on margins “No you don’t,” when I was committing some more than usually heinous literary crime, and so on. In cases where his activities in these things may seem to the reader to have been wanting, I beg to state that they really were not. It is I who have declined to ascend to a higher level of lucidity and correctness of diction than I am fitted for. I cannot forbear from mentioning my gratitude to Mr. George Macmillan for his patience and kindness with me, - a mere jungle of information on West Africa. Whether you my reader will share my gratitude is, I fear, doubtful, for if it had not been for him I should never have attempted to write a book at all, and in order to excuse his having induced me to try I beg to state that I have written only on things that I know from personal experience and very careful observation. I have never accepted an explanation of a native custom from one person alone, nor have I set down things as being prevalent customs from having seen a single instance. I have endeavoured to give you an honest account of the general state and manner of life in Lower Guinea and some description of the various types of country there. In reading this section you must make allowances for my love of this sort of country, with its great forests and rivers and its animistic-minded inhabitants, and for my ability to be more comfortable there than in England. Your superior culture-instincts may militate against your enjoying West Africa, but if you go there you will find things as I have said.
TO THE READER. - What this book needs isn’t just a Preface but an apology, and it should be a really good and convincing one. Acknowledging this completely, and feeling unqualified to create such a remarkable piece myself, I’ve reached out to a few literary friends to write one for me, but they have kindly and firmly declined, claiming it’s impossible to adequately apologize for my liberties with Lindley Murray and the Queen’s English. So, I’m left to offer a weak apology for this book myself, and all I can honestly say is that it would have been much worse had it not been for Dr. Henry Guillemard, who hasn’t edited it—otherwise, it would surely have been better—but who has generously gone through the proof sheets, correcting prepositions that were wandering out of their sentences, redirecting my focus from the water cask back to the scenery I intended to describe, and firmly writing in the margins “No you don’t” when I was committing particularly egregious literary errors, and so on. In cases where his corrections may seem lacking, I assure you they weren't—I'm the one who chose not to reach a higher level of clarity and correct language than I’m capable of. I must express my gratitude to Mr. George Macmillan for his patience and kindness with me, just a confused mess of information about West Africa. Whether you, dear reader, will share my gratitude is, I fear, uncertain, because if it weren’t for him, I likely would never have tried to write a book at all. To justify his encouragement, I should state that I’ve written only about things I know from personal experience and careful observation. I’ve never taken just one person’s explanation of a native custom, nor have I recorded things as common practices based on a single example. I’ve aimed to provide you with an honest account of life in Lower Guinea and some descriptions of the various types of terrain there. While reading this section, you should consider my fondness for this kind of land, with its vast forests and rivers, and its inhabitants who have an animistic worldview, as well as my preference for being there over England. Your more advanced cultural instincts might make it hard for you to enjoy West Africa, but if you go there, you’ll find things are as I’ve described.
January, 1897.
January 1897.
PREFACE TO THE ABRIDGED EDITION OF TRAVELS IN WEST AFRICA.
When on my return to England from my second sojourn in West Africa, I discovered, to my alarm, that I was, by a freak of fate, the sea-serpent of the season, I published, in order to escape from this reputation, a very condensed, much abridged version of my experiences in Lower Guinea; and I thought that I need never explain about myself or Lower Guinea again. This was one of my errors. I have been explaining ever since; and, though not reconciled to so doing, I am more or less resigned to it, because it gives me pleasure to see that English people can take an interest in that land they have neglected. Nevertheless, it was a shock to me when the publishers said more explanation was required. I am thankful to say the explanation they required was merely on what plan the abridgment of my first account had been made. I can manage that explanation easily. It has been done by removing from it certain sections whole, and leaving the rest very much as it first stood. Of course it would have been better if I had totally reformed and rewritten the book in pellucid English; but that is beyond me, and I feel at any rate this book must be better than it was, for there is less of it; and I dimly hope critics will now see that there is a saving grace in disconnectedness, for owing to that disconnectedness whole chapters have come out without leaving holes.
When I returned to England from my second trip to West Africa, I was alarmed to find out that, by some twist of fate, I had become the sea-serpent of the season. To shake off this reputation, I published a very condensed, shortened version of my experiences in Lower Guinea, thinking that I would never have to explain myself or Lower Guinea again. This was one of my mistakes. I've been explaining ever since, and although I'm not thrilled about it, I've come to accept it, because it makes me happy to see that English people are interested in a place they've overlooked. Still, I was taken aback when the publishers said more explanation was needed. Thankfully, the clarification they wanted was just about how I had abridged my original account. I can easily handle that explanation. It was done by removing certain sections entirely and keeping the rest pretty much as it was. Of course, it would have been better if I had completely reformed and rewritten the book in clear English, but that's beyond me. Nevertheless, I feel this book must be better than it was, since there's less of it now; and I vaguely hope critics will recognize that there’s a certain charm in being disconnected, because due to that disconnectedness, whole chapters have been removed without leaving gaps.
As for the part that is left in, I have already apologised for its form, and I cannot help it, for Lower Guinea is like what I have said it is. No one who knows it has sent home contradictions of my description of it, or its natives, or their manners or customs, and they have had by now ample time and opportunity. The only complaints I have had regarding my account from my fellow West Coasters have been that I might have said more. I trust my forbearance will send a thrill of gratitude through readers of the 736-page edition.
As for the part that remains, I’ve already apologized for its form, and I can’t change it because Lower Guinea is exactly as I’ve described. No one who is familiar with it has contradicted my description of the place, its people, or their customs, and they’ve had plenty of time and chances to do so. The only feedback I’ve received from my fellow West Coasters is that I could have shared more. I hope my restraint gives readers of the 736-page edition a sense of appreciation.
There is, however, one section that I reprint, regarding which I must say a few words. It is that on the trade and labour problem in West Africa, particularly the opinion therein expressed regarding the liquor traffic. This part has brought down on me much criticism from the Missionary Societies and their friends; and I beg gratefully to acknowledge the honourable fairness with which the controversy has been carried on by the great Wesleyan Methodist Mission to the Gold Coast and the Baptist Mission to the Congo. It has not ended in our agreement on this point, but it has raised my esteem of Missionary Societies considerably; and anyone interested in this matter I beg to refer to the Baptist Magazine for October, 1897. Therein will be found my answer, and the comments on it by a competent missionary authority; for the rest of this matter I beg all readers of this book to bear in mind that I confine myself to speaking only of the bit of Africa I know - West Africa. During this past summer I attended a meeting at which Sir George Taubman Goldie spoke, and was much struck with the truth of what he said on the difference of different African regions. He divided Africa into three zones: firstly, that region where white races could colonise in the true sense of the word, and form a great native-born white population, namely, the region of the Cape; secondly, a region where the white race could colonise, but to a less extent - an extent analogous to that in India - namely, the highlands of Central East Africa and parts of Northern Africa; thirdly, a region where the white races cannot colonise in a true sense of the word, namely, the West African region, and in those regions he pointed out one of the main elements of prosperity and advance is the native African population. I am quoting his words from memory, possibly imperfectly; but there is very little reliable printed matter to go on when dealing with Sir George Taubman Goldie, which is regrettable because he himself is an experienced and reliable authority. I am however quite convinced that these aforesaid distinct regions are regions that the practical politician dealing with Africa must recognise, and keep constantly in mind when attempting to solve the many difficulties that that great continent presents, and sincerely hope every reader of this work will remember that I am speaking of that last zone, the zone wherein white races cannot colonise in a true sense of the word, but which is nevertheless a vitally important region to a great manufacturing country like England, for therein are vast undeveloped markets wherein she can sell her manufactured goods and purchase raw material for her manufactures at a reasonable rate.
There is, however, one section that I want to highlight, and I need to say a few words about it. It’s the part discussing trade and labor issues in West Africa, especially the views expressed about the liquor trade. This section has attracted a lot of criticism from Missionary Societies and their supporters, and I want to acknowledge the honorable fairness with which the debate has been conducted by the great Wesleyan Methodist Mission to the Gold Coast and the Baptist Mission to the Congo. While we haven’t reached an agreement on this issue, it has greatly increased my respect for Missionary Societies. For anyone interested in this matter, I recommend checking out the Baptist Magazine from October 1897, where my response and comments from a knowledgeable missionary authority can be found. Regarding this issue, I want to remind all readers of this book that I’m only speaking about the part of Africa I know—West Africa. This past summer, I attended a meeting where Sir George Taubman Goldie spoke, and I was deeply struck by the accuracy of his observations about the differences among various African regions. He classified Africa into three zones: first, the area where white people can truly colonize and create a significant native-born white population, specifically the Cape region; second, an area where white people can colonize, but to a lesser extent, similar to India—namely, the highlands of Central East Africa and parts of Northern Africa; third, an area where white people cannot genuinely colonize, which is West Africa, and he noted that one of the main factors for prosperity and progress in these regions is the native African population. I’m recalling his words from memory, possibly not perfectly, but there’s very little reliable printed material available on Sir George Taubman Goldie, which is unfortunate, as he is an experienced and trustworthy authority. I am convinced that these specific regions are ones that any practical politician dealing with Africa must recognize and keep in mind when addressing the numerous challenges the continent presents. I sincerely hope that every reader of this work will remember that I’m talking about that last zone—the zone where white people cannot genuinely colonize, but which remains incredibly important for a major manufacturing country like England, as it contains vast undeveloped markets where she can sell her manufactured goods and buy raw materials at reasonable prices.
Having a rooted, natural, feminine hatred for politics I have no inclination to become diffuse on them, as I have on the errors of other people’s cooking or ideas on decoration. I know I am held to be too partial to France in West Africa; too fond of pointing out her brilliant achievements there, too fond of saying the native is as happy, and possibly happier, under her rule than under ours; and also that I am given to a great admiration for Germans; but this is just like any common-sense Englishwoman. Of course I am devoted to my own John; but still Monsieur is brave, bright, and fascinating; Mein Herr is possessed of courage and commercial ability in the highest degree, and, besides, he takes such a lot of trouble to know the real truth about things, and tells them to you so calmly and carefully - and our own John - well, of course, he is everything that’s good and great, but he makes a shocking fool of himself at times, particularly in West Africa.
Having a deep, instinctive dislike for politics, I’m not inclined to get into debates about it like I do with other people’s cooking mistakes or home decor ideas. I know people think I’m too biased towards France in West Africa; that I like to highlight her impressive accomplishments there and suggest that the locals are just as happy, if not happier, under her rule than ours. And yeah, I have a strong admiration for Germans, but that’s just what any sensible Englishwoman would feel. Of course, I’m devoted to my own John; however, Monsieur is brave, smart, and charming, while Mein Herr has a high level of courage and business acumen. Plus, he really makes an effort to understand the real facts and delivers them to you so calmly and thoughtfully. As for our own John—well, obviously, he’s everything that’s good and great, but he can act like a complete fool at times, especially in West Africa.
I should enjoy holding what one of my justly irritated expurgators used to call one of my little thanksgiving services here, but I will not; for, after all, it would be impossible for me to satisfactorily thank those people who, since my publication of this book, have given me help and information on the subject of West Africa. Chief amongst them have been Mr. A. L. Jones, Sir. R. B. N. Walker, Mr. Irvine, and Mr. John Holt. I have not added to this book any information I have received since I wrote it, as it does not seem to me fair to do so. My only regret regarding it is that I have not dwelt sufficiently on the charm of West Africa; it is so difficult to explain such things; but I am sure there are amongst my readers people who know by experience the charm some countries exercise over men - countries very different from each other and from West Africa. The charm of West Africa is a painful one: it gives you pleasure when you are out there, but when you are back here it gives you pain by calling you. It sends up before your eyes a vision of a wall of dancing white, rainbow-gemmed surf playing on a shore of yellow sand before an audience of stately coco palms; or of a great mangrove-watered bronze river; or of a vast aisle in some forest cathedral: and you hear, nearer to you than the voices of the people round, nearer than the roar of the city traffic, the sound of the surf that is breaking on the shore down there, and the sound of the wind talking on the hard palm leaves and the thump of the natives’ tom-toms; or the cry of the parrots passing over the mangrove swamps in the evening time; or the sweet, long, mellow whistle of the plantain warblers calling up the dawn; and everything that is round you grows poor and thin in the face of the vision, and you want to go back to the Coast that is calling you, saying, as the African says to the departing soul of his dying friend, “Come back, come back, this is your home.”
I should enjoy holding what one of my rightly annoyed editors used to call one of my little thank-you moments here, but I won't; because honestly, it would be impossible for me to adequately thank the people who, since the publication of this book, have offered me help and insights about West Africa. Chief among them are Mr. A. L. Jones, Sir R. B. N. Walker, Mr. Irvine, and Mr. John Holt. I haven't added any information I've received since writing this book because it doesn't seem fair to do so. My only regret is that I haven't focused enough on the beauty of West Africa; it's so hard to put into words. But I know there are people among my readers who understand, through their own experiences, the allure that different countries hold over individuals—countries that are very different from each other and from West Africa. The charm of West Africa is bittersweet: it brings you joy when you're there, but it tugs at your heart when you're back home. It conjures up visions of a wall of dancing white, rainbow-studded waves crashing on a shoreline of golden sand, framed by towering coconut palms; or a vast, bronze river with mangrove-lined banks; or a grand aisle in an immense forest cathedral. And you hear, closer than the voices of those around you, closer than the city's bustling noise, the sound of the surf breaking on the shore down there, the wind whispering through the palm leaves, and the rhythmic beating of native drums; or the calls of parrots flying over the mangrove swamps in the evening; or the sweet, long whistle of plantain warblers welcoming the dawn. Everything around you feels dull and insubstantial compared to this vision, and you long to return to the coast that's calling you, saying, as an African would to the departing soul of a dying friend, “Come back, come back, this is your home.”
M.
H. KINGSLEY.
October, 1897.
M. H. KINGSLEY.
October 1897.
[NOTE. - The following chapters of the first edition are not included in this edition: - Chap. ii., The Gold Coast; Chap. iv., Lagos Bar; Chap. v., Voyage down Coast; Chap. vi., Libreville and Glass; Chap. viii., Talagouga; Chap. xvi., Congo Français; Chap. xvii., The Log of the Lafayette; Chap. xviii., From Corisco to Gaboon; Chap. xxviii., The Islands in the Bay of Amboises; Appendix ii., Disease in West Africa; Appendix iii., Dr. A. Günther on Reptiles and Fishes; Appendix iv., Orthoptera, Hymenoptera, and Hemiptera.]
[NOTE. - The following chapters from the first edition are not included in this edition: - Chap. 2, The Gold Coast; Chap. 4, Lagos Bar; Chap. 5, Voyage Down the Coast; Chap. 6, Libreville and Glass; Chap. 8, Talagouga; Chap. 16, Congo Français; Chap. 17, The Log of the Lafayette; Chap. 18, From Corisco to Gaboon; Chap. 28, The Islands in the Bay of Amboises; Appendix 2, Disease in West Africa; Appendix 3, Dr. A. Günther on Reptiles and Fishes; Appendix 4, Orthoptera, Hymenoptera, and Hemiptera.]
INTRODUCTION.
Relateth the various causes which impelled the author to embark upon the voyage.
Describes the different reasons that motivated the author to set out on the journey.
It was in 1893 that, for the first time in my life, I found myself in possession of five or six months which were not heavily forestalled, and feeling like a boy with a new half-crown, I lay about in my mind, as Mr. Bunyan would say, as to what to do with them. “Go and learn your tropics,” said Science. Where on earth am I to go? I wondered, for tropics are tropics wherever found, so I got down an atlas and saw that either South America or West Africa must be my destination, for the Malayan region was too far off and too expensive. Then I got Wallace’s Geographical Distribution and after reading that master’s article on the Ethiopian region I hardened my heart and closed with West Africa. I did this the more readily because while I knew nothing of the practical condition of it, I knew a good deal both by tradition and report of South East America, and remembered that Yellow Jack was endemic, and that a certain naturalist, my superior physically and mentally, had come very near getting starved to death in the depressing society of an expedition slowly perishing of want and miscellaneous fevers up the Parana.
It was in 1893 that, for the first time in my life, I found myself with five or six months that weren’t already planned out. Feeling like a kid with a new half-crown, I contemplated, as Mr. Bunyan would say, what to do with this time. “Go and learn about your tropics,” said Science. Where on earth was I supposed to go? I wondered, since tropics are tropics no matter where they are located. So, I took out an atlas and figured that either South America or West Africa would be my destination, as the Malayan region was too far away and too expensive. Then I got Wallace’s Geographical Distribution, and after reading that expert’s article on the Ethiopian region, I decided to go with West Africa. I was more inclined to do this because, while I knew nothing about the practical conditions there, I had heard a lot about South East America through stories and reports. I remembered that Yellow Jack was common there and that a certain naturalist, who was both physically and mentally superior to me, had nearly starved to death in the grim company of an expedition slowly suffering from hunger and various fevers up the Parana.
My ignorance regarding West Africa was soon removed. And although the vast cavity in my mind that it occupied is not even yet half filled up, there is a great deal of very curious information in its place. I use the word curious advisedly, for I think many seemed to translate my request for practical hints and advice into an advertisement that “Rubbish may be shot here.” This same information is in a state of great confusion still, although I have made heroic efforts to codify it. I find, however, that it can almost all be got in under the following different headings, namely and to wit: -
My lack of knowledge about West Africa was quickly addressed. And although the huge gap in my understanding is still not even halfway filled, there's a lot of really interesting information there now. I use the word interesting on purpose, because it seems like many people turned my request for practical tips and advice into a sign that said, “Trash can be thrown out here.” This information is still pretty jumbled, even though I've made a lot of effort to organize it. However, I’ve found that almost all of it can fit under the following different categories, namely:
The dangers of West Africa.
The disagreeables of West Africa.
The
diseases of West Africa.
The things you must take to West Africa.
The
things you find most handy in West Africa.
The worst possible things
you can do in West Africa.
The risks of West Africa.
The challenges of West Africa.
The illnesses of West Africa.
The essentials to bring to West Africa.
The items you’ll find most useful in West Africa.
The worst mistakes you can make in West Africa.
I inquired of all my friends as a beginning what they knew of West Africa. The majority knew nothing. A percentage said, “Oh, you can’t possibly go there; that’s where Sierra Leone is, the white mans grave, you know.” If these were pressed further, one occasionally found that they had had relations who had gone out there after having been “sad trials,” but, on consideration of their having left not only West Africa, but this world, were now forgiven and forgotten.
I asked all my friends what they knew about West Africa. Most of them didn’t know anything. A few said, “Oh, you can’t possibly go there; that’s where Sierra Leone is, the white man’s grave, you know.” If I pushed them a bit more, I sometimes found that they had relatives who had gone there after facing “sad trials,” but considering that they had not only left West Africa, but this world, they were now forgiven and forgotten.
I next turned my attention to cross-examining the doctors. “Deadliest spot on earth,” they said cheerfully, and showed me maps of the geographical distribution of disease. Now I do not say that a country looks inviting when it is coloured in Scheele’s green or a bilious yellow, but these colours may arise from lack of artistic gift in the cartographer. There is no mistaking what he means by black, however, and black you’ll find they colour West Africa from above Sierra Leone to below the Congo. “I wouldn’t go there if I were you,” said my medical friends, “you’ll catch something; but if you must go, and you’re as obstinate as a mule, just bring me - ” and then followed a list of commissions from here to New York, any one of which - but I only found that out afterwards.
I then focused on questioning the doctors. “Deadliest spot on earth,” they said cheerfully, and showed me maps of where diseases are found. Now, I’m not saying a country looks inviting when it’s colored in Scheele’s green or a sickly yellow, but those colors might just be due to the cartographer's lack of artistic skill. However, there’s no mistaking what he means by black, and you’ll see they color West Africa in black from above Sierra Leone to below the Congo. “I wouldn’t go there if I were you,” said my medical friends, “you’ll catch something; but if you have to go, and you’re as stubborn as a mule, just bring me - ” and then they listed off a series of requests from here to New York, any one of which - but I only found that out later.
All my informants referred me to the missionaries. “There were,” they said, in an airy way, “lots of them down there, and had been for many years.” So to missionary literature I addressed myself with great ardour; alas! only to find that these good people wrote their reports not to tell you how the country they resided in was, but how it was getting on towards being what it ought to be, and how necessary it was that their readers should subscribe more freely, and not get any foolishness into their heads about obtaining an inadequate supply of souls for their money. I also found fearful confirmation of my medical friends’ statements about its unhealthiness, and various details of the distribution of cotton shirts over which I did not linger.
All my sources directed me to the missionaries. “There were,” they said casually, “a ton of them down there, and they had been for many years.” So I eagerly turned to missionary literature; unfortunately, I discovered that these good folks wrote their reports not to describe the country they lived in but to explain how it was progressing toward what it should be, and how important it was for their readers to donate more generously, without falling for any nonsense about getting an insufficient number of souls for their money. I also found strong confirmation of what my medical friends said about its unhealthiness, along with various details about cotton shirts that I didn’t spend much time on.
From the missionaries it was, however, that I got my first idea about the social condition of West Africa. I gathered that there existed there, firstly the native human beings - the raw material, as it were - and that these were led either to good or bad respectively by the missionary and the trader. There were also the Government representatives, whose chief business it was to strengthen and consolidate the missionary’s work, a function they carried on but indifferently well. But as for those traders! well, I put them down under the dangers of West Africa at once. Subsequently I came across the good old Coast yarn of how, when a trader from that region went thence, it goes without saying where, the Fallen Angel without a moment’s hesitation vacated the infernal throne (Milton) in his favour. This, I beg to note, is the marine form of the legend. When it occurs terrestrially the trader becomes a Liverpool mate. But of course no one need believe it either way - it is not a missionary’s story.
From the missionaries, I got my first insight into the social conditions in West Africa. I realized that there were, first of all, the local people—essentially the raw material—and that they were guided toward good or bad by the missionary and the trader. There were also government representatives, whose main job was to support and strengthen the missionary's efforts, a task they did only somewhat well. But as for those traders! I immediately categorized them among the dangers of West Africa. Later, I encountered the familiar tale from the Coast about how, when a trader from that area went away, it's understood where he was headed; the Fallen Angel instantly gave up his infernal throne (Milton) in the trader's favor. This, I should note, is the maritime version of the legend. When it happens on land, the trader becomes a Liverpool mate. But, of course, no one needs to believe it either way—it's not a missionary’s story.
Naturally, while my higher intelligence was taken up with attending to these statements, my mind got set on going, and I had to go. Fortunately I could number among my acquaintances one individual who had lived on the Coast for seven years. Not, it is true, on that part of it which I was bound for. Still his advice was pre-eminently worth attention, because, in spite of his long residence in the deadliest spot of the region, he was still in fair going order. I told him I intended going to West Africa, and he said, “When you have made up your mind to go to West Africa the very best thing you can do is to get it unmade again and go to Scotland instead; but if your intelligence is not strong enough to do so, abstain from exposing yourself to the direct rays of the sun, take 4 grains of quinine every day for a fortnight before you reach the Rivers, and get some introductions to the Wesleyans; they are the only people on the Coast who have got a hearse with feathers.”
Naturally, while I was trying to process these statements, my mind was set on leaving, and I had to go. Fortunately, I knew someone who had lived on the Coast for seven years. Admittedly, not in the exact area I was heading to. Still, his advice was definitely worth considering because, despite his long stay in the most dangerous part of the region, he was still doing well. I told him I planned to go to West Africa, and he said, “When you decide to go to West Africa, the best thing you can do is change your mind and go to Scotland instead; but if you can’t bring yourself to do that, avoid direct sunlight, take 4 grains of quinine every day for two weeks before you get to the Rivers, and get some introductions to the Wesleyans; they’re the only people on the Coast with a hearse decorated with feathers.”
My attention was next turned to getting ready things to take with me. Having opened upon myself the sluice gates of advice, I rapidly became distracted. My friends and their friends alike seemed to labour under the delusion that I intended to charter a steamer and was a person of wealth beyond the dreams of avarice. This not being the case, the only thing to do was to gratefully listen and let things drift.
My focus then shifted to preparing the things I needed to take with me. Once I opened myself up to advice, I quickly became overwhelmed. My friends and their friends seemed to think I was planning to rent a steamer and that I was some sort of wealthy person. Since that wasn’t true, the best thing I could do was to listen gratefully and let things unfold.
Not only do the things you have got to take, but the things you have got to take them in, present a fine series of problems to the young traveller. Crowds of witnesses testified to the forms of baggage holders they had found invaluable, and these, it is unnecessary to say, were all different in form and material.
Not only do you have to consider what you need to bring, but also how to pack it all efficiently, which creates a host of challenges for young travelers. Many people shared stories about the types of luggage they found essential, and, as you can imagine, they were all unique in style and material.
With all this embarras de choix I was too distracted to buy anything new in the way of baggage except a long waterproof sack neatly closed at the top with a bar and handle. Into this I put blankets, boots, books, in fact anything that would not go into my portmanteau or black bag. From the first I was haunted by a conviction that its bottom would come out, but it never did, and in spite of the fact that it had ideas of its own about the arrangement of its contents, it served me well throughout my voyage.
With all this embarras de choix, I was too distracted to buy anything new in the way of luggage except a long waterproof bag that closed neatly at the top with a bar and handle. I stuffed blankets, boots, books—basically anything that wouldn’t fit into my suitcase or black bag—into it. From the beginning, I was convinced the bottom would fall out, but it never did, and even though it had its own ideas about how to arrange its contents, it served me well throughout my trip.
It was the beginning of August ’93 when I first left England for “the Coast.” Preparations of quinine with postage partially paid arrived up to the last moment, and a friend hastily sent two newspaper clippings, one entitled “A Week in a Palm-oil Tub,” which was supposed to describe the sort of accommodation, companions, and fauna likely to be met with on a steamer going to West Africa, and on which I was to spend seven to The Graphic contributor’s one; the other from The Daily Telegraph, reviewing a French book of “Phrases in common use” in Dahomey. The opening sentence in the latter was, “Help, I am drowning.” Then came the inquiry, “If a man is not a thief?” and then another cry, “The boat is upset.” “Get up, you lazy scamps,” is the next exclamation, followed almost immediately by the question, “Why has not this man been buried?” “It is fetish that has killed him, and he must lie here exposed with nothing on him until only the bones remain,” is the cheerful answer. This sounded discouraging to a person whose occupation would necessitate going about considerably in boats, and whose fixed desire was to study fetish. So with a feeling of foreboding gloom I left London for Liverpool - none the more cheerful for the matter-of-fact manner in which the steamboat agents had informed me that they did not issue return tickets by the West African lines of steamers. I will not go into the details of that voyage here, much as I am given to discursiveness. They are more amusing than instructive, for on my first voyage out I did not know the Coast, and the Coast did not know me and we mutually terrified each other. I fully expected to get killed by the local nobility and gentry; they thought I was connected with the World’s Women’s Temperance Association, and collecting shocking details for subsequent magic-lantern lectures on the liquor traffic; so fearful misunderstandings arose, but we gradually educated each other, and I had the best of the affair; for all I had got to teach them was that I was only a beetle and fetish hunter, and so forth, while they had to teach me a new world, and a very fascinating course of study I found it. And whatever the Coast may have to say against me - for my continual desire for hair-pins, and other pins, my intolerable habit of getting into water, the abominations full of ants, that I brought into their houses, or things emitting at unexpectedly short notice vivid and awful stenches - they cannot but say that I was a diligent pupil, who honestly tried to learn the lessons they taught me so kindly, though some of those lessons were hard to a person who had never previously been even in a tame bit of tropics, and whose life for many years had been an entirely domestic one in a University town.
It was early August ’93 when I first left England for “the Coast.” Preparations with quinine and partially paid postage arrived right up until the last moment, and a friend quickly sent two newspaper clippings—one titled “A Week in a Palm-oil Tub,” meant to describe the kind of accommodation, companions, and wildlife likely found on a steamer heading to West Africa, where I was to spend seven weeks; the other from The Daily Telegraph, reviewing a French book of “Phrases in common use” in Dahomey. The opening sentence in the latter was, “Help, I am drowning.” Then came the question, “If a man is not a thief?” followed by another cry, “The boat is upset.” “Get up, you lazy scamps,” was the next shout, quickly followed by the question, “Why hasn’t this man been buried?” “It is fetish that has killed him, and he must lie here exposed with nothing on him until only the bones remain,” was the cheerful response. This sounded discouraging to someone whose job would involve a lot of time in boats and whose strong desire was to study fetish. So, with a sense of impending gloom, I left London for Liverpool—none the happier for the straightforward way the steamboat agents informed me that they didn’t issue return tickets for the West African lines of steamers. I won’t go into the details of that voyage here, although I tend to ramble. They’re more entertaining than informative, because on my first trip out, I didn’t know the Coast, and the Coast didn’t know me, which made us both quite scared of each other. I fully expected to be killed by the local nobility and gentry; they thought I was connected with the World’s Women’s Temperance Association, gathering shocking stories for future magic lantern lectures on the liquor trade, which led to some fearful misunderstandings. However, we gradually educated each other, and I came out ahead; all I had to teach them was that I was just a beetle and fetish hunter, while they had to introduce me to a new world, which I found to be a fascinating course of study. And whatever the Coast may think of me—for my constant requests for hairpins and other pins, my annoying habit of getting into water, the ant-infested stuff I brought into their homes, or the sudden, awful odors that emerged from unexpected places—they can’t deny I was a diligent student who genuinely tried to learn the lessons they kindly offered me, even if some of those lessons were tough for someone who had never before ventured beyond the tame tropics and whose life for many years had been entirely domestic in a University town.
One by one I took my old ideas derived from books and thoughts based on imperfect knowledge and weighed them against the real life around me, and found them either worthless or wanting. The greatest recantation I had to make I made humbly before I had been three months on the Coast in 1893. It was of my idea of the traders. What I had expected to find them was a very different thing to what I did find them; and of their kindness to me I can never sufficiently speak, for on that voyage I was utterly out of touch with the governmental circles, and utterly dependent on the traders, and the most useful lesson of all the lessons I learnt on the West Coast in 1893 was that I could trust them. Had I not learnt this very thoroughly I could never have gone out again and carried out the voyage I give you a sketch of in this book.
One by one, I took my old ideas from books and thoughts based on limited knowledge and compared them to the real world around me, discovering they were either useless or lacking. The biggest change I had to make was something I admitted humbly before I had spent three months on the Coast in 1893. It was my perception of the traders. What I expected to find was completely different from the reality I encountered; I can never fully express my gratitude for their kindness towards me, as during that trip, I was completely disconnected from government circles and entirely dependent on the traders. The most valuable lesson I learned on the West Coast in 1893 was that I could trust them. If I hadn't learned this completely, I would never have been able to go out again and undertake the journey I outline in this book.
Thanks to “the Agent,” I have visited places I could never otherwise have seen; and to the respect and affection in which he is held by the native, I owe it that I have done so in safety. When I have arrived off his factory in a steamer or canoe unexpected, unintroduced, or turned up equally unheralded out of the bush in a dilapidated state, he has always received me with that gracious hospitality which must have given him, under Coast conditions, very real trouble and inconvenience - things he could have so readily found logical excuses against entailing upon himself for the sake of an individual whom he had never seen before - whom he most likely would never see again - and whom it was no earthly profit to him to see then. He has bestowed himself - Allah only knows where - on his small trading vessels so that I might have his one cabin. He has fished me out of sea and fresh water with boat-hooks; he has continually given me good advice, which if I had only followed would have enabled me to keep out of water and any other sort of affliction; and although he holds the meanest opinion of my intellect for going to such a place as West Africa for beetles, fishes and fetish, he has given me the greatest assistance in my work. The value of that work I pray you withhold judgment on, until I lay it before you in some ten volumes or so mostly in Latin. All I know that is true regarding West African facts, I owe to the traders; the errors are my own.
Thanks to “the Agent,” I’ve been able to visit places I could never have seen otherwise; and the respect and affection he receives from the locals have ensured my safety during these visits. Whenever I’ve shown up at his factory in a steamer or canoe unexpectedly, unannounced, or even stumbled out of the bush in rough shape, he has always welcomed me with gracious hospitality. This level of kindness must have caused him real trouble and inconvenience, considering Coast conditions—something he could have easily chosen to avoid for the sake of a stranger he had never met before, who he likely wouldn’t see again, and who didn’t bring him any benefit. He has gone to great lengths—Allah only knows where—to make sure I had his only cabin on his small trading vessels. He has pulled me out of the sea and rivers with boat-hooks; he’s consistently given me solid advice that, if I’d only followed, could have helped me steer clear of trouble and all sorts of other issues. Even though he thinks very little of my judgment for traveling to West Africa to collect beetles, fish, and artifacts, he has provided me tremendous support in my work. I ask you to hold off on judging the value of that work until I present it to you in about ten volumes, mostly in Latin. Everything I know to be true about West African facts, I owe to the traders; the mistakes are solely my own.
To Dr. Günther, of the British Museum, I am deeply grateful for the kindness and interest he has always shown regarding all the specimens of natural history that I have been able to lay before him; the majority of which must have had very old tales to tell him. Yet his courtesy and attention gave me the thing a worker in any work most wants - the sense that the work was worth doing - and sent me back to work again with the knowledge that if these things interested a man like him, it was a more than sufficient reason for me to go on collecting them. To Mr. W. H. F. Kirby I am much indebted for his working out my small collection of certain Orders of insects; and to Mr. Thomas S. Forshaw, for the great help he has afforded me in revising my notes.
To Dr. Günther of the British Museum, I am truly grateful for the kindness and interest he has always shown in all the natural history specimens I’ve presented to him; most of which must have had very old stories to share. His courtesy and attention provided me with what every worker needs most—a sense that the work is worthwhile—and motivated me to keep working with the understanding that if these things intrigued someone like him, it was more than enough reason for me to continue collecting them. I owe a lot to Mr. W. H. F. Kirby for helping to categorize my small collection of certain groups of insects, and to Mr. Thomas S. Forshaw for the significant assistance he has given me in revising my notes.
It is impossible for me even to catalogue my debts of gratitude still outstanding to the West Coast. Chiefly am I indebted to Mr. C. G. Hudson, whose kindness and influence enabled me to go up the Ogowé and to see as much of Congo Français as I have seen, and his efforts to take care of me were most ably seconded by Mr. Fildes. The French officials in “Congo Français” never hindered me, and always treated me with the greatest kindness. You may say there was no reason why they should not, for there is nothing in this fine colony of France that they need be ashamed of any one seeing; but I find it is customary for travellers to say the French officials throw obstacles in the way of any one visiting their possessions, so I merely beg to state this was decidedly not my experience; although my deplorable ignorance of French prevented me from explaining my humble intentions to them.
It’s hard for me to even list all the things I’m grateful for to the West Coast. I’m especially thankful to Mr. C. G. Hudson, whose kindness and support allowed me to travel up the Ogowé and see as much of French Congo as I did, and he was well aided by Mr. Fildes in looking after me. The French officials in "Congo Français" never obstructed me and always showed me great kindness. You might say there’s no reason they shouldn’t, since there’s nothing in this beautiful French colony that they should be ashamed of anyone seeing; however, I’ve heard it’s common for travelers to claim that French officials create barriers for visitors to their territories, so I just want to clarify that this was definitely not my experience, even though my terrible French made it difficult for me to explain my simple intentions to them.
The Rev. Dr. Nassau and Mr. R. E. Dennett have enabled me, by placing at my disposal the rich funds of their knowledge of native life and idea, to amplify any deductions from my own observation. Mr. Dennett’s work I have not dealt with in this work because it refers to tribes I was not amongst on this journey, but to a tribe I made the acquaintance with in my ’93 voyage - the Fjort. Dr. Nassau’s observations I have referred to. Herr von Lucke, Vice-governor of Cameroon, I am indebted to for not only allowing me, but for assisting me by every means in his power, to go up Cameroons Peak, and to the Governor of Cameroon, Herr von Puttkamer, for his constant help and kindness. Indeed so great has been the willingness to help me of all these gentlemen, that it is a wonder to me, when I think of it, that their efforts did not project me right across the continent and out at Zanzibar. That this brilliant affair did not come off is owing to my own lack of enterprise; for I did not want to go across the continent, and I do not hanker after Zanzibar, but only to go puddling about obscure districts in West Africa after raw fetish and fresh-water fishes.
The Rev. Dr. Nassau and Mr. R. E. Dennett have provided me with their extensive knowledge of native life and culture, which has helped me expand on my own observations. I haven't addressed Mr. Dennett's work in this text because it pertains to tribes I didn't visit on this journey, but rather to a tribe I encountered during my '93 voyage - the Fjort. I have referenced Dr. Nassau’s observations. I owe a debt of gratitude to Herr von Lucke, the Vice-governor of Cameroon, not only for permitting me but also for assisting me in every way possible to ascend Cameroons Peak, and to the Governor of Cameroon, Herr von Puttkamer, for his ongoing support and kindness. Indeed, the willingness of all these gentlemen to assist me has been so remarkable that it amazes me to think their efforts didn’t propel me right across the continent to Zanzibar. The reason this grand adventure didn’t happen is due to my own lack of ambition; I wasn’t interested in crossing the continent or going to Zanzibar, but rather in wandering around little-known areas of West Africa in search of raw fetish and fresh-water fish.
I owe my ability to have profited by the kindness of these gentlemen on land, to a gentleman of the sea - Captain Murray. He was captain of the vessel I went out on in 1893, and he saw then that my mind was full of errors that must be eradicated if I was going to deal with the Coast successfully; and so he eradicated those errors and replaced them with sound knowledge from his own stores collected during an acquaintance with the West Coast of over thirty years. The education he has given me has been of the greatest value to me, and I sincerely hope to make many more voyages under him, for I well know he has still much to teach and I to learn.
I owe my ability to benefit from the kindness of these gentlemen on land to a sea captain - Captain Murray. He was the captain of the ship I went on in 1893, and he noticed that my understanding was filled with mistakes that needed to be corrected if I wanted to succeed on the Coast. So, he fixed those mistakes and replaced them with solid knowledge from his own experiences collected over more than thirty years on the West Coast. The education he provided has been incredibly valuable to me, and I truly hope to make many more trips with him, as I know he still has so much to teach and I have so much to learn.
Last, but not least, I must chronicle my debts to the ladies. First to those two courteous Portuguese ladies, Donna Anna de Sousa Coutinho e Chichorro and her sister Donna Maria de Sousa Coutinho, who did so much for me in Kacongo in 1893, and have remained, I am proud to say, my firm friends ever since. Lady MacDonald and Miss Mary Slessor I speak of in this book, but only faintly sketch the pleasure and help they have afforded me; nor have I fully expressed my gratitude for the kindness of Madame Jacot of Lembarene, or Madame Forget of Talagouga. Then there are a whole list of nuns belonging to the Roman Catholic Missions on the South West Coast, ever cheery and charming companions; and Frau Plehn, whom it was a continual pleasure to see in Cameroons, and discourse with once again on things that seemed so far off then - art, science, and literature; and Mrs. H. Duggan, of Cameroons too, who used, whenever I came into that port to rescue me from fearful states of starvation for toilet necessaries, and lend a sympathetic and intelligent ear to the “awful sufferings” I had gone through, until Cameroons became to me a thing to look forward to.
Last but not least, I have to acknowledge my debts to the ladies. First, I want to thank the two gracious Portuguese women, Donna Anna de Sousa Coutinho e Chichorro and her sister Donna Maria de Sousa Coutinho, who helped me so much in Kacongo in 1893 and have been, I’m proud to say, my steadfast friends ever since. Lady MacDonald and Miss Mary Slessor are mentioned in this book, but I only briefly touch on the joy and support they provided; I haven't fully expressed my gratitude for the kindness of Madame Jacot of Lembarene or Madame Forget of Talagouga. Then there's a whole group of nuns from the Roman Catholic Missions on the South West Coast, always cheerful and delightful companions; and Frau Plehn, whom I always enjoyed seeing in the Cameroons, with whom I could talk once more about topics that felt so distant then—art, science, and literature; and Mrs. H. Duggan, also from the Cameroons, who would rescue me from desperate situations regarding basic necessities whenever I arrived at that port and lend a sympathetic ear to the “terrible hardships” I had endured until the Cameroons became a place I looked forward to.
When in the Canaries in 1892, I used to smile, I regretfully own, at the conversation of a gentleman from the Gold Coast who was up there recruiting after a bad fever. His conversation consisted largely of anecdotes of friends of his, and nine times in ten he used to say, “He’s dead now.” Alas! my own conversation may be smiled at now for the same cause. Many of my friends mentioned even in this very recent account of the Coast “are dead now.” Most of those I learnt to know in 1893; chief among these is my old friend Captain Boler, of Bonny, from whom I first learnt a certain power of comprehending the African and his form of thought.
When I was in the Canary Islands in 1892, I have to admit that I used to smile at the stories of a guy from the Gold Coast who was there recovering from a bad fever. His talks were mostly about his friends, and nine times out of ten, he would say, “He’s dead now.” Sadly, my own chats might be laughed at for the same reason now. Many of the friends I mentioned in this very recent account of the Coast “are dead now.” Most of the people I got to know in 1893; chief among them is my old friend Captain Boler from Bonny, who first taught me how to understand the African mindset and way of thinking.
I have great reason to be grateful to the Africans themselves - to cultured men and women among them like Charles Owoo, Mbo, Sanga Glass, Jane Harrington and her sister at Gaboon, and to the bush natives; but of my experience with them I give further details, so I need not dwell on them here.
I have plenty of reasons to be thankful to the Africans themselves—especially the educated men and women like Charles Owoo, Mbo, Sanga Glass, Jane Harrington, and her sister in Gaboon, as well as the native people; but I’ll share more about my experiences with them later, so I won’t go into detail here.
I apologise to the general reader for giving so much detail on matters that really only affect myself, and I know that the indebtedness which all African travellers have to the white residents in Africa is a matter usually very lightly touched on. No doubt my voyage would seem a grander thing if I omitted mention of the help I received, but - well, there was a German gentleman once who evolved a camel out of his inner consciousness. It was a wonderful thing; still, you know, it was not a good camel, only a thing which people personally unacquainted with camels could believe in. Now I am ambitious to make a picture, if I make one at all, that people who do know the original can believe in - even if they criticise its points - and so I give you details a more showy artist would omit.
I apologize to the general reader for going into so much detail about matters that really only affect me, and I know that the debt all African travelers have to the white residents in Africa is usually only briefly mentioned. No doubt my journey would seem more impressive if I didn't mention the help I received, but - well, there was a German gentleman once who imagined a camel from his inner consciousness. It was a remarkable thing; still, you know, it wasn't a good camel, just something that people who weren't personally familiar with camels could believe in. Now I want to create a picture, if I create one at all, that people who do know the original can believe in - even if they criticize its details - and so I include the specifics that a flashier artist might leave out.
CHAPTER I. LIVERPOOL TO SIERRA LEONE AND THE GOLD COAST.
Setting forth how the voyager departs from England in a stout vessel and in good company, and reaches in due course the Island of the Grand Canary, and then the Port of Sierra Leone: to which is added some account of this latter place and the comeliness of its women. Wherein also some description of Cape Coast and Accra is given, to which are added divers observations on supplies to be obtained there.
Describing how the traveler leaves England on a sturdy ship with a good crew, and eventually arrives at the Island of Grand Canary, then at the Port of Sierra Leone: this includes some details about Sierra Leone and the beauty of its women. It also provides a description of Cape Coast and Accra, along with various notes on the supplies available there.
The West Coast of Africa is like the Arctic regions in one particular, and that is that when you have once visited it you want to go back there again; and, now I come to think of it, there is another particular in which it is like them, and that is that the chances you have of returning from it at all are small, for it is a Belle Dame sans merci.
The West Coast of Africa is similar to the Arctic regions in one way: once you visit, you want to go back. And now that I think about it, there's another similarity—your chances of coming back at all are slim, as it's a Belle Dame sans merci.
I succumbed to the charm of the Coast as soon as I left Sierra Leone on my first voyage out, and I saw more than enough during that voyage to make me recognise that there was any amount of work for me worth doing down there. So I warned the Coast I was coming back again and the Coast did not believe me; and on my return to it a second time displayed a genuine surprise, and formed an even higher opinion of my folly than it had formed on our first acquaintance, which is saying a good deal.
I was captivated by the Coast the moment I left Sierra Leone on my first trip, and I witnessed more than enough during that journey to realize there was plenty of valuable work for me to do down there. So, I let the Coast know I would be back, but it didn't take me seriously; when I returned for a second time, it seemed genuinely surprised and had an even lower opinion of my foolishness than it had during our first meeting, which is saying a lot.
During this voyage in 1893, I had been to Old Calabar, and its Governor, Sir Claude MacDonald, had heard me expatiating on the absorbing interest of the Antarctic drift, and the importance of the collection of fresh-water fishes and so on. So when Lady MacDonald heroically decided to go out to him in Calabar, they most kindly asked me if I would join her, and make my time fit hers for starting on my second journey. This I most willingly did. But I fear that very sweet and gracious lady suffered a great deal of apprehension at the prospect of spending a month on board ship with a person so devoted to science as to go down the West Coast in its pursuit. During the earlier days of our voyage she would attract my attention to all sorts of marine objects overboard, so as to amuse me. I used to look at them, and think it would be the death of me if I had to work like this, explaining meanwhile aloud that “they were very interesting, but Haeckel had done them, and I was out after fresh-water fishes from a river north of the Congo this time,” fearing all the while that she felt me unenthusiastic for not flying over into the ocean to secure the specimens.
During this trip in 1893, I visited Old Calabar, and its Governor, Sir Claude MacDonald, had heard me talk about the fascinating topic of the Antarctic drift and the importance of collecting fresh-water fish, among other things. So when Lady MacDonald bravely decided to join him in Calabar, they kindly asked me to accompany her and adjust my schedule to fit hers for starting my second journey. I happily agreed. However, I worry that the very sweet and gracious lady felt a lot of anxiety at the thought of spending a month on a ship with someone so dedicated to science that they would venture down the West Coast in its pursuit. During the early days of our voyage, she would point out all kinds of marine objects overboard to entertain me. I would look at them and think it would drive me crazy to have to work like that, while also expressing aloud that "they were very interesting, but Haeckel had already covered them, and I was focused on fresh-water fish from a river north of the Congo this time," all the while fearing that she thought I lacked enthusiasm for not jumping overboard to collect specimens.
However, my scientific qualities, whatever they may amount to, did not blind this lady long to the fact of my being after all a very ordinary individual, and she told me so - not in these crude words, indeed, but nicely and kindly - whereupon, in a burst of gratitude to her for understanding me, I appointed myself her honorary aide-de-camp on the spot, and her sincere admirer I shall remain for ever, fully recognising that her courage in going to the Coast was far greater than my own, for she had more to lose had fever claimed her, and she was in those days by no means under the spell of Africa. But this is anticipating.
However, my scientific skills, whatever they may be, didn’t take this lady long to realize that I was just a very average person, and she told me so—not in those direct words, but nicely and kindly. In a moment of gratitude for her understanding, I immediately declared myself her honorary aide-de-camp, and I’ll always be her sincere admirer, fully recognizing that her bravery in going to the Coast was far greater than mine, as she had more to lose if fever took her, and she certainly wasn’t captivated by Africa at that time. But that’s looking ahead.
It was on the 23rd of December, 1894, that we left Liverpool in the Batanga, commanded by my old friend Captain Murray, under whose care I had made my first voyage. On the 30th we sighted the Peak of Teneriffe early in the afternoon. It displayed itself, as usual, as an entirely celestial phenomenon. A great many people miss seeing it. Suffering under the delusion that El Pico is a terrestrial affair, they look in vain somewhere about the level of their own eyes, which are striving to penetrate the dense masses of mist that usually enshroud its slopes by day, and then a friend comes along, and gaily points out to the newcomer the glittering white triangle somewhere near the zenith. On some days the Peak stands out clear from ocean to summit, looking every inch and more of its 12,080 ft.; and this is said by the Canary fishermen to be a certain sign of rain, or fine weather, or a gale of wind; but whenever and however it may be seen, soft and dream-like in the sunshine, or melodramatic and bizarre in the moonlight, it is one of the most beautiful things the eye of man may see.
It was on December 23, 1894, that we left Liverpool on the Batanga, captained by my old friend Captain Murray, under whose guidance I had made my first voyage. On the 30th, we spotted the Peak of Teneriffe early in the afternoon. It appeared, as usual, like an entirely celestial phenomenon. Many people miss seeing it. Believing El Pico is a land-based sight, they search in vain around their own eye level, struggling to see through the thick mists that usually cover its slopes during the day, until a friend comes along and cheerfully points out the sparkling white triangle high in the sky. On some days, the Peak stands out clearly from the ocean to its summit, showing all of its 12,080 feet; the Canary fishermen say this is a sure sign of rain, good weather, or a storm. But no matter how or when it is seen, whether soft and dreamy in the sunlight or dramatic and strange in the moonlight, it's one of the most beautiful sights anyone can see.
Soon after sighting Teneriffe, Lançarote showed, and then the Grand Canary. Teneriffe is perhaps the most beautiful, but it is hard to judge between it and Grand Canary as seen from the sea. The superb cone this afternoon stood out a deep purple against a serpent-green sky, separated from the brilliant blue ocean by a girdle of pink and gold cumulus, while Grand Canary and Lançarote looked as if they were formed from fantastic-shaped sunset cloud-banks that by some spell had been solidified. The general colour of the mountains of Grand Canary, which rise peak after peak until they culminate in the Pico de las Nieves, some 6,000 feet high, is a yellowish red, and the air which lies among their rocky crevices and swathes their softer sides is a lovely lustrous blue.
Soon after spotting Tenerife, Lanzarote came into view, followed by Grand Canary. Tenerife is probably the most beautiful, but it’s hard to choose between it and Grand Canary as seen from the sea. This afternoon, the stunning cone stood out in deep purple against a serpent-green sky, separated from the brilliant blue ocean by a band of pink and gold clouds, while Grand Canary and Lanzarote looked like they were made from fantastically shaped sunset clouds that had somehow turned solid. The overall color of the mountains of Grand Canary, which rise peak after peak until they reach Pico de las Nieves, about 6,000 feet high, is a yellowish-red, and the air that settles among their rocky crevices and blankets their softer sides is a beautiful, shiny blue.
Just before the sudden dark came down, and when the sun was taking a curve out of the horizon of sea, all the clouds gathered round the three islands, leaving the sky a pure amethyst pink, and as a good-night to them the sun outlined them with rims of shining gold, and made the snow-clad Peak of Teneriffe blaze with star-white light. In a few minutes came the dusk, and as we neared Grand Canary, out of its cloud-bank gleamed the red flash of the lighthouse on the Isleta, and in a few more minutes, along the sea level, sparkled the five miles of irregularly distributed lights of Puerto de la Luz and the city of Las Palmas.
Just before the sudden darkness fell, as the sun dipped below the horizon of the sea, all the clouds gathered around the three islands, leaving the sky a pure amethyst pink. As a goodnight gesture, the sun outlined them with glowing gold rims and made the snow-covered peak of Teneriffe shine with star-white light. In a few minutes, dusk settled in, and as we approached Grand Canary, the red flash of the lighthouse on the Isleta gleamed out of its cloud bank. Soon after, along the coastline, the five miles of irregularly placed lights of Puerto de la Luz and the city of Las Palmas sparkled.
We reached Sierra Leone at 9 A.M. on the 7th of January, and as the place is hardly so much in touch with the general public as the Canaries are {14} I may perhaps venture to go more into details regarding it. The harbour is formed by the long low strip of land to the north called the Bullam shore, and to the south by the peninsula terminating in Cape Sierra Leone, a sandy promontory at the end of which is situated a lighthouse of irregular habits. Low hills covered with tropical forest growth rise from the sandy shores of the Cape, and along its face are three creeks or bays, deep inlets showing through their narrow entrances smooth beaches of yellow sand, fenced inland by the forest of cotton-woods and palms, with here and there an elephantine baobab.
We arrived in Sierra Leone at 9 A.M. on January 7th, and since this place isn’t as connected to the general public as the Canary Islands are {14}, I might as well go into more detail about it. The harbor is created by the long, low stretch of land to the north called Bullam Shore, and to the south by the peninsula that ends at Cape Sierra Leone, a sandy promontory where there’s a lighthouse with a peculiar design. Low hills covered in tropical forest rise from the sandy shores of the Cape, and along its edge are three creeks or bays, deep inlets that reveal smooth beaches of yellow sand through their narrow openings, bordered inland by forests of cottonwoods and palms, with the occasional giant baobab tree.
The first of these bays is called Pirate Bay, the next English Bay, and the third Kru Bay. The wooded hills of the Cape rise after passing Kru Bay, and become spurs of the mountain, 2,500 feet in height, which is the Sierra Leone itself. There are, however, several mountains here besides the Sierra Leone, the most conspicuous of them being the peak known as Sugar Loaf, and when seen from the sea they are very lovely, for their form is noble, and a wealth of tropical vegetation covers them, which, unbroken in its continuity, but endless in its variety, seems to sweep over their sides down to the shore like a sea, breaking here and there into a surf of flowers.
The first of these bays is called Pirate Bay, the next is English Bay, and the third is Kru Bay. The wooded hills of the Cape rise after passing Kru Bay and extend into the mountain range, reaching 2,500 feet in height, which is the Sierra Leone itself. However, there are several other mountains here besides Sierra Leone, with the most noticeable being the peak known as Sugar Loaf. When viewed from the sea, they are quite beautiful; their shape is impressive, and a lush blanket of tropical vegetation covers them. This greenery, uninterrupted yet diverse, appears to cascade down their slopes to the shore like a sea, occasionally breaking into bursts of colorful flowers.
It is the general opinion, indeed, of those who ought to know that Sierra Leone appears at its best when seen from the sea, particularly when you are leaving the harbour homeward bound; and that here its charms, artistic, moral, and residential, end. But, from the experience I have gained of it, I have no hesitation in saying that it is one of the best places for getting luncheon in that I have ever happened on, and that a more pleasant and varied way of spending an afternoon than going about its capital, Free Town, with a certain Irish purser, who is as well known as he is respected among the leviathan old negro ladies, it would be hard to find. Still it must be admitted it is rather hot.
It’s generally agreed by those in the know that Sierra Leone looks its best when viewed from the sea, especially when you’re leaving the harbor heading home; that's where its artistic, moral, and residential charms seem to end. However, based on my experience, I can confidently say that it’s one of the best places I’ve ever come across for lunch, and it’s hard to beat the enjoyable and diverse way of spending an afternoon exploring its capital, Free Town, with a certain Irish purser who is well-known and respected among the formidable old African ladies. Still, I have to admit it is quite hot.
Free Town its capital is situated on the northern base of the mountain, and extends along the sea-front with most business-like wharves, quays, and warehouses. Viewed from the harbour, “The Liverpool of West Africa,” {15} as it is called, looks as if it were built of gray stone, which it is not. When you get ashore, you will find that most of the stores and houses - the majority of which, it may be remarked, are in a state of acute dilapidation - are of painted wood, with corrugated iron roofs. Here and there, though, you will see a thatched house, its thatch covered with creeping plants, and inhabited by colonies of creeping insects.
Free Town, its capital, is located at the northern base of the mountain and stretches along the waterfront with its efficient wharves, quays, and warehouses. Viewed from the harbor, "The Liverpool of West Africa," {15} looks like it’s made of gray stone, which it isn’t. Once you get ashore, you’ll notice that most of the stores and houses—many of which are in pretty bad shape—are made of painted wood with corrugated iron roofs. However, here and there, you’ll spot a thatched house, its thatch covered with climbing plants and home to swarms of crawling insects.
Some of the stores and churches are, it is true, built of stone, but this does not look like stone at a distance, being red in colour - unhewn blocks of the red stone of the locality. In the crannies of these buildings trailing plants covered with pretty mauve or yellow flowers take root, and everywhere, along the tops of the walls, and in the cracks of the houses, are ferns and flowering plants. They must get a good deal of their nourishment from the rich, thick air, which seems composed of 85 per cent. of warm water, and the remainder of the odours of Frangipani, orange flowers, magnolias, oleanders, and roses, combined with others that demonstrate that the inhabitants do not regard sanitary matters with the smallest degree of interest.
Some of the stores and churches are, it's true, made of stone, but from a distance, they don't look like stone since they're red in color—rough blocks of the local red stone. In the crevices of these buildings, trailing plants with beautiful mauve or yellow flowers take root, and everywhere along the tops of the walls and in the cracks of the houses, there are ferns and flowering plants. They likely get a lot of their nutrients from the rich, thick air, which seems to be made of 85 percent warm water, along with scents of Frangipani, orange blossoms, magnolias, oleanders, and roses, mixed with others that show the residents don’t pay much attention to cleanliness.
There is one central street, and the others are neatly planned out at right angles to it. None of them are in any way paved or metalled. They are covered in much prettier fashion, and in a way more suitable for naked feet, by green Bahama grass, save and except those which are so nearly perpendicular that they have got every bit of earth and grass cleared off them down to the red bed-rock, by the heavy rain of the wet season.
There’s one main street, and the others are laid out at right angles to it. None of them are paved. Instead, they’re covered more attractively and in a way that's nicer for bare feet, with lush Bahama grass, except for those that are almost vertical, which have all the dirt and grass washed away down to the red bedrock by the heavy rains of the wet season.
In every direction natives are walking at a brisk pace, their naked feet making no sound on the springy turf of the streets, carrying on their heads huge burdens which are usually crowned by the hat of the bearer, a large limpet-shaped affair made of palm leaves. While some carry these enormous bundles, others bear logs or planks of wood, blocks of building stone, vessels containing palm-oil, baskets of vegetables, or tin tea-trays on which are folded shawls. As the great majority of the native inhabitants of Sierra Leone pay no attention whatever to where they are going, either in this world or the next, the confusion and noise are out of all proportion to the size of the town; and when, as frequently happens, a section of actively perambulating burden-bearers charge recklessly into a sedentary section, the members of which have dismounted their loads and squatted themselves down beside them, right in the middle of the fair way, to have a friendly yell with some acquaintances, the row becomes terrific.
In every direction, locals are walking quickly, their bare feet making no sound on the springy grass of the streets, balancing large loads on their heads, which are usually topped with a big, limpet-shaped hat made from palm leaves. While some people carry these massive bundles, others transport logs or wooden planks, blocks of building stone, containers of palm oil, baskets of vegetables, or tin tea trays with folded shawls on them. Since most native residents of Sierra Leone don't pay any attention to where they are headed, either in this life or the next, the chaos and noise are far greater than the town's size would suggest. And when, as often happens, a group of busy load-bearers crashes into a still group that has set down their loads and squatted beside them in the middle of the walkway to chat with friends, it creates a tremendous commotion.
In among these crowds of country people walk stately Mohammedans, Mandingoes, Akers, and Fulahs of the Arabised tribes of the Western Soudan. These are lithe, well-made men, and walk with a peculiarly fine, elastic carriage. Their graceful garb consists of a long white loose-sleeved shirt, over which they wear either a long black mohair or silk gown, or a deep bright blue affair, not altogether unlike a University gown, only with more stuff in it and more folds. They are undoubtedly the gentlemen of the Sierra Leone native population, and they are becoming an increasing faction in the town, by no means to the pleasure of the Christians.
In the midst of these crowds of local people stroll dignified Muslims, Mandingoes, Akers, and Fulahs from the Arabized tribes of Western Sudan. These are slender, well-built men who walk with a uniquely graceful and lively posture. Their elegant attire includes a long, loose-fitting white shirt with long sleeves, topped with either a long black mohair or silk gown, or a deep bright blue garment that resembles a university gown but is made with more material and has more folds. They are clearly the gentlemen of the Sierra Leone native population and are becoming an increasingly significant presence in the town, much to the discontent of the Christians.
But to the casual visitor at Sierra Leone the Mohammedan is a mere passing sensation. You neither feel a burning desire to laugh with, or at him, as in the case of the country folks, nor do you wish to punch his head, and split his coat up his back - things you yearn to do to that perfect flower of Sierra Leone culture, who yells your bald name across the street at you, condescendingly informs you that you can go and get letters that are waiting for you, while he smokes his cigar and lolls in the shade, or in some similar way displays his second-hand rubbishy white culture - a culture far lower and less dignified than that of either the stately Mandingo or the bush chief. I do not think that the Sierra Leone dandy really means half as much insolence as he shows; but the truth is he feels too insecure of his own real position, in spite of all the “side” he puts on, and so he dare not be courteous like the Mandingo or the bush Fan.
But for a casual visitor in Sierra Leone, the Muslim is just a passing curiosity. You don’t feel a strong urge to laugh with or at him, like you do with the locals, nor do you want to punch his face or tear his clothes—things you might want to do to that perfect example of Sierra Leonean culture, who shouts your bald name at you from across the street and condescendingly tells you that you can go get your waiting letters while he smokes his cigar and lounges in the shade, or in some other way shows off his second-rate, pretentious white culture—a culture that's much less refined and dignified than that of the proud Mandingo or the bush chief. I don’t think the Sierra Leone dandy really intends to come off as arrogant as he does; the reality is that he feels too unsure of his own status, despite all the bravado he puts on, so he doesn’t dare to be polite like the Mandingo or the bush Fan.
It is the costume of the people in Free Town and its harbour that will first attract the attention of the newcomer, notwithstanding the fact that the noise, the smell, and the heat are simultaneously making desperate bids for that favour. The ordinary man in the street wears anything he may have been able to acquire, anyhow, and he does not fasten it on securely. I fancy it must be capillary attraction, or some other partially-understood force, that takes part in the matter. It is certainly neither braces nor buttons. There are, of course, some articles which from their very structure are fairly secure, such as an umbrella with the stick and ribs removed, or a shirt. This last-mentioned treasure, which usually becomes the property of the ordinary man from a female relative or admirer taking in white men’s washing, is always worn flowing free, and has such a charm in itself that the happy possessor cares little what he continues his costume with - trousers, loin cloth, red flannel petticoat, or rice-bag drawers, being, as he would put it, “all same for one” to him.
It’s the clothing of the people in Free Town and its harbor that will first grab the attention of newcomers, even though the noise, smell, and heat are all trying to compete for that same attention. The average person in the street wears whatever they could get their hands on, and they don’t secure it well. I think it must be something like capillary attraction, or some other not fully understood force, that plays a role. It’s definitely not suspenders or buttons. There are some items, of course, that are relatively secure by their design, like an umbrella with the stick and ribs taken out, or a shirt. The latter, which usually comes to the ordinary man from a female relative or admirer who takes in white men’s laundry, is always worn loosely, and has such an appeal that the lucky wearer doesn’t really mind what else they pair it with—pants, a loincloth, a red flannel petticoat, or rice-bag shorts, which he would say are all “the same to him.”
The ladies are divided into three classes; the young girl you address as “tee-tee”; the young person as “seester”; the more mature charmer as “mammy”; but I do not advise you to employ these terms when you are on your first visit, because you might get misunderstood. For, you see, by addressing a mammy as seester, she might think either that you were unconscious of her dignity as a married lady - a matter she would soon put you right on - or that you were flirting, which of course was totally foreign to your intention, and would make you uncomfortable. My advice is that you rigidly stick to missus or mammy. I have seen this done most successfully.
The women are divided into three categories: the young girl you call "tee-tee," the young woman as "seester," and the more mature lady as "mammy." However, I recommend that you avoid using these terms on your first visit, as they could lead to misunderstandings. If you were to address a mammy as seester, she might think that you didn’t recognize her status as a married woman—something she would quickly correct—or that you were flirting, which you definitely didn’t mean to do and would likely make you uncomfortable. My advice is to stick strictly to "missus" or "mammy." I’ve seen this approach work very well.
The ladies are almost as varied in their costume as the gentlemen, but always neater and cleaner; and mighty picturesque they are too, and occasionally very pretty. A market-woman with her jolly brown face and laughing brown eyes - eyes all the softer for a touch of antimony - her ample form clothed in a lively print overall, made with a yoke at the shoulders, and a full long flounce which is gathered on to the yoke under the arms and falls fully to the feet; with her head done up in a yellow or red handkerchief, and her snowy white teeth gleaming through her vast smiles, is a mighty pleasant thing to see, and to talk to. But, Allah! the circumference of them!
The women have costumes that are almost as diverse as the men’s, but they’re always tidier and cleaner; they’re quite picturesque as well, and sometimes very pretty. A market vendor with her cheerful brown face and sparkling brown eyes—eyes made even softer by a hint of makeup—dresses in a bright printed overall, featuring a yoke at the shoulders and a long flounce that is gathered onto the yoke under the arms, reaching all the way to her feet. With her head wrapped in a yellow or red scarf and her bright white teeth shining through her big smiles, she’s a real delight to see and chat with. But, oh my! The size of them!
The stone-built, white-washed market buildings of Free Town have a creditably clean and tidy appearance considering the climate, and the quantity and variety of things exposed for sale - things one wants the pen of a Rabelais to catalogue. Here are all manner of fruits, some which are familiar to you in England; others that soon become so to you in Africa. You take them as a matter of course if you are outward bound, but on your call homeward (if you make it) you will look on them as a blessing and a curiosity. For lower down, particularly in “the Rivers,” these things are rarely to be had, and never in such perfection as here; and to see again lettuces, yellow oranges, and tomatoes bigger than marbles is a sensation and a joy.
The stone-built, whitewashed market buildings of Free Town look impressively clean and tidy considering the weather, and the wide range of items for sale—items that would require a Rabelais-level description. You’ll find all sorts of fruits, some you recognize from England and others that quickly become familiar while you're in Africa. When you're heading out, you take them for granted, but on your way back home (if you make it), you'll see them as both a blessing and an interesting find. Further down, especially in “the Rivers,” these items are hard to come by and never as fresh as they are here. Seeing lettuces, bright yellow oranges, and tomatoes larger than marbles is truly a delightful experience.
One of the chief features of Free Town are the jack crows. Some writers say they are peculiar to Sierra Leone, others that they are not, but both unite in calling them Picathartes gymnocephalus. To the white people who live in daily contact with them they are turkey buzzards; to the natives, Yubu. Anyhow they are evil-looking fowl, and no ornament to the roof-ridges they choose to sit on. The native Christians ought to put a row of spikes along the top of their cathedral to keep them off; the beauty of that edifice is very far from great, and it cannot carry off the effect produced by the row of these noisome birds as they sit along its summit, with their wings arranged at all manner of different angles in an “all gone” way. One bird perhaps will have one straight out in front, and the other casually disposed at right-angles, another both straight out in front, and others again with both hanging hopelessly down, but none with them neatly and tidily folded up, as decent birds’ wings should be. They all give the impression of having been extremely drunk the previous evening, and of having subsequently fallen into some sticky abomination - into blood for choice. Being the scavengers of Free Town, however, they are respected by the local authorities and preserved; and the natives tell me you never see either a young or a dead one. The latter is a thing you would not expect, for half of them look as if they could not live through the afternoon. They also told me that when you got close to them, they had a “’trong, ’trong ’niff; ’niff too much.” I did not try, but I am quite willing to believe this statement.
One of the main features of Free Town is the jack crows. Some writers claim they're unique to Sierra Leone, while others say they aren't, but they all agree on calling them Picathartes gymnocephalus. To the white people who interact with them daily, they're turkey buzzards; to the locals, they're Yubu. Either way, they're ugly birds and add no charm to the rooftops they like to perch on. The local Christians should put a row of spikes along the top of their cathedral to keep them away; the church's beauty is far from impressive, and it can't hide the sight of these disgusting birds sitting on its peak, their wings arranged in all sorts of awkward angles in a disheveled way. One bird might have one wing sticking straight out in front and the other at a right angle, another may have both straight out, and others might have both wings hanging down hopelessly, but none of them have their wings neatly folded like respectable birds should. They all look like they were extremely drunk the night before and then fell into something sticky—preferably blood. However, since they are the scavengers of Free Town, the local authorities respect and protect them; the locals tell me you never see either a young one or a dead one. The latter isn't surprising, since half of them look like they can't make it through the afternoon. They also mentioned that when you get close to them, they have a strong, strong smell; “too much smell.” I didn't check, but I'm more than willing to believe that.
The other animals most in evidence in the streets are, first and foremost, goats and sheep. I have to lump them together, for it is exceedingly difficult to tell one from the other. All along the Coast the empirical rule is that sheep carry their tails down, and goats carry their tails up; fortunately you need not worry much anyway, for they both “taste rather like the nothing that the world was made of,” as Frau Buchholtz says, and own in addition a fibrous texture, and a certain twang. Small cinnamon-coloured cattle are to be got here, but horses there are practically none. Now and again some one who does not see why a horse should not live here as well as at Accra or Lagos imports one, but it always shortly dies. Some say it is because the natives who get their living by hammock-carrying poison them, others say the tsetse fly finishes them off; and others, and these I believe are right, say that entozoa are the cause. Small, lean, lank yellow dogs with very erect ears lead an awful existence, afflicted by many things, but beyond all others by the goats, who, rearing their families in the grassy streets, choose to think the dogs intend attacking them. Last, but not least, there is the pig - a rich source of practice to the local lawyer.
The other animals you’ll often see in the streets are, first and foremost, goats and sheep. I have to group them together because it’s really hard to tell them apart. Along the Coast, the general rule is that sheep keep their tails down, while goats keep their tails up; fortunately, you don’t have to worry too much, since both “taste a bit like the nothing that the world was made of,” as Frau Buchholtz says, and they also have a fibrous texture and a certain twang. You can find small, cinnamon-colored cattle here, but there are hardly any horses. Occasionally, someone who doesn’t see why a horse can’t live here just like in Accra or Lagos brings one in, but they always die quickly. Some say it’s because the locals who make a living by carrying hammocks poison them, others claim it’s the tsetse fly that kills them, but others, and I believe they are correct, say it’s due to parasites. Small, thin, lanky yellow dogs with very upright ears lead a tough life, suffering from many things, but most of all from the goats, who, raising their young in the grassy streets, assume the dogs mean to attack them. Last, but not least, there’s the pig—a great source of business for the local lawyer.
Cape Coast Castle and then Accra were the next places of general interest at which we stopped. The former looks well from the roadstead, and as if it had very recently been white-washed. It is surrounded by low, heavily-forested hills, which rise almost from the seashore, and the fine mass of its old castle does not display its dilapidation at a distance. Moreover, the three stone forts of Victoria, William, and Macarthy, situated on separate hills commanding the town, add to the general appearance of permanent substantialness so different from the usual ramshackledom of West Coast settlements. Even when you go ashore and have had time to recover your senses, scattered by the surf experience, you find this substantialness a true one, not a mere visual delusion produced by painted wood as the seeming substantialness of Sierra Leone turns out to be when you get to close quarters with it. It causes one some mental effort to grasp the fact that Cape Coast has been in European hands for centuries, but it requires a most unmodern power of credence to realise this of any other settlement on the whole western seaboard until you have the pleasure of seeing the beautiful city of San Paul de Loanda, far away down south, past the Congo.
Cape Coast Castle and then Accra were the next places of interest where we stopped. The castle looks great from the bay, as if it had just been painted white. It's surrounded by low, lush hills that rise almost from the shore, and the impressive structure of the old castle doesn’t show its wear and tear from a distance. Additionally, the three stone forts—Victoria, William, and Macarthy—sitting on separate hills overlooking the town, enhance the solid appearance, which is a sharp contrast to the usual run-down look of other West Coast towns. Even once you go ashore and have had a moment to recover from the shock of the waves, you find that this sturdiness is real, not just an illusion created by a fresh coat of paint, as is the case with Sierra Leone when you get up close. It takes some mental effort to realize that Cape Coast has been under European control for centuries, but it requires an extraordinary level of disbelief to think the same about any other settlement along the entire western coastline until you experience the beautiful city of San Paul de Loanda, located far down south, past the Congo.
My experience of Cape Coast on this occasion was one of the hottest, but one of the pleasantest I have ever been through on the Gold Coast. The former attribute was due to the climate, the latter to my kind friends, Mr. Batty, and Mr. and Mrs. Dennis Kemp. I was taken round the grand stone-built houses with their high stone-walled yards and sculpture-decorated gateways, built by the merchants of the last century and of the century before, and through the great rambling stone castle with its water-tanks cut in the solid rock beneath it, and its commodious accommodation for slaves awaiting shipment, now almost as obsolete as the guns it mounts, but not quite so, for these cool and roomy chambers serve to house the native constabulary and their extensive families.
My experience in Cape Coast this time was one of the hottest, but also one of the most enjoyable I've ever had on the Gold Coast. The heat was due to the weather, while the enjoyment came from my wonderful friends, Mr. Batty, and Mr. and Mrs. Dennis Kemp. I was shown around the grand stone houses with their high stone-walled yards and beautifully decorated gateways, built by merchants from last century and the one before that. We explored the vast, sprawling stone castle with its water tanks carved into the solid rock below, and its spacious accommodations for slaves waiting for shipment, now almost as outdated as the cannons it houses, but not quite, as these cool and roomy chambers are now used to shelter the local constabulary and their large families.
This being done, I was taken up an unmitigated hill, on whose summit stands Fort William, a pepper-pot-like structure now used as a lighthouse. The view from the top was exceedingly lovely and extensive. Beneath, and between us and the sea, lay the town in the blazing sun. In among its solid stone buildings patches of native mud-built huts huddled together as though they had been shaken down out of a sack into the town to serve as dunnage. Then came the snow-white surf wall, and across it the blue sea with our steamer rolling to and fro on the long, regular swell, impatiently waiting until Sunday should be over and she could work cargo. Round us on all the other sides were wooded hills and valleys, and away in the distance to the west showed the white town and castle of Elmina and the nine-mile road thither, skirting the surf-bound seashore, only broken on its level way by the mouth of the Sweet River. Over all was the brooding silence of the noonday heat, broken only by the dulled thunder of the surf.
This done, I was taken up a steep hill, at the top of which stands Fort William, a structure resembling a pepper pot that is now used as a lighthouse. The view from the top was incredibly beautiful and expansive. Below us, in the bright sun, lay the town. Amid its solid stone buildings, clusters of native mud huts were crammed together as if they had been dumped from a sack to serve as filler. Then came the white surf, and beyond it the blue sea, with our steamer rolling back and forth on the steady swell, eagerly waiting for Sunday to be over so it could load cargo. All around us were wooded hills and valleys, and in the distance to the west, the white town and castle of Elmina appeared, along with the nine-mile road leading there, hugging the surf-lashed shoreline, only interrupted by the mouth of the Sweet River. Over it all hung the heavy silence of the midday heat, broken only by the muffled roar of the surf.
After seeing these things we started down stairs, and on reaching ground descended yet lower into a sort of stone-walled dry moat, out of which opened clean, cool, cellar-like chambers tunnelled into the earth. These, I was informed, had also been constructed to keep slaves in when they were the staple export of the Gold Coast. They were so refreshingly cool that I lingered looking at them and their massive doors, ere being marched up to ground level again, and down the hill through some singularly awful stenches, mostly arising from rubber, into the big Wesleyan church in the middle of the town. It is a building in the terrible Africo-Gothic style, but it compares most favourably with the cathedral at Sierra Leone, particularly internally, wherein, indeed, it far surpasses that structure. And then we returned to the Mission House and spent a very pleasant evening, save for the knowledge (which amounted in me to remorse) that, had it not been for my edification, not one of my friends would have spent the day toiling about the town they know only too well. The Wesleyan Mission on the Gold Coast, of which Mr. Dennis Kemp was at that time chairman, is the largest and most influential Protestant mission on the West Coast of Africa, and it is now, I am glad to say, adding a technical department to its scholastic and religious one. The Basel Mission has done a great deal of good work in giving technical instruction to the natives, and practically started this most important branch of their education. There is still an almost infinite amount of this work to be done, the African being so strangely deficient in mechanical culture; infinitely more so, indeed, in this than in any other particular.
After seeing these things, we headed downstairs, and when we reached the ground, we went even lower into a dry moat with stone walls, which led to clean, cool, cellar-like rooms dug into the earth. I was told these had also been built to hold slaves when they were the main export of the Gold Coast. They were so refreshingly cool that I lingered, admiring them and their heavy doors, before being taken back up to ground level and down the hill through some shockingly bad odors, mostly coming from rubber, into the large Wesleyan church in the center of the town. It’s a building in the dreadful Africo-Gothic style, but it compares quite well to the cathedral in Sierra Leone, especially inside, where it really outshines that structure. Then we returned to the Mission House and had a very enjoyable evening, except for the feeling (which for me felt like guilt) that if it weren't for my curiosity, none of my friends would have spent the day wandering around a town they know all too well. The Wesleyan Mission on the Gold Coast, chaired at that time by Mr. Dennis Kemp, is the largest and most influential Protestant mission on the West Coast of Africa, and I’m pleased to say it is now adding a technical department to its educational and religious programs. The Basel Mission has done a lot of good by providing technical training to the locals and effectively started this crucial part of their education. There is still an immense amount of this work to do, as the African population is oddly lacking in mechanical skills; even more so in this area than in any other.
After leaving Cape Coast our next port was Accra which is one of the five West Coast towns that look well from the sea. The others don’t look well from anywhere. First in order of beauty comes San Paul de Loanda; then Cape Coast with its satellite Elmina, then Gaboon, then Accra with its satellite Christiansborg, and lastly, Sierra Leone.
After leaving Cape Coast, our next stop was Accra, which is one of the five West Coast towns that look nice from the sea. The others don’t look good from anywhere. First in terms of beauty is San Paul de Loanda; then Cape Coast with its nearby Elmina, then Gaboon, then Accra with its nearby Christiansborg, and finally, Sierra Leone.
What there is of beauty in Accra is oriental in type. Seen from the sea, Fort St. James on the left and Christiansborg Castle on the right, both almost on shore level, give, with an outcrop of sandy dwarf cliffs, a certain air of balance and strength to the town, though but for these and the two old castles, Accra would be but a poor place and a flimsy, for the rest of it is a mass of rubbishy mud and palm-leaf huts, and corrugated iron dwellings for the Europeans.
What beauty there is in Accra is of an oriental style. Viewed from the sea, Fort St. James on the left and Christiansborg Castle on the right, both nearly at shore level, along with an outcrop of sandy low cliffs, give the town a sense of balance and strength. Without these landmarks and the two old castles, Accra would be quite unremarkable; the rest of the area is just a jumble of messy mud and palm-leaf huts, and corrugated iron homes for Europeans.
Corrugated iron is my abomination. I quite understand it has points, and I do not attack from an æsthetic standpoint. It really looks well enough when it is painted white. There is, close to Christiansborg Castle, a patch of bungalows and offices for officialdom and wife that from a distance in the hard bright sunshine looks like an encampment of snow-white tents among the coco palms, and pretty enough withal. I am also aware that the corrugated-iron roof is an advantage in enabling you to collect and store rain-water, which is the safest kind of water you can get on the Coast, always supposing you have not painted the aforesaid roof with red oxide an hour or two before so collecting, as a friend of mine did once. But the heat inside those iron houses is far greater than inside mud-walled, brick, or wooden ones, and the alternations of temperature more sudden: mornings and evenings they are cold and clammy; draughty they are always, thereby giving you chill which means fever, and fever in West Africa means more than it does in most places.
Corrugated iron is my nightmare. I get that it has its benefits, and I'm not criticizing it from an aesthetic viewpoint. It actually looks pretty nice when painted white. There’s a stretch near Christiansborg Castle with a bunch of bungalows and offices for officials and their families that, from a distance in the bright sunshine, looks like a camp of white tents among the coconut palms, and it's quite nice to look at. I also know that corrugated iron roofs help you collect and store rainwater, which is the safest kind of water you can get on the Coast, assuming you haven’t painted that roof with red oxide just before collecting it, like a friend of mine did once. But the heat inside those iron houses is way hotter than in those made of mud, brick, or wood, and the temperature changes are much more drastic: they’re chilly and damp in the mornings and evenings; they’re always drafty, which can give you chills that lead to fever, and fever in West Africa is serious.
Going on shore at Accra with Lady MacDonald gave me opportunities and advantages I should not otherwise have enjoyed, such as the hospitality of the Governor, luxurious transport from the landing place to Christiansborg Castle, a thorough inspection of the cathedral in course of erection, and the strange and highly interesting function of going to a tea-party at a police station to meet a king, - a real reigning king, - who kindly attended with his suite and displayed an intelligent interest in photographs. Tackie (that is His Majesty’s name) is an old, spare man, with a subdued manner. His sovereign rights are acknowledged by the Government so far as to hold him more or less responsible for any iniquity committed by his people; and as the Government do not allow him to execute or flagellate the said people, earthly pomp is rather a hollow thing to Tackie.
Going ashore at Accra with Lady MacDonald gave me opportunities and advantages I wouldn't have had otherwise, like the hospitality of the Governor, a comfortable ride from the dock to Christiansborg Castle, a detailed tour of the cathedral being built, and the unique experience of attending a tea party at a police station to meet a king—a real reigning king—who graciously showed up with his entourage and took a genuine interest in photographs. Tackie (that's His Majesty's name) is an old, lean man with a reserved demeanor. The Government acknowledges his royal status to some extent, holding him somewhat accountable for any wrongdoings by his people; and since the Government doesn't let him punish or discipline them, the trappings of power feel pretty empty for Tackie.
On landing I was taken in charge by an Assistant Inspector of Police, and after a scrimmage for my chief’s baggage and my own, which reminded me of a long ago landing on the distant island of Guernsey, the inspector and I got into a ’rickshaw, locally called a go-cart. It was pulled in front by two government negroes and pushed behind by another pair, all neatly attired in white jackets and knee breeches, and crimson cummerbunds yards long, bound round their middles. Now it is an ingrained characteristic of the uneducated negro, that he cannot keep on a neat and complete garment of any kind. It does not matter what that garment may be; so long as it is whole, off it comes. But as soon as that garment becomes a series of holes, held together by filaments of rag, he keeps it upon him in a manner that is marvellous, and you need have no further anxiety on its behalf. Therefore it was but natural that the governmental cummerbunds, being new, should come off their wearers several times in the course of our two mile trip, and as they wound riskily round the legs of their running wearers, we had to make halts while one end of the cummerbund was affixed to a tree-trunk and the other end to the man, who rapidly wound himself up in it again with a skill that spoke of constant practice.
On landing, I was taken care of by an Assistant Police Inspector, and after a bit of a scramble for my boss's luggage and my own, which reminded me of a long-ago arrival on the distant island of Guernsey, the inspector and I got into a rickshaw, which is locally called a go-cart. It was pulled in front by two government workers and pushed from behind by another pair, all neatly dressed in white jackets, knee-length pants, and long crimson sashes wrapped around their waists. It’s a quirky trait of uneducated individuals that they can’t keep a neat and complete article of clothing on. It doesn’t matter what it is; as long as it’s intact, off it comes. But once that clothing turns into a patchwork of holes held together by threads, they wear it in a way that’s impressive, and you need not worry about it anymore. So, it was only natural that the new sashes would come off their wearers several times during our two-mile trip, and as they dangerously wrapped around the legs of the runners, we had to stop while one end of the sash was tied to a tree trunk and the other end to the man, who quickly wrapped himself up in it again with a skill that showed he’d done it often.
The road to Christiansborg from Accra, which runs parallel to the sea and is broad and well-kept, is in places pleasantly shaded with pepper trees, eucalyptus, and palms. The first part of it, which forms the main street of Accra, is remarkable. The untidy, poverty-stricken native houses or huts are no credit to their owners, and a constant source of anxiety to a conscientious sanitary inspector. Almost every one of them is a shop, but this does not give rise to the animated commercial life one might imagine, owing, I presume, to the fact that every native inhabitant of Accra who has any money to get rid of is able recklessly to spend it in his own emporium. For these shops are of the store nature, each after his kind, and seem homogeneously stocked with tin pans, loud-patterned basins, iron pots, a few rolls of cloth and bottles of American rum. After passing these there are the Haussa lines, a few European houses, and the cathedral; and when nearly into Christiansborg, a cemetery on either side of the road. That to the right is the old cemetery, now closed, and when I was there, in a disgracefully neglected state: a mere jungle of grass infested with snakes. Opposite to it is the cemetery now in use, and I remember well my first visit to it under the guidance of a gloomy Government official, who said he always walked there every afternoon, “so as to get used to the place before staying permanently in it,” - a rank waste of time and energy, by the way, as subsequent events proved, for he is now safe off the Gold Coast for good and all.
The road from Accra to Christiansborg runs alongside the sea and is wide and well-maintained, with some nice shade from pepper trees, eucalyptus, and palms. The beginning of this road, which serves as the main street of Accra, is quite notable. The messy, poverty-stricken native houses or huts reflect poorly on their owners and are a constant source of stress for a diligent sanitary inspector. Almost every one of these places is a shop, but this doesn’t create the lively commercial scene you might expect, likely because any native resident of Accra with money tends to spend it recklessly in their own store. These shops are all similar, each filled with tin pans, brightly patterned basins, iron pots, a few rolls of cloth, and bottles of American rum. After passing these shops, there are the Haussa lines, a few European houses, and the cathedral, and just before reaching Christiansborg, you'll find a cemetery on either side of the road. The old cemetery on the right is now closed and, when I visited, was in a shockingly neglected state, overgrown with grass and filled with snakes. Directly across from it is the active cemetery, and I clearly remember my first visit there with a gloomy government official, who said he walked there every afternoon “to get used to the place before staying there permanently” — a total waste of time and energy, as later events showed, since he's now permanently out of the Gold Coast.
He took me across the well-kept grass to two newly dug graves, each covered with wooden hoods in a most business-like way. Evidently those hoods were regular parts of the cemetery’s outfit. He said nothing, but waved his hand with a “take-your-choice,-they-are-both-quite-ready” style. “Why?” I queried laconically. “Oh! we always keep two graves ready dug for Europeans. We have to bury very quickly here, you know,” he answered. I turned at bay. I had had already a very heavy dose of details of this sort that afternoon and was disinclined to believe another thing. So I said, “It’s exceedingly wrong to do a thing like that, you only frighten people to death. You can’t want new-dug graves daily. There are not enough white men in the whole place to keep the institution up.” “We do,” he replied, “at any rate at this season. Why, the other day we had two white men to bury before twelve o’clock, and at four, another dropped in on a steamer.”
He led me across the well-maintained grass to two freshly dug graves, each covered with wooden hoods in a very practical way. Clearly, those hoods were standard parts of the cemetery’s setup. He said nothing but gestured with his hand, as if to say, “Choose one; they’re both ready.” “Why?” I asked casually. “Oh! We always keep two graves ready for Europeans. We have to bury people quickly here, you know,” he replied. I stood my ground. I had already heard too many grim details that afternoon and was unwilling to accept more. So I said, “It’s really wrong to do something like that; you just scare people to death. You can’t need newly dug graves every day. There aren’t enough white men in this whole place to keep that going.” “We do,” he answered, “at least during this season. Just the other day, we buried two white men before noon, and by four, another arrived on a steamer.”
“At 4.30,” said a companion, an exceedingly accurate member of the staff. “How you fellows do exaggerate!” Subsequent knowledge of the Gold Coast has convinced me fully that the extra funeral being placed half-an-hour sooner than it occurred is the usual percentage of exaggeration you will be able to find in stories relating to the local mortality. And at Accra, after I left it, and all along the Gold Coast, came one of those dreadful epidemic outbursts sweeping away more than half the white population in a few weeks.
“At 4:30,” said a colleague, a very accurate member of the team. “You guys really exaggerate!” My later experiences in the Gold Coast have made me realize that the extra funeral being reported half an hour earlier than it actually happened is the typical level of exaggeration you’ll find in stories about local deaths. And after I left Accra, all along the Gold Coast, there was one of those terrible epidemic outbreaks that wiped out more than half the white population in just a few weeks.
But to return to our state journey along the Christiansborg road. We soon reached the castle, an exceedingly roomy and solid edifice built by the Danes, and far better fitted for the climate than our modern dwellings, in spite of our supposed advance in tropical hygiene. We entered by the sentry-guarded great gate into the courtyard; on the right hand were the rest of the guard; most of them asleep on their mats, but a few busy saying Dhikr, etc., towards Mecca, like the good Mohammedans these Haussas are, others winding themselves into their cummerbunds. On the left hand was Sir Brandford Griffiths’ hobby - a choice and select little garden, of lovely eucharis lilies mostly in tubs, and rare and beautiful flowers brought by him from his Barbadian home; while shading it and the courtyard was a fine specimen of that superb thing of beauty - a flamboyant tree - glorious with its delicate-green acacia-like leaves and vermilion and yellow flowers, and astonishing with its vast beans. A flight of stone stairs leads from the courtyard to the upper part of the castle where the living rooms are, over the extensive series of cool tunnel-like slave barracoons, now used as store chambers. The upper rooms are high and large, and full of a soft pleasant light and the thunder of the everlasting surf breaking on the rocky spit on which the castle is built.
But to get back to our journey along the Christiansborg road. We soon arrived at the castle, a very spacious and solid structure built by the Danes, and much better suited for the climate than our modern homes, despite our supposed advances in tropical hygiene. We entered through the guarded main gate into the courtyard; on the right were the rest of the guards, most of them sleeping on their mats, while a few were busy saying Dhikr, etc., towards Mecca, just like the good Muslims these Haussas are, and others winding themselves into their cummerbunds. On the left was Sir Brandford Griffiths’ passion - a small, carefully tended garden, mostly filled with beautiful eucharis lilies in pots, and rare, stunning flowers he brought from his home in Barbados; shading it and the courtyard was a magnificent specimen of that beautiful tree - a flamboyant tree - glorious with its delicate, acacia-like leaves and vibrant red and yellow flowers, and astonishing with its large pods. A flight of stone steps leads from the courtyard to the upper part of the castle where the living rooms are, above the extensive series of cool, tunnel-like slave barracoons, now used as storage rooms. The upper rooms are high and large, filled with a soft, pleasant light and the sound of the endless surf crashing on the rocky spit where the castle is built.
From the day the castle was built, now more than a hundred years ago, the surf spray has been swept by the on-shore evening breeze into every chink and cranny of the whole building, and hence the place is mouldy - mouldy to an extent I, with all my experience in that paradise for mould, West Africa, have never elsewhere seen. The matting on the floors took an impression of your foot as a light snowfall would. Beneath articles of furniture the cryptogams attained a size more in keeping with the coal period than with the nineteenth century.
From the day the castle was built, over a hundred years ago, the ocean spray has been carried by the evening breeze into every crack and corner of the building, which has made the place moldy—moldy in a way I’ve never seen anywhere else, even with all my experience in that mold paradise, West Africa. The mats on the floors would leave an impression of your foot like a light layer of snow. Underneath the furniture, the mold grew to a size more reminiscent of the coal age than the nineteenth century.
The Gold Coast is one of the few places in West Africa that I have never felt it my solemn duty to go and fish in. I really cannot say why. Seen from the sea it is a pleasant looking land. The long lines of yellow, sandy beach backed by an almost continuous line of blue hills, which in some places come close to the beach, in other places show in the dim distance. It is hard to think that it is so unhealthy as it is, from just seeing it as you pass by. It has high land and has not those great masses of mangrove-swamp one usually, at first, associates with a bad fever district, but which prove on acquaintance to be at any rate no worse than this well-elevated open-forested Gold Coast land. There are many things to be had here and in Lagos which tend to make life more tolerable, that you cannot have elsewhere until you are south of the Congo. Horses, for example, do fairly well at Accra, though some twelve miles or so behind the town there is a belt of tsetse fly, specimens of which I have procured and had identified at the British Museum, and it is certain death to a horse, I am told, to take it to Aburi.
The Gold Coast is one of the few places in West Africa where I’ve never felt a real urge to go fishing. I honestly can’t explain why. From the sea, it looks like a nice place. The long stretches of yellow sandy beach are backed by almost constant blue hills, which in some areas come close to the shore, while in others they fade into the distance. It’s hard to believe it’s as unhealthy as it is just by looking at it from afar. It has elevated land and lacks the large areas of mangrove swamps typically associated with high fever zones, which turn out to be no worse than this well-positioned, open forested Gold Coast land. There are plenty of things available here and in Lagos that make life more bearable, which you can’t find elsewhere until you’re south of the Congo. For instance, horses generally do pretty well in Accra, even though about twelve miles away from the town there’s a stretch of tsetse fly, specimens of which I’ve collected and had identified at the British Museum. I’ve been told that taking a horse to Aburi is certain death.
The food-supply, although bad and dear, is superior to that you get down south. Goats and sheep are fairly plentiful. In addition to fresh meat and tinned you are able to get a quantity of good sea fish, for the great West African Bank, which fringes the coast in the Bight of Benin, abounds in fish, although the native cook very rarely knows how to cook them. Then, too, you can get more fruit and vegetables on the Gold Coast than at most places lower down: the plantain, {28} not least among them and very good when allowed to become ripe, and then cut into longitudinal strips, and properly fried; the banana, which surpasses it when served in the same manner, or beaten up and mixed with rice, butter, and eggs, and baked. Eggs, by the way, according to the great mass of native testimony, are laid in this country in a state that makes them more fit for electioneering than culinary purposes, and I shall never forget one tribe I was once among, who, whenever I sat down on one of their benches, used to smash eggs round me for ju-ju. They meant well. But I will nobly resist the temptation to tell egg stories and industriously catalogue the sour-sop, guava, grenadilla, aubergine or garden-egg, yam, and sweet potato.
The food supply, while poor and expensive, is better than what you get down south. Goats and sheep are relatively common. In addition to fresh and canned meat, you can find plenty of good sea fish, thanks to the great West African Bank along the coast of the Bight of Benin, which is full of fish, even though the local cooks hardly know how to prepare them. You can also find more fruits and vegetables on the Gold Coast than in most places farther south: the plantain, {28} being one of them, is quite good when it ripens, cut into long strips, and fried properly; the banana, which is even better when prepared the same way or mashed and mixed with rice, butter, and eggs, then baked. By the way, according to many locals, the eggs laid here are more suitable for electioneering than cooking, and I'll never forget one tribe I was with who would smash eggs around me for ju-ju every time I sat down on one of their benches. They meant well. But I'll resist the urge to share egg stories and instead list the sour-sop, guava, grenadilla, aubergine or garden-egg, yam, and sweet potato.
The sweet potato should be boiled, and then buttered and browned in an oven, or fried. When cooked in either way I am devoted to them, but in the way I most frequently come across them I abominate them, for they jeopardise my existence both in this world and the next. It is this way: you are coming home from a long and dangerous beetle-hunt in the forest; you have battled with mighty beetles the size of pie dishes, they have flown at your head, got into your hair and then nipped you smartly. You have been also considerably stung and bitten by flies, ants, etc., and are most likely sopping wet with rain, or with the wading of streams, and you are tired and your feet go low along the ground, and it is getting, or has got, dark with that ever-deluding tropical rapidity, and then you for your sins get into a piece of ground which last year was a native’s farm, and, placing one foot under the tough vine of a surviving sweet potato, concealed by rank herbage, you plant your other foot on another portion of the same vine. Your head you then deposit promptly in some prickly ground crop, or against a tree stump, and then, if there is human blood in you, you say d--n!
The sweet potato should be boiled, and then buttered and browned in an oven, or fried. When cooked either way, I'm devoted to them, but in the way I most often encounter them, I can't stand them, as they threaten my existence both in this world and the next. Here's what happens: you're coming home from a long and dangerous beetle-hunting expedition in the forest; you've battled giant beetles the size of pie dishes, they've flown at your head, gotten tangled in your hair, and pinched you sharply. You've also been stung and bitten by flies, ants, and so on, and you're probably soaked from the rain or from wading through streams. You're exhausted, your feet are dragging, and it's getting dark quickly, typical of the tropics, and somehow you end up in a part of land that was a native's farm last year. You place one foot under the tough vine of a surviving sweet potato, hidden by thick undergrowth, and put your other foot on another part of the same vine. You then rest your head on some prickly ground crop or against a tree stump, and if there's any humanity left in you, you shout d--n!
Then there are also alligator-pears, limes, and oranges. There is something about those oranges I should like to have explained. They are usually green and sweetish in taste, nor have they much white pith, but now and again you get a big bright yellow one from those trees that have been imported, and these are very pithy and in full possession of the flavour of verjuice. They have also got the papaw on the Coast, the Carica papaya of botanists. It is an insipid fruit. To the newcomer it is a dreadful nuisance, for no sooner does an old coaster set eyes on it than he straightway says, “Paw-paws are awfully good for the digestion, and even if you just hang a tough fowl or a bit of goat in the tree among the leaves, it gets tender in no time, for there is an awful lot of pepsine in a paw-paw,” - which there is not, papaine being its active principle. After hearing this hymn of praise to the papaw some hundreds of times, it palls, and you usually arrive at this tired feeling about the thing by the time you reach the Gold Coast, for it is a most common object, and the same man will say the same thing about it a dozen times a day if he gets the chance. I got heartily sick of it on my first voyage out, and rashly determined to check the old coaster in this habit of his, preparatory to stamping the practice out. It was one of my many failures. I soon met an old coaster with a papaw fruit in sight, and before he had time to start, I boldly got away with “The paw-paw is awfully good for the digestion,” hoping that this display of knowledge would impress him and exempt me from hearing the rest of the formula. But no. “Right you are,” said he solemnly. “It’s a powerful thing is the paw-paw. Why, the other day we had a sad case along here. You know what a nuisance young assistants are, bothering about their chop, and scorpions in their beds and boots, and what not and a half, and then, when you have pulled them through these, and often enough before, pegging out with fever, or going on the fly in the native town. Did you know poor B---? Well! he’s dead now, had fever and went off like a babe in eight hours though he’d been out fourteen years for A--- and D---. They sent him out a new book-keeper, a tender young thing with a dairymaid complexion and the notion that he’d got the indigestion. He fidgeted about it something awful. One night there was a big paw-paw on the table for evening chop, and so B---, who was an awfully good chap, told him about how good it was for the digestion. The book-keeper said his trouble always came on two hours after eating, and asked if he might take a bit of the thing to his room. ‘Certainly,’ says B---, and as the paw-paw wasn’t cut at that meal the book-keeper quietly took it off whole with him.
Then there are alligator pears, limes, and oranges. There’s something about those oranges I’d like explained. They are usually green and taste somewhat sweet, and they don’t have much white pith, but occasionally you get a big, bright yellow one from the imported trees, and these are very pithy and have the full flavor of verjuice. They also have papaya on the Coast, the Carica papaya that botanists refer to. It’s a bland fruit. To newcomers, it’s a real annoyance because as soon as an old coaster sees it, they immediately say, “Paw-paws are really good for digestion, and even if you just hang a tough chicken or a bit of goat in the tree among the leaves, it gets tender in no time, because there’s a lot of pepsin in a paw-paw,” – which there isn’t, as papaine is its active ingredient. After hearing this praise for the papaya hundreds of times, it gets old, and you usually feel fatigued by the time you reach the Gold Coast, since it’s such a common sight, and the same person will repeat the same thing a dozen times a day if they get the chance. I got really tired of it on my first trip out and foolishly decided to curb this habit in the old coasters, hoping to stamp it out. It ended up being one of my many failures. I soon ran into an old coaster with a paw-paw in sight, and before he could start, I boldly said, “The paw-paw is really good for digestion,” hoping this show of knowledge would impress him and spare me from hearing the rest of his spiel. But no. “Right you are,” he said seriously. “The paw-paw is a powerful thing. Just the other day, we had a sad case around here. You know how annoying young assistants can be, fussing about their meals, worrying about scorpions in their beds and boots, and all sorts of things, and then, after you’ve helped them through these, they often end up sick with fever or running off in the local town. Did you know poor B---? Well! he’s dead now; he had a fever and passed away like a baby in eight hours, even though he’d been out there for fourteen years for A--- and D---. They sent out a new bookkeeper, a naive young guy with a dairymaid complexion who thought he had indigestion. He was really anxious about it. One night there was a big paw-paw on the table for dinner, and so B---, who was genuinely a good guy, told him how great it was for digestion. The bookkeeper said his issue always showed up two hours after eating and asked if he could take a piece to his room. ‘Of course,’ said B---, and since the paw-paw wasn’t cut that meal, the bookkeeper quietly took it whole with him.
“In the morning time he did not turn up. B---, just before breakfast, went to his room and he wasn’t there, but he noticed the paw-paw was on the bed and that was all, so he thought the book-keeper must have gone for a walk, being, as it were, a bit too tender to have gone on the fly as yet. So he just told the store clerk to tell the people to return him to the firm when they found him straying around lost, and thought no more about it, being, as it was, mail-day, and him busy.
“In the morning, he didn't show up. B---, just before breakfast, went to his room and found it empty, but he noticed the paw-paw was on the bed, and that was all. He figured the bookkeeper must have gone for a walk, as he was probably still a bit too delicate to have gone off on his own yet. So he just told the store clerk to inform the people to send him back to the firm if they found him wandering around lost, and didn't think much more about it, since it was mail day and he was busy.”
“Well! Fortunately the steward boy put that paw-paw on the table again for twelve o’clock chop. If it hadn’t been for that, not a living soul would have known the going of the book-keeper. For when B--- cut it open, there, right inside it, were nine steel trouser-buttons, a Waterbury watch, and the poor young fellow’s keys. For you see, instead of his digesting his dinner with that paw-paw, the paw-paw took charge and digested him, dinner and all, and when B--- interrupted it, it was just getting a grip on the steel things. There’s an awful lot of pepsine in a paw-paw, and if you hang, etc., etc.”
“Well! Fortunately, the steward boy put that papaya on the table again for the noon meal. If it hadn’t been for that, no one would have known what happened to the bookkeeper. When B--- cut it open, right inside were nine steel trouser buttons, a Waterbury watch, and the poor young man's keys. Because instead of being able to enjoy his meal with that papaya, the papaya ended up taking charge and digesting him, dinner and all. When B--- interrupted it, it was just getting a grip on the steel items. There’s a ton of pepsin in a papaya, and if you hang, etc., etc.”
I collapsed, feebly murmuring that it was very interesting, but sad for the poor young fellow’s friends.
I fell to the ground, weakly saying that it was really interesting, but sad for the poor young guy's friends.
“Not necessarily,” said the old coaster. So he had the last word, and never again will I attempt to alter the ways of the genuine old coaster. What you have got to do with him is to be very thankful you have had the honour of knowing him.
“Not necessarily,” said the old coaster. So he had the last word, and I will never again try to change the ways of the true old coaster. What you need to do with him is be really grateful that you had the honor of knowing him.
Still I think we do over-estimate the value of the papaw, although I certainly did once myself hang the leg of a goat no mortal man could have got tooth into, on to a papaw tree with a bit of string for the night. In the morning it was clean gone, string and all; but whether it was the pepsine, the papaine, or a purloining pagan that was the cause of its departure there was no evidence to show. Yet I am myself, as Hans Breitmann says, “still skebdigal” as to the papaw, and I dare say you are too.
Still, I think we overestimate the value of the papaw, though I once hung a goat's leg that no one could bite into on a papaw tree with a piece of string for the night. In the morning, it was completely gone, string and all; but there was no proof to determine if it was the pepsin, the papain, or a sneaky thief that caused its disappearance. Yet, I am, as Hans Breitmann says, “still skeptical” about the papaw, and I bet you are too.
But I must forthwith stop writing about the Gold Coast, or I shall go on telling you stories and wasting your time, not to mention the danger of letting out those which would damage the nerves of the cultured of temperate climes, such as those relating to the youth who taught himself French from a six months’ method book; of the man who wore brass buttons; the moving story of three leeches and two gentlemen; the doctor up a creek; and the reason why you should not eat pork along here because all the natives have either got the guinea-worm, or kraw-kraw or ulcers; and then the pigs go and - dear me! it was a near thing that time. I’ll leave off at once.
But I have to quickly stop writing about the Gold Coast, or I'll keep telling you stories and wasting your time, not to mention the risk of sharing ones that would shock people from more refined places, like the one about the guy who taught himself French from a quick-six-month method book; the man who wore brass buttons; the strange tale of three leeches and two gentlemen; the doctor stuck up a creek; and the reason you shouldn't eat pork around here because all the locals either have guinea worm, or kraw-kraw, or ulcers; and then the pigs go and - oh dear! that was close. I'll stop right here.
CHAPTER II. FERNANDO PO AND THE BUBIS.
Giving some account of the occupation of this island by the whites and the manners and customs of the blacks peculiar to it.
Explaining the history of how the white people occupied this island and the unique traditions and customs of the black inhabitants.
Our outward voyage really terminated at Calabar, and it terminated gorgeously in fireworks and what not, in honour of the coming of Lady MacDonald, the whole settlement, white and black, turning out to do her honour to the best of its ability; and its ability in this direction was far greater than, from my previous knowledge of Coast conditions, I could have imagined possible. Before Sir Claude MacDonald settled down again to local work, he and Lady MacDonald crossed to Fernando Po, still in the Batanga, and I accompanied them, thus getting an opportunity of seeing something of Spanish official circles.
Our outward voyage really ended at Calabar, and it ended spectacularly with fireworks and everything else to celebrate the arrival of Lady MacDonald. The whole community, both white and black, turned out to honor her as best as they could, and surprisingly, their ability to do so was much greater than I had expected based on my previous knowledge of Coast conditions. Before Sir Claude MacDonald got back to local work, he and Lady MacDonald traveled to Fernando Po on the Batanga, and I went with them, which gave me a chance to see some of the Spanish official circles.
I had heard sundry noble legends of Fernando Po, and seen the coast and a good deal of the island before, but although I had heard much of the Governor, I had never met him until I went up to his residence with Lady MacDonald and the Consul-General. He was a delightful person, who, as a Spanish naval officer, some time resident in Cuba, had picked up a lot of English, with a strong American accent clinging to it. He gave a most moving account of how, as soon as his appointment as Governor was announced, all his friends and acquaintances carefully explained to him that this appointment was equivalent to execution, only more uncomfortable in the way it worked out. During the outward voyage this was daily confirmed by the stories told by the sailors and merchants personally acquainted with the place, who were able to support their information with dates and details of the decease of the victims to the climate.
I had heard various noble stories about Fernando Po and had seen both the coast and much of the island before. However, despite hearing a lot about the Governor, I had never met him until I visited his residence with Lady MacDonald and the Consul-General. He was a charming guy who, as a Spanish naval officer who had spent some time in Cuba, had picked up quite a bit of English, although it had a strong American accent. He shared a really powerful story about how, when his appointment as Governor was announced, all his friends and acquaintances carefully explained that this position was basically a death sentence, just more uncomfortable in how it played out. During the journey to the island, I heard similar stories from sailors and merchants who were familiar with the area, and they backed up their accounts with specific dates and details about those who had died from the climate.
Still he kept up a good heart, but when he arrived at the island he found his predecessor had died of fever; and he himself, the day after landing, went down with a bad attack and he was placed in a bed - the same bed, he was mournfully informed, in which the last Governor had expired. Then he did believe, all in one awful lump, all the stories he had been told, and added to their horrors a few original conceptions of death and purgatory, and a lot of transparent semi-formed images of his own delirium. Fortunately both prophecy and personal conviction alike miscarried, and the Governor returned from the jaws of death. But without a moment’s delay he withdrew from the Port of Clarence and went up the mountain to Basile, which is in the neighbourhood of the highest native village, where he built himself a house, and around it a little village of homes for the most unfortunate set of human beings I have ever laid eye on. They are the remnant of a set of Spanish colonists, who had been located at some spot in the Spanish possessions in Morocco, and finding that place unfit to support human life, petitioned the Government to remove them and let them try colonising elsewhere.
Still, he kept his spirits up, but when he arrived at the island, he found that his predecessor had died of fever. The day after landing, he himself came down with a bad case and was placed in a bed—the same bed, he was sadly informed, in which the last Governor had died. At that moment, he truly believed, all at once, all the terrifying stories he had heard, and added his own horrifying ideas about death and purgatory, along with a lot of hazy images from his delirium. Fortunately, both his fears and personal beliefs turned out to be wrong, and the Governor came back from the brink of death. Without wasting any time, he left the Port of Clarence and went up the mountain to Basile, near the highest native village, where he built himself a house and a small village for the most unfortunate people I've ever seen. They are the remnants of a group of Spanish colonists who had been placed somewhere in the Spanish territories in Morocco, and after finding that spot unlivable, petitioned the Government to relocate them so they could try colonizing elsewhere.
The Spanish Government just then had one of its occasional fits of interest in Fernando Po, and so shipped them here, and the Governor, a most kindly and generous man, who would have been a credit to any country, established them and their families around him at Basile, to share with him the advantages of the superior elevation; advantages he profoundly believed in, and which he has always placed at the disposal of any sick white man on the island, of whatsoever nationality or religion. Undoubtedly the fever is not so severe at Basile as in the lowlands, but there are here the usual drawbacks to West African high land, namely an over supply of rain, and equally saturating mists, to say nothing of sudden and extreme alternations of temperature, and so the colonists still fall off, and their children die continuously from the various entozoa which abound upon the island.
The Spanish Government had one of its occasional bursts of interest in Fernando Po, so they sent them here. The Governor, a very kind and generous man who would have shone in any country, settled them and their families around him in Basile, to share the benefits of the higher elevation. He truly believed in these advantages and always made them available to any ill white person on the island, regardless of their nationality or religion. It's true that the fever is not as severe in Basile as in the lowlands, but there are the usual problems associated with West African high lands, such as excessive rain and heavy mist, not to mention sudden and extreme temperature changes. As a result, the colonists still suffer, and their children continue to die from various parasites that are prevalent on the island.
When the Governor first settled upon the mountain he was very difficult to get at for business purposes, and a telephone was therefore run up to him from Clarence through the forest, and Spain at large felt proud at this dashing bit of enterprise in modern appliance. Alas! the primæval forests of Fernando Po were also charmed with the new toy, and they talked to each other on it with their leaves and branches to such an extent that a human being could not get a word in edgeways. So the Governor had to order the construction of a road along the course of the wire to keep the trees off it, but unfortunately the telephone is still an uncertain means of communication, because another interruption in its usefulness still afflicts it, namely the indigenous natives’ habit of stealing bits out of its wire, for they are fully persuaded that they cannot be found out in their depredations provided they take sufficient care that they are not caught in the act. The Governor is thus liable to be cut off at any moment in the middle of a conversation with Clarence, and the amount of “Hellos” “Are you theres?” and “Speak louder, pleases” in Spanish that must at such times be poured out and wasted in the lonely forests before the break is realised and an unfortunate man sent off as a messenger, is terrible to think of.
When the Governor first moved to the mountain, he was really hard to reach for business, so a telephone line was set up for him from Clarence through the forest, and all of Spain felt proud of this bold use of modern tech. Unfortunately, the ancient forests of Fernando Po also got into the act with the new gadget, communicating with each other through their leaves and branches so much that a human couldn’t get a word in edgewise. So, the Governor had to order a road built along the line to keep the trees off it, but sadly, the telephone remains an unreliable means of communication because another issue keeps popping up: the local natives have a habit of stealing parts of the wire, convinced they won’t get caught as long as they’re careful not to be seen in the act. Because of this, the Governor could be cut off at any moment during a call with Clarence, and the amount of “Hello,” “Are you there?” and “Speak louder, please” in Spanish that gets wasted in the lonely forests before anyone realizes there’s a break, leading to someone being sent off as a messenger, is just awful to think about.
But nothing would persuade the Governor to come a mile down towards Clarence until the day he should go there to join the vessel that was to take him home, and I am bound to say he looked as if the method was a sound one, for he was an exceedingly healthy, cheery-looking man.
But nothing could convince the Governor to walk a mile toward Clarence until the day he was set to board the ship that would take him home, and I have to admit he seemed like this approach made sense, because he looked like a really healthy, cheerful guy.
Fernando Po is said to be a comparatively modern island, and not so very long ago to have been connected with the mainland, the strait between them being only nineteen miles across, and not having any deep soundings. {37} I fail to see what grounds there are for these ideas, for though Fernando Po’s volcanoes are not yet extinct, but merely have their fires banked, yet, on the other hand, the island has been in existence sufficiently long to get itself several peculiar species of animals and plants, and that is a thing which takes time. I myself do not believe that this island was ever connected with the continent, but arose from the ocean as the result of a terrific upheaval in the chain of volcanic activity which runs across the Atlantic from the Cameroon Mountains in a SSW. direction to Anno Bom island, and possibly even to the Tristan da Cunha group midway between the Cape and South America.
Fernando Po is considered a relatively modern island, and not too long ago it was believed to be connected to the mainland, with the strait between them being only nineteen miles wide and lacking deep waters. {37} I don’t see any basis for these ideas; while Fernando Po’s volcanoes are not extinct but merely dormant, the island has existed long enough to develop several unique species of animals and plants, which takes time. Personally, I don’t think this island was ever linked to the continent; I believe it emerged from the ocean due to a massive upheaval in the volcanic activity that extends across the Atlantic from the Cameroon Mountains in a southwest direction to Anno Bom island, and possibly even to the Tristan da Cunha group situated between the Cape and South America.
These volcanic islands are all of extreme beauty and fertility. They consist of Fernando Po (10,190 ft.); Principe (3000 ft.); San Thomé (6,913 ft.); and Anno Bom (1,350 ft.). San Thomé and Principe are Portuguese possessions, Fernando Po and Anno Bom Spanish, and they are all exceedingly unhealthy. San Thomé is still called “The Dutchman’s Church-yard,” on account of the devastation its climate wrought among the Hollanders when they once occupied it; as they seem, at one time or another, to have occupied all Portuguese possessions out here, during the long war these two powers waged with each other for supremacy in the Bights, a supremacy that neither of them attained to. Principe is said to be the most unhealthy, and the reason of the difference in this particular between Principe and Anno Bom is said to arise from the fact that the former is on the Guinea Current - a hot current - and Anno Bom on the Equatorial, which averages 10° cooler than its neighbour.
These volcanic islands are incredibly beautiful and fertile. They include Fernando Po (10,190 ft.); Principe (3,000 ft.); San Thomé (6,913 ft.); and Anno Bom (1,350 ft.). San Thomé and Principe are Portuguese territories, while Fernando Po and Anno Bom are Spanish, and all of them are very unhealthy. San Thomé is still referred to as “The Dutchman’s Church-yard” because of the devastation its climate caused among the Dutch when they once occupied it; they seemed to have occupied all Portuguese territories in this area at various times during the long conflict between these two powers for dominance in the Bights, a dominance neither of them achieved. Principe is said to be the most unhealthy, and the difference in health conditions between Principe and Anno Bom is believed to stem from the fact that Principe is located on the Guinea Current—a warm current—while Anno Bom is on the Equatorial Current, which is typically 10° cooler than its neighbor.
The shores of San Thomé are washed by both currents, and the currents round Fernando Po are in a mixed and uncertain state. It is difficult, unless you have haunted these seas, to realise the interest we take down there in currents; particularly when you are navigating small sailing boats, a pursuit I indulge in necessarily from my fishing practices. Their effect on the climate too is very marked. If we could only arrange for some terrific affair to take place in the bed of the Atlantic, that would send that precious Guinea current to the place it evidently comes from, and get the cool Equatorial alongside the mainland shore, West Africa would be quite another place.
The shores of San Thomé are influenced by both currents, and the currents around Fernando Po are mixed and unpredictable. If you haven't spent time in these waters, it's hard to appreciate how much we care about currents; especially when you're sailing small boats, something I do out of necessity for my fishing activities. Their impact on the climate is also significant. If we could just facilitate some major event in the Atlantic Ocean that would redirect that valuable Guinea current to where it clearly originates and bring the cooler Equatorial current closer to the mainland, West Africa would be completely transformed.
Fernando Po is the most important island as regards size on the West African coast, and at the same time one of the most beautiful in the world. It is a great volcanic mass with many craters, and culminates in the magnificent cone, Clarence Peak, called by the Spaniards, Pico de Santa Isabel, by the natives of the island O Wassa. Seen from the sea or from the continent it looks like an immense single mountain that has floated out to sea. It is visible during clear weather (and particularly sharply visible in the strange clearness you get after a tornado) from a hundred miles to seawards, and anything more perfect than Fernando Po when you sight it, as you occasionally do from far-away Bonny Bar, in the sunset, floating like a fairy island made of gold or of amethyst, I cannot conceive. It is almost equally lovely at close quarters, namely from the mainland at Victoria, nineteen miles distant. Its moods of beauty are infinite; for the most part gentle and gorgeous, but I have seen it silhouetted hard against tornado-clouds, and grandly grim from the upper regions of its great brother Mungo. And as for Fernando Po in full moonlight - well there! you had better go and see it yourself.
Fernando Po is the biggest island on the West African coast and one of the most beautiful in the world. It’s a massive volcanic formation with many craters, topped by the stunning cone of Clarence Peak, which the Spaniards call Pico de Santa Isabel and the island’s natives refer to as O Wassa. From the sea or the mainland, it appears as a giant mountain that has drifted out to sea. On clear days (especially after a tornado, when the air is exceptionally clear), it can be seen from a hundred miles away. I can’t imagine anything more breathtaking than Fernando Po when you catch a glimpse of it from far-off Bonny Bar at sunset, looking like a magical island made of gold or amethyst. It's just as beautiful up close, from the mainland at Victoria, located nineteen miles away. Its beauty is endless; most of the time it’s soft and stunning, but I’ve also seen it stark against storm clouds, looking impressively ominous from the high points of its towering neighbor Mungo. And as for Fernando Po under a full moon - well, you’ll just have to see it for yourself.
The whole island is, or rather I should say was, heavily forested almost to its peak, with a grand and varied type of forest, very rich in oil palms and tree-ferns, and having an undergrowth containing an immense variety and quantity of ferns and mosses. Sugar-cane also grows wild here, an uncommon thing in West Africa. The last botanical collection of any importance made from these forests was that of Herr Mann, and its examination showed that Abyssinian genera and species predominated, and that many species similar to those found in the mountains of Mauritius, the Isle de Bourbon, and Madagascar, were present. The number of European plants (forty-three genera, twenty-seven species) is strikingly large, most of the British forms being represented chiefly at the higher elevations. What was more striking was that it showed that South African forms were extremely rare, and not one of the characteristic types of St. Helena occurred.
The whole island is, or I should say was, heavily forested almost to its peak, featuring a grand and diverse type of forest, rich in oil palms and tree ferns, with an undergrowth filled with a huge variety of ferns and mosses. Sugar cane also grows wild here, which is uncommon in West Africa. The last significant botanical collection from these forests was done by Herr Mann, and his findings revealed that Abyssinian genera and species were predominant, along with many species similar to those found in the mountains of Mauritius, Réunion, and Madagascar. The number of European plants (forty-three genera, twenty-seven species) is notably large, with most British forms primarily represented at higher elevations. Even more surprising was the rarity of South African forms, and none of the characteristic types from St. Helena were found.
Cocoa, coffee, and cinchona, alas! flourish in Fernando Po, as the coffee suffers but little from the disease that harasses it on the mainland at Victoria, and this is the cause of the great destruction of the forest that is at present taking place. San Thomé, a few years ago, was discovered by its surprised neighbours to be amassing great wealth by growing coffee, and so Fernando Po and Principe immediately started to amass great wealth too, and are now hard at work with gangs of miscellaneous natives got from all parts of the Coast save the Kru. For to the Kruboy, “Panier,” as he calls “Spaniard,” is a name of horror worse even than Portugee, although he holds “God made white man and God made black man, but dem debil make Portugee,” and he also remembers an unfortunate affair that occurred some years ago now, in connection with coffee-growing.
Cocoa, coffee, and cinchona, unfortunately! thrive on Fernando Po, as the coffee is hardly affected by the disease that troubles it on the mainland in Victoria, and this is causing the significant destruction of the forest that's currently happening. San Thomé, a few years ago, was discovered by its surprised neighbors to be accumulating great wealth from coffee cultivation, which led Fernando Po and Principe to start amassing wealth as well, and they are now busy working with groups of various locals gathered from all over the Coast except for the Kru. To the Kruboy, “Panier,” which means “Spaniard,” is a name of terror, even worse than “Portugee,” though he believes that “God made white man and God made black man, but the devil made Portugee,” and he also recalls an unfortunate incident that happened a few years ago regarding coffee production.
A number of Krumen engaged themselves for a two years’ term of labour on the Island of San Thomé, and when they arrived there, were set to work on coffee plantations by the Portuguese. Now agricultural work is “woman’s palaver,” but nevertheless the Krumen made shift to get through with it, vowing the while no doubt, as they hopefully notched away the moons on their tally-sticks, that they would never let the girls at home know that they had been hoeing. But when their moons were all complete, instead of being sent home with their pay to “We country,” they were put off from time to time; and month after month went by and they were still on San Thomé, and still hoeing. At last the home-sick men, in despair of ever getting free, started off secretly in ones and twos to try and get to “We country” across hundreds of miles of the storm-haunted Atlantic in small canoes, and with next to no provisions. The result was a tragedy, but it might easily have been worse; for a few, a very few, were picked up alive by English vessels and taken back to their beloved “We country” to tell the tale. But many a canoe was found with a dead Kruboy or so in it; and many a one which, floating bottom upwards, graphically spoke of madness caused by hunger, thirst, and despair having driven its occupants overboard to the sharks.
A group of Krumen signed up for a two-year work contract on the Island of San Thomé, and when they got there, the Portuguese put them to work on coffee plantations. Although agricultural work is considered "women's work," the Krumen managed to get through it, probably promising themselves as they marked off the moons on their tally sticks that they would never let the women back home know they had been hoeing. But when they completed their terms, instead of being sent home with their wages to "We country," they were repeatedly postponed. Month after month passed, and they were still on San Thomé, still hoeing. Eventually, the homesick men, desperate to escape, secretly set off one by one to try to reach "We country" across hundreds of miles of the stormy Atlantic in small canoes, with hardly any supplies. The outcome was tragic, but it could have been even worse; a few, very few, were rescued alive by English ships and taken back to their cherished "We country" to share their story. But many canoes were found with a dead Kruboy inside, and many more were discovered floating upside down, telling the grim tale of madness caused by hunger, thirst, and despair that drove their occupants overboard to the sharks.
My Portuguese friends assure me that there was never thought of permanently detaining the boys, and that they were only just keeping them until other labourers arrived to take their place on the plantations. I quite believe them, for I have seen too much of the Portuguese in Africa to believe that they would, in a wholesale way, be cruel to natives. But I am not in the least surprised that the poor Krumen took the Portuguese logo and amanhã for Eternity itself, for I have frequently done so.
My Portuguese friends assure me that there was never any intention of permanently holding the boys, and that they were just waiting for other workers to arrive to take their place on the plantations. I completely believe them, because I have seen too much of the Portuguese in Africa to think they would, as a rule, be cruel to locals. But I’m not at all surprised that the poor Krumen took the Portuguese words logo and amanhã to mean Forever itself, because I have often done the same.
The greatest length of the island lies N.E. and S.W., and amounts to thirty-three miles; the mean breadth is seventeen miles. The port, Clarence Cove, now called Santa Isabel by the Spaniards - who have been giving Spanish names to all the English-named places without any one taking much notice of them - is a very remarkable place, and except perhaps Gaboon the finest harbour on the West Coast. The point that brings Gaboon anchorage up in line with Clarence Cove is its superior healthiness; for Clarence is a section of a circle, and its shores are steep rocky cliffs from 100 to 200 feet high, and the place, to put it very mildly, exceedingly hot and stuffy. The cove is evidently a partly submerged crater, the submerged rim of the crater is almost a perfect semi-circle seawards - having on it 4, 5, 7, 8, and 10 fathoms of water save almost in the centre of the arc where there is a passage with 12 to 14 fathoms. Inside, in the crater, there is deeper water, running in places from 30 to 45 fathoms, and outside the submerged rim there is deeper water again, but rocky shoals abound. On the top of the shore cliffs stands the dilapidated little town of Clarence, on a plateau that falls away slightly towards the mountain for about a mile, when the ground commences to rise into the slopes of the Cordillera. On the narrow beach, tucked close against the cliffs, are a few stores belonging to the merchants, where goods are placed on landing, and there is a little pier too, but as it is usually having something done to its head, or else is closed by the authorities because they intend doing something by and by, the chances are against its being available for use. Hence it usually comes about that you have to land on the beach, and when you have done this you make your way up a very steep path, cut in the cliffside, to the town. When you get there you find yourself in the very dullest town I know on the Coast. I remember when I first landed in Clarence I found its society in a flutter of expectation and alarm not untinged with horror. Clarence, nay, the whole of Fernando Po, was about to become so rackety and dissipated as to put Paris and Monte Carlo to the blush. Clarence was going to have a café; and what was going to go on in that café I shrink from reciting.
The island is longest from northeast to southwest, measuring thirty-three miles, with an average width of seventeen miles. The port, Clarence Cove—now called Santa Isabel by the Spaniards, who have been renaming all the English-named locations without much attention— is quite notable and is probably the best harbor on the West Coast, except for Gaboon. The reason Gaboon's anchorage ranks higher than Clarence Cove is its better health conditions, as Clarence is shaped like a segment of a circle with steep rocky cliffs rising between 100 and 200 feet. The place is, to put it mildly, extremely hot and humid. The cove appears to be a partially submerged crater with its underwater rim forming a near-perfect semicircle towards the sea—offering depths of 4, 5, 7, 8, and 10 fathoms, except at the center where there’s a passage with depths of 12 to 14 fathoms. Inside the crater, the water is deeper, ranging from 30 to 45 fathoms, and outside the submerged rim, it gets even deeper, but it’s filled with rocky shoals. On top of the cliffs is the rundown little town of Clarence, on a plateau that slopes gently toward the mountain for about a mile until the ground rises into the slopes of the Cordillera. On the narrow beach, squeezed against the cliffs, there are a few merchants' stores for unloading goods, and there’s a small pier, but since it’s usually under repair or closed by authorities for future work, it’s often unavailable for use. So, you usually have to land on the beach and, once you’ve done that, climb a steep path cut into the cliffside to reach the town. When you arrive, you find yourself in the dullest town I know on the Coast. I remember when I first landed in Clarence, its community was in a state of nervous excitement mixed with alarm, not without a hint of horror. Clarence, or rather all of Fernando Po, was about to become so wild and unruly that it would make Paris and Monte Carlo look tame. Clarence was going to get a café, and I dread to think of what would happen there.
I have little hesitation now in saying this alarm was a false one. When I next arrived in Clarence it was just as sound asleep and its streets as weed-grown as ever, although the café was open. My idea is that the sleepiness of the place infected the café and took all the go out of it. But again it may have been that the inhabitants were too well guarded against its evil influence, for there are on the island fifty-two white laymen, and fifty-four priests to take charge of them {44} - the extra two being, I presume, to look after the Governor’s conduct, although this worthy man made a most spirited protest against this view when I suggested it to him; and in addition to the priests there are several missionaries of the Methodist mission, and also a white gentleman who has invented a new religion. Anyhow, the café smoulders like a damp squib.
I have no doubt now in saying that this alarm was a false one. When I next arrived in Clarence, it was just as sound asleep and its streets as overgrown with weeds as ever, although the café was open. I think the sleepy vibe of the place affected the café and drained it of energy. But it might also be that the locals were too well protected from its negative influence, because there are fifty-two white laymen on the island and fifty-four priests to look after them {44} - I assume the extra two are there to oversee the Governor’s behavior, although this upstanding man strongly protested when I suggested it to him; along with the priests, there are several missionaries from the Methodist mission, and also a white gentleman who has created a new religion. Anyway, the café feels like a damp firework that's just smoldering.
When you spend the day on shore and when, having exhausted the charms of the town, - a thing that usually takes from between ten minutes to a quarter of an hour, - you apply to an inhabitant for advice as to the disposal of the rest of your shore leave, you are told to “go and see the coals.” You say you have not come to tropical islands to see a coal heap, and applying elsewhere for advice you probably get the same. So, as you were told to “go and see the coals” when you left your ship, you do as you are bid. These coals, the remnant of the store that was kept here for the English men-of-war, were left here when the naval station was removed. The Spaniards at first thought of using them, and ran a tram-way from Clarence to them. But when the tramway was finished, their activity had run out too, and to this day there the coals remain. Now and again some one has the idea that they are quite good, and can be used for a steamer, and some people who have tried them say they are all right, and others say they are all wrong. And so the end of it will be that some few thousand years hence there will be a serious quarrel among geologists on the strange pocket of coal on Fernando Po, and they will run up continents, and raise and lower oceans to explain them, and they will doubtless get more excitement and pleasure out of them than you can nowadays.
When you spend the day on land and, after exhausting the attractions of the town—which typically takes about ten to fifteen minutes—you ask a local for suggestions on how to spend the rest of your time, you're told to “go see the coals.” You respond that you didn’t come to tropical islands to see a pile of coal, and if you ask someone else, you'll probably get the same answer. So, since you were told to “go see the coals” when you left your ship, you do what you're told. These coals, remnants of the supply kept here for English warships, were left behind when the naval base moved. The Spaniards initially planned to use them and even built a tramway from Clarence to transport them. But by the time the tramway was completed, their interest had fizzled out, and the coals remain there to this day. Occasionally, someone thinks they’re still usable for a steamer, and while some people claim they work fine, others argue they’re completely useless. Ultimately, a few thousand years from now, geologists will likely argue over this unusual coal deposit on Fernando Po, crafting theories about it by raising and lowering continents and oceans, and they will probably find more excitement and enjoyment in it than you do today.
The history of the English occupation of Fernando Po seems often misunderstood, and now and then one hears our Government reviled for handing it over to the Spaniards. But this was unavoidable, for we had it as a loan from Spain in 1827 as a naval station for our ships, at that time energetically commencing to suppress the slave trade in the Bights; the idea being that this island would afford a more healthy and convenient spot for a naval depot than any port on the coast itself.
The history of the English occupation of Fernando Po is often misunderstood, and occasionally we hear our Government criticized for giving it back to the Spaniards. But this was unavoidable, as we had it on loan from Spain in 1827 as a naval base for our ships, which were then actively working to suppress the slave trade in the Bights. The idea was that this island would provide a healthier and more convenient location for a naval depot than any port on the mainland.
More convenient Fernando Po certainly was, but not more healthy, and ever since 1827 it has been accumulating for itself an evil reputation for unhealthiness which is only languishing just at present because there is an interval between its epidemics - fever in Fernando Po, even more than on the mainland, having periodic outbursts of a more serious type than the normal intermittent and remittent of the Coast. Moreover, Fernando Po shares with Senegal the undoubted yet doubtful honour of having had regular yellow fever. In 1862 and 1866 this disease was imported by a ship that had come from Havana. Since then it has not appeared in the definite South American form, and therefore does not seem to have obtained the foothold it has in Senegal, where a few years ago all the money voted for the keeping of the Fête Nationale was in one district devoted by public consent to the purchase of coffins, required by an overwhelming outbreak of Yellow Jack.
Fernando Po was definitely more convenient, but not healthier, and since 1827, it has been building a bad reputation for unhealthiness, which is only temporarily subsiding right now because there's a gap between its epidemics. Fever in Fernando Po, even more so than on the mainland, tends to have periodic outbreaks that are more serious than the usual periodic and remittent fevers found along the Coast. Additionally, Fernando Po shares the dubious honor with Senegal of having experienced regular yellow fever. In 1862 and 1866, this disease was brought in by a ship from Havana. Since then, it hasn't shown up in the typical South American form, so it doesn't seem to have taken root there like it has in Senegal, where a few years ago, all the money allocated for the Fête Nationale was unanimously redirected in one district to buy coffins, needed due to a severe outbreak of Yellow Jack.
In 1858 the Spanish Government thinking, presumably, that the slave trade was suppressed enough, or at any rate to a sufficiently inconvenient extent, re-claimed Fernando Po, to the horror of the Baptist missionaries who had settled in Clarence apparently under the erroneous idea that the island had been definitely taken over by the English. This mission had received from the West African Company a large grant of land, and had collected round it a gathering of Sierra Leonians and other artisan and trading Africans who were attracted to Clarence by the work made by the naval station; and these people, with the English traders who also settled here for a like reason, were the founders of Clarence Town. The declaration of the Spanish Government stating that only Roman Catholic missions would be countenanced caused the Baptists to abandon their possessions and withdraw to the mainland in Ambas Bay, where they have since remained, and nowadays Protestantism is represented by a Methodist Mission which has a sub-branch on the mainland on the Akwayafe River and one on the Qua Ibo.
In 1858, the Spanish Government, thinking that the slave trade had been suppressed enough or was at least inconvenient enough, took back Fernando Po. This shocked the Baptist missionaries who had settled in Clarence, believing erroneously that the English had permanently taken over the island. This mission had received a large grant of land from the West African Company and had gathered a community of Sierra Leonians and other African artisans and traders who were drawn to Clarence because of the naval station's activities. These people, along with the English traders who settled there for similar reasons, established Clarence Town. The Spanish Government's statement that only Roman Catholic missions would be supported forced the Baptists to abandon their land and move to the mainland in Ambas Bay, where they have remained since. Today, Protestantism is represented by a Methodist Mission that has a sub-branch on the mainland at the Akwayafe River and another one at the Qua Ibo.
The Spaniards, on resuming possession of the island, had one of their attacks of activity regarding it, and sent out with Don Carlos Chacon, who was to take over the command, four Jesuit priests, a secretary, a commissariat officer, a custom-house clerk, and a transport, the Santa Maria, with a number of emigrant families. This attempt to colonise Fernando Po should have at least done the good of preventing such experiments ever being tried again with women and children, for of these unfortunate creatures - for whom, in spite of its being the wet season, no houses had been provided - more than 20 per cent. died in the space of five months. Mr. Hutchinson, who was English Consul at the time, tells us that “In a very short time gaunt figures of men, women, and children might be seen crawling through the streets, with scarcely an evidence of life in their faces, save the expression of a sort of torpid carelessness as to how soon it might be their turn to drop off and die. The Portino, a steamer, carried back fifty of them to Cadiz, who looked when they embarked more like living skeletons of skin and bone than animated human beings.” {47} I quote this not to cast reproach on the Spanish Government, but merely to give a fact, a case in point, of the deadly failure of endeavours to colonise on the West Coast, a thing which is even now occasionally attempted, always with the same sad results, though in most cases these attempts are now made by religious but misinformed people under Bishop Taylor’s mission.
The Spaniards, upon taking back control of the island, got to work and sent out Don Carlos Chacon, who was to take over the command, along with four Jesuit priests, a secretary, a commissariat officer, a customs clerk, and a transport ship, the Santa Maria, carrying several emigrant families. This effort to colonize Fernando Po should have at least served to prevent such ventures from being attempted again with women and children, as over 20 percent of these unfortunate individuals—who, despite it being the wet season, were provided with no shelters—died within five months. Mr. Hutchinson, who was the English Consul at the time, stated, “In a very short time, gaunt figures of men, women, and children could be seen wandering through the streets, with hardly any signs of life on their faces, except for a sort of heavy indifference to how soon it might be their turn to fall and die. The Portino, a steamer, took fifty of them back to Cadiz, and they looked more like living skeletons made of skin and bone than actual human beings.” {47} I mention this not to criticize the Spanish Government but simply to highlight a fact: a clear example of the disastrous failure of colonization efforts on the West Coast, something that is still occasionally attempted today, always resulting in the same unfortunate outcome, though nowadays, these attempts are often led by well-meaning but misinformed individuals under Bishop Taylor's mission.
The Spaniards did not entirely confine their attention to planting colonists in a ready-made state on the island. As soon as they had settled themselves and built their barracks and Government House, they set to work and cleared away the bush for an area of from four to six miles round the town. The ground soon became overgrown again, but this clearing is still perceptible in the different type of forest on it, and has enabled the gardens and little plantations round Clarence to be made more easily. My Spanish friends assure me that the Portuguese, who discovered the island in 1471, {48a} and who exchanged it and Anno Bom in 1778 to the Spaniards for the little island of Catalina and the colony of Sacramento in South America, did not do anything to develop it. When they, the Spaniards, first entered into possession they at once set to work to colonise and clear. Then the colonisation scheme went to the bad, the natives poisoned the wells, it is said, and the attention of the Spaniards was in those days turned, for some inscrutable reason, to the eastern shores of the island - a district now quite abandoned by whites, on account of its unhealthiness - and they lost in addition to the colonists a terrible quantity of their sailors, in Concepcion Bay. {48b} A lull then followed, and the Spaniards willingly lent the place to the English as aforesaid. They say we did nothing except establish Clarence as a headquarters, which they consider to have been a most excellent enterprise, and import the Baptist Mission, which they hold as a less estimable undertaking; but there! that’s nothing to what the Baptist Mission hold regarding the Spaniards. For my own part, I wish the Spaniards better luck this time in their activity, for in directing it to plantations they are on a truer and safer road to wealth than they have been with their previous importations of Cuban political prisoners and ready-made families of colonists, and I hope they will send home those unfortunate wretches they have there now, and commence, in their expected two years, to reap the profits of the coffee and cocoa. Certainly the chances are that they may, for the soil of Fernando Po is of exceeding fertility; Mr. Hutchinson says he has known Indian corn planted here on a Monday evening make its appearance four inches above ground on the following Wednesday morning, within a period, he carefully says, of thirty-six hours. I have seen this sort of thing over in Victoria, but I like to get a grown, strong man, and a Consul of Her Britannic Majesty, to say it for me.
The Spaniards didn't just focus on settling colonists in a ready-made state on the island. Once they had established themselves and built their barracks and Government House, they started clearing the land for an area of four to six miles around the town. The area quickly became overgrown again, but this clearing is still noticeable in the different types of forest that grew there, making it easier to create the gardens and small plantations around Clarence. My Spanish friends tell me that the Portuguese, who discovered the island in 1471, {48a} and who traded it along with Anno Bom to the Spaniards in 1778 for the small island of Catalina and the colony of Sacramento in South America, didn't do anything to develop it. When the Spaniards first took possession, they immediately started settling and clearing the land. However, the colonization plan faced many challenges; the natives allegedly poisoned the wells, and for reasons unknown, the Spaniards shifted their focus to the eastern shores of the island—a now completely abandoned area by whites due to its poor health conditions—and they lost many sailors in Concepcion Bay. {48b} A period of calm followed, and the Spaniards willingly handed the place over to the English as mentioned earlier. They say we did nothing except establish Clarence as a headquarters, which they see as a fantastic initiative, and introduce the Baptist Mission, which they view as a less admirable effort; however, that’s nothing compared to what the Baptist Mission thinks of the Spaniards. Personally, I hope the Spaniards have better luck this time. By focusing on plantations, they’re on a more reliable path to wealth than they were with their previous imports of Cuban political prisoners and pre-assembled families of colonists. I hope they send home those unfortunate souls they have there now and start to reap the rewards from coffee and cocoa in the expected two years. The chances are good, because the soil of Fernando Po is extremely fertile; Mr. Hutchinson says he has seen Indian corn planted on a Monday evening sprout four inches by the following Wednesday morning, in a period he notes carefully as thirty-six hours. I’ve seen similar things over in Victoria, but I prefer to let a grown, strong man, namely a Consul of Her Britannic Majesty, say it for me.
Having discoursed at large on the various incomers to Fernando Po we may next turn to the natives, properly so-called, the Bubis. These people, although presenting a series of interesting problems to the ethnologist, both from their insular position, and their differentiation from any of the mainland peoples, are still but little known. To a great extent this has arisen from their exclusiveness, and their total lack of enthusiasm in trade matters, a thing that differentiates them more than any other characteristic from the mainlanders, who, young and old, men and women, regard trade as the great affair of life, take to it as soon as they can toddle, and don’t even leave it off at death, according to their own accounts of the way the spirits of distinguished traders still dabble and interfere in market matters. But it is otherwise with the Bubi. A little rum, a few beads, and finish - then he will turn the rest of his attention to catching porcupines, or the beautiful little gazelles, gray on the back, and white underneath, with which the island abounds. And what time he may have on hand after this, he spends in building houses and making himself hats. It is only his utterly spare moments that he employs in making just sufficient palm oil from the rich supply of nuts at his command to get that rum and those beads of his. Cloth he does not want; he utterly fails to see what good the stuff is, for he abhors clothes. The Spanish authorities insist that the natives who come into the town should have something on, and so they array themselves in a bit of cotton cloth, which before they are out of sight of the town on their homeward way, they strip off and stuff into their baskets, showing in this, as well as in all other particulars, how uninfluencible by white culture they are. For the Spaniards, like the Portuguese, are great sticklers for clothes and insist on their natives wearing them - usually with only too much success. I shall never forget the yards and yards of cotton the ladies of Loanda wore; and not content with making cocoons of their bodies, they wore over their heads, as a mantilla, some dozen yards or so of black cloth into the bargain. Moreover this insistence on drapery for the figure is not merely for towns; a German officer told me the other day that when, a week or so before, his ship had called at Anno Bom, they were simply besieged for “clo’, clo’, clo’;” the Anno Bomians explaining that they were all anxious to go across to Principe and get employment on coffee plantations, but that the Portuguese planters would not engage them in an unclothed state.
Having talked extensively about the various newcomers to Fernando Po, we can now focus on the natives, specifically the Bubis. These people, while posing a number of intriguing questions for ethnologists due to their island location and distinct differences from mainland populations, are still relatively unknown. Much of this is due to their exclusivity and complete disinterest in trade, which sets them apart more than any other trait from the mainlanders, who, regardless of age or gender, view trade as the most important aspect of life, starting as young as they can walk, and even claiming that the spirits of prominent traders continue to engage in market activities after death. In contrast, the Bubi are different. A little rum, a few beads, and that's it—they’ll then focus on catching porcupines or the lovely little gazelles that are gray on top and white underneath, abundant on the island. Any free time they have after that is spent building houses and making hats. They only use their very spare moments to produce just enough palm oil from the plentiful nuts available to buy their rum and beads. They have no interest in cloth; they simply don’t see its value, as they dislike clothing. The Spanish authorities insist that the natives coming into town should wear something, so they wrap themselves in a bit of cotton cloth, which they strip off and hide in their baskets as soon as they’re out of sight of the town, demonstrating just how unaffected they are by European culture. The Spaniards, like the Portuguese, are very particular about clothing and expect their natives to wear it—often successfully. I will never forget the yards and yards of cotton the women of Loanda wore; not satisfied with wrapping their bodies, they also donned several yards of black cloth over their heads as a mantilla. Additionally, this insistence on clothing applies beyond the towns; a German officer told me recently that when his ship stopped at Anno Bom a week ago, they were overwhelmed with requests for “clo’, clo’, clo’,” with the Anno Bomians explaining that they were eager to go to Principe for work on coffee plantations, but the Portuguese planters wouldn’t hire them if they were unclothed.
You must not, however, imagine that the Bubi is neglectful of his personal appearance. In his way he is quite a dandy. But his idea of decoration goes in the direction of a plaster of “tola” pomatum over his body, and above all a hat. This hat may be an antique European one, or a bound-round handkerchief, but it is more frequently a confection of native manufacture, and great taste and variety are displayed in its make. They are of plaited palm leaf - that’s all you can safely generalise regarding them - for sometimes they have broad brims, sometimes narrow, sometimes no brims at all. So, too, with the crown. Sometimes it is thick and domed, sometimes non-existent, the wearer’s hair aglow with red-tail parrots’ feathers sticking up where the crown should be. As a general rule these hats are much adorned with oddments of birds’ plumes, and one chief I knew had quite a Regent-street Dolly Varden creation which he used to affix to his wool in a most intelligent way with bonnet-pins made of wood. These hats are also a peculiarity of the Bubi, for none of the mainlanders care a row of pins for hats, except “for dandy,” to wear occasionally, whereas the Bubi wears his perpetually, although he has by no means the same amount of sun to guard against owing to the glorious forests of his island.
You shouldn’t think that the Bubi ignores his appearance. In his own way, he’s quite a dandy. But his idea of dressing up involves layering a type of “tola” pomade all over his body, and most importantly, wearing a hat. This hat could be an old European style or a wrapped handkerchief, but it’s usually a handmade creation that shows off great taste and variety. They’re made from woven palm leaves—that’s the only generalization you can really make about them—because sometimes they have wide brims, sometimes narrow ones, and sometimes no brims at all. The crown varies too; it can be thick and rounded, or entirely absent, leaving the wearer’s hair decorated with bright red parrot feathers where the crown would normally be. Typically, these hats are adorned with bits of bird feathers, and I knew one chief who had quite an elaborate creation that he attached to his hair using wooden bonnet pins in a very clever way. These hats are unique to the Bubi, as none of the mainlanders care much about hats, except for the occasional fancy one, whereas the Bubi wears his all the time, even though he doesn’t have the same need for sun protection thanks to the beautiful forests on his island.
For earrings the Bubi wears pieces of wood stuck through the lobe of the ear, and although this is not a decorative habit still it is less undecorative than that of certain mainland friends of mine in this region, who wear large and necessarily dripping lumps of fat in their ears and in their hair. His neck is hung round with jujus on strings - bits of the backbones of pythons, teeth, feathers, and antelope horns, and occasionally a bit of fat in a bag. Round his upper arm are bracelets, preferably made of ivory got from the mainland, for celluloid bracelets carefully imported for his benefit he refuses to look at. Often these bracelets are made of beads, or a circlet of leaves, and when on the war-path an armlet of twisted grass is always worn by the men. Men and women alike wear armlets, and in the case of the women they seem to be put on when young, for you see puffs of flesh growing out from between them. They are not entirely for decoration, serving also as pockets, for under them men stick a knife, and women a tobacco pipe, a well-coloured clay. Leglets of similar construction are worn just under the knee on the right leg, while around the body you see belts of tshibbu, small pieces cut from Achatectonia shells, which form the native currency of the island. These shells are also made into veils worn by the women at their wedding.
For earrings, the Bubi wear pieces of wood through their earlobes, and while this isn’t really decorative, it’s still less unattractive than what some of my mainland friends wear in this area, like large, oozing clumps of fat in their ears and hair. His neck is adorned with strings of jujus—pieces of python backbone, teeth, feathers, and antelope horns, along with the occasional bag of fat. Around his upper arm are bracelets, preferably made of ivory from the mainland, because he refuses to even consider celluloid bracelets that were brought in just for him. Often, these bracelets are made of beads or woven leaves, and when going into battle, men always wear an armlet made from twisted grass. Both men and women wear armlets, and for women, it seems they’re put on when they’re young because you can see flesh bulging from between them. They’re not purely decorative; they also serve as pockets, where men tuck a knife and women keep a tobacco pipe, usually made of colorful clay. Legbands of a similar style are worn just below the knee on the right leg, while around the waist, there are belts made from tshibbu, small pieces cut from Achatectonia shells, which are the local currency of the island. These shells are also crafted into veils that women wear at their weddings.
This native coinage-equivalent is very interesting, for such things are exceedingly rare in West Africa. The only other instance I personally know of a tribe in this part of the world using a native-made coin is that of the Fans, who use little bundles of imitation axe-heads. Dr. Oscar Baumann, who knows more than any one else about these Bubis, thinks, I believe, that these bits of Achatectonia shells may have been introduced by the runaway Angola slaves in the old days, who used to fly from their Portuguese owners on San Thomé to the Spaniards on Fernando Po. The villages of the Bubis are in the forest in the interior of the island, and they are fairly wide apart. They are not a sea-beach folk, although each village has its beach, which merely means the place to which it brings its trade, these beaches being usually the dwelling places of the so-called Portos, {51} negroes, who act as middle-men between the Bubis and the whites.
This native currency is really interesting, as such things are extremely rare in West Africa. The only other example I know of a tribe in this region using a locally made coin is the Fans, who use small bundles of fake axe heads. Dr. Oscar Baumann, who knows more about the Bubis than anyone else, believes that these pieces of Achatectonia shells might have been introduced by runaway Angola slaves in the past, who used to escape from their Portuguese owners on San Thomé to the Spaniards on Fernando Po. The Bubi villages are located in the forest in the island's interior, and they are fairly spread out. They are not coastal people, although each village has its own beach, which just serves as a place for their trade. These beaches are usually where the so-called Portos, {51} negroes, live, acting as intermediaries between the Bubis and the whites.
You will often be told that the Bubis are singularly bad house-builders, indeed that they make no definite houses at all, but only rough shelters of branches. This is, however, a mistake. Shelters of this kind that you come across are merely the rough huts put up by hunters, not true houses. The village is usually fairly well built, and surrounded with a living hedge of stakes. The houses inside this are four-cornered, the walls made of logs of wood stuck in edgeways, and surmounted by a roof of thatch pitched at an extremely stiff angle, and the whole is usually surrounded with a dug-out drain to carry off surface water. These houses, as usual on the West Coast, are divisible into two classes - houses of assembly, and private living houses. The first are much the larger. The latter are very low, and sometimes ridiculously small, but still they are houses and better than those awful Loango grass affairs you get on the Congo.
You’ll often hear that the Bubis are terrible at building houses, or that they don’t make actual houses at all—just makeshift shelters out of branches. However, that’s a misconception. The shelters you encounter are just the basic huts constructed by hunters, not real houses. The village is typically well-built and surrounded by a living hedge of stakes. The houses within it are rectangular, with walls made from logs placed on their sides and topped with a thatched roof slanted at a steep angle. They’re usually encircled by a dug-out drainage ditch to manage surface water. These houses, like others on the West Coast, fall into two categories—assembly houses and private living quarters. The assembly houses are much larger. The private ones are quite low, and some are almost comically small, but they are houses nonetheless and much better than those terrible grass huts you find in Loango.
Herr Baumann says that the houses high up on the mountain have double walls between which there is a free space; an arrangement which may serve to minimise the extreme draughtiness of an ordinary Bubi house - a very necessary thing in these relatively chilly upper regions. I may remark on my own account that the Bubi villages do not often lie right on the path, but, like those you have to deal with up the Calabar, some little way off it. This is no doubt for the purpose of concealing their whereabouts from strangers, and it does it successfully too, for many a merry hour have I spent dodging up and down a path trying to make out at what particular point it was advisable to dive into the forest thicket to reach a village. But this cultivates habits of observation, and a short course of this work makes you recognise which tree is which along miles of a bush path as easily as you would shops in your own street at home.
Herr Baumann says that the houses high up on the mountain have double walls with a space in between; this setup helps minimize the chilly drafts typical of an average Bubi house, which is essential in these relatively cool upper regions. I should add that Bubi villages don’t usually sit right on the path, but are located a bit off it, much like those you encounter up the Calabar. This is likely to keep their locations hidden from outsiders, and it works well, as I've spent many happy hours zigzagging along a path trying to figure out the best spot to dive into the forest thicket to reach a village. However, this develops strong observational skills, and after a short time doing this, you can recognize which tree is which along a long bush path just as easily as you would identify shops on your own street at home.
The main interest of the Bubi’s life lies in hunting, for he is more of a sportsman than the majority of mainlanders. He has not any big game to deal with, unless we except pythons - which attain a great size on the island - and crocodiles. Elephants, though plentiful on the adjacent mainland, are quite absent from Fernando Po, as are also hippos and the great anthropoid apes; but of the little gazelles, small monkeys, porcupines, and squirrels he has a large supply, and in the rivers a very pretty otter (Lutra poensis) with yellow brown fur often quite golden underneath; a creature which is, I believe, identical with the Angola otter.
The main focus of the Bubi’s life is hunting, as he is more of a sportsman than most people on the mainland. He doesn’t have any big game to pursue, except for pythons—which can grow quite large on the island—and crocodiles. Elephants, while abundant on the nearby mainland, are completely absent from Fernando Po, as are hippos and the large anthropoid apes. However, he has plenty of smaller animals like gazelles, small monkeys, porcupines, and squirrels, and in the rivers, there's a very attractive otter (Lutra poensis) with yellow-brown fur that is often quite golden underneath; a creature that I believe is the same as the Angola otter.
The Bubis use in their hunting flint-lock guns, but chiefly traps and nets, and, I am told, slings. The advantage of these latter methods are, I expect, the same as on the mainland, where a distinguished sportsman once told me: “You go shoot thing with gun. Berrah well - but you no get him thing for sure. No, sah. Dem gun make nize. Berrah well. You fren hear dem nize and come look him, and you hab to go share what you done kill. Or bad man hear him nize, and he come look him, and you no fit to get share - you fit to get kill yusself. Chii! chii! traps be best.” I urged that the traps might also be robbed. “No, sah,” says he, “them bian (charm) he look after them traps, he fit to make man who go tief swell up and bust.”
The Bubis use flint-lock guns for hunting, but mostly rely on traps and nets, and I’ve also heard they use slings. The advantage of these methods is probably the same as on the mainland, where a well-known sportsman once told me: “You can shoot things with a gun. Sure, but you might not get what you aim for. No, sir. Those guns make noise. That’s fine, but your friends hear that noise and come to check it out, and then you have to share what you’ve killed. Or a bad guy hears that noise, comes over, and you might not get to share—you could end up getting killed yourself. No way! Traps are the best.” I pointed out that traps could also be stolen. “No, sir,” he replied, “there’s a charm that protects those traps, and it could make anyone who tries to steal them swell up and burst.”
The Bubis also fish, mostly by basket traps, but they are not experts either in this or in canoe management. Their chief sea-shore sport is hunting for the eggs of the turtles who lay in the sand from August to October. These eggs - about 200 in each nest - are about the size of a billiard-ball, with a leathery envelope, and are much valued for food, as are also the grubs of certain beetles got from the stems of the palm-trees, and the honey of the wild bees which abound here.
The Bubis also fish, mainly using basket traps, but they aren't particularly skilled at it or in managing canoes. Their main beach activity is searching for turtle eggs, which are laid in the sand from August to October. These eggs, roughly the size of a billiard ball and covered in a leathery shell, are highly prized for food, along with the grubs of certain beetles found in palm tree stems and the honey from the wild bees that are plentiful here.
Their domestic animals are the usual African list; cats, dogs, sheep, goats, and poultry. Pigs there are too, very domestic in Clarence and in a wild state in the forest. These pigs are the descendants of those imported by the Spaniards, and not long ago became such an awful nuisance in Clarence that the Government issued instructions that all pigs without rings in their noses - i.e. all in a condition to grub up back gardens - should be forthwith shot if found abroad. This proclamation was issued by the governmental bellman thus: - “I say - I say - I say - I say. Suppose pig walk - iron no live for him nose! Gun shoot. Kill him one time. Hear re! hear re!”
Their domestic animals include the typical African variety: cats, dogs, sheep, goats, and poultry. Pigs are also present, quite domesticated in Clarence and wild in the forest. These pigs are descendants of those brought over by the Spaniards and recently became such a nuisance in Clarence that the Government ordered that all pigs without rings in their noses—meaning all those able to dig up backyards—should be shot immediately if found roaming. This announcement was made by the government’s town crier like this: “I say— I say— I say— I say. If a pig walks and has no ring in its nose! Gun shoot. Kill it right away. Hear ye! hear ye!”
However a good many pigs with no iron living in their noses got adrift and escaped into the interior, and have flourished like the green bay-tree, destroying the Bubi’s plantation and eating his yams, while the Bubi retaliating kills and eats them. So it’s a drawn battle, for the Bubi enjoys the pig and the pig enjoys the yams, which are of singular excellence in this island and celebrated throughout the Bight. Now, I am told, the Government are firmly discouraging the export of these yams, which used to be quite a little branch of Fernando Po trade, in the hope that this will induce the native to turn his attention to working in the coffee and cacao plantations. Hope springs eternal in the human breast, for the Bubi has shown continually since the 16th century that he takes no interest in these things whatsoever. Now and again a man or woman will come voluntarily and take service in Clarence, submit to clothes, and rapidly pick up the ways of a house or store. And just when their owner thinks he owns a treasure, and begins to boast that he has got an exception to all Bubidom, or else that he knows how to manage them better than other men, then a hole in that man’s domestic arrangements suddenly appears. The Bubi has gone, without giving a moment’s warning, and without stealing his master’s property, but just softly and silently vanished away. And if hunted up the treasure will be found in his or her particular village - clothes-less, comfortable, utterly unconcerned, and unaware that he or she has lost anything by leaving Clarence and Civilisation. It is this conduct that gains for the Bubi the reputation of being a bigger idiot than he really is.
However, quite a few pigs without iron noses got loose and escaped into the interior, where they've thrived like the green bay tree, destroying the Bubi’s plantations and eating his yams. In retaliation, the Bubi kills and eats them. So it’s a stalemate, because the Bubi enjoys the pig, and the pig enjoys the yams, which are exceptionally good on this island and well known throughout the Bight. Now, I’ve heard that the Government is actively discouraging the export of these yams, which used to be a small part of Fernando Po's trade, hoping this will encourage the locals to focus on working in the coffee and cacao plantations. Hope springs eternal in the human heart, as the Bubi has consistently shown since the 16th century that he has no interest in these things at all. Now and then, a man or woman will voluntarily come and work in Clarence, adapt to wearing clothes, and quickly learn the ways of a house or store. Just when their owner believes they’ve found a treasure and begins to brag about having an exception to all Bubidom, or that they know how to manage them better than others, a gap suddenly appears in that person's household. The Bubi has left without a moment's notice, and without taking anything from his master, simply vanishing quietly. And if you track them down, you’ll find the treasure back in their village—clothesless, comfortable, completely unconcerned, and unaware that they’ve lost anything by leaving Clarence and civilization. It’s this behavior that gives the Bubi a reputation for being a bigger fool than he actually is.
For West Africans their agriculture is of a fairly high description - the noteworthy point about it, however, is the absence of manioc. Manioc is grown on Fernando Po, but only by the Portos. The Bubi cultivated plants are yams (Dioscorea alata), koko (Colocasia esculenta - the taro of the South Seas,) and plantains. Their farms are well kept, particularly those in the grass districts by San Carlos Bay. The yams of the Cordillera districts are the best flavoured, but those of the east coast the largest. Palm-oil is used for domestic purposes in the usual ways, and palm wine both fresh and fermented is the ordinary native drink. Rum is held in high esteem, but used in a general way in moderation as a cordial and a treat, for the Bubi is, like the rest of the West African natives, by no means an habitual drunkard. Gin he dislikes. {55}
For West Africans, their agriculture is quite advanced, but the notable thing is the lack of manioc. Manioc is grown on Fernando Po, but only by the Portos. The Bubi grow yams (Dioscorea alata), koko (Colocasia esculenta - the taro of the South Seas), and plantains. Their farms are well-maintained, especially those in the grass areas near San Carlos Bay. The yams from the Cordillera districts have the best flavor, while those from the east coast are the largest. Palm oil is commonly used for cooking, and both fresh and fermented palm wine is the regular drink among locals. Rum is highly regarded, but it is generally consumed in moderation as a cordial or treat, as the Bubi, like other West African natives, are not habitual drunkards. They tend to dislike gin. {55}
And I may remark you will find the same opinion in regard to the Dualla in Cameroons river - on the undeniable authority of Dr. Buchner, and my own extensive experience of the West Coast bears it out.
And I should point out that you'll find the same opinion about the Dualla in the Cameroons River—based on the undeniable authority of Dr. Buchner, and my own extensive experience on the West Coast supports it.
Physically the Bubis are a fairly well-formed race of medium height; they are decidedly inferior to the Benga or the Krus, but quite on a level with the Effiks. The women indeed are very comely: their colour is bronze and their skin the skin of the Bantu. Beards are not uncommon among the men, and these give their faces possibly more than anything else, a different look to the faces of the Effiks or the Duallas. Indeed the people physically most like the Bubis that I have ever seen, are undoubtedly the Bakwiri of Cameroons Mountain, who are also liable to be bearded, or possibly I should say more liable to wear beards, for a good deal of the African hairlessness you hear commented on - in the West African at any rate - arises from his deliberately pulling his hair out - his beard, moustache, whiskers, and, occasionally, as among the Fans, his eyebrows.
Physically, the Bubis are a well-formed group of average height; they are definitely not as advanced as the Benga or the Krus, but they are pretty much on par with the Effiks. The women are indeed very attractive: their skin has a bronze tone and resembles that of the Bantu. It's not uncommon for men to have beards, which give their faces a different appearance compared to those of the Effiks or the Duallas. In fact, the people who most resemble the Bubis that I’ve encountered are definitely the Bakwiri from the Cameroons Mountain, who are also likely to have beards, or rather, they tend to wear beards more often, as much of the hairlessness commonly noted among West Africans comes from intentionally plucking out their hair—whether it’s beards, mustaches, or whiskers, and sometimes, as seen among the Fans, even their eyebrows.
Dr. Baumann, the great authority on the Bubi language says it is a Bantu stock. {56} I know nothing of it myself save that it is harsh in sound. Their method of counting is usually by fives but they are notably weak in arithmetical ability, differing in this particular from the mainlanders, and especially from their Negro neighbours, who are very good at figures, surpassing the Bantu in this, as indeed they do in most branches of intellectual activity.
Dr. Baumann, an expert on the Bubi language, says it comes from a Bantu origin. {56} I don’t know much about it except that it sounds harsh. They usually count in fives, but they're not very good at math, which sets them apart from the mainlanders, especially their Black neighbors, who are quite skilled with numbers and excel in that area, as well as in most other intellectual pursuits.
But the most remarkable instance of inferiority the Bubis display is their ignorance regarding methods of working iron. I do not know that iron in a native state is found on Fernando Po, but scrap-iron they have been in touch with for some hundreds of years. The mainlanders are all cognisant of native methods of working iron, although many tribes of them now depend entirely on European trade for their supply of knives, etc., and this difference between them and the Bubis would seem to indicate that the migration of the latter to the island must have taken place at a fairly remote period, a period before the iron-working tribes came down to the coast. Of course, if you take the Bubi’s usual explanation of his origin, namely that he came out of the crater on the top of Clarence Peak, this argument falls through; but he has also another legend, one moreover which is likewise to be found upon the mainland, which says he was driven from the district north of the Gaboon estuary by the coming of the M’pongwe to the coast, and as this legend is the more likely of the two I think we may accept it as true, or nearly so. But what adds another difficulty to the matter is that the Bubi is not only unlearned in iron lore, but he was learned in stone, and up to the time of the youth of many Porto-negroes on Fernando Po, he was making and using stone implements, and none of the tribes within the memory of man have done this on the mainland. It is true that up the Niger and about Benin and Axim you get polished stone celts, but these are regarded as weird affairs, - thunderbolts - and suitable only for grinding up and making into medicine; there is no trace in the traditions of these places, as far as I have been able to find, of any time at which stone implements were in common use, and certainly the M’pongwe have not been a very long time on the coast, for their coming is still remembered in their traditions. The Bubi stone implements I have seen twice, but on neither occasion could I secure one, and although I have been long promised specimens from Fernando Po, I have not yet received them. They are difficult to procure, because none of the present towns are on really old sites, the Bubi, like most Bantus, moving pretty frequently, either because the ground is witched, demonstrated by outbreaks of sickness, or because another village-full of his fellow creatures, or a horrid white man plantation-making, has come too close to him. A Roman Catholic priest in Ka Congo once told me a legend he laughed much over, of how a fellow priest had enterprisingly settled himself one night in the middle of a Bubi village with intent to devote the remainder of his life to quietly but thoroughly converting it. Next morning, when he rose up, he found himself alone, the people having taken all their portable possessions and vanished to build another village elsewhere. The worthy Father spent some time chivying his flock about the forest, but in vain, and he returned home disgusted, deciding that the Creator, for some wise purpose, had dedicated the Bubis to the Devil.
But the most striking example of the Bubis' lack of knowledge is their ignorance about working with iron. I’m not sure if iron in its natural state is found on Fernando Po, but they have had access to scrap iron for several hundred years. The people on the mainland are all familiar with traditional ironworking methods, although many tribes there now rely entirely on European trade for items like knives, etc. This difference between them and the Bubis suggests that the migration of the Bubis to the island happened quite a long time ago, before the iron-working tribes arrived on the coast. Of course, if you consider the Bubi’s usual story about his origin—that he came from the crater at the top of Clarence Peak—this argument doesn’t hold up. However, he also has another legend, which is also found on the mainland, claiming he was pushed out of the area north of the Gaboon estuary by the arrival of the M’pongwe at the coast. Since this legend seems more plausible, I think we can accept it as mostly true. But another complication is that the Bubi is not only uneducated about iron but was once skilled in stone tools. Up until the time when many Porto-negroes on Fernando Po were young, the Bubi was still making and using stone implements, and none of the tribes that we know of on the mainland have done this in recent memory. There are polished stone celts found up the Niger and around Benin and Axim, but these are regarded as strange objects—thunderbolts—suitable only for grinding and making medicine; there’s no evidence in the traditions of these areas that stone tools were ever commonly used, and it's certain that the M’pongwe have not been on the coast for very long, as their arrival is still remembered in their stories. I've seen Bubi stone tools twice, but I couldn’t get one on either occasion, and although I've been promised specimens from Fernando Po for a long time, I haven’t received them yet. They’re hard to come by because none of the current towns are on ancient sites; the Bubis, like many Bantus, move quite frequently, either because they believe the land is cursed, shown by outbreaks of illness, or because another group of people or an intrusive white man trying to set up a plantation has come too close. A Roman Catholic priest in Ka Congo once shared a legend that he found amusing, about how another priest decided to settle in the middle of a Bubi village one night, intending to spend the rest of his life converting them. The next morning, he woke up to find himself alone, with the villagers having taken all their movable possessions and vanished to build a new village elsewhere. The priest spent a while chasing after his flock in the forest, but to no avail, and he returned home frustrated, concluding that for some wise purpose, the Creator had doomed the Bubis to the Devil.
The spears used by this interesting people are even to this day made entirely of wood, and have such a Polynesian look about them that I intend some time or other to bring some home and experiment on that learned Polynesian-culture-expert, Baron von Hügel, with them: - intellectually experiment, not physically, pray understand.
The spears used by this fascinating group of people are still made completely of wood, and they have a Polynesian style to them that I plan to bring some home at some point to test out on that knowledgeable Polynesian culture expert, Baron von Hügel, with them: - intellectually test, not physically, just to clarify.
The pottery has a very early-man look about it, but in this it does not differ much from that of the mainland, which is quite as poor, and similarly made without a wheel, and sun-baked. Those pots of the Bubis I have seen have, however, not had the pattern (any sort of pattern does, and it need not be carefully done) that runs round mainland pots to “keep their souls in” - i.e. to prevent their breaking up on their own account.
The pottery has a very primitive look, but it doesn’t really differ much from that of the mainland, which is just as simple and similarly made without a wheel, being sun-baked. However, the Bubis pots I’ve seen don’t have the decorative pattern (any type of pattern works, and it doesn’t have to be done meticulously) that is found on mainland pots to “keep their souls in”—that is, to prevent them from breaking on their own.
The basket-work of the Bubis is of a superior order: the baskets they make to hold the palm oil are excellent, and will hold water like a basin, but I am in doubt whether this art is original, or imported by the Portuguese runaway slaves, for they put me very much in mind of those made by my old friends the Kabinders, from whom a good many of those slaves were recruited. I think there is little doubt that several of the musical instruments own this origin, particularly their best beloved one, the elibo. This may be described as a wooden bell having inside it for clappers several (usually five) pieces of stick threaded on a bit of wood jammed into the dome of the bell and striking the rim, beyond which the clappers just protrude. These bells are very like those you meet with in Angola, but I have not seen on the island, nor does Dr. Baumann cite having seen, the peculiar double bell of Angola - the engongui. The Bubi bell is made out of one piece of wood and worked - or played - with both hands. Dr. Baumann says it is customary on bright moonlight nights for two lines of men to sit facing each other and to clap - one can hardly call it ring - these bells vigorously, but in good time, accompanying this performance with a monotonous song, while the delighted women and children dance round. The learned doctor evidently sees the picturesqueness of this practice, but notes that the words of the songs are not “tiefsinnige” (profound), as he has heard men for hours singing “The shark bites the Bubi’s hand,” only that over and over again and nothing more. This agrees with my own observations of all Bantu native songs. I have always found that the words of these songs were either the repetition of some such phrase as this, or a set of words referring to the recent adventures or experiences of the singer or the present company’s little peculiarities; with a very frequent chorus, old and conventional.
The basket-making of the Bubis is really impressive: the baskets they create for palm oil are excellent and can hold water like a basin. However, I wonder if this skill is original to them or if it was brought over by Portuguese runaway slaves, as they remind me a lot of the baskets made by my old friends the Kabinders, from whom many of those slaves came. I believe it's likely that several of their musical instruments also share this origin, especially their favorite, the elibo. This instrument is basically a wooden bell with several (usually five) pieces of stick inside that act as clappers. These sticks are threaded onto a piece of wood jammed into the bell’s dome and hit the rim, sticking out just a bit. These bells are quite similar to those found in Angola, but I haven't seen the unique double bell from Angola, called the engongui, on the island, nor has Dr. Baumann mentioned seeing it. The Bubi bell is carved from a single piece of wood and is played with both hands. Dr. Baumann notes that on bright moonlit nights, it's common for two lines of men to sit facing each other and vigorously clap these bells—it's not exactly a ringing sound—while keeping in rhythm. They accompany this with a monotonous song, as women and children joyfully dance around. The learned doctor clearly appreciates the visual appeal of this custom but points out that the lyrics of the songs aren't "profound," as he has heard men singing "The shark bites the Bubi’s hand" repeatedly for hours, with nothing else. This matches my own observations about all Bantu native songs. I've always found that the lyrics of these songs are either just repetitive phrases like this one or focus on the recent experiences of the singer or the unique traits of the people present, often with a very standard and repetitive chorus.
The native tunes used with these songs are far superior, and I expect many of them are very old. They are often full of variety and beauty, particularly those of the M’pongwe and Igalwa, of which I will speak later.
The native melodies used in these songs are much better, and I believe many of them are quite old. They often feature a lot of variety and beauty, especially those from the M’pongwe and Igalwa, which I will discuss later.
The dances I have no personal knowledge of, but there is nothing in Baumann’s description to make one think they are distinct in themselves from the mainland dances. I once saw a dance at Fernando Po, but that was among Portos, and it was my old friend the Batuco in all its beauty. But there is a distinct peculiarity about the places the dances are held on, every village having a kept piece of ground outside it which is the dancing place for the village - the ball-room as it were; and exceedingly picturesque these dances must be, for they are mostly held during the nights of full moon. These kept grounds remind one very much of the similar looking patches of kept grass one sees in villages in Ka Congo, but there is no similarity in their use, for the Ka Congo lawns are of fetish, not frivolous, import.
The dances are unfamiliar to me, but Baumann’s description doesn’t suggest that they are different from the mainland dances. I once witnessed a dance on Fernando Po, but that was among Portos, and it was my old friend the Batuco at its finest. However, there’s something uniquely special about the locations where these dances take place; each village has a designated area outside for dancing—like a ballroom. These dances must be incredibly picturesque since they mostly occur on full moon nights. These maintained areas remind me of the similar patches of grass found in villages in Ka Congo, but their purposes are quite different, as the Ka Congo lawns have a significant, not trivial, meaning.
The Bubis have an instrument I have never seen in an identical form on the mainland. It is made like a bow, with a tense string of fibre. One end of the bow is placed against the mouth, and the string is then struck by the right hand with a small round stick, while with the left it is scraped with a piece of shell or a knife-blade. This excruciating instrument, I warn any one who may think of living among the Bubis, is very popular. The drums used are both the Dualla form - all wood - and the ordinary skin-covered drum, and I think if I catalogue fifes made of wood, I shall have nearly finished the Bubi orchestra. I have doubts on this point because I rather question whether I may be allowed to refer to a very old bullock hide - unmounted - as a musical instrument without bringing down the wrath of musicians on my head. These stiff, dry pelts are much thought of, and played by the artistes by being shaken as accompaniments to other instruments - they make a noise, and that is after all the soul of most African instrumental music. These instruments are all that is left of certain bullocks which many years ago the Spaniards introduced, hoping to improve the food supply. They seemed as if they would have flourished well on the island, on the stretches of grass land in the Cordillera and the East, but the Bubis, being great sportsmen, killed them all off.
The Bubis have an instrument I’ve never seen in the same form on the mainland. It's shaped like a bow, with a tight fiber string. One end of the bow is held against the mouth, and with the right hand, you strike the string using a small round stick, while the left hand scrapes it with a piece of shell or a knife blade. This intense instrument, I warn anyone thinking of living among the Bubis, is very popular. The drums used are both the Dualla type—all wood—and the standard skin-covered drum, and I believe if I list the wooden flutes, I’ll nearly complete the Bubi orchestra. I have some doubts about this because I wonder if I can refer to a very old, unmounted bullock hide as a musical instrument without provoking the anger of musicians. These stiff, dry hides are highly valued and are played by the artists by shaking them as accompaniments to other instruments—they make noise, and that, after all, is the essence of most African instrumental music. These instruments are all that remains of certain bullocks that were introduced by the Spaniards many years ago, hoping to improve the food supply. They seemed like they would thrive on the island's grasslands in the Cordillera and the East, but the Bubis, being keen hunters, eliminated them all.
The festivities of the Bubis - dances, weddings, feasts, etc., - at which this miscellaneous collection of instruments are used in concert, usually take place in November, the dry season; but the Bubi is liable to pour forth his soul in the bosom of his family at any time of the day or night, from June to January, and when he pours it forth on that bow affair it makes the lonely European long for home.
The celebrations of the Bubis - dances, weddings, feasts, etc. - where this mix of instruments is played together, usually happen in November, during the dry season. However, the Bubi can express himself within his family at any time, day or night, from June to January, and when he does so with that bow thing, it makes the isolated European yearn for home.
Divisions of time the Bubi can hardly be said to have, but this is a point upon which all West Africans are rather weak, particularly the Bantu. He has, however, a definite name for November, December, and January - the dry season months - calling them Lobos.
Divisions of time the Bubi can barely be said to have, but this is a point where all West Africans tend to be somewhat lacking, especially the Bantu. However, they do have specific names for November, December, and January—the dry season months—referring to them as Lobos.
The Fetish of these people, although agreeing on broad lines with the Bantu Fetish, has many interesting points, as even my small knowledge of it showed me, and it is a subject that would repay further investigation; and as by fetish I always mean the governing but underlying ideas of a man’s life, we will commence with the child. Nothing, as far as I have been able to make out, happens to him, for fetish reasons, when he first appears on the scene. He receives at birth, as is usual, a name which is changed for another on his initiation into the secret society, this secret society having also, as usual, a secret language. About the age of three or five years the boy is decorated, under the auspices of the witch doctor, with certain scars on the face. These scars run from the root of the nose across the cheeks, and are sometimes carried up in a curve on to the forehead.
The beliefs of these people, while generally similar to the Bantu beliefs, have many interesting aspects that my limited knowledge has revealed, and it's a topic that deserves more exploration. When I refer to beliefs, I mean the fundamental ideas that guide a person's life, so let's start with the child. As far as I can tell, nothing specific happens to him, for belief-related reasons, when he first enters the world. At birth, he receives a name that is later changed during his initiation into a secret society, which also has its own secret language. Around the age of three to five years, the boy is marked, with the help of a witch doctor, with specific scars on his face. These scars extend from the bridge of the nose across the cheeks and sometimes curve up onto the forehead.
Tattooing, in the true sense of the word, they do not use much, but they paint themselves, as the mainlanders do, with a red paint made by burning some herb and mixing the ash with clay or oil, and they occasionally - whether for ju-ju reasons or for mere decoration I do not know - paint a band of yellow clay round the chest; but of the Bubi secret society I know little, nor have I been able to find any one who knows much more. Hutchinson, {61} in his exceedingly amusing description of a wedding he was once present at among these people, would lead one to think the period of seclusion of the women’s society was twelve months.
Tattooing, in the true sense of the word, isn’t commonly practiced, but they do paint themselves, similar to the mainlanders, with a red paint made by burning certain herbs and mixing the ash with clay or oil. Occasionally—whether for spiritual reasons or just for decoration, I’m not sure—they color a band of yellow clay around their chests. I don’t know much about the Bubi secret society, and I haven’t found anyone who knows much more either. Hutchinson, {61} in his very entertaining description of a wedding he attended among these people, suggests that the women’s society has a seclusion period of twelve months.
The chief god or spirit, O Wassa, resides in the crater of the highest peak, and by his name the peak is known to the native. Another very important spirit, to whom goats and sheep are offered, is Lobe, resident in a crater lake on the northern slope of the Cordilleras, and the grass you sometimes see a Bubi wearing is said to come from this lake and be a ju-ju of Lobe’s. Dr. Baumann says that the lake at Riabba from which the spirit Uapa rises is more holy, and that he is small, and resides in a chasm in a rock whose declivity can only be passed by means of bush ropes, and in the wet season he is not get-at-able at all. He will, if given suitable offerings, reveal the future to Bubis, but Bubis only. His priest is the King of all the Bubis, upon whom it is never permitted to a white man, or a Porto, to gaze. Baumann also gives the residence of another important spirit as being the grotto at Banni. This is a sea-cave, only accessible at low water in calm weather. I have heard many legends of this cave, but have never had an opportunity of seeing it, or any one who has seen it first hand.
The main god or spirit, O Wassa, lives in the crater of the highest mountain, and the locals know the peak by his name. Another significant spirit, to whom goats and sheep are sacrificed, is Lobe, who resides in a crater lake on the northern slope of the Cordilleras. The grass you sometimes see a Bubi wearing is said to come from this lake and is considered a charm of Lobe’s. Dr. Baumann mentions that the lake at Riabba, from which the spirit Uapa emerges, is even holier, and he is small, living in a crevice in a rock that can only be accessed using bush ropes. During the wet season, he is impossible to reach. If offered the right sacrifices, he will reveal the future to the Bubis, but only to them. His priest is the King of all the Bubis, and it’s forbidden for any white person or a Porto to look at him. Baumann also states that another important spirit resides in the grotto at Banni. This is a sea cave that can only be reached at low tide during calm weather. I have heard many stories about this cave, but I've never had a chance to see it or meet anyone who has.
The charms used by these people are similar in form to those of the mainland Bantu, but the methods of treating paths and gateways are somewhat peculiar. The gateways to the towns are sometimes covered by freshly cut banana leaves, and during the religious feast in November, the paths to the villages are barred across with a hedge of grass which no stranger must pass through.
The charms used by these people look similar to those of the mainland Bantu, but the way they treat paths and gateways is a bit unique. The entrances to the towns are sometimes covered with freshly cut banana leaves, and during the religious feast in November, the paths to the villages are blocked off with a hedge of grass that no outsider is allowed to cross.
The government is a peculiar one for West Africa. Every village has its chief, but the whole tribe obey one great chief or king who lives in the crater-ravine at Riabba. This individual is called Moka, but whether he is now the same man referred to by Rogoszinsky, Mr. Holland, and the Rev. Hugh Brown, who attempted to interview him in the seventies, I do not feel sure, for the Bubis are just the sort of people to keep a big king going with a variety of individuals. Even the indefatigable Dr. Baumann failed to see Moka, though he evidently found out a great deal about the methods of his administration and formed a very high opinion of his ability, for he says that to this one chief the people owe their present unity and orderliness; that before his time the whole island was in a state of internecine war: murder was frequent, and property unsafe. Now their social condition, according to the Doctor’s account, is a model to Europe, let alone Africa. Civil wars have been abolished, disputes between villages being referred to arbitration, and murder is swiftly and surely punished. If the criminal has bolted into the forest and cannot be found, his village is made responsible, and has to pay a fine in goats, sheep and tobacco to the value of 16 pounds. Theft is extremely rare and offences against the moral code also, the Bubis having an extremely high standard in this matter, even the little children having each a separate sleeping hut. In old days adultery was punished by cutting off the offender’s hand. I have myself seen women in Fernando Po who have had a hand cut off at the wrist, but I believe those were slave women who had suffered for theft. Slaves the Bubis do have, but their condition is the mild, poor relation or retainer form of slavery you find in Calabar, and differs from the Dualla form, for the slaves live in the same villages as their masters, while among the Duallas, as among most Bantu slave-holding tribes, the slaves are excluded from the master’s village and have separate villages of their own. For marriage ceremonies I refer you to Mr. Hutchinson. Burial customs are exceedingly quaint in the southern and eastern districts, where the bodies are buried in the forest with their heads just sticking out of the ground. In other districts the body is also buried in the forest, but is completely covered and an erection of stones put up to mark the place.
The government in West Africa is quite unique. Every village has its chief, but the entire tribe follows one major chief or king who lives in the crater-ravine at Riabba. This person is known as Moka, but I’m not sure if he’s the same individual referred to by Rogoszinsky, Mr. Holland, and the Rev. Hugh Brown, who tried to interview him in the seventies, because the Bubis tend to maintain a significant king across various individuals. Even the tireless Dr. Baumann couldn’t meet Moka, although he learned a lot about how he runs things and held him in high regard, stating that the people owe their current unity and order to him. Before Moka, the entire island was plagued by internal conflicts: murder was common, and property was at risk. According to the Doctor, their social conditions now are a model for Europe and, of course, for other parts of Africa. Civil wars have been eliminated, with village disputes now being resolved through arbitration, and murder is swiftly and definitively punished. If a criminal escapes into the forest and can’t be found, their village is held accountable and must pay a fine of goats, sheep, and tobacco worth £16. Theft is rare, as are moral offenses, and the Bubis uphold a very high standard in this regard, with even young children having their own separate sleeping huts. In the past, adultery was punished by cutting off the offender’s hand. I’ve seen women in Fernando Po with a hand cut off at the wrist, but I believe those were slave women who were punished for theft. The Bubis do practice slavery, but it resembles the mild, poor-relative form of slavery seen in Calabar, which is different from the Dualla system, where slaves live in separate villages apart from their masters. For marriage ceremonies, I suggest you consult Mr. Hutchinson. Burial customs are quite peculiar in the southern and eastern districts, where bodies are buried in the forest with their heads sticking out of the ground. In other areas, bodies are also buried in the forest but are fully covered, with a pile of stones erected to mark the spot.
Little is known of all West African fetish, still less of that of these strange people. Dr. Oscar Baumann brought to bear on them his careful unemotional German methods of observation, thereby giving us more valuable information about them and their island than we otherwise should possess. Mr. Hutchinson resided many years on Fernando Po, in the capacity of H. B. M.’s Consul, with his hands full of the affairs of the Oil Rivers and in touch with the Portos of Clarence, but he nevertheless made very interesting observations on the natives and their customs. The Polish exile and his courageous wife who ascended Clarence Peak, Mr. Rogoszinsky, and another Polish exile, Mr. Janikowski, about complete our series of authorities on the island. Dr. Baumann thinks they got their information from Porto sources - sources the learned Doctor evidently regards as more full of imagination than solid fact, but, as you know, all African travellers are occasionally in the habit of pooh-poohing each other, and I own that I myself have been chiefly in touch with Portos, and that my knowledge of the Bubi language runs to the conventional greeting form: - “Ipori?” “Porto.” “Ke Soko?’” “Hatsi soko”: - “Who are you?” “Porto.” “What’s the news?” “No news.”
Little is known about West African fetishism, even less about these peculiar people. Dr. Oscar Baumann applied his careful and objective German observation methods, giving us more valuable insights about them and their island than we would otherwise have. Mr. Hutchinson lived for many years on Fernando Po as H. B. M.’s Consul, busy with the affairs of the Oil Rivers and connected to the Portos of Clarence, yet he still made fascinating observations on the natives and their customs. The Polish exile and his brave wife who climbed Clarence Peak, Mr. Rogoszinsky, along with another Polish exile, Mr. Janikowski, nearly complete our list of authorities on the island. Dr. Baumann believes they got their information from Porto sources—sources that the learned doctor seems to think are more imaginative than factual. However, as you know, all African travelers sometimes dismiss each other, and I admit that I have mostly interacted with Portos, and my knowledge of the Bubi language is limited to the standard greetings: - “Ipori?” “Porto.” “Ke Soko?” “Hatsi soko”: - “Who are you?” “Porto.” “What’s the news?” “No news.”
Although these Portos are less interesting to the ethnologist than the philanthropist, they being by-products of his efforts, I must not leave Fernando Po without mentioning them, for on them the trade of the island depends. They are the middlemen between the Bubi and the white trader. The former regards them with little, if any, more trust than he regards the white men, and his view of the position of the Spanish Governor is that he is chief over the Portos. That he has any headship over Bubis or over the Bubi land - Itschulla as he calls Fernando Po - he does not imagine possible. Baumann says he was once told by a Bubi: “White men are fish, not men. They are able to stay a little while on land, but at last they mount their ships again and vanish over the horizon into the ocean. How can a fish possess land?” If the coffee and cacao thrive on Fernando Po to the same extent that they have already thriven on San Thomé there is but little doubt that the Bubis will become extinct; for work on plantations, either for other people, or themselves, they will not, and then the Portos will become the most important class, for they will go in for plantations. Their little factories are studded all round the shores of the coast in suitable coves and bays, and here in fairly neat houses they live, collecting palm-oil from the Bubis, and making themselves little cacao plantations, and bringing these products into Clarence every now and then to the white trader’s factory. Then, after spending some time and most of their money in the giddy whirl of that capital, they return to their homes and recover. There is a class of them permanently resident in Clarence, the city men of Fernando Po, and these are very like the Sierra Leonians of Free Town, but preferable. Their origin is practically the same as that of the Free Towners. They are the descendants of liberated slaves set free during the time of our occupation of the island as a naval depot for suppressing the slave trade, and of Sierra Leonians and Accras who have arrived and settled since then. They have some of the same “Black gennellum, Sar” style about them, but not developed to the same ridiculous extent as in the Sierra Leonians, for they have not been under our institutions. The “Nanny Po” ladies are celebrated for their beauty all along the West Coast, and very justly. They are not however, as they themselves think, the most beautiful women in this part of the world. Not at least to my way of thinking. I prefer an Elmina, or an Igalwa, or a M’pongwe, or - but I had better stop and own that my affections have got very scattered among the black ladies on the West Coast, and I no sooner remember one lovely creature whose soft eyes, perfect form and winning, pretty ways have captivated me than I think of another. The Nanny Po ladies have often a certain amount of Spanish blood in them, which gives a decidedly greater delicacy to their features - delicate little nostrils, mouths not too heavily lipped, a certain gloss on the hair, and a light in the eye. But it does not improve their colour, and I am assured that it has an awful effect on their tempers, so I think I will remain, for the present, the faithful admirer of my sable Ingramina, the Igalwa, with the little red blossoms stuck in her night-black hair, and a sweet soft look and word for every one, but particularly for her ugly husband Isaac the “Jack Wash.”
Although these Portos are less interesting to the ethnologist than to the philanthropist, since they result from the latter's efforts, I can't leave Fernando Po without mentioning them, as the island's trade relies on them. They act as middlemen between the Bubi and the white traders. The Bubi trusts them little, if at all, and believes the Spanish Governor is the leader of the Portos. He doesn't think it's possible for him to have any authority over the Bubis or their land—what he calls Itschulla. Baumann recounts that a Bubi once told him, “White men are like fish, not real people. They can stay on land for a bit, but eventually they go back to their ships and disappear over the horizon into the ocean. How can a fish own land?” If coffee and cacao grow on Fernando Po as well as they do on San Thomé, it’s likely that the Bubis will become extinct; they won’t work on plantations for others or themselves, and the Portos will become the dominant group since they'll take up plantation farming. Their small factories dot the coastline in suitable coves and bays, where they live in fairly neat houses, collect palm oil from the Bubis, create small cacao farms, and periodically bring these products to the white trader’s factory in Clarence. After spending some time and most of their money enjoying the excitement of the capital, they return home to recuperate. A group of them lives permanently in Clarence, the city dwellers of Fernando Po, and they resemble the Sierra Leonians of Free Town but are more desirable. Their origins are largely the same as those of the Free Towners; they are descendants of freed slaves released during our time occupying the island as a naval base to suppress the slave trade, along with Sierra Leonians and Accras who have settled since then. They have some of the same “Black gennellum, Sar” style, but not to the ridiculous extent seen in the Sierra Leonians, as they haven’t been influenced by our systems. The “Nanny Po” women are famous for their beauty along the West Coast, and justly so. However, they’re not, as they believe, the most beautiful women in this part of the world—at least, not in my opinion. I prefer an Elmina, an Igalwa, or a M’pongwe, but I should probably stop and admit that my affections are quite spread among the black ladies on the West Coast. I no sooner think of one lovely woman with soft eyes, a perfect form, and charming, sweet ways who has captivated me than I think of another. The Nanny Po women often have some Spanish ancestry, which gives their features a delicate touch—refined nostrils, lips that are not too full, a shine in their hair, and a spark in their eyes. But it doesn't enhance their skin tone, and I’ve been told it can have a negative impact on their tempers. So for now, I’ll remain the devoted admirer of my dark-skinned Ingramina from Igalwa, with little red flowers nestled in her night-black hair, who has a sweet, gentle look and kind words for everyone, especially for her unsightly husband, Isaac the “Jack Wash.”
CHAPTER III. VOYAGE DOWN COAST.
Wherein the voyager before leaving the Rivers discourses on dangers, to which is added some account of Mangrove swamps and the creatures that abide therein.
In which the traveler discusses the dangers before leaving the rivers, along with some information about mangrove swamps and the creatures that live there.
I left Calabar in May and joined the Benguela off Lagos Bar. My voyage down coast in her was a very pleasant one and full of instruction, for Mr. Fothergill, who was her purser, had in former years resided in Congo Français as a merchant, and to Congo Français I was bound with an empty hold as regards local knowledge of the district. He was one of that class of men, of which you most frequently find representatives among the merchants, who do not possess the power so many men along here do possess (a power that always amazes me), of living for a considerable time in a district without taking any interest in it, keeping their whole attention concentrated on the point of how long it will be before their time comes to get out of it. Mr. Fothergill evidently had much knowledge and experience of the Fernan Vaz district and its natives. He had, I should say, overdone his experiences with the natives, as far as personal comfort and pleasure at the time went, having been nearly killed and considerably chivied by them. Now I do not wish a man, however much I may deplore his total lack of local knowledge, to go so far as this. Mr. Fothergill gave his accounts of these incidents calmly, and in an undecorated way that gave them a power and convincingness verging on being unpleasant, although useful, to a person who was going into the district where they had occurred, for one felt there was no mortal reason why one should not personally get involved in similar affairs. And I must here acknowledge the great subsequent service Mr. Fothergill’s wonderfully accurate descriptions of the peculiar characteristics of the Ogowé forests were to me when I subsequently came to deal with these forests on my own account, as every district of forest has peculiar characteristics of its own which you require to know. I should like here to speak of West Coast dangers because I fear you may think that I am careless of, or do not believe in them, neither of which is the case. The more you know of the West Coast of Africa, the more you realise its dangers. For example, on your first voyage out you hardly believe the stories of fever told by the old Coasters. That is because you do not then understand the type of man who is telling them, a man who goes to his death with a joke in his teeth. But a short experience of your own, particularly if you happen on a place having one of its periodic epidemics, soon demonstrates that the underlying horror of the thing is there, a rotting corpse which the old Coaster has dusted over with jokes to cover it so that it hardly shows at a distance, but which, when you come yourself to live alongside, you soon become cognisant of. Many men, when they have got ashore and settled, realise this, and let the horror get a grip on them; a state briefly and locally described as funk, and a state that usually ends fatally; and you can hardly blame them. Why, I know of a case myself. A young man who had never been outside an English country town before in his life, from family reverses had to take a situation as book-keeper down in the Bights. The factory he was going to was in an isolated out-of-the-way place and not in a settlement, and when the ship called off it, he was put ashore in one of the ship’s boats with his belongings, and a case or so of goods. There were only the firm’s beach-boys down at the surf, and as the steamer was in a hurry the officer from the ship did not go up to the factory with him, but said good-bye and left him alone with a set of naked savages as he thought, but really of good kindly Kru boys on the beach. He could not understand what they said, nor they what he said, and so he walked up to the house and on to the verandah and tried to find the Agent he had come out to serve under. He looked into the open-ended dining-room and shyly round the verandah, and then sat down and waited for some one to turn up. Sundry natives turned up, and said a good deal, but no one white or comprehensible, so in desperation he made another and a bolder tour completely round the verandah and noticed a most peculiar noise in one of the rooms and an infinity of flies going into the venetian shuttered window. Plucking up courage he went in and found what was left of the white Agent, a considerable quantity of rats, and most of the flies in West Africa. He then presumably had fever, and he was taken off, a fortnight afterwards, by a French boat, to whom the natives signalled, and he is not coming down the Coast again. Some men would have died right out from a shock like this.
I left Calabar in May and joined the Benguela off Lagos Bar. My trip down the coast on her was really enjoyable and full of lessons, since Mr. Fothergill, her purser, had previously lived in Congo Français as a merchant. I was heading to Congo Français with an empty hold when it came to local knowledge of the area. He was one of those people you often find among merchants who can't seem to care about the place they're in; they’re only focused on how soon they can leave. Mr. Fothergill, however, clearly had a deep understanding of the Fernan Vaz area and its people. I’d say he had a bit too much experience with the locals in terms of personal comfort and enjoyment; he had nearly been killed and had quite a few scary encounters with them. I wouldn’t want anyone, no matter how much I regret their lack of local knowledge, to go through that much. Mr. Fothergill shared his stories calmly and without embellishments, which made them powerful and somewhat unsettling yet useful for someone entering that region, as it made you feel like you could easily face similar situations yourself. I must recognize how valuable Mr. Fothergill’s incredibly precise descriptions of the unique features of the Ogowé forests were to me later when I had to navigate those forests on my own, as each forest region has its own specific characteristics that you need to know. I also want to address the dangers of the West Coast, as I worry you might think I am careless about them, which is not true. The more familiar you become with the West Coast of Africa, the more you see its risks. For example, when you first sail out, you might find it hard to believe the fever stories shared by seasoned sailors. That’s because you don’t understand the kind of person telling them—a man who might laugh in the face of death. But just a little experience, especially if you hit a place during one of its fever outbreaks, quickly shows you that the underlying horror is very real, like a decaying corpse covered with jokes that, while they might mask it a bit from afar, are distinctly visible when you live closely with it. Many men, once they settle ashore, come to realize this and let the fear take hold of them; it's a state commonly referred to as funk, which often ends tragically, and you can hardly blame them. I know of a case personally. A young man who had never been outside an English country town found himself in a bookkeeping job down in the Bights due to family hardships. The factory he was going to was in a remote area, not in a settlement, and when the ship arrived, he was put ashore in one of the boats with his belongings and some goods. Only the firm’s beach workers were at the surf, and since the steamer was in a hurry, the officer from the ship didn’t accompany him to the factory, but rather said goodbye and left him alone with what he thought were a group of naked savages, but they were really kind-hearted Kru boys on the beach. He couldn’t understand what they were saying, and they couldn’t understand him, so he walked up to the house, went onto the verandah, and tried to locate the Agent he was supposed to work with. He peeked into the open dining room and around the verandah, then sat down and waited for someone to show up. Various locals came by and said a lot, but no one white or understandable, so out of desperation, he took a bold walk around the verandah and noticed a strange noise coming from one of the rooms, along with an overwhelming number of flies going into a shuttered window. Gathering his courage, he went inside and found what remained of the white Agent, along with a large number of rats and most of the flies in West Africa. He presumably then got fever and was taken away two weeks later by a French boat that the locals signaled for, and he is not returning to the Coast again. Some men could have easily died from a shock like that.
But most of the new-comers do not get a shock of this order. They either die themselves or get more gradually accustomed to this sort of thing, when they come to regard death and fever as soldiers, who on a battle-field sit down, and laugh and talk round a camp fire after a day’s hard battle, in which they have seen their friends and companions falling round them; all the time knowing that to-morrow the battle comes again and that to-morrow night they themselves may never see.
But most of the newcomers don’t experience a shock like this. They either die themselves or gradually get used to it, coming to see death and fever like soldiers who sit around a campfire, laughing and talking after a tough day of fighting, even though they’ve watched their friends and fellow soldiers fall around them; all the while knowing that tomorrow there will be another battle and that they might not make it through the night.
It is not hard-hearted callousness, it is only their way. Michael Scott put this well in Tom Cringle’s Log, in his account of the yellow fever during the war in the West Indies. Fever, though the chief danger, particularly to people who go out to settlements, is not the only one; but as the other dangers, except perhaps domestic poisoning, are incidental to pottering about in the forests, or on the rivers, among the unsophisticated tribes, I will not dwell on them. They can all be avoided by any one with common sense, by keeping well out of the districts in which they occur; and so I warn the general reader that if he goes out to West Africa, it is not because I said the place was safe, or its dangers overrated. The cemeteries of the West Coast are full of the victims of those people who have said that Coast fever is “Cork fever,” and a man’s own fault, which it is not; and that natives will never attack you unless you attack them: which they will - on occasions.
It's not that they're heartless; it's just how they are. Michael Scott described this well in Tom Cringle’s Log when talking about the yellow fever during the war in the West Indies. Fever, while the main threat—especially for those heading to settlements—isn’t the only one; however, since the other dangers, except maybe for accidental poisoning at home, come from wandering around in the forests or on the rivers with the less-experienced tribes, I won't focus on them. Anyone with common sense can avoid these by staying clear of the areas where they happen. So, I must caution the average reader that if you go to West Africa, it's not because I said the place is safe or that its risks are exaggerated. The cemeteries on the West Coast are filled with the victims of those who claimed that Coast fever is just "Cork fever," and a person’s own fault—which it isn’t—and that the locals will only attack if you provoke them, which they will—at times.
My main aim in going to Congo Français was to get up above the tide line of the Ogowé River and there collect fishes; for my object on this voyage was to collect fish from a river north of the Congo. I had hoped this river would have been the Niger, for Sir George Goldie had placed at my disposal great facilities for carrying on work there in comfort; but for certain private reasons I was disinclined to go from the Royal Niger Protectorate into the Royal Niger Company’s territory; and the Calabar, where Sir Claude MacDonald did everything he possibly could to assist me, I did not find a good river for me to collect fishes in. These two rivers failing me, from no fault of either of their own presiding genii, my only hope of doing anything now lay on the South West Coast river, the Ogowé, and everything there depended on Mr. Hudson’s attitude towards scientific research in the domain of ichthyology. Fortunately for me that gentleman elected to take a favourable view of this affair, and in every way in his power assisted me during my entire stay in Congo Français. But before I enter into a detailed description of this wonderful bit of West Africa, I must give you a brief notice of the manners, habits and customs of West Coast rivers in general, to make the thing more intelligible.
My main goal in going to Congo Français was to get above the tide line of the Ogowé River to collect fish; my aim on this trip was to gather fish from a river north of the Congo. I had hoped this river would be the Niger because Sir George Goldie had arranged great facilities for me to work there comfortably; however, for personal reasons, I wasn't keen on moving from the Royal Niger Protectorate into the Royal Niger Company’s territory. Additionally, I didn't find the Calabar, where Sir Claude MacDonald did everything he could to help me, to be a good river for collecting fish. With these two rivers not meeting my needs, and not due to any fault of their own, my only hope now rested on the South West Coast river, the Ogowé, and everything depended on Mr. Hudson’s attitude towards scientific research in ichthyology. Fortunately, he chose to support this venture and assisted me in every way possible during my entire stay in Congo Français. But before I go into a detailed description of this amazing part of West Africa, I need to give you a brief overview of the manners, habits, and customs of West Coast rivers in general, to make things clearer.
There is an uniformity in the habits of West Coast rivers, from the Volta to the Coanza, which is, when you get used to it, very taking. Excepting the Congo, the really great river comes out to sea with as much mystery as possible; lounging lazily along among its mangrove swamps in a what’s-it-matter-when-one-comes-out and where’s-the-hurry style, through quantities of channels inter-communicating with each other. Each channel, at first sight as like the other as peas in a pod, is bordered on either side by green-black walls of mangroves, which Captain Lugard graphically described as seeming “as if they had lost all count of the vegetable proprieties, and were standing on stilts with their branches tucked up out of the wet, leaving their gaunt roots exposed in midair.” High-tide or low-tide, there is little difference in the water; the river, be it broad or narrow, deep or shallow, looks like a pathway of polished metal; for it is as heavy weighted with stinking mud as water e’er can be, ebb or flow, year out and year in. But the difference in the banks, though an unending alternation between two appearances, is weird.
There’s a consistency in the habits of West Coast rivers, from the Volta to the Coanza, which is quite captivating once you get used to it. Except for the Congo, the truly significant rivers flow into the sea as mysteriously as possible; they drift lazily through their mangrove swamps with a “what’s the rush?” vibe, moving through countless channels that connect with one another. Each channel, at first glance just like the next, is flanked on both sides by green-black mangrove walls. Captain Lugard vividly described them as if they had lost all sense of proper growth, standing on stilts with their branches lifted out of the water, leaving their bare roots exposed in midair. Whether it’s high tide or low tide, there’s not much difference in the water; the river, whether wide or narrow, deep or shallow, resembles a path of polished metal, heavily burdened with stinking mud as much as water ever can be, ebbing and flowing, year in and year out. But the difference in the banks, despite being an endless switch between two appearances, is strange.
At high-water you do not see the mangroves displaying their ankles in the way that shocked Captain Lugard. They look most respectable, their foliage rising densely in a wall irregularly striped here and there by the white line of an aërial root, coming straight down into the water from some upper branch as straight as a plummet, in the strange, knowing way an aërial root of a mangrove does, keeping the hard straight line until it gets some two feet above water-level, and then spreading out into blunt fingers with which to dip into the water and grasp the mud. Banks indeed at high water can hardly be said to exist, the water stretching away into the mangrove swamps for miles and miles, and you can then go, in a suitable small canoe, away among these swamps as far as you please.
At high tide, you can't see the mangroves showing off their roots like they shocked Captain Lugard. They look quite respectable, their leaves forming a dense wall, occasionally interrupted by the white line of an aerial root dropping straight down into the water from a higher branch, just like a plumb line. The way an aerial root of a mangrove behaves is quite intriguing, maintaining a straight line until it reaches about two feet above the water, then spreading out into blunt fingers that dip into the water to grab the mud. At high tide, it's hard to even say that banks exist; the water stretches out into the mangrove swamps for miles, and you can navigate through these swamps in a small canoe for as long as you want.
This is a fascinating pursuit. But it is a pleasure to be indulged in with caution; for one thing, you are certain to come across crocodiles. Now a crocodile drifting down in deep water, or lying asleep with its jaws open on a sand-bank in the sun, is a picturesque adornment to the landscape when you are on the deck of a steamer, and you can write home about it and frighten your relations on your behalf; but when you are away among the swamps in a small dug-out canoe, and that crocodile and his relations are awake - a thing he makes a point of being at flood tide because of fish coming along - and when he has got his foot upon his native heath - that is to say, his tail within holding reach of his native mud - he is highly interesting, and you may not be able to write home about him - and you get frightened on your own behalf; for crocodiles can, and often do, in such places, grab at people in small canoes. I have known of several natives losing their lives in this way; some native villages are approachable from the main river by a short cut, as it were, through the mangrove swamps, and the inhabitants of such villages will now and then go across this way with small canoes instead of by the constant channel to the village, which is almost always winding. In addition to this unpleasantness you are liable - until you realise the danger from experience, or have native advice on the point - to get tide-trapped away in the swamps, the water falling round you when you are away in some deep pool or lagoon, and you find you cannot get back to the main river. Of course if you really want a truly safe investment in Fame, and really care about Posterity, and Posterity’s Science, you will jump over into the black batter-like, stinking slime, cheered by the thought of the terrific sensation you will produce 20,000 years hence, and the care you will be taken of then by your fellow-creatures, in a museum. But if you are a mere ordinary person of a retiring nature, like me, you stop in your lagoon until the tide rises again; most of your attention is directed to dealing with an “at home” to crocodiles and mangrove flies, and with the fearful stench of the slime round you. What little time you have over you will employ in wondering why you came to West Africa, and why, after having reached this point of folly, you need have gone and painted the lily and adorned the rose, by being such a colossal ass as to come fooling about in mangrove swamps.
This is a captivating adventure. But it’s one to approach with caution; for one thing, you’re sure to encounter crocodiles. A crocodile drifting in deep water or lounging with its jaws open on a sunlit sandbank is a beautiful sight when you’re on the deck of a steamboat, allowing you to write home about it and scare your relatives. However, when you’re deep in the swamps in a small dugout canoe and that crocodile and his friends are awake—which they tend to be during high tide because of the fish coming through—and when he’s back on his home turf, with his tail practically in his muddy bed, he becomes extremely interesting in a way that could leave you too scared to write home; that’s because crocodiles can, and often do, snap at people in small canoes. I’ve heard of several locals losing their lives this way; some villages can be reached from the main river by shortcuts through the mangrove swamps, and the people from these villages sometimes choose to travel that way in small canoes instead of using the always winding channel to the village. On top of that discomfort, you might end up tide-trapped in the swamps, with the water dropping around you while you're stuck in some deep pool or lagoon, unable to return to the main river. Of course, if you really crave a truly safe bet on Fame and genuinely care about how you'll be remembered, and the future of Science, you might leap into the black, sludge-like, stinky muck, buoyed by thoughts of the incredible impression you'll make 20,000 years from now, and how well you’ll be looked after in a museum by humanity. But if you're just an ordinary, reclusive person like me, you’ll stay in your lagoon until the tide comes back in; most of your focus will be on managing a welcome party for crocodiles and mangrove flies while dealing with the awful smell of the muck surrounding you. The little free time you do have will be spent wondering why you even came to West Africa and, after reaching this level of foolishness, why you felt the need to complicate things by being such an enormous fool for wandering around in mangrove swamps.
Still, even if your own peculiar tastes and avocations do not take you in small dug-out canoes into the heart of the swamps, you can observe the difference in the local scenery made by the flowing of the tide when you are on a vessel stuck on a sand-bank, in the Rio del Rey for example. Moreover, as you will have little else to attend to, save mosquitoes and mangrove flies, when in such a situation, you may as well pursue the study. At the ebb gradually the foliage of the lower branches of the mangroves grows wet and muddy, until there is a great black band about three feet deep above the surface of the water in all directions; gradually a network of gray-white roots rises up, and below this again, gradually, a slope of smooth and lead-grey slime. The effect is not in the least as if the water had fallen, but as if the mangroves had, with one accord, risen up out of it, and into it again they seem silently to sink when the flood comes. But by this more safe, if still unpleasant, method of observing mangrove-swamps, you miss seeing in full the make of them, for away in their fastnesses the mangroves raise their branches far above the reach of tide line, and the great gray roots of the older trees are always sticking up in mid-air. But, fringing the rivers, there is always a hedge of younger mangroves whose lower branches get immersed.
Still, even if your unique interests and hobbies don’t lead you to paddle small dug-out canoes into the heart of the swamps, you can notice the changes in the local scenery caused by the tide when you're on a boat stuck on a sandbank, like in the Rio del Rey, for example. Moreover, since you won't have much else to focus on besides mosquitoes and mangrove flies in such a situation, you might as well study it. As the tide goes out, the lower branches of the mangroves become wet and muddy, creating a thick black band about three feet deep above the water's surface in every direction; gradually, a network of gray-white roots emerges, and below that, a slope of smooth, lead-gray slime appears. The effect doesn't seem like the water has dropped but rather like the mangroves have all risen up out of it, and when the tide comes back in, they seem to silently sink back down. However, by observing the mangrove swamps in this safer, albeit still unpleasant way, you miss seeing their full structure, as deep in their thickets, the mangroves lift their branches well above the tide line, and the massive gray roots of the older trees often stick up in mid-air. Yet, lining the rivers, there’s always a row of younger mangroves whose lower branches get submerged.
At corners here and there from the river face you can see the land being made from the waters. A mud-bank forms off it, a mangrove seed lights on it, and the thing’s done. Well! not done, perhaps, but begun; for if the bank is high enough to get exposed at low water, this pioneer mangrove grows. He has a wretched existence though. You have only got to look at his dwarfed attenuated form to see this. He gets joined by a few more bold spirits and they struggle on together, their network of roots stopping abundance of mud, and by good chance now and then a consignment of miscellaneous débris of palm leaves, or a floating tree-trunk, but they always die before they attain any considerable height. Still even in death they collect. Their bare white stems remaining like a net gripped in the mud, so that these pioneer mangrove heroes may be said to have laid down their lives to make that mud-bank fit for colonisation, for the time gradually comes when other mangroves can and do colonise on it, and flourish, extending their territory steadily; and the mud-bank joins up with, and becomes a part of, Africa.
At various spots along the riverbank, you can see the land being formed from the water. A mudbank develops, a mangrove seed lands on it, and just like that, it starts. Well, maybe not completely finished, but it's definitely a beginning; if the bank gets high enough to be exposed at low tide, this pioneering mangrove takes root. Its existence is tough, though. Just looking at its stunted, elongated shape makes that clear. It gets joined by a few more brave souls, and they struggle together, their tangled roots trapping plenty of mud, and occasionally a mix of debris like palm leaves or a floating tree trunk, but they always end up dying before they grow very tall. Still, even in death, they accumulate. Their bare white trunks remain like a net holding the mud, allowing these pioneering mangrove heroes to be said to have sacrificed themselves to make that mudbank ready for colonization. Eventually, other mangroves do colonize it and thrive, steadily expanding their territory; the mudbank becomes part of Africa.
Right away on the inland fringe of the swamp - you may go some hundreds of miles before you get there - you can see the rest of the process. The mangroves there have risen up, and dried the mud to an extent that is more than good for themselves, have over civilised that mud in fact, and so the brackish waters of the tide - which, although their enemy when too deep or too strong in salt, is essential to their existence - cannot get to their roots. They have done this gradually, as a mangrove does all things, but they have done it, and down on to that mud come a whole set of palms from the old mainland, who in their early colonisation days go through similarly trying experiences. First the screw-pines come and live among them; then the wine-palm and various creepers, and then the oil-palm; and the débris of these plants being greater and making better soil than dead mangroves, they work quicker and the mangrove is doomed. Soon the salt waters are shut right out, the mangrove dies, and that bit of Africa is made. It is very interesting to get into these regions; you see along the river-bank a rich, thick, lovely wall of soft-wooded plants, and behind this you find great stretches of death; - miles and miles sometimes of gaunt white mangrove skeletons standing on gray stuff that is not yet earth and is no longer slime, and through the crust of which you can sink into rotting putrefaction. Yet, long after you are dead, buried, and forgotten, this will become a forest of soft-wooded plants and palms; and finally of hard-wooded trees. Districts of this description you will find in great sweeps of Kama country for example, and in the rich low regions up to the base of the Sierra del Cristal and the Rumby range.
Right away on the inland edge of the swamp - which you may travel for hundreds of miles to get to - you can see the rest of the process. The mangroves there have grown and dried the mud to a point that's more than beneficial for them, in fact, they have overly civilized that mud, and so the brackish waters of the tide - which, although they can be a problem when too deep or too salty, are essential for their survival - can't reach their roots. They've done this gradually, as mangroves tend to do, but they have succeeded, and down onto that mud come a whole set of palms from the old mainland, which back in their early colonization days have to go through similar challenges. First, the screw-pines arrive and settle among them; then the wine-palm and various creepers show up, followed by the oil-palm; and since the leftover parts of these plants create better soil than dead mangroves, they grow quicker and the mangrove faces extinction. Soon the salt waters are completely blocked out, the mangroves die, and that piece of Africa is solidified. It’s fascinating to explore these areas; you see along the riverbank a lush, thick, beautiful wall of soft-wooded plants, and behind this you find vast stretches of decay - miles and miles sometimes of bare white mangrove skeletons standing on gray material that isn't quite soil and is no longer slime, through which you can sink into rotting decay. Yet, long after you are gone, buried, and forgotten, this will transform into a forest of soft-wooded plants and palms, and eventually into a forest of hard-wooded trees. You’ll find areas like this in large swathes of Kama country, for example, and in the rich lowlands up to the base of the Sierra del Cristal and the Rumby range.
You often hear the utter lifelessness of mangrove-swamps commented on; why I do not know, for they are fairly heavily stocked with fauna, though the species are comparatively few. There are the crocodiles, more of them than any one wants; there are quantities of flies, particularly the big silent mangrove-fly which lays an egg in you under the skin; the egg becomes a maggot and stays there until it feels fit to enter into external life. Then there are “slimy things that crawl with legs upon a slimy sea,” and any quantity of hopping mud-fish, and crabs, and a certain mollusc, and in the water various kinds of cat-fish. Birdless they are save for the flocks of gray parrots that pass over them at evening, hoarsely squarking; and save for this squarking of the parrots the swamps are silent all the day, at least during the dry season; in the wet season there is no silence night or day in West Africa, but that roar of the descending deluge of rain that is more monotonous and more gloomy than any silence can be. In the morning you do not hear the long, low, mellow whistle of the plantain-eaters calling up the dawn, nor in the evening the clock-bird nor the Handel-Festival-sized choruses of frogs, or the crickets, that carry on their vesper controversy of “she did” - “she didn’t” so fiercely on hard land.
You often hear people talk about how lifeless mangrove swamps seem; I don't know why, because they actually have a decent amount of wildlife, even if the species are relatively few. There are crocodiles—more than anyone would want; lots of flies, especially the large, silent mangrove fly that lays its eggs under your skin; those eggs turn into maggots and stay there until they’re ready to come out into the world. Then there are “slimy things that crawl with legs on a slimy sea,” plenty of hopping mudfish, crabs, a certain type of mollusk, and various kinds of catfish in the water. The swamps are mostly birdless, except for flocks of gray parrots that fly over in the evening, squawking noisily; other than the parrots’ squawking, the swamps are quiet all day during the dry season. In the wet season, there's no silence, day or night, in West Africa, just the constant roar of heavy rain that feels more depressing than any quiet can. In the morning, you don’t hear the long, low, mellow whistle of the plantain eaters greeting the dawn, nor do you hear the clock-bird or the large choruses of frogs and crickets in the evening, furiously arguing about “she did” - “she didn’t” on solid ground.
But the mangrove-swamp follows the general rule for West Africa, and night in it is noisier than the day. After dark it is full of noises; grunts from I know not what, splashes from jumping fish, the peculiar whirr of rushing crabs, and quaint creaking and groaning sounds from the trees; and - above all in eeriness - the strange whine and sighing cough of crocodiles.
But the mangrove swamp follows the general trend for West Africa, and nighttime there is louder than during the day. After dark, it’s filled with sounds; grunts from who knows what, splashes from jumping fish, the peculiar whirr of rushing crabs, and strange creaking and groaning noises from the trees; and - most eerie of all - the weird whine and sighing cough of crocodiles.
Great regions of mangrove-swamps are a characteristic feature of the West African Coast. The first of these lies north of Sierra Leone; then they occur, but of smaller dimensions - just fringes of river-outfalls - until you get to Lagos, when you strike the greatest of them all: - the swamps of the Niger outfalls (about twenty-three rivers in all) and of the Sombreiro, New Calabar, Bonny, San Antonio, Opobo (false and true), Kwoibo, Old Calabar (with the Cross Akwayafe Qwa Rivers) and Rio del Rey Rivers. The whole of this great stretch of coast is a mangrove-swamp, each river silently rolling down its great mass of mud-laden waters and constituting each in itself a very pretty problem to the navigator by its network of intercommunicating creeks, and the sand and mud bar which it forms off its entrance by dropping its heaviest mud; its lighter mud is carried out beyond its bar and makes the nasty-smelling brown soup of the South Atlantic Ocean, with froth floating in lines and patches on it, for miles to seaward.
Large areas of mangrove swamps are a distinctive feature of the West African Coast. The first of these is located north of Sierra Leone; then they appear, although on a smaller scale—just fringes at river mouths—until you reach Lagos, where you hit the largest one of all: the swamps of the Niger river mouths (about twenty-three rivers in total) and of the Sombreiro, New Calabar, Bonny, San Antonio, Opobo (both false and true), Kwoibo, Old Calabar (including the Cross Akwayafe Qwa Rivers), and the Rio del Rey Rivers. This entire stretch of coastline is a mangrove swamp, with each river quietly carrying its heavy load of muddy waters, presenting a unique challenge for navigators due to its complex network of interconnected creeks, along with the sand and mud bar formed at its entrance by depositing its heaviest mud; the lighter mud is carried out beyond the bar and creates the foul-smelling brown soup of the South Atlantic Ocean, with foam floating in lines and patches miles offshore.
In this great region of swamps every mile appears like every other mile until you get well used to it, and are able to distinguish the little local peculiarities at the entrance of the rivers and in the winding of the creeks, a thing difficult even for the most experienced navigator to do during those thick wool-like mists called smokes, which hang about the whole Bight from November till May (the dry season), sometimes lasting all day, sometimes clearing off three hours after sunrise.
In this vast swampy area, every mile looks pretty much the same until you get familiar with it and can identify the small local differences at the mouths of the rivers and the twists of the creeks. This can be challenging even for the most skilled navigators during the dense, woolly mists known as smoke that cover the entire Bight from November to May (the dry season), sometimes lingering all day and sometimes clearing up just a few hours after sunrise.
The upper or north-westerly part of the swamp is round the mouths of the Niger, and it successfully concealed this fact from geographers down to 1830, when the series of heroic journeys made by Mungo Park, Clapperton, and the two Landers finally solved the problem - a problem that was as great and which cost more men’s lives than even the discovery of the sources of the Nile.
The upper or northwestern part of the swamp is around the mouths of the Niger, and it kept this fact hidden from geographers until 1830, when the series of adventurous journeys undertaken by Mungo Park, Clapperton, and the two Landers finally solved the mystery—a mystery that was just as significant and cost more lives than even the discovery of the sources of the Nile.
That this should have been so may seem very strange to us who now have been told the answer to the riddle; for the upper waters of this great river were known of before Christ and spoken of by Herodotus, Pliny and Ptolemy, and its mouths navigated continuously along by the seaboard by trading vessels since the fifteenth century, but they were not recognised as belonging to the Niger. Some geographers held that the Senegal or the Gambia was its outfall; others that it was the Zaire (Congo); others that it did not come out on the West Coast at all, but got mixed up with the Nile in the middle of the continent, and so on. Yet when you come to know the swamps this is not so strange. You find on going up what looks like a big river - say Forcados, two and a half miles wide at the entrance and a real bit of the Niger. Before you are up it far great, broad, business-like-looking river entrances open on either side, showing wide rivers mangrove-walled, but two-thirds of them are utter frauds which will ground you within half an hour of your entering them. Some few of them do communicate with other main channels to the great upper river, and others are main channels themselves; but most of them intercommunicate with each other and lead nowhere in particular, and you can’t even get there because of their shallowness. It is small wonder that the earlier navigators did not get far up them in sailing ships, and that the problem had to be solved by men descending the main stream of the Niger before it commences to what we in Devonshire should call “squander itself about” in all these channels. And in addition it must be remembered that the natives with whom these trading vessels dealt, first for slaves, afterwards for palm-oil, were not, and are not now, members of the Lo family of savages. Far from it: they do not go in for “gentle smiles,” but for murdering any unprotected boat’s crew they happen to come across, not only for a love of sport but to keep white traders from penetrating to the trade-producing interior, and spoiling prices. And the region is practically foodless.
That this happened may seem very strange to us now that we know the answer to the mystery; after all, the upper waters of this great river were known before Christ and mentioned by Herodotus, Pliny, and Ptolemy, and its mouths have been navigated continuously by trading vessels along the coast since the fifteenth century. However, they were not recognized as part of the Niger. Some geographers believed the Senegal or the Gambia was its outlet; others thought it was the Zaire (Congo); and some even claimed it didn’t reach the West Coast at all, mixing up with the Nile in the middle of the continent, and so on. Yet, once you get to know the swamps, this isn't so strange. You find that going up what looks like a big river—like the Forcados, which is two and a half miles wide at the entrance—is actually part of the Niger. Before you get too far in, you see great, broad, business-like river entrances opening on either side, showing wide rivers lined with mangroves, but two-thirds of them are complete traps that will strand you within half an hour of entering. A few do connect with other main channels of the great upper river, and others are main channels themselves; but most just interconnect and lead nowhere in particular, and you can't even navigate them because they're too shallow. It's no surprise that earlier navigators didn't venture far up these rivers in sailing ships, and the solution had to come from men traveling down the main stream of the Niger before it starts to, as we would say in Devon, “squander itself” across all these channels. Additionally, it's important to remember that the locals who dealt with these trading vessels, first for slaves and later for palm oil, were not, and are not now, part of the Lo family of primitive tribes. Quite the opposite: they are not known for “gentle smiles,” but for attacking any unprotected boat's crew they encounter, not just for sport but to prevent white traders from getting into the trade-rich interior and disrupting prices. Plus, the area is practically devoid of food.
The rivers of the great mangrove-swamp from the Sombreiro to the Rio del Rey are now known pretty surely not to be branches of the Niger, but the upper regions of this part of the Bight are much neglected by English explorers. I believe the great swamp region of the Bight of Biafra is the greatest in the world, and that in its immensity and gloom it has a grandeur equal to that of the Himalayas.
The rivers of the vast mangrove swamp from the Sombreiro to the Rio del Rey are now pretty much confirmed not to be branches of the Niger, but the upper areas of this part of the Bight are largely overlooked by English explorers. I think the great swamp region of the Bight of Biafra is the largest in the world, and that in its vastness and darkness, it has a majesty equal to that of the Himalayas.
Take any man, educated or not, and place him on Bonny or Forcados River in the wet season on a Sunday - Bonny for choice. Forcados is good. You’ll keep Forcados scenery “indelibly limned on the tablets of your mind when a yesterday has faded from its page,” after you have spent even a week waiting for the Lagos branch-boat on its inky waters. But Bonny! Well, come inside the bar and anchor off the factories: seaward there is the foam of the bar gleaming and wicked white against a leaden sky and what there is left of Breaker Island. In every other direction you will see the apparently endless walls of mangrove, unvarying in colour, unvarying in form, unvarying in height, save from perspective. Beneath and between you and them lie the rotting mud waters of Bonny River, and away up and down river, miles of rotting mud waters fringed with walls of rotting mud mangrove-swamp. The only break in them - one can hardly call it a relief to the scenery - are the gaunt black ribs of the old hulks, once used as trading stations, which lie exposed at low water near the shore, protruding like the skeletons of great unclean beasts who have died because Bonny water was too strong even for them.
Take any man, educated or not, and put him on Bonny or Forcados River during the rainy season on a Sunday - Bonny is the preferred choice. Forcados is fine. You’ll have Forcados scenery “indelibly etched in the back of your mind when yesterday has faded from its page,” after even a week of waiting for the Lagos branch-boat on its dark waters. But Bonny! Well, step inside the bar and settle near the factories: looking seaward, the foam of the bar shines wickedly white against a gray sky and what’s left of Breaker Island. In every other direction, you’ll see seemingly endless mangrove walls, unchanging in color, shape, and height, except for perspective. Below and between you and them are the decaying muddy waters of Bonny River, and stretching up and down the river, miles of decaying muddy waters bordered by walls of deteriorating mangrove swamp. The only break in this – you can hardly call it a relief to the scenery – are the stark black skeletons of old hulks, once used as trading stations, lying exposed at low tide near the shore, sticking out like the remains of great filthy beasts that perished because Bonny water was too fierce even for them.
Raised on piles from the mud shore you will see the white-painted factories and their great store-houses for oil; each factory likely enough with its flag at half-mast, which does not enliven the scenery either, for you know it is because somebody is “dead again.” Throughout and over all is the torrential downpour of the wet-season rain, coming down night and day with its dull roar. I have known it rain six mortal weeks in Bonny River, just for all the world as if it were done by machinery, and the interval that came then was only a few wet days, where-after it settled itself down to work again in the good West Coast waterspout pour for more weeks.
Built on stilts above the muddy shore, you’ll see the white-painted factories and their huge oil storage facilities; each factory probably has its flag at half-mast, which doesn’t brighten the scene either because you know it’s because someone has “died again.” All around, there’s the relentless downpour of the rainy season, falling day and night with its dull roar. I’ve seen it rain for six solid weeks in Bonny River, just as if it were controlled by machinery, and the break that followed was only a few rainy days, after which it settled back into its routine of heavy downpours for weeks on end.
While your eyes are drinking in the characteristics of Bonny scenery you notice a peculiar smell - an intensification of that smell you noticed when nearing Bonny, in the evening, out at sea. That’s the breath of the malarial mud, laden with fever, and the chances are you will be down to-morrow. If it is near evening time now, you can watch it becoming incarnate, creeping and crawling and gliding out from the side creeks and between the mangrove-roots, laying itself upon the river, stretching and rolling in a kind of grim play, and finally crawling up the side of the ship to come on board and leave its cloak of moisture that grows green mildew in a few hours over all. Noise you will not be much troubled with: there is only that rain, a sound I have known make men who are sick with fever well-nigh mad, and now and again the depressing cry of the curlews which abound here. This combination is such that after six or eight hours of it you will be thankful to hear your shipmates start to work the winch. I take it you are hard up when you relish a winch. And you will say - let your previous experience of the world be what it may - Good Heavens, what a place!
While you're taking in the beauty of Bonny scenery, you catch a strange smell—an intensification of the scent you noticed when you got closer to Bonny in the evening out at sea. That’s the breath of the malarial mud, heavy with fever, and there’s a good chance you’ll be feeling unwell tomorrow. If it’s around evening now, you can see it materializing, creeping and crawling and sliding out from the side creeks and between the mangrove roots, settling on the river, stretching and rolling in a kind of grim dance, and finally creeping up the side of the ship to board and leave its cloak of moisture that grows green mildew in just a few hours. You won’t be bothered much by noise: there’s just the rain, a sound I’ve seen drive feverish men nearly crazy, and now and then the depressing cry of the curlews that are plentiful here. This combination is such that after six or eight hours of it, you’ll be grateful to hear your shipmates starting to work the winch. I suppose you’re in a tough spot when you actually appreciate a winch. And you’ll think—regardless of what your past experiences have been—Good heavens, what a place!
Five times have I been now in Bonny River and I like it. You always do get to like it if you live long enough to allow the strange fascination of the place to get a hold on you; but when I first entered it, on a ship commanded by Captain Murray in ’93, in the wet season, i.e. in August, in spite of the confidence I had by this time acquired in his skill and knowledge of the West Coast, a sense of horror seized on me as I gazed upon the scene, and I said to the old Coaster who then had charge of my education, “Good Heavens! what an awful accident. We’ve gone and picked up the Styx.” He was evidently hurt and said, “Bonny was a nice place when you got used to it,” and went on to discourse on the last epidemic here, when nine men out of the resident eleven died in about ten days from yellow fever. Next to the scenery of “a River,” commend me for cheerfulness to the local conversation of its mangrove-swamp region; and every truly important West African river has its mangrove-swamp belt, which extends inland as far as the tide waters make it brackish, and which has a depth and extent from the banks depending on the configuration of the country. Above this belt comes uniformly a region of high forest, having towards the river frontage clay cliffs, sometimes high, as in the case of the Old Calabar at Adiabo, more frequently dwarf cliffs, as in the Forcados up at Warree, and in the Ogowé, - for a long stretch through Kama country. After the clay cliffs region you come to a region of rapids, caused by the river cutting its way through a mountain range; such ranges are the Pallaballa, causing the Livingstone rapids of the Congo; the Sierra del Cristal, those of the Ogowé, and many lesser rivers; the Rumby and Omon ranges, those of the Old Calabar and Cross Rivers.
I've been to Bonny River five times now, and I really like it. You tend to like a place if you stay long enough to let its strange charm capture you. But when I first arrived here on a ship captained by Captain Murray back in '93 during the wet season, that is to say, in August, I was overwhelmed by a sense of dread despite the confidence I had gained in his expertise about the West Coast. As I looked at the scene, I said to the old Coaster who was in charge of teaching me, “Good heavens! What a terrible accident. We’ve landed in the Styx.” He seemed hurt by my remark and replied, “Bonny was a nice place once you got used to it,” and then went on to talk about the last epidemic here when nine out of the eleven residents died of yellow fever in about ten days. Just after the scenery of “a River,” I’d rather appreciate the upbeat conversation from the local mangrove-swamp region. Every significant West African river has its mangrove-swamp area, extending inland as much as the tidal waters make it brackish, with its depth and width varying based on the land's shape. Beyond this swamp belt, there's typically a high forest region, with clay cliffs facing the river – sometimes tall, like those at Old Calabar in Adiabo, but more often low cliffs, like in the Forcados at Warree, and in the Ogowé, stretching for a long distance through the Kama country. After the clay cliffs, you encounter a series of rapids caused by the river cutting through a mountain range; these ranges include the Pallaballa, which creates the Livingstone rapids of the Congo, the Sierra del Cristal for the Ogowé, and several smaller rivers, along with the Rumby and Omon ranges responsible for the rapids of the Old Calabar and Cross Rivers.
Naturally in different parts these separate regions vary in size. The mangrove-swamp may be only a fringe at the mouth of the river, or it may cover hundreds of square miles. The clay cliffs may extend for only a mile or so along the bank, or they may, as on the Ogowé, extend for 130. And so it is also with the rapids: in some rivers, for instance the Cameroons, there are only a few miles of them, in others there are many miles; in the Ogowé there are as many as 500; and these rapids may be close to the river mouth, as in most of the Gold Coast rivers, save the Ancobra and the Volta; or they may be far in the interior, as in the Cross River, where they commence at about 200 miles; and on the Ogowé, where they commence at about 208 miles from the sea coast; this depends on the nearness or remoteness from the coast line of the mountain ranges which run down the west side of the continent; ranges (apparently of very different geological formations), which have no end of different names, but about which little is known in detail. {80}
Naturally, the size of these separate regions varies in different areas. The mangrove swamp might just be a narrow strip at the river's mouth, or it could span hundreds of square miles. The clay cliffs might stretch for just a mile or so along the bank, or they may, like those on the Ogowé, extend for 130 miles. The same goes for the rapids: in some rivers, like the Cameroons, there are only a few miles of rapids, while in others there can be many; the Ogowé has as many as 500. These rapids can be close to the river mouth, as seen in most rivers on the Gold Coast except the Ancobra and the Volta, or they can be deep inland, such as in the Cross River, where they start about 200 miles from the coast, and on the Ogowé, where they begin around 208 miles from the coastline. This depends on how far the mountain ranges, which run down the western side of the continent and have many different geological formations and names, are from the coastline; not much is known about them in detail. {80}
And now we will leave generalisations on West African rivers and go into particulars regarding one little known in England, and called by its owners, the French, the greatest strictly equatorial river in the world - the Ogowé.
And now we will move away from generalizations about West African rivers and focus on details about one that is not well known in England, which its owners, the French, call the greatest strictly equatorial river in the world - the Ogowé.
CHAPTER IV. THE OGOWÉ.
Wherein the voyager gives extracts from the Log of the Mové and of the Éclaireur, and an account of the voyager’s first meeting with “those fearful Fans,” also an awful warning to all young persons who neglect the study of the French language.
Wherein the traveler shares excerpts from the Log of the Mové and of the Éclaireur, and a story about the traveler’s first encounter with “those terrifying Fans,” also a serious warning to all young people who ignore the importance of learning the French language.
On the 20th of May I reached Gaboon, now called Libreville - the capital of Congo Français, and, thanks to the kindness of Mr. Hudson, I was allowed a passage on a small steamer then running from Gaboon to the Ogowé River, and up it when necessary as far as navigation by steamer is possible - this steamer is, I deeply regret to say, now no more. As experiences of this kind contain such miscellaneous masses of facts, I am forced to commit the literary crime of giving you my Ogowé set of experiences in the form of diary.
On May 20th, I arrived in Gaboon, which is now called Libreville - the capital of Congo Français. Thanks to Mr. Hudson's kindness, I was able to get a ride on a small steamer that was operating from Gaboon to the Ogowé River, and further up it whenever possible. Unfortunately, I regret to say that this steamer is no longer in operation. Since experiences like this involve so many different facts, I have to commit the literary sin of presenting my Ogowé experiences as a diary.
June 5th, 1895. - Off on Mové at 9.30. Passengers, Mr. Hudson, Mr. Woods, Mr. Huyghens, Père Steinitz, and I. There are black deck-passengers galore; I do not know their honourable names, but they are evidently very much married men, for there is quite a gorgeously coloured little crowd of ladies to see them off. They salute me as I pass down the pier, and start inquiries. I say hastily to them: “Farewell, I’m off up river,” for I notice Mr. Fildes bearing down on me, and I don’t want him to drop in on the subject of society interest. I expect it is settled now, or pretty nearly. There is a considerable amount of mild uproar among the black contingent, and the Mové firmly clears off before half the good advice and good wishes for the black husbands are aboard. She is a fine little vessel; far finer than I expected. The accommodation I am getting is excellent. A long, narrow cabin, with one bunk in it and pretty nearly everything one can wish for, and a copying press thrown in. Food is excellent, society charming, captain and engineer quite acquisitions. The saloon is square and roomy for the size of the vessel, and most things, from rowlocks to teapots, are kept under the seats in good nautical style. We call at the guard-ship to pass our papers, and then steam ahead out of the Gaboon estuary to the south, round Pongara Point, keeping close into the land. About forty feet from shore there is a good free channel for vessels with a light draught which if you do not take, you have to make a big sweep seaward to avoid a reef. Between four and five miles below Pongara, we pass Point Gombi, which is fitted with a lighthouse, a lively and conspicuous structure by day as well as night. It is perched on a knoll, close to the extremity of the long arm of low, sandy ground, and is painted black and white, in horizontal bands, which, in conjunction with its general figure, give it a pagoda-like appearance.
June 5th, 1895. - Departing on Mové at 9:30. Passengers include Mr. Hudson, Mr. Woods, Mr. Huyghens, Père Steinitz, and myself. There are plenty of black passengers on deck; I don't know their names, but they clearly have wives, as a colorful crowd of ladies is there to see them off. They greet me as I walk down the pier and start asking questions. I quickly say to them, “Goodbye, I’m heading up river,” since I see Mr. Fildes approaching and want to avoid the topic of social matters. I think it’s all almost settled now. There's quite a bit of commotion among the black passengers, and the Mové sets off before half of the well-wishes for the husbands are on board. It’s a lovely little ship, much nicer than I expected. The accommodation is excellent. I have a long, narrow cabin with one bunk and almost everything I could want, plus a copying press. The food is great, the company is delightful, and both the captain and engineer are good additions. The saloon is square and spacious for the size of the vessel, and nearly everything, from oars to teapots, is kept under the seats in a tidy nautical way. We stop at the guard ship to check our papers, and then head out of the Gaboon estuary to the south, around Pongara Point, staying close to the shore. About forty feet from land, there’s a good channel for shallow-draft vessels; if you don’t take it, you’ll have to steer out to sea to avoid a reef. Four to five miles below Pongara, we pass Point Gombi, which has a lighthouse—a lively and noticeable structure both day and night. It’s situated on a hill by the end of a long stretch of low, sandy ground and is painted black and white in horizontal stripes, giving it a pagoda-like look.
Alongside it are a white-painted, red-roofed house for the lighthouse keeper, and a store for its oil. The light is either a flashing or a revolving or a stationary one, when it is alight. One must be accurate about these things, and my knowledge regarding it is from information received, and amounts to the above. I cannot throw in any personal experience, because I have never passed it at night-time, and seen from Glass it seems just steady. Most lighthouses on this Coast give up fancy tricks, like flashing or revolving, pretty soon after they are established. Seventy-five per cent. of them are not alight half the time at all. “It’s the climate.” Gombi, however, you may depend on for being alight at night, and I have no hesitation in saying you can see it, when it is visible, seventeen miles out to sea, and that the knoll on which the lighthouse stands is a grass-covered sand cliff, about forty or fifty feet above sea-level. As we pass round Gombi point, the weather becomes distinctly rough, particularly at lunch-time. The Mové minds it less than her passengers, and stamps steadily along past the wooded shore, behind which shows a distant range of blue hills. Silence falls upon the black passengers, who assume recumbent positions on the deck, and suffer. All the things from under the saloon seats come out and dance together, and play puss-in-the-corner, after the fashion of loose gear when there is any sea on. As the night comes down, the scene becomes more and more picturesque. The moonlit sea, shimmering and breaking on the darkened shore, the black forest and the hills silhouetted against the star-powdered purple sky, and, at my feet, the engine-room stoke-hole, lit with the rose-coloured glow from its furnace, showing by the great wood fire the two nearly naked Krumen stokers, shining like polished bronze in their perspiration, as they throw in on to the fire the billets of red wood that look like freshly-cut chunks of flesh. The white engineer hovers round the mouth of the pit, shouting down directions and ever and anon plunging down the little iron ladder to carry them out himself. At intervals he stands on the rail with his head craned round the edge of the sun deck to listen to the captain, who is up on the little deck above, for there is no telegraph to the engines, and our gallant commander’s voice is not strong. While the white engineer is roosting on the rail, the black engineer comes partially up the ladder and gazes hard at me; so I give him a wad of tobacco, and he plainly regards me as inspired, for of course that was what he wanted. Remember that whenever you see a man, black or white, filled with a nameless longing, it is tobacco he requires. Grim despair accompanied by a gusty temper indicates something wrong with his pipe, in which case offer him a straightened-out hairpin. The black engineer having got his tobacco, goes below to the stoke-hole again and smokes a short clay as black and as strong as himself. The captain affects an immense churchwarden. How he gets through life, waving it about as he does, without smashing it every two minutes, I cannot make out.
Next to it is a white-painted house with a red roof for the lighthouse keeper, and a storage area for its oil. The light can either flash, revolve, or stay steady when it's on. It's important to be precise about these details, and my understanding comes from what I've heard, which is the extent of my knowledge. I can't share any personal experience since I’ve never passed it at night, and from Glass, it just looks steady. Most lighthouses on this coast give up flashy tricks, like flashing or revolving, pretty quickly after they’re set up. Seventy-five percent of them aren’t lit half the time at all. “It’s the climate.” However, you can count on Gombi being lit at night, and I can confidently say you can see it from seventeen miles out at sea. The knoll where the lighthouse stands is a grass-covered sand cliff, about forty or fifty feet above sea level. As we round Gombi point, the weather gets noticeably rough, especially around lunchtime. The Mové handles it better than her passengers, maintaining a steady course past the wooded shoreline, beyond which a distant range of blue hills is visible. Silence falls over the black passengers, who lie back on the deck, enduring the discomfort. All the things from under the saloon seats come out, jostling and playing around like loose gear in rough seas. As night falls, the scene becomes increasingly picturesque. The moonlit sea sparkles and breaks against the dark shore, the black forest and hills stand out against the starry purple sky, and at my feet, the engine-room stoke-hole glows with a rose-colored light from the furnace. By the big wood fire, two nearly naked Krumen stokers shine like polished bronze in their sweat as they toss pieces of red wood that resemble freshly-cut chunks of flesh onto the fire. The white engineer moves around the edge of the pit, shouting down instructions and occasionally climbing down the little iron ladder to carry them out himself. At times, he leans over the rail, craning his neck to listen to the captain, who is on the small deck above since there’s no telegraph to the engines, and our brave commander’s voice isn’t very strong. While the white engineer is perched on the rail, the black engineer comes partway up the ladder and stares at me; I give him a wad of tobacco, and he clearly sees me as a savior, as that’s exactly what he wanted. Keep in mind that whenever you see a man, black or white, with a vague longing, it’s usually tobacco he needs. Grim despair mixed with irritation likely means something is wrong with his pipe; in that case, offer him a straightened-out hairpin. After getting his tobacco, the black engineer goes back down to the stoke-hole and smokes a short clay pipe as dark and strong as he is. The captain prefers a massive churchwarden pipe. I can’t figure out how he manages to go through life waving it around as he does without breaking it every couple of minutes.
At last we anchor for the night just inside Nazareth Bay, for Nazareth Bay wants daylight to deal with, being rich in low islands and sand shoals. We crossed the Equator this afternoon.
At last, we anchor for the night just inside Nazareth Bay, since it's best to navigate this area in daylight due to its many low islands and sand shoals. We crossed the Equator this afternoon.
June 6th. - Off at daybreak into Nazareth Bay. Anxiety displayed by navigators, sounding taken on both sides of the bows with long bamboo poles painted in stripes, and we go “slow ahead” and “hard astern” successfully, until we get round a good-sized island, and there we stick until four o’clock, high water, when we come off all right, and steam triumphantly but cautiously into the Ogowé. The shores of Nazareth Bay are fringed with mangroves, but once in the river the scenery soon changes, and the waters are walled on either side with a forest rich in bamboo, oil and wine-palms. These forest cliffs seem to rise right up out of the mirror-like brown water. Many of the highest trees are covered with clusters of brown-pink young shoots that look like flowers, and others are decorated by my old enemy the climbing palm, now bearing clusters of bright crimson berries. Climbing plants of other kinds are wreathing everything, some blossoming with mauve, some with yellow, some with white flowers, and every now and then a soft sweet heavy breath of fragrance comes out to us as we pass by. There is a native village on the north bank, embowered along its plantations with some very tall cocoa-palms rising high above them.
June 6th. - We set off at daybreak into Nazareth Bay. There was a lot of anxiety among the navigators as we took soundings on both sides of the bows with long bamboo poles painted in stripes. We successfully maneuvered with “slow ahead” and “hard astern” until we rounded a sizable island, where we got stuck until four o’clock during high tide. At that point, we managed to get free and cautiously steamed triumphantly into the Ogowé. The shores of Nazareth Bay are lined with mangroves, but once we entered the river, the landscape changed quickly, with the waters bordered on both sides by a lush forest filled with bamboo, oil palms, and wine palms. These forest cliffs seem to rise straight out of the smooth brown water. Many of the tallest trees are adorned with clusters of brown-pink young shoots, resembling flowers, while others are embellished by the climbing palm, which is now bearing clusters of bright crimson berries. Various climbing plants wrap around everything, some blooming with mauve, some with yellow, and some with white flowers. Every now and then, we catch a soft, sweet, heavy scent wafting towards us as we pass by. There's a native village on the north bank, nestled among its plantations with some very tall cocoa palms rising high above them.
The river winds so that it seems to close in behind us, opening out in front fresh vistas of superb forest beauty, with the great brown river stretching away unbroken ahead like a broad road of burnished bronze. Astern, it has a streak of frosted silver let into it by the Mové’s screw. Just about six o’clock, we run up to the Fallaba, the Mové’s predecessor in working the Ogowé, now a hulk, used as a depot by Hatton and Cookson. She is anchored at the entrance of a creek that runs through to the Fernan Vaz; some say it is six hours’ run, others that it is eight hours for a canoe; all agree that there are plenty of mosquitoes.
The river twists around, making it feel like it's closing in behind us, while in front, it opens up to reveal stunning forest views, with the large brown river stretching out ahead like a wide road of polished bronze. Behind us, a streak of frosted silver is created by the Mové’s propeller. Right around six o’clock, we arrive at the Fallaba, the Mové’s old predecessor in navigating the Ogowé, now a derelict ship used as a depot by Hatton and Cookson. It’s anchored at the mouth of a creek that connects to the Fernan Vaz; some say it takes six hours by canoe, while others claim it’s eight hours; everyone agrees, though, that there are plenty of mosquitoes.
The Fallaba looks grimly picturesque, and about the last spot in which a person of a nervous disposition would care to spend the night. One half of her deck is dedicated to fuel logs, on the other half are plank stores for the goods, and a room for the black sub-trader in charge of them. I know that there must be scorpions which come out of those logs and stroll into the living room, and goodness only knows what one might not fancy would come up the creek or rise out of the floating grass, or the limitless-looking forest. I am told she was a fine steamer in her day, but those who had charge of her did not make allowances for the very rapid rotting action of the Ogowé water, so her hull rusted through before her engines were a quarter worn out; and there was nothing to be done with her then, but put a lot of concrete in, and make her a depot, in which state of life she is very useful, for during the height of the dry season, the Mové cannot get through the creek to supply the firm’s Fernan Vaz factories.
The Fallaba looks bleakly charming, definitely not a place where someone with a nervous disposition would want to spend the night. One half of the deck is filled with fuel logs, while the other half has storage planks for the goods, plus a room for the black sub-trader in charge of them. I know scorpions must crawl out of those logs and wander into the living area, and who knows what might come up from the creek or rise from the floating grass or the endless-looking forest. I've heard she was a great steamer in her prime, but those who managed her didn't account for the extremely rapid decay caused by the Ogowé water, so her hull corroded before her engines were even a quarter worn out. There was nothing to do at that point but fill her with concrete and turn her into a depot, which serves a useful purpose because during the peak of the dry season, the Mové can't navigate through the creek to supply the company's Fernan Vaz factories.
Subsequently I heard much of the Fallaba, which seems to have been a celebrated, or rather notorious, vessel. Every one declared her engines to have been of immense power, but this I believe to have been a mere local superstition; because in the same breath, the man who referred to them, as if it would have been quite unnecessary for new engines to have been made for H.M.S. Victorious if those Fallaba engines could have been sent to Chatham dockyard, would mention that “you could not get any pace up on her”; and all who knew her sadly owned “she wouldn’t steer,” so naturally she spent the greater part of her time on the Ogowé on a sand-bank, or in the bush. All West African steamers have a mania for bush, and the delusion that they are required to climb trees. The Fallaba had the complaint severely, because of her defective steering powers, and the temptation the magnificent forest, and the rapid currents, and the sharp turns of the creek district, offered her; she failed, of course - they all fail - but it is not for want of practice. I have seen many West Coast vessels up trees, but never more than fifteen feet or so.
Later, I heard a lot about the Fallaba, which seemed to be a well-known, or rather infamous, ship. Everyone claimed her engines were incredibly powerful, but I think that was just a local myth; because in the same breath, the person who mentioned them would say, as if it were obvious that new engines didn’t need to be made for H.M.S. Victorious if those Fallaba engines could have been brought to Chatham dockyard, "you couldn’t get any speed out of her"; and everyone who knew her sadly admitted, "she wouldn’t steer." So it was no surprise that she spent most of her time on the Ogowé stuck on a sandbank or in the bush. All West African steamers seem to have a thing for running aground and the delusion that they need to climb trees. The Fallaba really struggled with this because of her poor steering and the allure of the beautiful forest, fast currents, and sharp turns in the creek area; she failed, of course - they all do - but it’s not for lack of trying. I’ve seen many West Coast vessels up in trees, but never higher than about fifteen feet.
The trade of this lower part of the Ogowé, from the mouth to Lembarene, a matter of 130 miles, is almost nil. Above Lembarene, you are in touch with the rubber and ivory trade.
The trade in the lower part of the Ogowé, from the mouth to Lembarene, a distance of 130 miles, is almost nonexistent. Above Lembarene, you will find opportunities in the rubber and ivory trade.
This Fallaba creek is noted for mosquitoes, and the black passengers made great and showy preparations in the evening time to receive their onslaught, by tying up their strong chintz mosquito bars to the stanchions and the cook-house. Their arrangements being constantly interrupted by the white engineer making alarums and excursions amongst them; because when too many of them get on one side the Mové takes a list and burns her boilers. Conversation and atmosphere are full of mosquitoes. The decision of widely experienced sufferers amongst us is, that next to the lower Ogowé, New Orleans is the worst place for them in this world.
This Fallaba creek is known for its mosquitoes, and the black passengers made elaborate preparations in the evening to fend off the onslaught by tying up their sturdy chintz mosquito nets to the stanchions and the cookhouse. Their efforts were constantly interrupted by the white engineer running around among them; when too many of them gather on one side, the Mové tilts and its boilers could overheat. The conversation and ambiance are filled with mosquitoes. The consensus among the experienced sufferers is that next to the lower Ogowé, New Orleans is the worst place for them in the world.
The day closed with a magnificent dramatic beauty. Dead ahead of us, up through a bank of dun-coloured mist rose the moon, a great orb of crimson, spreading down the oil-like, still river, a streak of blood-red reflection. Right astern, the sun sank down into the mist, a vaster orb of crimson, and when he had gone out of view, sent up flushes of amethyst, gold, carmine and serpent-green, before he left the moon in undisputed possession of the black purple sky.
The day ended with stunning, dramatic beauty. Directly in front of us, through a veil of brownish mist, the moon rose, a huge, crimson orb casting a blood-red reflection on the calm, oily river. Behind us, the sun dipped into the mist, a larger crimson sphere, and once it disappeared, it filled the sky with hues of purple, gold, bright red, and dark green, before leaving the moon to rule the deep purple sky completely.
Forest and river were absolutely silent, but there was a pleasant chatter and laughter from the black crew and passengers away forward, that made the Mové seem an island of life in a land of death. I retired into my cabin, so as to get under the mosquito curtains to write; and one by one I heard my companions come into the saloon adjacent, and say to the watchman: “You sabe six o’clock? When them long arm catch them place, and them short arm catch them place, you call me in the morning time.” Exit from saloon - silence - then: “You sabe five o’clock? When them long arm catch them place, and them short arm catch them place, you call me in the morning time.” Exit - silence - then: “You sabe half-past five o’clock? When them long arm - ” Oh, if I were a watchman! Anyhow, that five o’clocker will have the whole ship’s company roused in the morning time.
The forest and river were completely quiet, but there was cheerful chatting and laughter from the black crew and passengers up front, making the Mové feel like an island of life in a land of death. I went into my cabin to get under the mosquito netting to write; and one by one, I heard my companions come into the nearby saloon and ask the watchman: “Do you know it’s six o’clock? When the long hand hits the spot and the short hand hits the spot, wake me up in the morning.” Exit from saloon - silence - then: “Do you know it’s five o’clock? When the long hand hits the spot and the short hand hits the spot, wake me up in the morning.” Exit - silence - then: “Do you know it’s half-past five o’clock? When the long hand - ” Oh, if I were a watchman! Anyway, that five o’clock person is going to have the whole ship’s crew awake in the morning.
June 7th. - Every one called in the morning time by the reflex row from the rousing of the five o’clocker. Glorious morning. The scene the reversal of that of last night. The forest to the east shows a deep blue-purple, mounted on a background that changes as you watch it from daffodil and amethyst to rose-pink, as the sun comes up through the night mists. The moon sinks down among them, her pale face flushing crimson as she goes; and the yellow-gold sunshine comes, glorifying the forest and gilding the great sweep of tufted papyrus growing alongside the bank; and the mist vanishes, little white flecks of it lingering among the water reeds and lying in the dark shadows of the forest stems. The air is full of the long, soft, rich notes of the plantain warblers, and the uproar consequent upon the Mové taking on fuel wood, which comes alongside in canoe loads from the Fallaba.
June 7th. - Everyone was awake in the morning thanks to the early risers. It was a glorious morning. The scene was the complete opposite of last night. The forest to the east appeared in deep blue-purple, set against a backdrop that changed from daffodil and amethyst to rose-pink as the sun rose through the night mist. The moon descended among them, her pale face turning crimson as she went; then the bright yellow sunlight came, illuminating the forest and casting a golden hue on the lush papyrus growing along the bank; the mist disappeared, with little white bits lingering among the water reeds and tucked in the dark shadows of the forest trunks. The air was filled with the long, soft, rich sounds of the plantain warblers and the noise from the Mové bringing in firewood, arriving in canoe loads from the Fallaba.
Père Steinitz and Mr. Woods are busy preparing their respective canoes for their run to Fernan Vaz through the creek. Their canoes are very fine ones, with a remarkably clean run aft. The Père’s is quite the travelling canoe, with a little stage of bamboo aft, covered with a hood of palm thatch, under which you can make yourself quite comfortable, and keep yourself and your possessions dry, unless something desperate comes on in the way of rain.
Père Steinitz and Mr. Woods are busy getting their canoes ready for their trip to Fernan Vaz through the creek. Their canoes are really nice, with a smooth shape at the back. The Père’s canoe is especially made for traveling, featuring a small bamboo platform at the back, topped with a palm thatch cover, where you can settle in comfortably and keep both yourself and your belongings dry, unless a heavy rainstorm hits.
By 10.25 we have got all our wood aboard, and run off up river full speed. The river seems broader above the Fallaba, but this is mainly on account of its being temporarily unencumbered with islands. A good deal of the bank we have passed by since leaving Nazareth Bay on the south side has been island shore, with a channel between the islands and the true south bank.
By 10:25, we had loaded all our wood and were speeding up the river. The river looks wider above the Fallaba, but that’s mostly because it’s temporarily free of islands. A lot of the bank we've passed since leaving Nazareth Bay on the south side has been the shore of islands, with a channel between the islands and the actual south bank.
The day soon grew dull, and looked threatening, after the delusive manner of the dry season. The climbing plants are finer here than I have ever before seen them. They form great veils and curtains between and over the trees, often hanging so straight and flat, in stretches of twenty to forty feet or so wide, and thirty to sixty or seventy feet high, that it seems incredible that no human hand has trained or clipped them into their perfect forms. Sometimes these curtains are decorated with large bell-shaped, bright-coloured flowers, sometimes with delicate sprays of white blossoms. This forest is beyond all my expectations of tropical luxuriance and beauty, and it is a thing of another world to the forest of the Upper Calabar, which, beautiful as it is, is a sad dowdy to this. There you certainly get a great sense of grimness and vastness; here you have an equal grimness and vastness with the addition of superb colour. This forest is a Cleopatra to which Calabar is but a Quaker. Not only does this forest depend on flowers for its illumination, for there are many kinds of trees having their young shoots, crimson, brown-pink, and creamy yellow: added to this there is also the relieving aspect of the prevailing fashion among West African trees, of wearing the trunk white with here and there upon it splashes of pale pink lichen, and vermilion-red fungus, which alone is sufficient to prevent the great mass of vegetation from being a monotony in green.
The day quickly became dull and looked ominous, typical of the dry season. The climbing plants here are more beautiful than I've ever seen before. They create large veils and curtains between and over the trees, often hanging so straight and flat in stretches of twenty to forty feet wide and thirty to sixty or seventy feet high that it’s hard to believe no human hand has shaped or trimmed them into their perfect forms. Sometimes these curtains are adorned with large, bell-shaped, brightly colored flowers, and sometimes with delicate sprays of white blossoms. This forest exceeds all my expectations of tropical richness and beauty, and it feels like a different world compared to the forest of Upper Calabar, which, beautiful as it is, pales in comparison. There, you definitely get a strong sense of grimness and vastness; here, there’s an equal sense of grimness and vastness, along with stunning color. This forest is a Cleopatra, while Calabar is just a Quaker. Not only does this forest rely on flowers for its brightness, but there are also many types of trees with young shoots in shades of crimson, brown-pink, and creamy yellow. Additionally, there’s the pleasing sight of many West African trees having white trunks, with splashes of pale pink lichen and vermilion-red fungus, which alone keeps the vast mass of greenery from becoming monotonous.
All day long we steam past ever-varying scenes of loveliness whose component parts are ever the same, yet the effect ever different. Doubtless it is wrong to call it a symphony, yet I know no other word to describe the scenery of the Ogowé. It is as full of life and beauty and passion as any symphony Beethoven ever wrote: the parts changing, interweaving, and returning. There are leit motifs here in it, too. See the papyrus ahead; and you know when you get abreast of it you will find the great forest sweeping away in a bay-like curve behind it against the dull gray sky, the splendid columns of its cotton and red woods looking like a façade of some limitless inchoate temple. Then again there is that stretch of sword-grass, looking as if it grew firmly on to the bottom, so steady does it stand; but as the Mové goes by, her wash sets it undulating in waves across its broad acres of extent, showing it is only riding at anchor; and you know after a grass patch you will soon see a red dwarf clay cliff, with a village perched on its top, and the inhabitants thereof in their blue and red cloths standing by to shout and wave to the Mové, or legging it like lamp-lighters from the back streets and the plantation to the river frontage, to be in time to do so, and through all these changing phases there is always the strain of the vast wild forest, and the swift, deep, silent river.
All day long we glide past ever-changing scenes of beauty, where the elements are always the same, yet the impact is always different. It might be wrong to call it a symphony, but I can’t think of any better word to describe the scenery of the Ogowé. It’s as alive and beautiful and passionate as any symphony Beethoven ever composed: the parts shift, intertwine, and return. There are leit motifs here as well. Look at the papyrus ahead, and you know that when you pass it, you'll see the great forest curving away in a bay-like shape behind it against the dull gray sky, with the impressive columns of its cotton and redwoods resembling the façade of an endless, unfinished temple. Then there’s that stretch of sword-grass, looking as if it’s firmly anchored to the ground, so steady it stands; but as the Mové floats by, its wake sends it rippling in waves across its vast expanse, showing it’s just resting. After the grass patch, you know you’ll soon see a small red clay cliff with a village perched on top and its residents in their blue and red clothing standing by to shout and wave at the Mové, or rushing like lamp-lighters from the side streets and plantation to the riverbank just in time to greet it. Through all these shifting scenes, there’s always the echo of the vast wild forest and the swift, deep, silent river.
At almost every village that we pass - and they are frequent after the Fallaba - there is an ostentatious display of firewood deposited either on the bank, or on piles driven into the mud in front of it, mutely saying in their uncivilised way, “Try our noted chunks: best value for money” - (that is to say, tobacco, etc.), to the Mové or any other little steamer that may happen to come along hungry for fuel.
At almost every village we pass - and they come pretty often after the Fallaba - there's a flashy display of firewood stacked either on the bank or on piles driven into the mud in front of it, silently shouting in their uncivilized way, “Try our famous chunks: best bang for your buck” - (which means, tobacco, etc.), to the Mové or any other small steamer that might come along looking for fuel.
We stayed a few minutes this afternoon at Ashchyouka, where there came off to us in a canoe an enterprising young Frenchman who has planted and tended a coffee plantation in this out-of-the-way region, and which is now, I am glad to hear, just coming into bearing. After leaving Ashchyouka, high land showed to the N.E., and at 5.15, without evident cause to the uninitiated, the Mové took to whistling like a liner. A few minutes later a factory shows up on the hilly north bank, which is Woermann’s; then just beyond and behind it we see the Government Post; then Hatton and Cookson’s factory, all in a line. Opposite Hatton and Cookson’s there was a pretty little stern-wheel steamer nestling against the steep clay bank of Lembarene Island when we come in sight, but she instantly swept out from it in a perfect curve, which lay behind her marked in frosted silver on the water as she dropt down river. I hear now she was the Éclaireur, the stern-wheeler which runs up and down the Ogowé in connection with the Chargeurs Réunis Company, subsidised by the Government, and when the Mové whistled, she was just completing taking on 3,000 billets of wood for fuel. She comes up from the Cape (Lopez) stoking half wood and half coal as far as Njole and back to Lembarene; from Lembarene to the sea downwards she does on wood. In a few minutes we have taken her berth close to the bank, and tied up to a tree. The white engineer yells to the black engineer “Tom-Tom: Haul out some of them fire and open them drains one time,” and the stokers, with hooks, pull out the glowing logs on to the iron deck in front of the furnace door, and throw water over them, and the Mové sends a cloud of oil-laden steam against the bank, coming perilously near scalding some of her black admirers assembled there. I dare say she felt vicious because they had been admiring the Éclaireur.
We spent a few minutes this afternoon at Ashchyouka, where an enterprising young Frenchman came to us in a canoe. He has planted and taken care of a coffee plantation in this remote area, and I'm glad to hear it’s just starting to produce coffee. After leaving Ashchyouka, we saw high land to the northeast, and at 5:15, for no obvious reason to the inexperienced, the Mové began whistling like a liner. A few minutes later, a factory appeared on the hilly north bank, which is Woermann’s; just beyond that, we noticed the Government Post, and then Hatton and Cookson’s factory, all in a row. Opposite Hatton and Cookson’s, there was a charming little stern-wheel steamer nestled against the steep clay bank of Lembarene Island when we first spotted it, but she quickly glided out in a perfect curve, leaving a frosted silver trail on the water as she moved downriver. I’ve heard she was the Éclaireur, the stern-wheeler that runs up and down the Ogowé for the Chargeurs Réunis Company, funded by the Government, and when the Mové whistled, she was just finishing loading 3,000 billets of wood for fuel. She travels up from Cape Lopez burning half wood and half coal as far as Njole and back to Lembarene; from Lembarene down to the sea, she runs on wood. In a few minutes, we docked close to the bank and tied up to a tree. The white engineer shouted to the black engineer, “Tom-Tom: Haul out some of those logs and open those drains right now,” and the stokers used hooks to pull the glowing logs onto the iron deck in front of the furnace door, throwing water over them. The Mové sent up a cloud of oil-laden steam against the bank, nearly scalding some of the black admirers gathered there. I bet she felt a bit spiteful because they had been admiring the Éclaireur.
After a few minutes, I am escorted on to the broad verandah of Hatton and Cookson’s factory, and I sit down under a lamp, prepared to contemplate, until dinner time, the wild beauty of the scene. This idea does not get carried out; in the twinkling of an eye I am stung all round the neck, and recognise there are lots too many mosquitoes and sandflies in the scenery to permit of contemplation of any kind. Never have I seen sandflies and mosquitoes in such appalling quantities. With a wild ping of joy the latter made for me, and I retired promptly into a dark corner of the verandah, swearing horribly, but internally, and fought them. Mr. Hudson, Agent-general, and Mr. Cockshut, Agent for the Ogowé, walk up and down the beach in front, doubtless talking cargo, apparently unconscious of mosquitoes; but by and by, while we are having dinner, they get their share. I behave exquisitely, and am quite lost in admiration of my own conduct, and busily deciding in my own mind whether I shall wear one of those plain ring haloes, or a solid plate one, à la Cimabue, when Mr. Hudson says in a voice full of reproach to Mr. Cockshut, “You have got mosquitoes here, Mr. Cockshut.” Poor Mr. Cockshut doesn’t deny it; he has got four on his forehead and his hands are sprinkled with them, but he says: “There are none at Njole,” which we all feel is an absurdly lame excuse, for Njole is some ninety miles above Lembarene, where we now are. Mr. Hudson says this to him, tersely, and feeling he has utterly crushed Mr. Cockshut, turns on me, and utterly failing to recognise me as a suffering saint, says point blank and savagely, “You don’t seem to feel these things, Miss Kingsley.” Not feel them, indeed! Why, I could cry over them. Well! that’s all the thanks one gets for trying not to be a nuisance in this world.
After a few minutes, I’m led onto the wide porch of Hatton and Cookson’s factory, and I sit down under a lamp, ready to admire the wild beauty of the scene until dinner time. That plan quickly falls apart; in the blink of an eye, I’m swarmed around my neck and realize there are way too many mosquitoes and sandflies in the area for any kind of contemplation. I’ve never seen sandflies and mosquitoes in such shocking numbers. With a sudden rush of joy, the mosquitoes come for me, and I quickly retreat into a dark corner of the porch, cursing under my breath while I try to fight them off. Mr. Hudson, the agent-general, and Mr. Cockshut, the agent for the Ogowé, stroll along the beach in front of us, likely discussing cargo, apparently oblivious to the mosquitoes; but soon, while we’re having dinner, they get their share too. I’m on my best behavior and feeling quite proud of myself as I think about whether I should wear one of those simple ring halos or a solid plate one, à la Cimabue, when Mr. Hudson reproaches Mr. Cockshut, saying, “You’ve got mosquitoes here, Mr. Cockshut.” Poor Mr. Cockshut doesn’t deny it; he has four on his forehead and his hands are covered in them, but he responds, “There are none at Njole,” which we all find to be a ridiculous excuse since Njole is about ninety miles upstream from Lembarene, where we are now. Mr. Hudson points this out succinctly, and feeling he has completely defeated Mr. Cockshut, turns to me, and completely failing to see me as a suffering saint, says bluntly and harshly, “You don’t seem to feel these things, Miss Kingsley.” Not feel them, really! I could cry over them. Well, that’s the kind of gratitude one gets for trying not to be a nuisance in this world.
After dinner I go back on to the Mové for the night, for it is too late to go round to Kangwe and ask Mme. Jacot, of the Mission Evangelique, if she will take me in. The air is stiff with mosquitoes, and saying a few suitable words to them, I dash under the mosquito bar and sleep, lulled by their shrill yells of baffled rage.
After dinner, I head back onto the Mové for the night since it's too late to go over to Kangwe and see if Mme. Jacot from the Mission Evangelique will take me in. The air is thick with mosquitoes, and after muttering a few choice words to them, I dive under the mosquito net and sleep, lulled by their shrill cries of frustration.
June 8th. - In the morning, up at five. Great activity on beach. Mové synchronously taking on wood fuel and discharging cargo. A very active young French pastor from the Kangwe mission station is round after the mission’s cargo. Mr. Hudson kindly makes inquiries as to whether I may go round to Kangwe and stay with Mme. Jacot. He says: “Oh, yes,” but as I find he is not M. Jacot, I do not feel justified in accepting this statement without its having personal confirmation from Mme. Jacot, and so, leaving my luggage with the Mové, I get them to allow me to go round with him and his cargo to Kangwe, about three-quarters of an hour’s paddle round the upper part of Lembarene Island, and down the broad channel on the other side of it. Kangwe is beautifully situated on a hill, as its name denotes, on the mainland and north bank of the river. Mme. Jacot most kindly says I may come, though I know I shall be a fearful nuisance, for there is no room for me save M. Jacot’s beautifully neat, clean, tidy study. I go back in the canoe and fetch my luggage from the Mové; and say good-bye to Mr. Hudson, who gave me an immense amount of valuable advice about things, which was subsequently of great use to me, and a lot of equally good warnings which, if I had attended to, would have enabled me to avoid many, if not all, my misadventures in Congo Français.
June 8th. - This morning, I woke up at five. There was a lot of activity on the beach. The Mové was busy loading wood fuel and unloading cargo. A very energetic young French pastor from the Kangwe mission station came by to check on the mission’s supplies. Mr. Hudson kindly asked if I could go to Kangwe and stay with Mme. Jacot. He said, “Oh, yes,” but since I learned he isn’t M. Jacot, I didn’t feel right accepting his word without confirmation from Mme. Jacot. So, I left my luggage with the Mové and got permission to go with him and his cargo to Kangwe, which is about a three-quarters-of-an-hour paddle around the upper part of Lembarene Island and down the wide channel on the other side. Kangwe is beautifully located on a hill, as its name suggests, on the mainland and the north bank of the river. Mme. Jacot generously told me I could come, although I knew I’d be quite a bother since the only space for me was M. Jacot’s neatly organized study. I returned in the canoe to grab my luggage from the Mové; then I said goodbye to Mr. Hudson, who shared a wealth of valuable advice that ended up being really helpful, along with some excellent warnings that, had I heeded them, would have helped me avoid many, if not all, of my troubles in Congo Français.
I camped out that night in M. Jacot’s study, wondering how he would like it when he came home and found me there; for he was now away on one of his usual evangelising tours. Providentially Mme. Jacot let me have the room that the girls belonging to the mission school usually slept in, to my great relief, before M. Jacot came home.
I spent the night in M. Jacot’s study, wondering how he would feel when he got home and found me there since he was away on one of his usual evangelism trips. Thankfully, Mme. Jacot allowed me to use the room where the girls from the mission school usually slept, which relieved me greatly before M. Jacot returned.
I will not weary you with my diary during my first stay at Kangwe. It is a catalogue of the collection of fish, etc., that I made, and a record of the continuous, never-failing kindness and help that I received from M. and Mme. Jacot, and of my attempts to learn from them the peculiarities of the region, the natives, and their language and customs, which they both know so well and manage so admirably. I daily saw there what it is possible to do, even in the wildest and most remote regions of West Africa, and recognised that there is still one heroic form of human being whose praise has never adequately been sung, namely, the missionary’s wife.
I won’t bore you with my diary from my first stay at Kangwe. It’s basically a list of the fish I collected and a record of the endless kindness and support I received from M. and Mme. Jacot. I also tried to learn from them about the unique features of the area, the locals, and their language and customs, which they know so well and handle so perfectly. Every day, I saw what’s possible even in the wildest and most isolated parts of West Africa, and I realized there’s still a remarkable kind of person whose contributions haven’t been properly recognized: the missionary’s wife.
Wishing to get higher up the Ogowé, I took the opportunity of the river boat of the Chargeurs Réunis going up to the Njole on one of her trips, and joined her.
Wishing to travel further up the Ogowé River, I seized the chance to board the riverboat from Chargeurs Réunis on its way to Njole during one of its trips, and joined it.
June 22nd. - Éclaireur, charming little stern wheel steamer, exquisitely kept. She has an upper and a lower deck. The lower deck for business, the upper deck for white passengers only. On the upper deck there is a fine long deck-house, running almost her whole length. In this are the officers’ cabins, the saloon and the passengers’ cabins (two), both large and beautifully fitted up. Captain Verdier exceedingly pleasant and constantly saying “N’est-ce pas?” A quiet and singularly clean engineer completes the white staff.
June 22nd. - Éclaireur, a lovely little stern wheel steamer, is beautifully maintained. She has an upper and a lower deck. The lower deck is for business, while the upper deck is for white passengers only. On the upper deck, there’s a nice long deck-house that runs almost the entire length of the boat. Inside are the officers’ cabins, the saloon, and two large, beautifully furnished passenger cabins. Captain Verdier is very friendly and often says, “N'est-ce pas?” A quiet and unusually tidy engineer rounds out the white staff.
The passengers consist of Mr. Cockshut, going up river to see after the sub-factories; a French official bound for Franceville, which it will take him thirty-six days, go as quick as he can, in a canoe after Njole; a tremendously lively person who has had black water fever four times, while away in the bush with nothing to live on but manioc, a diet it would be far easier to die on under the circumstances. He is excellent company; though I do not know a word he says, he is perpetually giving lively and dramatic descriptions of things which I cannot but recognise. M. S---, with his pince-nez, the Doctor, and, above all, the rapids of the Ogowé, rolling his hands round and round each other and clashing them forward with a descriptive ejaculation of “Whish, flash, bum, bum, bump,” and then comes what evidently represents a terrific fight for life against terrific odds. Wish to goodness I knew French, for wishing to see these rapids, I cannot help feeling anxious and worried at not fully understanding this dramatic entertainment regarding them. There is another passenger, said to be the engineer’s brother, a quiet, gentlemanly man. Captain argues violently with every one; with Mr. Cockshut on the subject of the wicked waste of money in keeping the Mové and not shipping all goods by the Éclaireur, “N’est-ce pas?” and with the French official on goodness knows what, but I fancy it will be pistols for two and coffee for one in the morning time. When the captain feels himself being worsted in argument, he shouts for support to the engineer and his brother. “N’est-ce pas?” he says, turning furiously to them. “Oui, oui, certainement,” they say dutifully and calmly, and then he, refreshed by their support, dashes back to his controversial fray. He even tries to get up a row with me on the subject of the English merchants at Calabar, whom he asserts have sworn a kind of blood oath to ship by none but British and African Company’s steamers. I cannot stand this, for I know my esteemed and honoured friends the Calabar traders would ship by the Flying Dutchman or the Devil himself if either of them would take the stuff at 15 shillings the ton. We have, however, to leave off this row for want of language, to our mutual regret, for it would have been a love of a fight.
The passengers include Mr. Cockshut, who is traveling up the river to check on the sub-factories; a French official heading to Franceville, which will take him thirty-six days at best, paddling in a canoe after Njole; and a wildly energetic person who has had blackwater fever four times while living in the bush with nothing to eat but manioc, a diet that would be much easier to die on under the circumstances. He’s great company; even though I don’t understand a word he says, he constantly gives lively and dramatic descriptions of things I can't help but recognize. M. S---, with his pince-nez, the Doctor, and especially the rapids of the Ogowé, are animatedly stirred up in his hands as he waves them around and then crashes them forward while exclaiming, "Whish, flash, bam, bam, bump," followed by what clearly represents an epic struggle for survival against overwhelming odds. I wish I knew French because my desire to see these rapids makes me anxious and uneasy not fully grasping this dramatic performance about them. There’s another passenger, rumored to be the engineer’s brother, who is a quiet, gentlemanly man. The captain argues passionately with everyone; with Mr. Cockshut about the foolish waste of money in keeping the Mové instead of shipping everything via the Éclaireur, “N’est-ce pas?” and with the French official over who knows what, but I suspect it’ll end with pistols for two and coffee for one in the morning. When the captain senses he’s losing an argument, he calls for backup from the engineer and his brother. “N’est-ce pas?” he shouts furiously at them. “Oui, oui, certainement,” they respond dutifully and calmly, and then, feeling bolstered by their support, he jumps back into the heated debate. He even tries to pick a fight with me about the English merchants in Calabar, claiming they’ve sworn a sort of blood oath to ship only with British and African Company steamers. I can’t tolerate this because I know my respected friends, the Calabar traders, would ship with the Flying Dutchman or even the Devil himself if either would take the goods at 15 shillings a ton. We, however, have to drop this argument due to a language barrier, much to our mutual regret, since it would have been a fantastic fight.
Soon after leaving Lembarene Island, we pass the mouth of the chief southern affluent of the Ogowé, the Ngunie; it flows in unostentatiously from the E.S.E., a broad, quiet river here with low banks and two islands (Walker’s Islands) showing just off its entrance. Higher up, it flows through a mountainous country, and at Samba, its furthest navigable point, there is a wonderfully beautiful waterfall, the whole river coming down over a low cliff, surrounded by an amphitheatre of mountains. It takes the Éclaireur two days steaming from the mouth of the Ngunie to Samba, when she can get up; but now, in the height of the long dry season neither she nor the Mové can go because of the sandbanks; so Samba is cut off until next October. Hatton and Cookson have factories up at Samba, for it is an outlet for the trade of Achango land in rubber and ivory, a trade worked by the Akele tribe, a powerful, savage and difficult lot to deal with, and just in the same condition, as far as I can learn, as they were when Du Chaillu made his wonderful journeys among them. While I was at Lembarene, waiting for the Éclaireur, a notorious chief descended on a Ngunie sub-factory, and looted it. The wife of the black trading agent made a gallant resistance, her husband was away on a trading expedition, but the chief had her seized and beaten, and thrown into the river. An appeal was made to the Doctor then Administrator of the Ogowé, a powerful and helpful official, and he soon came up with the little canoniere, taking Mr. Cockshut with him and fully vindicated the honour of the French flag, under which all factories here are.
Soon after leaving Lembarene Island, we pass the mouth of the main southern tributary of the Ogowé, the Ngunie. It flows in quietly from the southeast, a wide, calm river with low banks and two islands (Walker’s Islands) just off its entrance. Further upstream, it winds through a mountainous region, and at Samba, its farthest navigable point, there's a stunning waterfall where the entire river cascades over a low cliff, surrounded by a ring of mountains. It takes the Éclaireur two days of steaming from the mouth of the Ngunie to reach Samba, assuming it can make it; but right now, during the peak of the long dry season, neither it nor the Mové can get through due to sandbanks, so Samba is cut off until next October. Hatton and Cookson have trading posts up at Samba, as it's a hub for trade from Achango land in rubber and ivory, a business run by the Akele tribe, a powerful and tough group to work with, who, as far as I can tell, are just as they were when Du Chaillu made his remarkable journeys among them. While I was at Lembarene, waiting for the Éclaireur, a notorious chief raided a Ngunie sub-factory and plundered it. The wife of the black trading agent bravely resisted while her husband was away on a trading trip, but the chief had her captured, beaten, and thrown into the river. An appeal was made to the Doctor, the then Administrator of the Ogowé, a strong and supportive official, who quickly arrived with the little canoniere, bringing Mr. Cockshut with him, and he successfully defended the honor of the French flag, which all the factories here operate under.
The banks of the Ogowé just above Lembarene Island are low; with the forest only broken by village clearings and seeming to press in on those, ready to absorb them should the inhabitants cease their war against it. The blue Ntyankâlâ mountains of Achango land show away to the E.S.E. in a range. Behind us, gradually sinking in the distance, is the high land on Lembarene Island.
The banks of the Ogowé River just above Lembarene Island are low, with the forest only interrupted by village clearings and looking like it's about to close in on them if the residents stop fighting against it. The blue Ntyankâlâ mountains of Achango land are visible off to the southeast in a line. Behind us, gradually disappearing into the distance, is the higher ground on Lembarene Island.
Soon we run up alongside a big street of a village with four high houses rising a story above the rest, which are strictly ground floor; it has also five or six little low open thatched huts along the street in front. {96} These may be fetish huts, or, as the captain of the Sparrow would say, “again they mayn’t.” For I have seen similar huts in the villages round Libreville, which were store places for roof mats, of which the natives carefully keep a store dry and ready for emergencies in the way of tornadoes, or to sell. We stop abreast of this village. Inhabitants in scores rush out and form an excited row along the vertical bank edge, several of the more excited individuals falling over it into the water.
Soon we run up alongside a main street in a village with four tall houses that rise a story above the others, which are all just one level; there are also five or six small low open thatched huts along the street in front. {96} These could be fetish huts, or, as the captain of the Sparrow would say, “they might not be.” I have seen similar huts in the villages around Libreville, which were storage places for roofing mats, where the locals keep a stash dry and ready for emergencies like tornadoes or to sell. We stop next to this village. Scores of inhabitants rush out and form an excited line along the edge of the vertical bank, with several of the more enthusiastic individuals tumbling over into the water.
Yells from our passengers on the lower deck. Yells from inhabitants on shore. Yells of vite, vite from the Captain. Dogs bark, horns bray, some exhilarated individual thumps the village drum, canoes fly out from the bank towards us. Fearful scrimmage heard going on all the time on the deck below. As soon as the canoes are alongside, our passengers from the lower deck, with their bundles and their dogs, pour over the side into them. Canoes rock wildly and wobble off rapidly towards the bank, frightening the passengers because they have got their best clothes on, and fear that the Éclaireur will start and upset them altogether with her wash.
Yells from our passengers on the lower deck. Yells from people on shore. Yells of hurry, hurry from the Captain. Dogs bark, horns honk, and some excited person bangs the village drum as canoes dart out from the bank toward us. A chaotic commotion is constantly heard on the deck below. As soon as the canoes are alongside, our lower-deck passengers, with their bundles and dogs, spill over the side into them. The canoes rock wildly and quickly head toward the bank, making the passengers nervous because they’re wearing their best clothes and worry that the Éclaireur will start moving and capsize them with its wake.
On reaching the bank, the new arrivals disappear into brown clouds of wives and relations, and the dogs into fighting clusters of resident dogs. Happy, happy day! For those men who have gone ashore have been away on hire to the government and factories for a year, and are safe home in the bosoms of their families again, and not only they themselves, but all the goods they have got in pay. The remaining passengers below still yell to their departed friends; I know not what they say, but I expect it’s the Fan equivalent for “Mind you write. Take care of yourself. Yes, I’ll come and see you soon,” etc., etc. While all this is going on, the Éclaireur quietly slides down river, with the current, broadside on as if she smelt her stable at Lembarene. This I find is her constant habit whenever the captain, the engineer, and the man at the wheel are all busy in a row along the rail, shouting overside, which occurs whenever we have passengers to land. Her iniquity being detected when the last canoe load has left for the shore, she is spun round and sent up river again at full speed.
On reaching the bank, the newcomers vanish into a swirl of wives and relatives, while the dogs join in on the fights with the local dogs. Happy, happy day! The men who have come ashore have been away working for the government and factories for a year, and they’re finally back with their families, along with all the things they earned. The passengers left below are still shouting to their friends who have gone; I don’t know what they’re saying, but I assume it sounds like the Fan version of "Make sure to write. Take care of yourself. Yes, I’ll visit you soon," and so on. While all this is happening, the Éclaireur quietly drifts down the river with the current, broadside, as if it can sense its stable at Lembarene. I’ve noticed this is her usual behavior whenever the captain, the engineer, and the person at the helm are all busy at the rail, shouting over the side, which happens whenever we have passengers to drop off. Once her wrongdoing is caught after the last canoe load has left for shore, she’s spun around and sent back up the river full speed.
We go on up stream; now and again stopping at little villages to land passengers or at little sub-factories to discharge cargo, until evening closes in, when we anchor and tie up at O’Saomokita, where there is a sub-factory of Messrs. Woermann’s, in charge of which is a white man, the only white man between Lembarene and Njole. He comes on board and looks only a boy, but is really aged twenty. He is a Frenchman, and was at Hatton and Cookson’s first, then he joined Woermann’s, who have put him in charge of this place. The isolation for a white man must be terrible; sometimes two months will go by without his seeing another white face but that in his looking-glass, and when he does see another, it is only by a fleeting visit such as we now pay him, and to make the most of this, he stays on board to dinner.
We head upstream, occasionally stopping at small villages to drop off passengers or at minor factories to unload cargo, until evening falls and we anchor at O’Saomokita, where there’s a factory run by Messrs. Woermann. The only white guy between Lembarene and Njole manages it. He comes aboard and looks like a kid, but he’s actually twenty years old. He’s French and started at Hatton and Cookson’s before joining Woermann’s, who put him in charge of this place. The isolation for a white man must be tough; sometimes he goes two months without seeing another white face, just his own in the mirror, and when he does see someone else, it’s only a quick visit like the one we’re paying him now, so he stays for dinner to make the most of it.
June 23rd. - Start off steaming up river early in the morning time. Land ahead showing mountainous. Rather suddenly the banks grow higher. Here and there in the forest are patches which look like regular hand-made plantations, which they are not, but only patches of egombie-gombie trees, showing that at this place was once a native town. Whenever land is cleared along here, this tree springs up all over the ground. It grows very rapidly, and has great leaves something like a sycamore leaf, only much larger. These leaves growing in a cluster at the top of the straight stem give an umbrella-like appearance to the affair; so the natives call them and an umbrella by the same name, but whether they think the umbrella is like the tree or the tree is like the umbrella, I can’t make out. I am always getting myself mixed over this kind of thing in my attempts “to contemplate phenomena from a scientific standpoint,” as Cambridge ordered me to do. I’ll give the habit up. “You can’t do that sort of thing out here - It’s the climate,” and I will content myself with stating the fact, that when a native comes into a store and wants an umbrella, he asks for an egombie-gombie.
June 23rd. - We started off steaming up the river early in the morning. There was land ahead that looked mountainous. Suddenly, the banks grew higher. Here and there in the forest, there were patches that looked like they had been intentionally planted, but they aren’t; they’re just patches of egombie-gombie trees, showing that a native town used to be here. Whenever land gets cleared around here, this tree pops up everywhere. It grows really fast and has huge leaves, kind of like a sycamore leaf, but much bigger. These leaves cluster at the top of a straight stem, giving it a sort of umbrella-like look, so the locals call them the same name as the umbrella. I can’t figure out if they think the umbrella resembles the tree or if the tree resembles the umbrella. I always get confused about this while trying “to contemplate phenomena from a scientific standpoint,” as Cambridge instructed me to do. I think I’ll give that up. “You can’t do that kind of thing out here - it’s the climate,” so I’ll just say that when a native walks into a store and wants an umbrella, he asks for an egombie-gombie.
The uniformity of the height of the individual trees in one of these patches is striking, and it arises from their all starting fair. I cannot make out other things about them to my satisfaction, for you very rarely see one of them in the wild bush, and then it does not bear a fruit that the natives collect and use, and then chuck away the stones round their domicile. Anyhow, there they are all one height, and all one colour, and apparently allowing no other vegetation to make any headway among them. But I found when I carefully investigated egombie-gombie patches that there were a few of the great, slower-growing forest trees coming up amongst them, and in time when these attain a sufficient height, their shade kills off the egombie-gombie, and the patch goes back into the great forest from which it came. The frequency of these patches arises from the nomadic habits of the chief tribe in these regions, the Fans. They rarely occupy one site for a village for any considerable time on account - firstly, of their wasteful method of collecting rubber by cutting down the vine, which soon stamps it out of a district; and, secondly, from their quarrelsome ways. So when a village of Fans has cleared all the rubber out of its district, or has made the said district too hot to hold it by rows with other villages, or has got itself very properly shelled out and burnt for some attack on traders or the French flag in any form, its inhabitants clear off into another district, and build another village; for bark and palm thatch are cheap, and house removing just nothing; when you are an unsophisticated cannibal Fan you don’t require a pantechnicon van to stow away your one or two mushroom-shaped stools, knives, and cooking-pots, and a calabash or so. If you are rich, maybe you will have a box with clothes in as well, but as a general rule all your clothes are on your back. So your wives just pick up the stools and the knives and the cooking-pots, and the box, and the children toddle off with the calabashes. You have, of course, the gun to carry, for sleeping or waking a Fan never parts with his gun, and so there you are “finish,” as M. Pichault would say, and before your new bark house is up, there grows the egombie-gombie, where your house once stood. Now and again, for lack of immediate neighbouring villages to quarrel with, one end of a village will quarrel with the other end. The weaker end then goes off and builds itself another village, keeping an eye lifting for any member of the stronger end who may come conveniently into its neighbourhood to be killed and eaten. Meanwhile, the egombie-gombie grows over the houses of the empty end, pretending it’s a plantation belonging to the remaining half. I once heard a new-comer hold forth eloquently as to how those Fans were maligned. “They say,” said he, with a fine wave of his arm towards such a patch, “that these people do not till the soil - that they are not industrious - that the few plantations they do make are ill-kept - that they are only a set of wandering hunters and cannibals. Look there at those magnificent plantations!” I did look, but I did not alter my opinion of the Fans, for I know my old friend egombie-gombie when I see him.
The uniformity in the height of the individual trees in one of these patches is striking, and it comes from them all starting off well. I can't figure out other details about them to my liking, because you very rarely see one of them in the wild bush, and even then, it doesn’t produce a fruit that the locals collect and use, only to toss away the stones around their homes. Anyway, there they are, all the same height, all the same color, and seemingly not allowing any other vegetation to thrive among them. However, when I carefully examined the egombie-gombie patches, I found a few of the larger, slower-growing forest trees emerging among them. Eventually, when these trees reach a sufficient height, their shade kills off the egombie-gombie, and the patch returns to the great forest from which it originated. The prevalence of these patches is due to the nomadic lifestyle of the main tribe in these areas, the Fans. They rarely stay in one spot for a village for a significant time because, firstly, their wasteful method of collecting rubber by cutting down the vine quickly eradicates it from an area; and secondly, due to their quarrelsome nature. So when a village of Fans has cleared all the rubber from its area, or has made that area too contentious to remain in because of disputes with other villages, or has gotten itself attacked and burned for some offense against traders or the French flag, its members move on to another area and build a new village; since bark and palm thatch are cheap, and moving isn’t a big deal. As an unsophisticated cannibal Fan, you don’t need a moving truck to pack up your one or two mushroom-shaped stools, knives, cooking pots, and a few calabashes. If you’re wealthy, maybe you’ll have a box with clothes in it too, but generally, all your clothes are on your back. So your wives just pick up the stools, knives, cooking pots, and box, while the children toddle off with the calabashes. Of course, you have to carry your gun, because whether asleep or awake, a Fan never parts with his gun, and so that's that, as M. Pichault would say. Before your new bark house is up, the egombie-gombie grows where your house once stood. Occasionally, if there aren’t any neighboring villages to fight with, one end of a village will start a conflict with the other end. The weaker end then moves off and builds a new village, keeping an eye out for any members of the stronger end who might happen to pass by to be killed and eaten. Meanwhile, the egombie-gombie grows over the houses of the abandoned end, pretending to be a plantation belonging to the remaining half. I once heard a newcomer passionately argue that the Fans were misunderstood. “They say,” he said, waving his arm towards such a patch, “that these people do not farm the land—that they are not hardworking—that the few plantations they do have are poorly kept—that they are just a bunch of wandering hunters and cannibals. Look at those magnificent plantations!” I did look, but I didn’t change my opinion about the Fans, because I know my old friend, egombie-gombie, when I see it.
This morning the French official seems sad and melancholy. I fancy he has got a Monday head (Kipling), but he revives as the day goes on. As we go on, the banks become hills and the broad river, which has been showing sheets of sandbanks in all directions, now narrows and shows only neat little beaches of white sand in shallow places along the bank. The current is terrific. The Éclaireur breathes hard, and has all she can do to fight her way up against it. Masses of black weathered rock in great boulders show along the exposed parts of both banks, left dry by the falling waters. Each bank is steep, and quantities of great trees, naked and bare, are hanging down from them, held by their roots and bush-rope entanglement from being swept away with the rushing current, and they make a great white fringe to the banks. The hills become higher and higher, and more and more abrupt, and the river runs between them in a gloomy ravine, winding to and fro; we catch sight of a patch of white sand ahead, which I mistake for a white painted house, but immediately after doubling round a bend we see the houses of the Talagouga Mission Station. The Éclaireur forthwith has an hysteric fit on her whistle, so as to frighten M. Forget and get him to dash off in his canoe to her at once. Apparently he knows her, and does not hurry, but comes on board quietly. I find there will be no place for me to stay at at Njole, so I decide to go on in the Éclaireur and use her as an hotel while there, and then return and stay with Mme. Forget if she will have me. I consult M. Forget on this point. He says, “Oh, yes,” but seems to have lost something of great value recently, and not to be quite clear where. Only manner, I suppose. When M. Forget has got his mails he goes, and the Éclaireur goes on; indeed, she has never really stopped, for the water is too deep to anchor in here, and the terrific current would promptly whisk the steamer down out of Talagouga gorge were she to leave off fighting it. We run on up past Talagouga Island, where the river broadens out again a little, but not much, and reach Njole by nightfall, and tie up to a tree by Dumas’ factory beach. Usual uproar, but as Mr. Cockshut says, no mosquitoes. The mosquito belt ends abruptly at O’Soamokita.
This morning, the French official seems sad and gloomy. I think he has a case of the Monday blues, but he perks up as the day goes on. As we move forward, the banks turn into hills, and the wide river, which has been revealing sandbanks in all directions, now narrows and shows only small, clean beaches of white sand in shallow spots along the bank. The current is strong. The Éclaireur struggles and has a tough time fighting against it. Large boulders of black, weathered rock are exposed along both banks, dried out by the falling water. Each bank is steep, with many huge trees, bare and naked, hanging down, held by their roots and tangled brush to keep them from being swept away by the rushing current, creating a white fringe along the banks. The hills get taller and steeper, and the river winds between them in a dark ravine; we catch a glimpse of a patch of white sand ahead, which I mistake for a white-painted house, but after rounding a bend, we spot the houses of the Talagouga Mission Station. The Éclaireur has a sudden outburst on her whistle, trying to get M. Forget's attention and make him rush over in his canoe. Apparently, he knows her and doesn't rush, instead coming on board calmly. I find there’s no place for me to stay in Njole, so I decide to continue on the Éclaireur and use her as my hotel while I'm there, then return to stay with Mme. Forget if she’ll have me. I ask M. Forget about this. He says, “Oh, yes,” but seems to have recently lost something valuable and doesn’t quite remember where. Just his demeanor, I guess. Once M. Forget gets his mail, he leaves, and the Éclaireur continues on; in fact, she hasn’t really stopped, since the water is too deep to anchor here, and the strong current would quickly sweep the steamer down out of Talagouga gorge if she stopped fighting it. We move on past Talagouga Island, where the river widens a bit, but not by much, and reach Njole by nightfall, tying up to a tree by Dumas’ factory beach. The usual chaos, but as Mr. Cockshut says, no mosquitoes. The mosquito belt ends abruptly at O’Soamokita.
Next morning I go ashore and start on a walk. Lovely road, bright yellow clay, as hard as paving stone. On each side it is most neatly hedged with pine-apples; behind these, carefully tended, acres of coffee bushes planted in long rows. Certainly coffee is one of the most lovely of crops. Its grandly shaped leaves are like those of our medlar tree, only darker and richer green, the berries set close to the stem, those that are ripe, a rich crimson; these trees, I think, are about three years old, and just coming into bearing; for they are covered with full-sized berries, and there has been a flush of bloom on them this morning, and the delicious fragrance of their stephanotis-shaped and scented flowers lingers in the air. The country spreads before me a lovely valley encompassed by purple-blue mountains. Mount Talagouga looks splendid in a soft, infinitely deep blue, although it is quite close, just the other side of the river. The road goes on into the valley, as pleasantly as ever and more so. How pleasant it would be now, if our government along the Coast had the enterprise and public spirit of the French, and made such roads just on the remote chance of stray travellers dropping in on a steamer once in ten years or so and wanting a walk. Observe extremely neatly Igalwa built huts, people sitting on the bright clean ground outside them, making mats and baskets. “Mboloani,” say I. “Ai! Mbolo,” say they, and knock off work to stare. Observe large wired-in enclosures on left-hand side of road - investigate - find they are tenanted by animals - goats, sheep, chickens, etc. Clearly this is a jardin d’acclimatation. No wonder the colony does not pay, if it goes in for this sort of thing, 206 miles inland, with simply no public to pay gate-money. While contemplating these things, hear awful hiss. Serpents! No, geese. Awful fight. Grand things, good, old-fashioned, long skirts are for Africa! Get through geese and advance in good order, but somewhat rapidly down road, turn sharply round corner of native houses. Turkey cock - terrific turn up. Flight on my part forwards down road, which is still going strong, now in a northerly direction, apparently indefinitely. Hope to goodness there will be a turning that I can go down and get back by, without returning through this ferocious farmyard. Intent on picking up such an outlet, I go thirty yards or so down the road. Hear shouts coming from a clump of bananas on my left. Know they are directed at me, but it does not do to attend to shouts always. Expect it is only some native with an awful knowledge of English, anxious to get up my family history - therefore accelerate pace. More shouts, and louder, of “Madame Gacon! Madame Gacon!” and out of the banana clump comes a big, plump, pleasant-looking gentleman, clad in a singlet and a divided skirt. White people must be attended to, so advance carefully towards him through a plantation of young coffee, apologising humbly for intruding on his domain. He smiles and bows beautifully, but - horror! - he knows no English, I no French. Situation très inexplicable et très interessante, as I subsequently heard him remark; and the worst of it is he is evidently bursting to know who I am, and what I am doing in the middle of his coffee plantation, for his it clearly is, as appears from his obsequious bodyguard of blacks, highly interested in me also. We gaze at each other, and smile some more, but stiffly, and he stands bareheaded in the sun in an awful way. It’s murder I’m committing, hard all! He, as is fitting for his superior sex, displays intelligence first and says, “Interpreter,” waving his hand to the south. I say “Yes,” in my best Fan, an enthusiastic, intelligent grunt which any one must understand. He leads the way back towards those geese - perhaps, by the by, that is why he wears those divided skirts - and we enter a beautifully neatly built bamboo house, and sit down opposite to each other at a table and wait for the interpreter who is being fetched. The house is low on the ground and of native construction, but most beautifully kept, and arranged with an air of artistic feeling quite as unexpected as the rest of my surroundings. I notice upon the walls sets of pictures of terrific incidents in Algerian campaigns, and a copy of that superb head of M. de Brazza in Arab headgear. Soon the black minions who have been sent to find one of the plantation hands who is supposed to know French and English, return with the “interpreter.” That young man is a fraud. He does not know English - not even coast English - and all he has got under his precious wool is an abysmal ignorance darkened by terror; and so, after one or two futile attempts and some frantic scratching at both those regions which an African seems to regard as the seats of intellectual inspiration, he bolts out of the door. Situation terrible! My host and I smile wildly at each other, and both wonder in our respective languages what, in the words of Mr. Squeers as mentioned in the classics - we “shall do in this ’ere most awful go.” We are both going mad with the strain of the situation, when in walks the engineer’s brother from the Éclaireur. He seems intensely surprised to find me sitting in his friend the planter’s parlour after my grim and retiring conduct on the Éclaireur on my voyage up. But the planter tells him all, sousing him in torrents of words, full of the violence of an outbreak of pent-up emotion. I do not understand what he says, but I catch “très inexplicable” and things like that. The calm brother of the engineer sits down at the table, and I am sure tells the planter something like this: “Calm yourself, my friend, we picked up this curiosity at Lembarene. It seems quite harmless.” And then the planter calmed, and mopped a perspiring brow, and so did I, and we smiled more freely, feeling the mental atmosphere had become less tense and cooler. We both simply beamed on our deliverer, and the planter gave him lots of things to drink. I had nothing about me except a head of tobacco in my pocket, which I did not feel was a suitable offering. Now the engineer’s brother, although he would not own to it, knew English, so I told him how the beauty of the road had lured me on, and how I was interested in coffee-planting, and how much I admired the magnificence of this plantation, and all the enterprise and energy it represented.
Next morning, I head ashore and go for a walk. The road is lovely, made of bright yellow clay that’s as hard as paving stone. On either side, it’s neatly lined with pineapples; behind them are carefully tended acres of coffee bushes arranged in long rows. Coffee is definitely one of the most beautiful crops. Its large leaves are like those of our medlar tree, but darker and richer in green, with ripe berries close to the stems, a deep crimson color; these trees are about three years old and just starting to bear fruit, as they’re covered in full-sized berries and there was a fresh bloom on them this morning, with the delightful fragrance of their stephanotis-shaped and scented flowers still lingering in the air. The country opens up before me into a lovely valley surrounded by purple-blue mountains. Mount Talagouga looks stunning in a soft, infinitely deep blue, even though it’s close by, just across the river. The road continues into the valley, as pleasant as ever, if not more. How nice it would be if our government along the coast had the ambition and community spirit of the French and built such roads just in case the occasional traveler might disembark from a steamer once every ten years or so and want to take a walk. I see extremely neat Igalwa-built huts with people sitting on the bright clean ground outside, making mats and baskets. “Mboloani,” I say. “Ai! Mbolo,” they respond, stopping their work to stare. I notice large fenced-in areas on the left side of the road—curious, I investigate and find they house animals—goats, sheep, chickens, etc. Clearly, this is a jardin d’acclimatation. No wonder the colony doesn’t make a profit if it's focused on this kind of thing, 206 miles inland, without any public to pay admission. While pondering this, I hear a terrible hissing. Snakes! No, geese. A huge commotion. Long skirts are definitely the way to go in Africa! I manage to get past the geese and continue down the road, now going pretty fast and turn sharply around the corner of some native houses. A turkey cock suddenly appears—panic! I dash down the road, which still stretches on, now heading north, seemingly without end. I hope there’s a turn-off I can use to get back without going through this chaotic farmyard again. As I keep an eye out for an outlet, I walk about thirty yards down the road. I hear shouting coming from a cluster of banana trees to my left. I know it’s directed at me, but it’s usually best not to react to shouts. I think it’s just someone with a terrible grasp of English, eager to learn about my family history—so I quicken my pace. More shouts, louder now, of “Madame Gacon! Madame Gacon!” Then out of the banana grove comes a big, plump, friendly-looking gentleman, dressed in a tank top and a divided skirt. White people need to be attended to, so I cautiously walk toward him through a young coffee plantation, humbly apologizing for intruding in his space. He smiles and bows gracefully, but—horror!—he doesn’t speak English, and I don’t speak French. The situation is très inexplicable et très interessante, as I later heard him say; and the worst part is he clearly wants to know who I am and what I’m doing in the middle of his coffee plantation, which it obviously is, as indicated by his attentive group of black workers who are also interested in me. We stare at each other and smile some more, but stiffly, and he stands bareheaded in the sun in a rather awkward way. I feel like I’m committing a crime—poor guy! He, as is proper for his superior gender, takes the initiative and says, “Interpreter,” gesturing to the south. I reply “Yes,” in my best attempt at Fan, an enthusiastic grunt everyone must understand. He leads me back toward those geese—perhaps that’s the reason he’s wearing those divided skirts—and we enter a beautifully constructed bamboo house, sitting down across from each other at a table to wait for the interpreter who is being fetched. The house is low to the ground and built in the native style, but it’s incredibly well maintained, arranged with an artistic touch that’s as unexpected as the rest of my surroundings. I notice sets of pictures on the walls depicting dramatic events from the Algerian campaigns, along with a portrait of that impressive figure of M. de Brazza in Arab headgear. Soon, the black workers sent to find someone from the plantation who speaks both French and English return with the “interpreter.” That young man is a fraud. He doesn’t know English—not even the basic kind—and all he’s got under his precious wool is a deep ignorance mixed with terror. So, after a couple of unsuccessful attempts and some frantic scratching in those areas that an African seems to associate with intellectual inspiration, he runs out of the door. Situation terrible! My host and I exchange frantic smiles and wonder in our own languages what, as Mr. Squeers said in the classics, we “shall do in this ’ere most awful go.” We are both going a bit mad with the strain of the situation when the engineer’s brother from the Éclaireur strolls in. He seems quite shocked to find me sitting in his friend the planter’s parlor after my reserved behavior on the Éclaireur during my journey up. But the planter tells him the whole story, pouring out words with the fervor of pent-up emotions. I don’t understand everything he says, but I catch “très inexplicable” and phrases like that. The calm brother of the engineer sits down at the table, and I’m sure he tells the planter something like this: “Calm yourself, my friend, we picked up this curiosity at Lembarene. It seems quite harmless.” And with that, the planter relaxes, mopping his sweaty brow, and so do I, as we both smile more freely now that the mental atmosphere feels less tense and cooler. We beam at our savior, and the planter encourages him to have a drink. I don’t have anything with me except a bit of tobacco in my pocket, which doesn’t feel like a suitable gift. Now, even though the engineer’s brother wouldn’t admit it, he knew English, so I explained how the beauty of the road had drawn me in, how I was interested in coffee planting, and how much I admired the splendor of this plantation and all the initiative and energy it represented.
“Oui, oui, certainement,” said he, and translated. My friend the planter seemed charmed; it was the first sign of anything approaching reason he had seen in me. He wanted me to have eau sucrée more kindly than ever, and when I rose, intending to bow myself off and go, geese or no geese, back to the Éclaireur, he would not let me go. I must see the plantation, toute la plantation. So presently all three of us go out and thoroughly do the plantation, the most well-ordered, well-cultivated plantation I have ever seen, and a very noble monument to the knowledge and industry of the planter. For two hot hours these two perfect gentlemen showed me over it. I also behaved well, for petticoats, great as they are, do not prevent insects and catawumpuses of sorts walking up one’s ankles and feeding on one as one stands on the long grass which has been most wisely cut and laid round the young trees for mulching. This plantation is of great extent on the hill-sides and in the valley bottom, portions of it are just coming into bearing. The whole is kept as perfectly as a garden, amazing as the work of one white man with only a staff of unskilled native labourers - at present only eighty of them. The coffee planted is of three kinds, the Elephant berry, the Arabian, and the San Thomé. During our inspection, we only had one serious misunderstanding, which arose from my seeing for the first time in my life tree-ferns growing in the Ogowé. There were three of them, evidently carefully taken care of, among some coffee plants. It was highly exciting, and I tried to find out about them. It seemed, even in this centre of enterprise, unlikely that they had been brought just “for dandy” from the Australasian region, and I had never yet come across them in my wanderings save on Fernando Po. Unfortunately, my friends thought I wanted them to keep, and shouted for men to bring things and dig them up; so I had a brisk little engagement with the men, driving them from their prey with the point of my umbrella, ejaculating Kor Kor, like an agitated crow. When at last they understood that my interest in the ferns was scientific, not piratical, they called the men off and explained that the ferns had been found among the bush, when it was being cleared for the plantation.
“Yes, yes, of course,” he said, and translated. My friend the planter seemed delighted; it was the first glimpse of reason he had seen in me. He wanted me to appreciate eau sucrée more than ever, and when I stood up, planning to thank him and head back to the Éclaireur, geese or no geese, he refused to let me go. I had to see the plantation, toute la plantation. So soon all three of us went out and fully explored the plantation, the most well-organized, well-maintained plantation I’ve ever seen, and a truly impressive testament to the knowledge and hard work of the planter. For two hot hours, these two perfect gentlemen showed me around. I also behaved well, because even though skirts are cumbersome, they don’t stop insects and all sorts of critters from crawling up your ankles and munching on you while you stand in the long grass that has been thoughtfully cut and laid around the young trees for mulching. This plantation spans a great area on the hillsides and in the valley bottom, with parts just starting to bear fruit. It is kept as perfectly as a garden, which is remarkable considering it’s the work of one white man with only a crew of unskilled local laborers—currently only eighty of them. The coffee planted here is of three types: Elephant berry, Arabian, and San Thomé. During our tour, we only had one serious mix-up, which happened when I saw tree ferns growing in the Ogowé for the first time in my life. There were three of them, clearly well-tended, among some coffee plants. It was incredibly exciting, and I tried to learn more about them. It seemed unlikely, even in this hub of activity, that they had been brought here just as a novelty from the Australasian region, and I had only seen them on Fernando Po in my travels. Unfortunately, my friends thought I wanted to keep them and called for workers to bring tools and dig them up; so I had a little showdown with the men, using my umbrella to shoo them away from their prize, shouting Kor Kor, like a disturbed crow. When they finally realized that my interest in the ferns was scientific, not thieving, they called off the men and explained that the ferns had been found among the bushes when the area was cleared for the plantation.
Ultimately, with many bows and most sincere thanks from me, we parted, providentially beyond the geese, and I returned down the road to Njole, where I find Mr. Cockshut waiting outside his factory. He insists on taking me to the Post to see the Administrator, and from there he says I can go on to the Éclaireur from the Post beach, as she will be up there from Dumas’. Off we go up the road which skirts the river bank, a dwarf clay cliff, overgrown with vegetation, save where it is cleared for beaches. The road is short, but exceedingly pretty; on the other side from the river is a steep bank on which is growing a plantation of cacao. Lying out in the centre of the river you see Njole Island, a low, sandy one, timbered not only with bush, but with orange and other fruit trees; for formerly the Post and factories used to be situated on the island - now only their trees remain for various reasons, one being that in the wet season it is a good deal under water. Everything is now situated on the mainland north bank, in a straggling but picturesque line; first comes Woermann’s factory, then Hatton and Cookson’s, and John Holt’s, close together with a beach in common in a sweetly amicable style for factories, who as a rule firmly stockade themselves off from their next door neighbours. Then Dumas’ beach, a little native village, the cacao patch and the Post at the up river end of things European, an end of things European, I am told, for a matter of 500 miles. Immediately beyond the Post is a little river falling into the Ogowé, and on its further bank a small village belonging to a chief, who, hearing of the glories of the Government, came down like the Queen of Sheba - in intention, I mean, not personal appearance - to see it, and so charmed has he been that here he stays to gaze on it.
Ultimately, with many bows and my sincerest thanks, we said goodbye, moving past the geese, and I headed back down the road to Njole, where I found Mr. Cockshut waiting outside his factory. He insisted on taking me to the Post to meet the Administrator, and from there, he said I could head to the Éclaireur from the Post beach, as she would be arriving from Dumas’. We set off up the road that runs along the riverbank, a small clay cliff covered in vegetation, except for spots cleared for beaches. The road is short but very pretty; on the other side of the river is a steep bank with a cacao plantation. In the center of the river lies Njole Island, a low sandy area, filled not only with bushes but also orange and other fruit trees; once, the Post and factories were located on the island—now only their trees remain for various reasons, one being that it often gets underwater during the wet season. Everything is now located on the mainland north bank, in a scattered but picturesque line; first comes Woermann’s factory, then Hatton and Cookson’s, and John Holt’s, all close together with a shared beach, in a surprisingly friendly setup for factories that usually keep themselves strongly separated from their neighbors. Then there's Dumas’ beach, a small native village, the cacao patch, and the Post at the upper river end of all things European, which I’m told stretches for about 500 miles. Just beyond the Post is a small river flowing into the Ogowé, and on its opposite bank is a small village belonging to a chief who, hearing about the wonders of the Government, came down like the Queen of Sheba—in spirit, not in appearance—to see it, and he has been so charmed that he decided to stay and admire it.
Although Mr. Cockshut hunted the Administrator of the Ogowé out of his bath, that gentleman is exceedingly amiable and charming, all the more so to me for speaking good English. Personally, he is big, handsome, exuberant, and energetic. He shows me round with a gracious enthusiasm, all manner of things - big gorilla teeth and heads, native spears and brass-nail-ornamented guns; and explains, while we are in his study, that the little model canoe full of Kola nuts is the supply of Kola to enable him to sit up all night and work. Then he takes us outside to see the new hospital which he, in his capacity as Administrator, during the absence of the professional Administrator on leave in France, has granted to himself in his capacity as Doctor; and he shows us the captive chief and headmen from Samba busily quarrying a clay cliff behind it so as to enlarge the governmental plateau, and the ex-ministers of the ex-King of Dahomey, who are deported to Njole, and apparently comfortable and employed in various non-menial occupations. Then we go down the little avenue of cacao trees in full bearing, and away to the left to where there is now an encampment of Adoomas, who have come down as a convoy from Franceville, and are going back with another under the command of our vivacious fellow passenger, who, I grieve to see, will have a rough time of it in the way of accommodation in those narrow, shallow canoes which are lying with their noses tied to the bank, and no other white man to talk to. What a blessing he will be conversationally to Franceville when he gets in. The Adooma encampment is very picturesque, for they have got their bright-coloured chintz mosquito-bars erected as tents.
Although Mr. Cockshut interrupted the Administrator of the Ogowé during his bath, that gentleman is very friendly and charming, especially to me since he speaks good English. He is tall, handsome, lively, and full of energy. He enthusiastically shows me around, displaying all kinds of items—huge gorilla teeth and heads, native spears, and guns decorated with brass nails. While we're in his study, he explains that the small model canoe filled with Kola nuts is his supply to keep him awake all night while he works. Then he takes us outside to see the new hospital that he has granted to himself in his role as Administrator while the professional Administrator is on leave in France. He shows us the captive chief and headmen from Samba who are busy quarrying clay from a cliff behind the hospital to expand the governmental area, along with the former ministers of the ex-King of Dahomey, who seem to be comfortable and engaged in various non-menial jobs in Njole. Next, we walk down a little avenue of fully bearing cacao trees and head left to where there is now an encampment of Adoomas. They have come down as a convoy from Franceville and are preparing to return with another one led by our lively fellow passenger, who I regret to see will have a tough time due to the cramped and shallow canoes waiting with their noses tied to the bank, with no other white person to talk to. He will certainly be a conversational asset to Franceville when he arrives. The Adooma encampment is quite picturesque, featuring their brightly colored chintz mosquito nets set up as tents.
Dr. Pélessier then insists on banging down monkey bread-fruit with a stick, to show me their inside. Of course they burst over his beautiful white clothes. I said they would, but men will be men. Then we go and stand under the two lovely odeaka trees that make a triumphal-arch-like gateway to the Post’s beach from the river, and the Doctor discourses in a most interesting way on all sorts of subjects. We go on waiting for the Éclaireur, who, although it is past four o’clock, is still down at Dumas’ beach. I feel nearly frantic at detaining the Doctor, but neither he nor Mr. Cockshut seem in the least hurry. But at last I can stand it no longer. The vision of the Administrator of the Ogowé, worn out, but chewing Kola nut to keep himself awake all night while he finishes his papers to go down on the Éclaireur to-morrow morning, is too painful; so I say I will walk back to Dumas’ and go on the Éclaireur there, and try to liberate the Administrator from his present engagements, so that he may go back and work. No good! He will come down to Dumas’ with Mr. Cockshut and me. Off we go, and just exactly as we are getting on to Dumas’ beach, off starts the Éclaireur with a shriek for the Post beach. So I say good-bye to Mr. Cockshut, and go back to the Post with Dr. Pélessier, and he sees me on board, and to my immense relief he stays on board a good hour and a half, talking to other people, so it is not on my head if he is up all night.
Dr. Pélessier then insists on smashing monkey bread-fruit with a stick to show me what's inside. Of course, they splatter all over his nice white clothes. I warned him they would, but men will be men. Then we stand under the two beautiful odeaka trees that create a gateway like a triumphal arch from the river to the Post’s beach, and the Doctor talks in a really interesting way about all sorts of topics. We keep waiting for the Éclaireur, which, even though it's past four o'clock, is still at Dumas’ beach. I feel almost frantic about keeping the Doctor waiting, but neither he nor Mr. Cockshut seems in a hurry. But eventually, I can't take it anymore. The thought of the Administrator of the Ogowé, exhausted but chewing Kola nut to stay awake all night while he finishes his papers to board the Éclaireur tomorrow morning, is too much for me; so I say I'll walk back to Dumas’ and take the Éclaireur from there, hoping to free the Administrator from his current duties so he can go back and work. No luck! He’ll come down to Dumas’ with Mr. Cockshut and me. Off we go, and just as we reach Dumas’ beach, the Éclaireur takes off with a shout for the Post beach. So I say goodbye to Mr. Cockshut and head back to the Post with Dr. Pélessier, who sees me on board, and to my huge relief, he stays on board for a good hour and a half, talking to other people, so it’s not my fault if he’s up all night.
June 25th. - Éclaireur has to wait for the Administrator until ten, because he has not done his mails. At ten he comes on board like an amiable tornado, for he himself is going to Cape Lopez. I am grieved to see them carrying on board, too, a French official very ill with fever. He is the engineer of the canoniere and they are taking him down to Cape Lopez, where they hope to get a ship to take him up to Gaboon, and to the hospital on the Minervé. I heard subsequently that the poor fellow died about forty hours after leaving Njole at Achyouka in Kama country.
June 25th - Éclaireur has to wait for the Administrator until ten because he hasn't completed his emails. At ten, he boards like a friendly whirlwind, as he is heading to Cape Lopez. I feel sad to see them carry a very sick French official on board who has a fever. He is the engineer of the canoniere, and they are taking him to Cape Lopez, where they hope to find a ship to take him up to Gaboon and to the hospital on the Minervé. I later heard that the poor guy died about forty hours after leaving Njole at Achyouka in Kama country.
We get away at last, and run rapidly down river, helped by the terrific current. The Éclaireur has to call at Talagouga for planks from M. Gacon’s sawmill. As soon as we are past the tail of Talagouga Island, the Éclaireur ties her whistle string to a stanchion, and goes off into a series of screaming fits, as only she can. What she wants is to get M. Forget or M. Gacon, or better still both, out in their canoes with the wood waiting for her, because “she cannot anchor in the depth,” “nor can she turn round,” and “backing plays the mischief with any ship’s engines,” and “she can’t hold her own against the current,” and - then Captain Verdier says things I won’t repeat, and throws his weight passionately on the whistle string, for we are in sight of the narrow gorge of Talagouga, with the Mission Station apparently slumbering in the sun. This puts the Éclaireur in an awful temper. She goes down towards it as near as she dare, and then frisks round again, and runs up river a little way and drops down again, in violent hysterics the whole time. Soon M. Gacon comes along among the trees on the bank, and laughs at her. A rope is thrown to him, and the panting Éclaireur tied up to a tree close in to the bank, for the water is deep enough here to moor a liner in, only there are a good many rocks. In a few minutes M. Forget and several canoe loads of beautiful red-brown mahogany planks are on board, and things being finished, I say good-bye to the captain, and go off with M. Forget in a canoe, to the shore.
We finally set off and race down the river, aided by the strong current. The Éclaireur has to stop at Talagouga for planks from M. Gacon’s sawmill. As soon as we pass the end of Talagouga Island, the Éclaireur ties her whistle string to a support beam and lets out a series of loud blasts, like only she can. She’s trying to get M. Forget or M. Gacon, or ideally both, out in their canoes with the wood ready for her, because “she can’t anchor in the deep,” “nor can she turn around,” and “backing messes up any ship’s engines,” and “she can’t push against the current,” and then Captain Verdier says things I won’t repeat and pulls down hard on the whistle string, since we can see the narrow gorge of Talagouga ahead, with the Mission Station seemingly resting in the sun. This makes the Éclaireur really mad. She moves as close as she can to it, then spins around and runs upriver a bit before dropping back down, all while having a huge freak-out. Soon M. Gacon shows up among the trees on the bank and laughs at her. A rope is thrown to him, and the gasping Éclaireur is tied to a tree near the bank, because the water is deep enough here to dock a liner, although there are quite a few rocks. A few minutes later, M. Forget and several canoes full of beautiful red-brown mahogany planks are on board, and once everything's done, I say goodbye to the captain and head off with M. Forget in a canoe to the shore.
CHAPTER V. THE RAPIDS OF THE OGOWÉ.
The Log of an Adooma canoe during a voyage undertaken to the rapids of the River Ogowé, with some account of the divers disasters that befell thereon.
The Log of an Adooma canoe during a journey to the rapids of the River Ogowé, along with an account of the various disasters that occurred there.
Mme. Forget received me most kindly, and, thanks to her ever thoughtful hospitality, I spent a very pleasant time at Talagouga, wandering about the forest and collecting fishes from the native fishermen: and seeing the strange forms of some of these Talagouga region fishes and the marked difference between them and those of Lembarene, I set my heart on going up into the region of the Ogowé rapids. For some time no one whom I could get hold of regarded it as a feasible scheme, but, at last, M. Gacon thought it might be managed; I said I would give a reward of 100 francs to any one who would lend me a canoe and a crew, and I would pay the working expenses, food, wages, etc. M. Gacon had a good canoe and could spare me two English-speaking Igalwas, one of whom had been part of the way with MM. Allégret and Teisserès, when they made their journey up to Franceville and then across to Brazzaville and down the Congo two years ago. He also thought we could get six Fans to complete the crew. I was delighted, packed my small portmanteau with a few things, got some trade goods, wound up my watch, ascertained the date of the day of the month, and borrowed three hair-pins from Mme. Forget, then down came disappointment. On my return from the bush that evening, Mme. Forget said M. Gacon said “it was impossible,” the Fans round Talagouga wouldn’t go at any price above Njole, because they were certain they would be killed and eaten by the up-river Fans. Internally consigning the entire tribe to regions where they will get a rise in temperature, even on this climate, I went with Mme. Forget to M. Gacon, and we talked it over; finally, M. Gacon thought he could let me have two more Igalwas from Hatton and Cookson’s beach across the river. Sending across there we found this could be done, so I now felt I was in for it, and screwed my courage to the sticking point - no easy matter after all the information I had got into my mind regarding the rapids of the River Ogowé.
Mme. Forget welcomed me warmly, and, thanks to her always thoughtful hospitality, I had a very enjoyable time at Talagouga, exploring the forest and collecting fish from the local fishermen. Noticing the unique shapes of some of the fish from the Talagouga region and how different they were from those in Lembarene, I became eager to travel up to the Ogowé rapids. For a while, no one I spoke to thought it was a practical idea, but eventually, M. Gacon believed it might be doable. I offered a reward of 100 francs to anyone who would lend me a canoe and a crew, promising to cover the costs for food, wages, and other expenses. M. Gacon had a good canoe and could provide me with two English-speaking Igalwas. One of them had previously traveled part of the way with MM. Allégret and Teisserès during their journey to Franceville and then across to Brazzaville and down the Congo two years earlier. He also thought we could recruit six Fans to complete the crew. I was thrilled, packed my small suitcase with a few essential items, gathered some trade goods, wound my watch, checked the date, and borrowed three hairpins from Mme. Forget. However, then came the disappointment. On my return from the bush that evening, Mme. Forget said that M. Gacon stated “it was impossible,” as the Fans around Talagouga wouldn’t go any further than Njole for any amount, fearing they would be killed and eaten by the upstream Fans. Mentally condemning the entire tribe to a fate they truly deserved, I accompanied Mme. Forget to M. Gacon for further discussion. Eventually, M. Gacon thought he could provide me with two more Igalwas from Hatton and Cookson’s beach across the river. After reaching out to them, we found this could be arranged. I now felt committed to this journey and steeled my resolve, which wasn’t easy given all I had learned about the rapids of the River Ogowé.
I establish myself on my portmanteau comfortably in the canoe, my back is against the trade box, and behind that is the usual mound of pillows, sleeping mats, and mosquito-bars of the Igalwa crew; the whole surmounted by the French flag flying from an indifferent stick.
I settle in comfortably on my suitcase in the canoe, with my back against the storage box, and behind that is the usual pile of pillows, sleeping mats, and mosquito nets from the Igalwa crew; all topped off with the French flag waving from a makeshift pole.
M. and Mme. Forget provide me with everything I can possibly require, and say that the blood of half my crew is half alcohol; on the whole it is patent they don’t expect to see me again, and I forgive them, because they don’t seem cheerful over it; but still it is not reassuring - nothing is about this affair, and it’s going to rain. It does, as we go up the river to Njole, where there is another risk of the affair collapsing, by the French authorities declining to allow me to proceed. On we paddled, M’bo the head man standing in the bows of the canoe in front of me, to steer, then I, then the baggage, then the able-bodied seamen, including the cook also standing and paddling; and at the other extremity of the canoe - it grieves me to speak of it in this unseamanlike way, but in these canoes both ends are alike, and chance alone ordains which is bow and which is stern - stands Pierre, the first officer, also steering; the paddles used are all of the long-handled, leaf-shaped Igalwa type. We get up just past Talagouga Island and then tie up against the bank of M. Gazenget’s plantation, and make a piratical raid on its bush for poles. A gang of his men come down to us, but only to chat. One of them, I notice, has had something happen severely to one side of his face. I ask M’bo what’s the matter, and he answers, with a derisive laugh, “He be fool man, he go for tief plantain and done got shot.” M’bo does not make it clear where the sin in this affair is exactly located; I expect it is in being “fool man.” Having got our supply of long stout poles we push off and paddle on again. Before we reach Njole I recognise my crew have got the grumbles, and at once inquire into the reason. M’bo sadly informs me that “they no got chop,” having been provided only with plantain, and no meat or fish to eat with it. I promise to get them plenty at Njole, and contentment settles on the crew, and they sing. After about three hours we reach Njole, and I proceed to interview the authorities. Dr. Pélessier is away down river, and the two gentlemen in charge don’t understand English; but Pierre translates, and the letter which M. Forget has kindly written for me explains things and so the palaver ends satisfactorily, after a long talk. First, the official says he does not like to take the responsibility of allowing me to endanger myself in those rapids. I explain I will not hold any one responsible but myself, and I urge that a lady has been up before, a Mme. Quinee. He says “Yes, that is true, but Madame had with her a husband and many men, whereas I am alone and have only eight Igalwas and not Adoomas, the proper crew for the rapids, and they are away up river now with the convoy.” “True, oh King!” I answer, “but Madame Quinee went right up to Lestourville, whereas I only want to go sufficiently high up the rapids to get typical fish. And these Igalwas are great men at canoe work, and can go in a canoe anywhere that any mortal man can go” - this to cheer up my Igalwa interpreter - “and as for the husband, neither the Royal Geographical Society’s list, in their ‘Hints to Travellers,’ nor Messrs. Silver, in their elaborate lists of articles necessary for a traveller in tropical climates, make mention of husbands.” However, the official ultimately says Yes, I may go, and parts with me as with one bent on self destruction. This affair being settled I start off, like an old hen with a brood of chickens to provide for, to get chop for my men, and go first to Hatton and Cookson’s factory. I find its white Agent is down river after stores, and John Holt’s Agent says he has got no beef nor fish, and is precious short of provisions for himself; so I go back to Dumas’, where I find a most amiable French gentleman, who says he will let me have as much fish or beef as I want, and to this supply he adds some delightful bread biscuits. M’bo and the crew beam with satisfaction; mine is clouded by finding, when they have carried off the booty to the canoe, that the Frenchman will not let me pay for it. Therefore taking the opportunity of his back being turned for a few minutes, I buy and pay for, across the store counter, some trade things, knives, cloth, etc. Then I say goodbye to the Agent. “Adieu, Mademoiselle,” says he in a for-ever tone of voice. Indeed I am sure I have caught from these kind people a very pretty and becoming mournful manner, and there’s not another white station for 500 miles where I can show it off. Away we go, still damp from the rain we have come through, but drying nicely with the day, and cheerful about the chop.
M. and Mme. Forget provide me with everything I could possibly need and joke that half my crew's blood consists of alcohol. It’s clear they don’t expect to see me again, and I forgive them because they don’t seem happy about it; still, it’s not reassuring—nothing about this situation is, and it looks like it’s going to rain. It does rain as we head up the river to Njole, where there’s another risk of things falling apart if the French authorities refuse to let me continue. So we paddle on, with M’bo, the head man, standing at the front of the canoe to steer, followed by me, then our gear, and then the able-bodied seamen, including the cook, who is also standing and paddling. At the other end of the canoe—it's awkward to describe it this way, but in these canoes both ends look the same, and chance alone determines which is the bow and which is the stern—stands Pierre, the first officer, also steering. The paddles we use are all long-handled with leaf-shaped Igalwa designs. We make it just past Talagouga Island and tie up against the bank of M. Gazenget’s plantation, where we go on a bit of a raid for poles. A group of his workers comes down to us, but just to chat. I notice one of them has something seriously wrong with one side of his face. I ask M’bo what happened, and he responds with a laugh, “He’s a fool; he went to steal plantains and got shot.” M’bo doesn’t clarify exactly where the wrongdoing is, but I assume it’s in being a “fool.” Once we have our supply of long, sturdy poles, we push off and paddle on. Before we reach Njole, I notice my crew is grumbling, so I immediately ask why. M’bo sadly tells me, “They have no food,” having only been given plantains and no meat or fish to go with it. I promise to get them plenty at Njole, and contentment returns to the crew, who start singing. After about three hours, we reach Njole, and I head to talk with the authorities. Dr. Pélessier is downriver, and the two gentlemen in charge don’t speak English; but Pierre translates, and M. Forget’s letter, which he kindly wrote for me, clarifies everything, so the discussion ends positively after a lengthy conversation. First, the official says he doesn’t want to take on the responsibility of allowing me to risk my safety in those rapids. I explain that I won’t hold anyone else responsible but myself, and I mention that a lady, Mme. Quinee, has been up before. He acknowledges, “Yes, that’s true, but she had her husband with her and many men, while I’m alone and have just eight Igalwas instead of Adoomas, the proper crew for the rapids, who are currently upstream with the convoy.” “That’s true, oh King!” I respond, “but Madame Quinee went all the way up to Lestourville, while I only want to go far enough up the rapids to catch typical fish. And these Igalwas are skilled canoeists who can go anywhere any man can go”—this to encourage my Igalwa interpreter—“and husbands aren't listed as necessary supplies by the Royal Geographical Society in their ‘Hints to Travellers’ or by Messrs. Silver in their detailed lists for travelers in tropical climates.” Still, the official ultimately agrees, and he sends me off as if I'm headed for self-destruction. With that settled, I set off, like a hen with a brood of chicks to feed, to get food for my men, starting with Hatton and Cookson’s factory. I find that their white agent is downriver getting supplies, and John Holt’s agent says he has no beef or fish and is really low on provisions for himself; so I head back to Dumas’, where I meet a very friendly French gentleman, who says he’ll let me have as much fish or beef as I want, and he even throws in some lovely bread biscuits. M’bo and the crew beam with satisfaction; mine is clouded when, after they take the goodies to the canoe, the Frenchman won’t let me pay for it. So, taking advantage of his back being turned for a few minutes, I buy and pay for some trade items, like knives, cloth, etc. Then I say goodbye to the agent. “Adieu, Mademoiselle,” he says in a tone that suggests forever. I feel like I’ve picked up a rather charming and slightly mournful manner from these kind people, and there isn’t another white station for 500 miles where I can show it off. Off we go, still damp from the rain we’ve passed through, but drying nicely with the day and feeling happy about the food.
The Ogowé is broad at Njole and its banks not mountainous, as at Talagouga; but as we go on it soon narrows, the current runs more rapidly than ever, and we are soon again surrounded by the mountain range. Great masses of black rock show among the trees on the hillsides, and under the fringe of fallen trees that hang from the steep banks. Two hours after leaving Njole we are facing our first rapid. Great gray-black masses of smoothed rock rise up out of the whirling water in all directions. These rocks have a peculiar appearance which puzzle me at the time, but in subsequently getting used to it I accepted it quietly and admired. When the sun shines on them they have a soft light blue haze round them, like a halo. The effect produced by this, with the forested hillsides and the little beaches of glistening white sand was one of the most perfect things I have ever seen.
The Ogowé is wide at Njole, and its banks aren't steep like at Talagouga; but as we move along, it quickly narrows, and the current runs faster than ever, soon surrounding us again with the mountain range. Large chunks of black rock peek through the trees on the hillsides, and beneath the fringe of fallen trees that dangle from the steep banks. Two hours after leaving Njole, we face our first rapid. Huge gray-black slabs of smooth rock rise up from the swirling water in all directions. These rocks have a unique appearance that confuses me at first, but as I get used to it later, I accept it calmly and admire it. When the sun shines on them, they have a soft light blue haze around them, like a halo. The effect of this, combined with the forested hillsides and the small beaches of shining white sand, is one of the most beautiful sights I’ve ever seen.
We kept along close to the right-hand bank, dodging out of the way of the swiftest current as much as possible. Ever and again we were unable to force our way round projecting parts of the bank, so we then got up just as far as we could to the point in question, yelling and shouting at the tops of our voices. M’bo said “Jump for bank, sar,” and I “up and jumped,” followed by half the crew. Such banks! sheets, and walls, and rubbish heaps of rock, mixed up with trees fallen and standing. One appalling corner I shall not forget, for I had to jump at a rock wall, and hang on to it in a manner more befitting an insect than an insect-hunter, and then scramble up it into a close-set forest, heavily burdened with boulders of all sizes. I wonder whether the rocks or the trees were there first? there is evidence both ways, for in one place you will see a rock on the top of a tree, the tree creeping out from underneath it, and in another place you will see a tree on the top of a rock, clasping it with a network of roots and getting its nourishment, goodness knows how, for these are by no means tender, digestible sandstones, but uncommon hard gneiss and quartz which has no idea of breaking up into friable small stuff, and which only takes on a high polish when it is vigorously sanded and canvassed by the Ogowé. While I was engaged in climbing across these promontories, the crew would be busy shouting and hauling the canoe round the point by means of the strong chain provided for such emergencies fixed on to the bow. When this was done, in we got again and paddled away until we met our next affliction.
We stayed close to the right bank, trying to avoid the fastest current as much as we could. Every now and then, we couldn't get around the jutting parts of the bank, so we pushed ourselves as far as we could to that spot, yelling and shouting at the top of our lungs. M’bo said, “Jump for the bank, sir,” and I “jumped up,” followed by half the crew. What banks! Sheets, walls, and piles of rocks mixed with fallen and standing trees. One terrible corner I won't forget, because I had to leap at a rock wall and cling to it like an insect rather than an insect hunter, then scramble up into a dense forest, packed with boulders of all sizes. I wonder if the rocks or the trees were here first? There's evidence for both sides, as in one spot you can see a rock on top of a tree, the tree struggling to grow out from underneath it, and in another spot, you can see a tree on top of a rock, wrapping its roots around it and somehow getting its nourishment, even though these aren’t soft, easy-to-digest sandstones, but really tough gneiss and quartz that don’t break down into smaller pieces and only get a shiny finish when they’re vigorously sanded by the Ogowé. While I was busy climbing over these points, the crew shouted and pulled the canoe around the bend using the strong chain attached to the bow for emergencies. Once that was done, we got back in and paddled on until we faced our next challenge.
M’bo had advised that we should spend our first night at the same village that M. Allégret did: but when we reached it, a large village on the north bank, we seemed to have a lot of daylight still in hand, and thought it would be better to stay at one a little higher up, so as to make a shorter day’s work for to-morrow, when we wanted to reach Kondo Kondo; so we went against the bank just to ask about the situation and character of the up-river villages. The row of low, bark huts was long, and extended its main frontage close to the edge of the river bank. The inhabitants had been watching us as we came, and when they saw we intended calling that afternoon, they charged down to the river-edge hopeful of excitement. They had a great deal to say, and so had we. After compliments, as they say, in excerpts of diplomatic communications, three of their men took charge of the conversation on their side, and M’bo did ours. To M’bo’s questions they gave a dramatic entertainment as answer, after the manner of these brisk, excitable Fans. One chief, however, soon settled down to definite details, prefacing his remarks with the silence-commanding “Azuna! Azuna!” and his companions grunted approbation of his observations. He took a piece of plantain leaf and tore it up into five different sized bits. These he laid along the edge of our canoe at different intervals of space, while he told M’bo things, mainly scandalous, about the characters of the villages these bits of leaf represented, save of course about bit A, which represented his own. The interval between the bits was proportional to the interval between the villages, and the size of the bits was proportional to the size of the village. Village number four was the only one he should recommend our going to. When all was said, I gave our kindly informants some heads of tobacco and many thanks. Then M’bo sang them a hymn, with the assistance of Pierre, half a line behind him in a different key, but every bit as flat. The Fans seemed impressed, but any crowd would be by the hymn-singing of my crew, unless they were inmates of deaf and dumb asylums. Then we took our farewell, and thanked the village elaborately for its kind invitation to spend the night there on our way home, shoved off and paddled away in great style just to show those Fans what Igalwas could do.
M’bo suggested we spend our first night in the same village as M. Allégret did, but when we arrived at a large village on the north bank, we still had plenty of daylight left. We figured it would be better to stay at a village a bit further upstream to have a shorter day's journey tomorrow when we aimed to reach Kondo Kondo. So, we paddled closer to the bank to ask about the situation and characteristics of the villages upstream. The row of low, bark huts stretched long and closely hugged the riverbank. The locals had been watching us approach, and when they noticed we were planning to stop by that afternoon, they rushed to the riverbank, excited for some action. They had plenty to say, and so did we. After some polite exchanges, three of their men took over the conversation for their side while M’bo handled ours. In response to M’bo’s questions, they put on a lively display, typical of these spirited, excitable Fans. However, one chief quickly focused on specific details, starting his remarks with the commanding “Azuna! Azuna!” while his companions nodded in approval. He took a piece of plantain leaf and ripped it into five different-sized pieces. He arranged these along the edge of our canoe, spaced apart, while sharing mostly scandalous stories about the villages each piece represented, except for piece A, which stood for his own village. The distance between the pieces reflected the actual distance between the villages, and the size of the pieces indicated the size of the villages. He recommended that we only visit village number four. When all was said and done, I gave our helpful informants some heads of tobacco and thanked them profusely. Then M’bo sang them a hymn, with Pierre trailing half a line behind him in a different key but just as flat. The Fans appeared impressed, though any crowd would be by a hymn sung by my crew, unless they were deaf and mute. After that, we took our leave and thanked the village for its warm invitation to stay there on our way home. We pushed off and paddled away in style, just to show those Fans what Igalwas could do.
We hadn’t gone 200 yards before we met a current coming round the end of a rock reef that was too strong for us to hold our own in, let alone progress. On to the bank I was ordered and went; it was a low slip of rugged confused boulders and fragments of rocks, carelessly arranged, and evidently under water in the wet season. I scrambled along, the men yelled and shouted and hauled the canoe, and the inhabitants of the village, seeing we were becoming amusing again, came, legging it like lamp-lighters, after us, young and old, male and female, to say nothing of the dogs. Some good souls helped the men haul, while I did my best to amuse the others by diving headlong from a large rock on to which I had elaborately climbed, into a thick clump of willow-leaved shrubs. They applauded my performance vociferously, and then assisted my efforts to extricate myself, and during the rest of my scramble they kept close to me, with keen competition for the front row, in hopes that I would do something like it again. But I refused the encore, because, bashful as I am, I could not but feel that my last performance was carried out with all the superb reckless abandon of a Sarah Bernhardt, and a display of art of this order should satisfy any African village for a year at least. At last I got across the rocks on to a lovely little beach of white sand, and stood there talking, surrounded by my audience, until the canoe got over its difficulties and arrived almost as scratched as I; and then we again said farewell and paddled away, to the great grief of the natives, for they don’t get a circus up above Njole every week, poor dears.
We hadn’t gone 200 yards before we ran into a current coming around the end of a rock reef that was too strong for us to handle, let alone make any progress. I was ordered to the bank and went; it was a low slip of rugged, jumbled boulders and fragments of rocks, all carelessly arranged and clearly underwater in the wet season. I scrambled along as the men yelled and shouted, hauling the canoe, and the villagers, seeing we were grabbing their attention again, came running after us like excited kids, young and old, male and female, not to mention the dogs. Some kind folks helped the men haul, while I tried to entertain the others by diving headfirst off a large rock I had carefully climbed onto, landing into a thick clump of willow-leaved shrubs. They cheered for my performance loudly and then helped me get free, and throughout the rest of my scrambling, they stayed close, competing for a front-row view, hoping I would do something like that again. But I turned down the encore because, as shy as I am, I couldn’t help but think my last performance was done with all the reckless charm of a Sarah Bernhardt, and a display like that should satisfy any African village for at least a year. Finally, I made it across the rocks to a beautiful little beach of white sand and stood there chatting, surrounded by my audience, until the canoe got past its troubles and arrived almost as scratched up as I was; then we said our goodbyes and paddled away, much to the villagers’ disappointment, since they don’t get a circus up above Njole every week, poor things.
Now there is no doubt that that chief’s plantain-leaf chart was an ingenious idea and a credit to him. There is also no doubt that the Fan mile is a bit Irish, a matter of nine or so of those of ordinary mortals, but I am bound to say I don’t think, even allowing for this, that he put those pieces far enough apart. On we paddled a long way before we picked up village number one, mentioned in that chart. On again, still longer, till we came to village number two. Village number three hove in sight high up on a mountain side soon after, but it was getting dark and the water worse, and the hill-sides growing higher and higher into nobly shaped mountains, forming, with their forest-graced steep sides, a ravine that, in the gathering gloom, looked like an alley-way made of iron, for the foaming Ogowé. Village number four we anxiously looked for; village number four we never saw; for round us came the dark, seeming to come out on to the river from the forests and the side ravines, where for some hours we had seen it sleeping, like a sailor with his clothes on in bad weather. On we paddled, looking for signs of village fires, and seeing them not. The Erd-geist knew we wanted something, and seeing how we personally lacked it, thought it was beauty; and being in a kindly mood, gave it us, sending the lovely lingering flushes of his afterglow across the sky, which, dying, left it that divine deep purple velvet which no one has dared to paint. Out in it came the great stars blazing high above us, and the dark round us was be-gemmed with fire-flies: but we were not as satisfied with these things as we should have been; what we wanted were fires to cook by and dry ourselves by, and all that sort of thing. The Erd-geist did not understand, and so left us when the afterglow had died away, with only enough starlight to see the flying foam of the rapids ahead and around us, and not enough to see the great trees that had fallen from the bank into the water. These, when the rapids were not too noisy, we could listen for, because the black current rushes through their branches with an impatient “lish, swish”; but when there was a rapid roaring close alongside we ran into those trees, and got ourselves mauled, and had ticklish times getting on our course again. Now and again we ran up against great rocks sticking up in the black water - grim, isolated fellows, who seemed to be standing silently watching their fellow rocks noisily fighting in the arena of the white water. Still on we poled and paddled. About 8 P.M. we came to a corner, a bad one; but we were unable to leap on to the bank and haul round, not being able to see either the details or the exact position of the said bank, and we felt, I think naturally, disinclined to spring in the direction of such bits of country as we had had experience of during the afternoon, with nothing but the aid we might have got from a compass hastily viewed by the transitory light of a lucifer match, and even this would not have informed us how many tens of feet of tree fringe lay between us and the land, so we did not attempt it. One must be careful at times, or nasty accidents may follow. We fought our way round that corner, yelling defiance at the water, and dealt with succeeding corners on the vi et armis plan, breaking, ever and anon, a pole. About 9.30 we got into a savage rapid. We fought it inch by inch. The canoe jammed herself on some barely sunken rocks in it. We shoved her off over them. She tilted over and chucked us out. The rocks round being just awash, we survived and got her straight again, and got into her and drove her unmercifully; she struck again and bucked like a broncho, and we fell in heaps upon each other, but stayed inside that time - the men by the aid of their intelligent feet, I by clinching my hands into the bush rope lacing which ran round the rim of the canoe and the meaning of which I did not understand when I left Talagouga. We sorted ourselves out hastily and sent her at it again. Smash went a sorely tried pole and a paddle. Round and round we spun in an exultant whirlpool, which, in a light-hearted, maliciously joking way, hurled us tail first out of it into the current. Now the grand point in these canoes of having both ends alike declared itself; for at this juncture all we had to do was to revolve on our own axis and commence life anew with what had been the bow for the stern. Of course we were defeated, we could not go up any further without the aid of our lost poles and paddles, so we had to go down for shelter somewhere, anywhere, and down at a terrific pace in the white water we went. While hitched among the rocks the arrangement of our crew had been altered, Pierre joining M’bo in the bows; this piece of precaution was frustrated by our getting turned round; so our position was what you might call precarious, until we got into another whirlpool, when we persuaded Nature to start us right end on. This was only a matter of minutes, whirlpools being plentiful, and then M’bo and Pierre, provided with our surviving poles, stood in the bows to fend us off rocks, as we shot towards them; while we midship paddles sat, helping to steer, and when occasion arose, which occasion did with lightning rapidity, to whack the whirlpools with the flat of our paddles, to break their force. Cook crouched in the stern concentrating his mind on steering only. A most excellent arrangement in theory and the safest practical one no doubt, but it did not work out what you might call brilliantly well; though each department did its best. We dashed full tilt towards high rocks, things twenty to fifty feet above water. Midship backed and flapped like fury; M’bo and Pierre received the shock on their poles; sometimes we glanced successfully aside and flew on; sometimes we didn’t. The shock being too much for M’bo and Pierre they were driven back on me, who got flattened on to the cargo of bundles which, being now firmly tied in, couldn’t spread the confusion further aft; but the shock of the canoe’s nose against the rock did so in style, and the rest of the crew fell forward on to the bundles, me, and themselves. So shaken up together were we several times that night, that it’s a wonder to me, considering the hurry, that we sorted ourselves out correctly with our own particular legs and arms. And although we in the middle of the canoe did some very spirited flapping, our whirlpool-breaking was no more successful than M’bo and Pierre’s fending off, and many a wild waltz we danced that night with the waters of the River Ogowé.
Now there's no doubt that the chief’s plantain leaf chart was a clever idea and a credit to him. There’s also no question that the Fan mile is a bit off, about nine or so of those ordinary mortals, but I have to say I don’t think he spaced those markers out far enough. We paddled on for quite a while before we found village number one, as mentioned on that chart. We went on even longer until we reached village number two. Village number three appeared, high up on a mountainside, shortly after, but it was getting dark and the water was getting worse, with the hills rising higher and higher into beautifully shaped mountains, creating a ravine that, in the gathering gloom, looked like a dark alley made of iron, thanks to the foaming Ogowé. We anxiously searched for village number four; we never saw village number four. The darkness closed in around us, seeming to envelop the river from the forests and the side ravines, where it had been sleeping for hours, like a sailor in bad weather still dressed. We continued paddling, looking for signs of village fires, but we didn’t see any. The Erd-geist knew we wanted something, and seeing our personal lack, thought it was beauty; in a kind mood, it granted us that, painting the sky with lovely, lingering afterglow that, as it faded, left behind a divine deep purple velvet that no one has dared to replicate. Suddenly, the great stars blazed high above us, and the darkness around us sparkled with fireflies; but we weren’t as satisfied with these things as we should have been; what we really wanted were fires to cook and dry ourselves by and all that sort of thing. The Erd-geist didn’t understand, so after the afterglow faded, it left us with just enough starlight to see the foaming rapids ahead and around us, but not enough to spot the fallen trees that had plunged into the water from the bank. We could only listen for them, since the black current rushed through their branches with an impatient “lish, swish.” However, when the rapids roared close by, we ran right into those trees, got ourselves banged up, and had a tough time getting back on course again. Occasionally, we bumped against large rocks sticking up in the dark water—grim, isolated ones, silently watching their rocky friends noisily battling in the white water. We kept on poling and paddling. Around 8 P.M., we came to a corner, a tricky one; but we couldn’t leap onto the bank and haul around, as we couldn’t see either the details or the exact location of said bank, and we felt, quite reasonably, disinclined to leap in the direction of such treacherous terrain as we had encountered in the afternoon, with only the help of a compass hastily glimpsed by the fleeting light of a match, which wouldn’t have told us how many feet of tree cover lay between us and the land. So we didn’t attempt it. One must be cautious at times, or nasty accidents may happen. We battled our way around that corner, yelling defiantly at the water, and dealt with the next corners using brute force, breaking a pole here and there. About 9:30, we hit a fierce rapid. We fought our way through it inch by inch. The canoe got stuck on some barely submerged rocks. We shoved her off. She tilted and tossed us out. The rocks were just below the surface, so we managed to survive, got the canoe upright again, climbed back in, and drove her hard; she hit again and bucked like a bronco, causing us to pile on top of each other, but we stayed in this time—the men using their smart feet, me by gripping the bush rope lacing that ran around the edge of the canoe, which I didn’t understand when I left Talagouga. We scrambled to get ourselves sorted and sent the canoe back into the fray. A pole and a paddle broke under the strain. We spun around in a wild whirlpool that, in a light-hearted, teasing way, tossed us tail-first into the current. The great advantage of these canoes, with identical ends, became clear; at that moment, all we had to do was rotate on our own axis and begin life anew with what had been the bow now facing the stern. Of course, we were defeated; we couldn’t go any further without our lost poles and paddles, so we had to go downstream for shelter, anywhere we could find, and down we went at an incredible speed in the white water. While tangled among the rocks, our crew arrangement changed, with Pierre joining M’bo at the front; but this precaution fell apart when we got turned around, leaving us in what you might call a precarious position until we found another whirlpool that helped us get aligned again. This was only a matter of minutes since whirlpools were abundant, and then M’bo and Pierre, armed with our remaining poles, stood at the front to fend us off the rocks as we rushed toward them; while we midship paddlers sat, helping steer, and when needed, which often happened with lightning speed, we whacked the whirlpools with the flat of our paddles to reduce their force. Cook crouched at the back, focusing solely on steering. It was an excellent arrangement in theory, certainly the safest practical one, but it didn’t work out as brilliantly as you might expect, even though everyone did their best. We charged full speed toward towering rocks, things twenty to fifty feet above the water. The midship paddlers backed and flailed like crazy; M’bo and Pierre took the hit on their poles. Sometimes we managed to glance aside and zoom past; sometimes we didn’t. The impact was too much for M’bo and Pierre, driving them back into me, popping me onto the cargo bundles, which, now securely tied, prevented the mess from spreading further back. But the canoe’s nose hitting the rock did just that in style, causing everyone else to tumble forward onto the bundles, me, and themselves. We were jumbled together so frequently that night that it’s a wonder, considering how rushed everything was, that we managed to sort out our own legs and arms correctly. And even though we in the middle of the canoe flailed energetically, our efforts to break the whirlpools were no more effective than M’bo and Pierre’s attempts to fend off the rocks, and we danced many a wild waltz that night with the waters of the River Ogowé.
Unpleasant as going through the rapids was, when circumstances took us into the black current we fared no better. For good all-round inconvenience, give me going full tilt in the dark into the branches of a fallen tree at the pace we were going then - and crash, swish, crackle and there you are, hung up, with a bough pressing against your chest, and your hair being torn out and your clothes ribboned by others, while the wicked river is trying to drag away the canoe from under you. After a good hour and more of these experiences, we went hard on to a large black reef of rocks. So firm was the canoe wedged that we in our rather worn-out state couldn’t move her so we wisely decided to “lef ’em” and see what could be done towards getting food and a fire for the remainder of the night. Our eyes, now trained to the darkness, observed pretty close to us a big lump of land, looming up out of the river. This we subsequently found out was Kembe Island. The rocks and foam on either side stretched away into the darkness, and high above us against the star-lit sky stood out clearly the summits of the mountains of the Sierra del Cristal.
As unpleasant as it was to navigate the rapids, we didn't fare any better when we found ourselves in the dark, swirling currents. For sheer inconvenience, nothing compares to racing full speed into the branches of a fallen tree at that pace—bang, splash, crackle, and there you are, stuck, with a branch pressing against your chest, your hair getting tangled, and your clothes snagged by others, while the fierce river tries to pull the canoe from underneath you. After over an hour of these incidents, we crashed hard onto a large, dark rock reef. The canoe was wedged in so tightly that we, feeling pretty exhausted, couldn’t budge it, so we wisely decided to leave it and see what we could do to get food and a fire for the rest of the night. Our eyes, now adjusted to the dark, spotted a large piece of land looming out of the river nearby. We later learned that this was Kembe Island. The rocks and foam on either side stretched into the darkness, and high above us, against the starry sky, the peaks of the Sierra del Cristal stood out clearly.
The most interesting question to us now was whether this rock reef communicated sufficiently with the island for us to get to it. Abandoning conjecture; tying very firmly our canoe up to the rocks, a thing that seemed, considering she was jammed hard and immovable, a little unnecessary - but you can never be sufficiently careful in this matter with any kind of boat - off we started among the rock boulders. I would climb up on to a rock table, fall off it on the other side on to rocks again, with more or less water on them - then get a patch of singing sand under my feet, then with varying suddenness get into more water, deep or shallow, broad or narrow pools among the rocks; out of that over more rocks, etc., etc., etc.: my companions, from their noises, evidently were going in for the same kind of thing, but we were quite cheerful, because the probability of reaching the land seemed increasing. Most of us arrived into deep channels of water which here and there cut in between this rock reef and the bank, M’bo was the first to find the way into certainty; he was, and I hope still is, a perfect wonder at this sort of work. I kept close to M’bo, and when we got to the shore, the rest of the wanderers being collected, we said “chances are there’s a village round here”; and started to find it. After a gay time in a rock-encumbered forest, growing in a tangled, matted way on a rough hillside, at an angle of 45 degrees, M’bo sighted the gleam of fires through the tree stems away to the left, and we bore down on it, listening to its drum. Viewed through the bars of the tree stems the scene was very picturesque. The village was just a collection of palm mat-built huts, very low and squalid. In its tiny street, an affair of some sixty feet long and twenty wide, were a succession of small fires. The villagers themselves, however, were the striking features in the picture. They were painted vermilion all over their nearly naked bodies, and were dancing enthusiastically to the good old rump-a-tump-tump-tump tune, played energetically by an old gentleman on a long, high-standing, white-and-black painted drum. They said that as they had been dancing when we arrived they had failed to hear us. M’bo secured a - well, I don’t exactly know what to call it - for my use. It was, I fancy, the remains of the village club-house. It had a certain amount of palm-thatch roof and some of its left-hand side left, the rest of the structure was bare old poles with filaments of palm mat hanging from them here and there; and really if it hadn’t been for the roof one wouldn’t have known whether one was inside or outside it. The floor was trodden earth and in the middle of it a heap of white ash and the usual two bush lights, laid down with their burning ends propped up off the ground with stones, and emitting, as is their wont, a rather mawkish, but not altogether unpleasant smell, and volumes of smoke which finds its way out through the thatch, leaving on the inside of it a rich oily varnish of a bright warm brown colour. They give a very good light, provided some one keeps an eye on them and knocks the ash off the end as it burns gray; the bush lights’ idea of being snuffed. Against one of the open-work sides hung a drum covered with raw hide, and a long hollow bit of tree trunk, which served as a cupboard for a few small articles. I gathered in all these details as I sat on one of the hard wood benches, waiting for my dinner, which Isaac was preparing outside in the street. The atmosphere of the hut, in spite of its remarkable advantages in the way of ventilation, was oppressive, for the smell of the bush lights, my wet clothes, and the natives who crowded into the hut to look at me, made anything but a pleasant combination. The people were evidently exceedingly poor; clothes they had very little of. The two head men had on old French military coats in rags; but they were quite satisfied with their appearance, and evidently felt through them in touch with European culture, for they lectured to the others on the habits and customs of the white man with great self-confidence and superiority. The majority of the village had a slight acquaintance already with this interesting animal, being, I found, Adoomas. They had made a settlement on Kembe Island some two years or so ago. Then the Fans came and attacked them, and killed and ate several. The Adoomas left and fled to the French authority at Njole and remained under its guarding shadow until the French came up and chastised the Fans and burnt their village; and the Adoomas - when things had quieted down again and the Fans had gone off to build themselves a new village for their burnt one - came back to Kembe Island and their plantain patch. They had only done this a few months before my arrival and had not had time to rebuild, hence the dilapidated state of the village. They are, I am told, a Congo region tribe, whose country lies south-west of Franceville, and, as I have already said, are the tribe used by the French authorities to take convoys up and down the Ogowé to Franceville, more to keep this route open than for transport purposes; the rapids rendering it impracticable to take heavy stores this way, and making it a thirty-six days’ journey from Njole with good luck. The practical route is viâ Loango and Brazzaville. The Adoomas told us the convoy which had gone up with the vivacious Government official had had trouble with the rapids and had spent five days on Kondo Kondo, dragging up the canoes empty by means of ropes and chains, carrying the cargo that was in them along on land until they had passed the worst rapid and then repacking. They added the information that the rapids were at their worst just now, and entertained us with reminiscences of a poor young French official who had been drowned in them last year - indeed they were just as cheering as my white friends. As soon as my dinner arrived they politely cleared out, and I heard the devout M’bo holding a service for them, with hymns, in the street, and this being over they returned to their drum and dance, keeping things up distinctly late, for it was 11.10 P.M. when we first entered the village.
The most interesting question for us now was whether this rock reef connected enough with the island for us to reach it. Abandoning speculation, we tied our canoe very securely to the rocks—a precaution that seemed a bit unnecessary since it was wedged hard and immovable—but you can never be too careful with any kind of boat. So, we set off among the rock boulders. I climbed onto a flat rock, fell off the other side onto more rocks, sometimes with varying amounts of water on them—then I found a patch of singing sand under my feet, only to suddenly stumble into more water, whether deep or shallow, in broad or narrow pools among the rocks. Out of that and over even more rocks, and so on: my companions were making similar sounds, but we were cheerful, as the chance of reaching land seemed to be increasing. Most of us made our way into deep channels of water that occasionally cut between this rock reef and the shore. M’bo was the first to find the way to solid ground; he was, and I hope still is, amazing at this kind of navigation. I stayed close to M’bo, and when we reached the shore, with the rest of the group gathered, we said, “There’s probably a village around here,” and started looking for it. After having a fun time in a rock-strewn forest, which grew in a tangled, matted way on a steep hillside, M’bo spotted the glow of fires through the tree trunks to the left, and we headed towards it, listening to the sound of drums. Viewed through the tree trunks, the scene was quite picturesque. The village was just a collection of small huts built from palm mats—very low and shabby. In its tiny street, about sixty feet long and twenty wide, there were several small fires. However, the villagers themselves were the most striking feature. They were painted bright red all over their nearly naked bodies and were dancing enthusiastically to an upbeat tune played energetically by an older man on a tall, black-and-white painted drum. They explained that since they had been dancing when we arrived, they had failed to notice us. M’bo managed to find—well, I’m not quite sure what to call it—for my use. It seemed to be the remains of the village club-house. It had some palm-thatch roof left on one side; the rest of the structure was just bare old poles with bits of palm mat hanging from them; honestly, if it weren’t for the roof, you wouldn’t know if you were inside or outside. The floor was packed earth, and there was a pile of white ash in the middle along with the usual two bush lights, positioned with their burning ends lifted off the ground by stones, giving off a rather sweet, but not entirely unpleasant smell, and volumes of smoke that escaped through the thatch, leaving a rich, oily varnish of warm brown on the inside. They provided good light, as long as someone kept an eye on them and knocked the ash off the ends as they burned down; that’s the bush lights’ way of being snuffed. Against one of the open sides, there was a drum covered with raw hide and a long hollow log that served as a cupboard for a few small items. I took in all these details as I sat on one of the hard wood benches, waiting for my dinner, which Isaac was preparing outside in the street. The atmosphere inside the hut, despite its good ventilation, was stifling, as the smell from the bush lights, my wet clothes, and the natives crowding in to look at me made for a rather unpleasing combination. The people were clearly very poor; they had very few clothes. The two head men wore tattered old French military coats; but they seemed quite satisfied with their appearance, feeling connected to European culture, as they lectured the others on the habits and customs of white people with great confidence and superiority. Most of the villagers seemed to already have some acquaintance with this interesting creature—the Adoomas. They had settled on Kembe Island about two years ago. Then the Fans came, attacked them, and killed and ate several. The Adoomas fled to the French authorities at Njole, where they stayed under protection until the French dealt with the Fans and burned their village; and when things quieted down and the Fans left to build a new village, the Adoomas returned to Kembe Island and their plantain patch. They had only done this a few months before I arrived and hadn’t had time to rebuild, which is why the village was in such poor condition. They are, I’ve been told, a tribe from the Congo region, located south-west of Franceville, and as I’ve mentioned before, they are the tribe that French authorities use to transport convoys up and down the Ogowé to Franceville, mainly to keep this route open rather than for transport, since the rapids make it impractical to take heavy goods this way, and it takes thirty-six days from Njole with good luck. The practical route is via Loango and Brazzaville. The Adoomas informed us that the convoy which had gone up with a lively government official had encountered difficulties with the rapids and spent five days on Kondo Kondo, dragging the empty canoes up using ropes and chains, carrying the cargo on land until they passed the worst part of the rapids, and then repacking. They also mentioned that the rapids were at their worst right now and shared stories about a young French official who had drowned in them last year—indeed, their stories were just as reassuring as those from my white friends. As soon as my dinner arrived, they politely cleared out, and I heard devout M’bo leading a service for them, with hymns in the street, and when that was over, they returned to their drums and dancing, keeping the energy up quite late, as it was 11:10 P.M. when we first entered the village.
While the men were getting their food I mounted guard over our little possessions, and when they turned up to make things tidy in my hut, I walked off down to the shore by a path, which we had elaborately avoided when coming to the village, a very vertically inclined, slippery little path, but still the one whereby the natives went up and down to their canoes, which were kept tied up amongst the rocks. The moon was rising, illumining the sky, but not yet sending down her light on the foaming, flying Ogowé in its deep ravine. The scene was divinely lovely; on every side out of the formless gloom rose the peaks of the Sierra del Cristal. Lomba-ngawku on the further side of the river surrounded by his companion peaks, looked his grandest, silhouetted hard against the sky. In the higher valleys where the dim light shone faintly, one could see wreaths and clouds of silver-gray mist lying, basking lazily or rolling to and fro. Olangi seemed to stretch right across the river, blocking with his great blunt mass all passage; while away to the N.E. a cone-shaped peak showed conspicuous, which I afterwards knew as Kangwe. In the darkness round me flitted thousands of fire-flies and out beyond this pool of utter night flew by unceasingly the white foam of the rapids; sound there was none save their thunder. The majesty and beauty of the scene fascinated me, and I stood leaning with my back against a rock pinnacle watching it. Do not imagine it gave rise, in what I am pleased to call my mind, to those complicated, poetical reflections natural beauty seems to bring out in other people’s minds. It never works that way with me; I just lose all sense of human individuality, all memory of human life, with its grief and worry and doubt, and become part of the atmosphere. M’bo, I found, had hung up my mosquito-bar over one of the hard wood benches, and going cautiously under it I lit a night-light and read myself asleep with my damp dilapidated old Horace.
While the guys were getting their food, I kept watch over our stuff, and when they came by to tidy up my hut, I headed down to the shore by a path we had carefully avoided when we came to the village. It was a steep and slippery little path, but it was the one the locals used to get to their canoes tied up among the rocks. The moon was rising, lighting up the sky, but not yet casting her glow on the frothy Ogowé in its deep gorge. The view was incredibly beautiful; all around me, the peaks of the Sierra del Cristal loomed out of the shadowy darkness. Lomba-ngawku on the other side of the river looked majestic, sharply outlined against the sky along with its neighboring peaks. In the higher valleys where the dim light barely shone, silver-gray mist hung lazily or rolled back and forth. Olangi seemed to span the river, its massive form blocking all passage, while off to the northeast, a cone-shaped peak stood out, which I later learned was called Kangwe. In the darkness around me flitted thousands of fireflies, and beyond this pool of deep night, the white foam of the rapids rushed by continuously; the only sound was their thunder. The grandeur and beauty of the scene captivated me, and I leaned against a rock pinnacle, watching it. Don’t think that it sparked any complicated, poetic thoughts in my mind like nature does for others. It doesn’t work that way for me; I completely lose all sense of human individuality, all memory of human life with its grief and worries and doubts, and become part of the atmosphere. I found that M’bo had hung up my mosquito net over one of the hardwood benches, and carefully going underneath it, I lit a nightlight and read myself to sleep with my worn-out, damp old Horace.
Woke at 4 A.M. lying on the ground among the plantain stems, having by a reckless movement fallen out of the house. Thanks be there are no mosquitoes. I don’t know how I escaped the rats which swarm here, running about among the huts and the inhabitants in the evening, with a tameness shocking to see. I turned in again until six o’clock, when we started getting things ready to go up river again, carefully providing ourselves with a new stock of poles, and subsidising a native to come with us and help us to fight the rapids.
Woke up at 4 A.M. lying on the ground among the plantain stems after I accidentally fell out of the house. Thank goodness there are no mosquitoes. I don’t know how I managed to avoid the rats that swarm around here, running among the huts and the locals in the evening, so calm it’s unsettling to see. I went back to sleep until six o’clock when we started getting things ready to head back up the river, making sure to gather a new supply of poles and hiring a local to come with us and help navigate the rapids.
The greatest breadth of the river channel we now saw, in the daylight, to be the S.S.W. branch; this was the one we had been swept into, and was almost completely barred by rock. The other one to the N.N.W. was more open, and the river rushed through it, a terrific, swirling mass of water. Had we got caught in this, we should have got past Kembe Island, and gone to Glory. Whenever the shelter of the spits of land or of the reefs was sufficient to allow the water to lay down its sand, strange shaped sandbanks showed, as regular in form as if they had been smoothed by human hands. They rise above the water in a slope, the low end or tail against the current; the down-stream end terminating in an abrupt miniature cliff, sometimes six and seven feet above the water; that they are the same shape when they have not got their heads above water you will find by sticking on them in a canoe, which I did several times, with a sort of automatic devotion to scientific research peculiar to me. Your best way of getting off is to push on in the direction of the current, carefully preparing for the shock of suddenly coming off the cliff end.
The widest part of the river channel we saw in daylight was the S.S.W. branch; this was the one we had been swept into and was nearly completely blocked by rocks. The other branch to the N.N.W. was more open, and the river surged through it, a powerful, swirling mass of water. If we had gotten caught in this, we would have passed Kembe Island and faced disaster. Whenever there was enough shelter from the land masses or reefs for the water to settle, oddly-shaped sandbanks appeared, perfectly formed as if shaped by human hands. They rise above the water in a slope, with the low end or tail facing the current, while the downstream end ends in a steep miniature cliff, sometimes six or seven feet above the water. You can tell they have the same shape when submerged by paddling out to them in a canoe, which I did several times, driven by my peculiar obsession with scientific research. The best way to get off is to push in the direction of the current, carefully bracing for the jolt of suddenly coming off the cliff edge.
We left the landing place rocks of Kembe Island about 8, and no sooner had we got afloat, than, in the twinkling of an eye, we were swept, broadside on, right across the river to the north bank, and then engaged in a heavy fight with a severe rapid. After passing this, the river is fairly uninterrupted by rock for a while, and is silent and swift. When you are ascending such a piece the effect is strange; you see the water flying by the side of your canoe, as you vigorously drive your paddle into it with short rapid strokes, and you forthwith fancy you are travelling at the rate of a North-Western express; but you just raise your eyes, my friend, and look at that bank, which is standing very nearly still, and you will realise that you and your canoe are standing very nearly still too; and that all your exertions are only enabling you to creep on at the pace of a crushed snail, and that it’s the water that is going the pace. It’s a most quaint and unpleasant disillusionment.
We left the rocks at the landing spot on Kembe Island around 8, and as soon as we got on the water, we were quickly swept sideways across the river to the north bank, where we faced a challenging rapid. After we got past it, the river was mostly clear of rocks for a while, flowing quietly and swiftly. When you’re trying to go upstream in that stretch, it feels pretty odd; you see the water rushing by beside your canoe as you energetically paddle with quick strokes, making you feel like you’re zooming along like a North-Western express train. But just look up, my friend, and check out that bank, which seems almost stationary, and you’ll realize that you and your canoe are almost standing still too; all your hard work is only helping you move at the pace of a slow snail, while it’s the water that’s actually moving fast. It’s a really strange and disappointing realization.
Above the stretch of swift silent water we come to the Isangaladi Islands, and the river here changes its course from N.N.W., S.S.E. to north and south. A bad rapid, called by our ally from Kembe Island “Unfanga,” being surmounted, we seem to be in a mountain-walled lake, and keeping along the left bank of this, we get on famously for twenty whole restful minutes, which lulls us all into a false sense of security, and my crew sing M’pongwe songs, descriptive of how they go to their homes to see their wives, and families, and friends, giving chaffing descriptions of their friends’ characteristics and of their failings, which cause bursts of laughter from those among us who recognise the allusions, and how they go to their boxes, and take out their clothes, and put them on - a long bragging inventory of these things is given by each man as a solo, and then the chorus, taken heartily up by his companions, signifies their admiration and astonishment at his wealth and importance - and then they sing how, being dissatisfied with that last dollar’s worth of goods they got from “Holty’s,” they have decided to take their next trade to Hatton and Cookson, or vice versa; and then comes the chorus, applauding the wisdom of such a decision, and extolling the excellence of Hatton and Cookson’s goods or Holty’s. These M’pongwe and Igalwa boat songs are all very pretty, and have very elaborate tunes in a minor key. I do not believe there are any old words to them; I have tried hard to find out about them, but I believe the tunes, which are of a limited number and quite distinct from each other, are very old. The words are put in by the singer on the spur of the moment, and only restricted in this sense, that there would always be the domestic catalogue - whatever its component details might be - sung to the one fixed tune, the trade information sung to another, and so on. A good singer, in these parts, means the man who can make up the best song - the most impressive, or the most amusing; I have elsewhere mentioned pretty much the same state of things among the Ga’s and Krumen and Bubi, and in all cases the tunes are only voice tunes, not for instrumental performance. The instrumental music consists of that marvellously developed series of drum tunes - the attempt to understand which has taken up much of my time, and led me into queer company - and the many tunes played on the ’mrimba and the orchid-root-stringed harp: they are, I believe, entirely distinct from the song tunes. And these peaceful tunes my men were now singing were, in their florid elaboration very different from the one they fought the rapids to, of - So Sir - So Sur - So Sir - So Sur - Ush! So Sir, etc.
Above the stretch of fast, quiet water, we arrive at the Isangaladi Islands, where the river shifts its direction from N.N.W., S.S.E. to north and south. After navigating a tough rapid, called "Unfanga" by our ally from Kembe Island, we feel like we're in a lake surrounded by mountains. Sticking to the left bank, we enjoy a smooth ride for twenty whole minutes, which lulls us into a false sense of security. My crew starts singing M’pongwe songs, telling stories about heading home to see their wives, families, and friends, playfully poking fun at their friends’ quirks and flaws, which makes those of us who get the references burst into laughter. They sing about going to their boxes, taking out their clothes, and showing them off—a long braggart's inventory presented by each man as a solo, followed by a chorus enthusiastically expressing their admiration for his wealth and status. Then they sing about how, unhappy with the last dollar's worth of goods they got from “Holty’s,” they’ve decided to take their next trade to Hatton and Cookson, or vice versa; and then comes the chorus, praising the wisdom of such a choice and extolling the quality of goods from either Hatton and Cookson or Holty’s. These M’pongwe and Igalwa boat songs are lovely, featuring intricate tunes in a minor key. I doubt there are any traditional lyrics; I've tried hard to learn about them, but I believe the tunes, which are limited in number and quite distinct, are very old. The words are improvised by the singer in the moment, only limited in that there will always be a list of domestic items—regardless of specifics—sung to one set tune, while trade news is sung to another, and so forth. A good singer here is one who can create the best song—whether the most impressive or the funniest. I've noted a similar situation among the Ga’s and Krumen and Bubi, and in all cases, the tunes are vocal and not meant for instruments. The instrumental music consists of an incredibly developed series of drum tunes, which has taken up much of my time and led me into unusual company, along with many tunes played on the ’mrimba and the orchid-root-stringed harp; I believe they are completely different from the song melodies. The peaceful tunes my men were singing now were, in their elaborate style, very different from the one they fought the rapids to: So Sir - So Sur - So Sir - So Sur - Ush! So Sir, etc.
On we go singing elaborately, thinking no evil of nature, when a current, a quiet devil of a thing, comes round from behind a point of the bank and catches the nose of our canoe; wringing it well, it sends us scuttling right across the river in spite of our ferocious swoops at the water, upsetting us among a lot of rocks with the water boiling over them; this lot of rocks being however of the table-top kind, and not those precious, close-set pinnacles rising up sheer out of profound depths, between which you are so likely to get your canoe wedged in and split. We, up to our knees in water that nearly tears our legs off, push and shove the canoe free, and re-embarking return singing “So Sir” across the river, to have it out with that current. We do; and at its head find a rapid, and notice on the mountain-side a village clearing, the first sign of human habitation we have seen to-day.
On we go, singing loudly and without a care for nature, when a gentle but sneaky current comes around a bend and catches the front of our canoe; it pulls us hard, sending us skimming across the river despite our desperate paddling, throwing us amongst some rocks with water crashing over them. Fortunately, these rocks are flat and not the dangerous, jagged peaks that can trap and damage your canoe. With water almost up to our knees, we struggle to push the canoe free, and after getting back in, we continue singing “So Sir” as we head back across the river to confront that current. We do, and at its source, we find a rapid, and notice on the mountainside a clearing where a village sits, our first sign of human life we’ve seen today.
Above this rapid we get a treat of still water, the main current of the Ogowé flying along by the south bank. On our side there are sandbanks with their graceful sloping backs and sudden ends, and there is a very strange and beautiful effect produced by the flakes and balls of foam thrown off the rushing main current into the quiet water. These whirl among the eddies and rush backwards and forwards as though they were still mad with wild haste, until, finding no current to take them down, they drift away into the landlocked bays, where they come to a standstill as if they were bewildered and lost and were trying to remember where they were going to and whence they had come; the foam of which they are composed is yellowish-white, with a spongy sort of solidity about it. In a little bay we pass we see eight native women, Fans clearly, by their bright brown faces, and their loads of brass bracelets and armlets; likely enough they had anklets too, but we could not see them, as the good ladies were pottering about waist-deep in the foam-flecked water, intent on breaking up a stockaded fish-trap. We pause and chat, and watch them collecting the fish in baskets, and I acquire some specimens; and then, shouting farewells when we are well away, in the proper civil way, resume our course.
Above this rapids, we get a stretch of calm water, with the main current of the Ogowé rushing by the south bank. On our side, there are sandbanks with their gentle slopes and abrupt ends, creating a really odd and beautiful scene with the flakes and balls of foam being tossed from the fast current into the still water. These whirl in the eddies and move back and forth as if they’re still frantically racing, until they realize there’s no current to carry them down, and they drift into the secluded bays, where they come to a stop as if confused and lost, trying to remember where they were headed and where they had come from. The foam is a yellowish-white color, with a spongy kind of solidity. In a small bay we pass, we see eight local women, clearly Fans, with their bright brown faces and their loads of brass bracelets and armlets; they probably had anklets too, but we couldn’t see them because the ladies were wading waist-deep in the foam-flecked water, busy breaking apart a stockaded fish trap. We pause to chat and watch them gather fish in baskets, and I manage to collect some specimens; then, after shouting polite farewells as we move away, we continue on our journey.
The middle of the Ogowé here is simply forested with high rocks, looking, as they stand with their grim forms above the foam, like a regiment of strange strong creatures breasting it, with their straight faces up river, and their more flowing curves down, as though they had on black mantles which were swept backwards. Across on the other bank rose the black-forested spurs of Lomba-njaku. Our channel was free until we had to fight round the upper end of our bay into a long rush of strong current with bad whirlpools curving its face; then the river widens out and quiets down and then suddenly contracts - a rocky forested promontory running out from each bank. There is a little village on the north bank’s promontory, and, at the end of each, huge monoliths rise from the water, making what looks like a gateway which had once been barred and through which the Ogowé had burst.
The middle of the Ogowé here is just filled with tall rocks, looking like a squad of strange, powerful creatures standing against the foam, with their straight faces facing upstream and their curvier forms flowing downstream, as if they were wearing black cloaks blowing back. On the opposite bank, the dark forested spurs of Lomba-njaku rise. Our path was clear until we had to navigate around the upper end of our bay into a long stretch of strong current filled with troublesome whirlpools; then the river widens out and calms down, only to suddenly narrow again—there’s a rocky, forested point jutting out from each bank. There’s a small village on the promontory of the north bank, and at the end of each, huge monoliths rise from the water, creating what looks like a gateway that was once closed, through which the Ogowé has surged.
For the first time on this trip I felt discouraged; it seemed so impossible that we, with our small canoe and scanty crew, could force our way up through that gateway, when the whole Ogowé was rushing down through it. But we clung to the bank and rocks with hands, poles, and paddle, and did it; really the worst part was not in the gateway but just before it, for here there is a great whirlpool, its centre hollowed some one or two feet below its rim. It is caused, my Kembe islander says, by a great cave opening beneath the water. Above the gate the river broadens out again and we see the arched opening to a large cave in the south bank; the mountain-side is one mass of rock covered with the unbroken forest; and the entrance to this cave is just on the upper wall of the south bank’s promontory; so, being sheltered from the current here, we rest and examine it leisurely. The river runs into it, and you can easily pass in at this season, but in the height of the wet season, when the river level would be some twenty feet or more above its present one, I doubt if you could. They told me this place is called Boko Boko, and that the cave is a very long one, extending on a level some way into the hill, and then ascending and coming out near a mass of white rock that showed as a speck high up on the mountain.
For the first time on this trip, I felt disheartened; it seemed impossible that we, with our small canoe and limited crew, could make our way through that opening when the entire Ogowé was rushing down. But we held on to the bank and rocks with our hands, poles, and paddle, and we managed it; really, the hardest part wasn’t the opening itself but just before it, where there’s a massive whirlpool with its center dug out one or two feet below its edge. It’s caused, according to my Kembe islander friend, by a huge cave that opens up beneath the water. Above the gateway, the river widens again, and we see the arched entrance to a large cave on the south bank; the mountainside is entirely made of rock covered by an unbroken forest; the entrance to this cave is right on the upper edge of the south bank's promontory. So, since we are sheltered from the current here, we take a break and look around leisurely. The river flows into it, and you can easily go in at this time of year, but during the peak of the wet season, when the river level would be about twenty feet or more higher than now, I doubt you could. They told me this spot is called Boko Boko, and that the cave is quite long, extending level into the hill, then rising up and coming out near a patch of white rock that looks like a speck high on the mountain.
If you paddle into it you go “far far,” and then “no more water live,” and you get out and go up the tunnel, which is sometimes broad, sometimes narrow, sometimes high, sometimes so low that you have to crawl, and so get out at the other end.
If you paddle into it, you go "way far," and then "no more water left," and you get out and go up the tunnel, which is sometimes wide, sometimes narrow, sometimes tall, and sometimes so low that you have to crawl, and then you come out at the other end.
One French gentleman has gone through this performance, and I am told found “plenty plenty” bats, and hedgehogs, and snakes. They could not tell me his name, which I much regretted. As we had no store of bush lights we went no further than the portals; indeed, strictly between ourselves, if I had had every bush light in Congo Français I personally should not have relished going further. I am terrified of caves; it sends a creaming down my back to think of them.
One French guy experienced this, and I heard he found “lots and lots” of bats, hedgehogs, and snakes. They couldn’t tell me his name, which I really wished I knew. Since we didn’t have enough bush lights, we only went as far as the entrance; honestly, between us, even if I had every bush light in Congo Français, I wouldn't have wanted to go further. I’m so afraid of caves; just thinking about them gives me the creeps.
We went across the river to see another cave entrance on the other bank, where there is a narrow stretch of low rock-covered land at the foot of the mountains, probably under water in the wet season. The mouth of this other cave is low, between tumbled blocks of rock. It looked so suspiciously like a short cut to the lower regions, that I had less exploring enthusiasm about it than even about its opposite neighbour; although they told me no man had gone down “them thing.” Probably that much-to-be-honoured Frenchman who explored the other cave, allowed like myself, that if one did want to go from the Equator to Hades, there were pleasanter ways to go than this. My Kembe Island man said that just hereabouts were five cave openings, the two that we had seen and another one we had not, on land, and two under the water, one of the sub-fluvial ones being responsible for the whirlpool we met outside the gateway of Boko Boko.
We crossed the river to check out another cave entrance on the opposite bank, where there’s a narrow strip of low, rocky land at the base of the mountains, which is probably submerged during the wet season. The entrance to this other cave is low, nestled between scattered blocks of rock. It looked so suspiciously like a shortcut to the underworld that I felt less excited about exploring it than I did about its neighboring cave; even though they claimed that no one had gone down “them thing.” That much-respected Frenchman who explored the other cave probably agreed with me that if you wanted to travel from the Equator to Hades, there were definitely better ways to do it than this. My Kembe Island companion mentioned that right around here, there are five cave openings—two that we had seen, one we hadn’t on land, and two underwater, with one of the underwater ones causing the whirlpool we encountered outside the entrance of Boko Boko.
The scenery above Boko Boko was exceedingly lovely, the river shut in between its rim of mountains. As you pass up it opens out in front of you and closes in behind, the closely-set confused mass of mountains altering in form as you view them from different angles, save one, Kangwe - a blunt cone, evidently the record of some great volcanic outburst; and the sandbanks show again wherever the current deflects and leaves slack water, their bright glistening colour giving a relief to the scene.
The view above Boko Boko was incredibly beautiful, with the river nestled between its surrounding mountains. As you go upstream, it opens up in front of you and narrows behind you, the densely packed, chaotic mountains changing shape as you look at them from different angles, except for one, Kangwe—a flat-topped cone, clearly a remnant of a massive volcanic eruption. The sandbanks reappear wherever the current shifts and leaves still water, their bright, shiny color adding contrast to the landscape.
For a long period we paddle by the south bank, and pass a vertical cleft-like valley, the upper end of which seems blocked by a finely shaped mountain, almost as conical as Kangwe. The name of this mountain is Njoko, and the name of the clear small river, that apparently monopolises the valley floor, is the Ovata. Our peace was not of long duration, and we were soon again in the midst of a bristling forest of rock; still the current running was not dangerously strong, for the river-bed comes up in a ridge, too high for much water to come over at this season of the year; but in the wet season this must be one of the worst places. This ridge of rock runs two-thirds across the Ogowé, leaving a narrow deep channel by the north bank. When we had got our canoe over the ridge, mostly by standing in the water and lifting her, we found the water deep and fairly quiet.
For a long time, we paddled along the south bank and passed a vertical, cleft-like valley, the upper end of which looks blocked by a beautifully shaped mountain, almost as conical as Kangwe. This mountain is called Njoko, and the name of the clear little river that seemingly takes up the entire valley floor is the Ovata. Our peace didn’t last long, as we soon found ourselves again in a dense thicket of rocks; however, the current wasn't dangerously strong because the riverbed rises in a ridge that's too high for much water to flow over at this time of year. Yet during the rainy season, this place must be one of the worst. This rock ridge stretches two-thirds across the Ogowé, leaving a narrow, deep channel by the north bank. Once we got our canoe over the ridge, mostly by standing in the water and lifting it, we found the water deep and fairly calm.
On the north bank we passed by the entrance of the Okana River. Its mouth is narrow, but, the natives told me, always deep, even in the height of the dry season. It is a very considerable river, running inland to the E.N.E. Little is known about it, save that it is narrowed into a ravine course above which it expands again; the banks of it are thickly populated by Fans, who send down a considerable trade, and have an evil reputation. In the main stream of the Ogowé below the Okana’s entrance, is a long rocky island called Shandi. When we were getting over our ridge and paddling about the Okana’s entrance my ears recognised a new sound. The rush and roar of the Ogowé we knew well enough, and could locate which particular obstacle to his headlong course was making him say things; it was either those immovable rocks, which threw him back in foam, whirling wildly, or it was that fringe of gaunt skeleton trees hanging from the bank playing a “pull devil, pull baker” contest that made him hiss with vexation. But this was an elemental roar. I said to M’bo: “That’s a thunderstorm away among the mountains.” “No, sir,” says he, “that’s the Alemba.”
On the north bank, we passed the entrance of the Okana River. Its mouth is narrow, but the locals told me it's always deep, even during the dry season. It's a significant river that flows inland to the northeast. Little is known about it, except that it narrows into a ravine and then widens again; the banks are densely populated by the Fans, who engage in considerable trade and have a bad reputation. In the main stream of the Ogowé, just below the Okana's entrance, there's a long rocky island called Shandi. As we navigated over our ridge and paddled near the Okana's entrance, I heard a new sound. We were already familiar with the rush and roar of the Ogowé and could identify which specific obstacle was causing its noise; it was either those immovable rocks that threw it back in foam, swirling wildly, or that line of gnarled, skeleton trees hanging from the bank that made it hiss with frustration. But this was a primal roar. I said to M’bo, “That sounds like a thunderstorm in the mountains.” “No, sir,” he replied, “that’s the Alemba.”
We paddled on towards it, hugging the right-hand bank again to avoid the mid-river rocks. For a brief space the mountain wall ceased, and a lovely scene opened before us; we seemed to be looking into the heart of the chain of the Sierra del Cristal, the abruptly shaped mountains encircling a narrow plain or valley before us, each one of them steep in slope, every one of them forest-clad; one, whose name I know not unless it be what is sometimes put down as Mt. Okana on the French maps, had a conical shape which contrasted beautifully with the more irregular curves of its companions. The colour down this gap was superb, and very Japanese in the evening glow. The more distant peaks were soft gray-blues and purples, those nearer, indigo and black. We soon passed this lovely scene and entered the walled-in channel, creeping up what seemed an interminable hill of black water, then through some whirlpools and a rocky channel to the sand and rock shore of our desired island Kondo Kondo, along whose northern side tore in thunder the Alemba. We made our canoe fast in a little cove among the rocks, and landed, pretty stiff and tired and considerably damp. This island, when we were on it, must have been about half a mile or so long, but during the long wet season a good deal of it is covered, and only the higher parts - great heaps of stone, among which grows a long branched willow-like shrub - are above or nearly above water. The Adooma from Kembe Island especially drew my attention to this shrub, telling me his people who worked the rapids always regarded it with an affectionate veneration; for he said it was the only thing that helped a man when his canoe got thrown over in the dreaded Alemba, for its long tough branches swimming in, or close to, the water are veritable life lines, and his best chance; a chance which must have failed some poor fellow, whose knife and leopard-skin belt we found wedged in among the rocks on Kondo Kondo. The main part of the island is sand, with slabs and tables of polished rock sticking up through it; and in between the rocks grew in thousands most beautiful lilies, their white flowers having a very strong scent of vanilla and their bright light-green leaves looking very lovely on the glistening pale sand among the black-gray rock. How they stand the long submersion they must undergo I do not know; the natives tell me they begin to spring up as soon as ever the water falls and leaves the island exposed; that they very soon grow up and flower, and keep on flowering until the Ogowé comes down again and rides roughshod over Kondo Kondo for months. While the men were making their fire I went across the island to see the great Alemba rapid, of which I had heard so much, that lay between it and the north bank. Nobler pens than mine must sing its glory and its grandeur. Its face was like nothing I have seen before. Its voice was like nothing I have heard. Those other rapids are not to be compared to it; they are wild, headstrong, and malignant enough, but the Alemba is not as they. It does not struggle, and writhe, and brawl among the rocks, but comes in a majestic springing dance, a stretch of waltzing foam, triumphant.
We paddled on toward it, sticking close to the right bank again to dodge the rocks in the middle of the river. For a moment, the mountain wall disappeared, revealing a gorgeous view; it felt like we were looking into the heart of the Sierra del Cristal mountain range, with steep, forest-covered mountains surrounding a narrow valley in front of us. One mountain, which I think is marked as Mt. Okana on some French maps, had a striking conical shape that contrasted beautifully with the irregular curves of the others. The colors in this opening were stunning, really reminiscent of a Japanese landscape in the evening light. The more distant peaks were soft shades of gray-blue and purple, while those closer were indigo and black. We soon moved past this beautiful sight and entered the enclosed channel, slowly making our way up what felt like an endless hill of dark water, then navigating through whirlpools and rocky sections to the sandy and rocky shore of our destination, Kondo Kondo Island, where the Alemba roared thunderously along its northern side. We secured our canoe in a small cove among the rocks and landed, feeling pretty stiff, tired, and quite damp. The island, while we were on it, was about half a mile long, but during the long rainy season, much of it gets flooded, leaving only the higher areas—large piles of stones with a willow-like shrub growing among them—above or nearly above water. The Adooma from Kembe Island pointed out this shrub to me, explaining that the people who navigate the rapids hold it in deep respect; he said it’s the only thing that helps a person if their canoe capsizes in the feared Alemba because its long, tough branches floating in or near the water are real lifelines, giving the best chance of survival—a chance that must have escaped someone, as we found a knife and leopard-skin belt wedged among the rocks on Kondo Kondo. The main part of the island is sandy, with flat slabs and tables of polished rock poking through it; growing between the rocks were thousands of beautiful lilies, their white flowers giving off a strong vanilla scent, while their bright green leaves looked lovely against the shimmering pale sand and dark gray rock. I have no idea how they survive the long submersion they must endure; the locals tell me they start to sprout as soon as the water recedes and reveals the island, quickly growing and flowering, continuing to bloom until the Ogowé floods Kondo Kondo again for months. While the men were starting a fire, I walked across the island to see the famous Alemba rapid, which lay between the island and the north bank. Greater writers than I should sing its praises and grandeur. Its face was unlike anything I had seen before. Its sound was unlike anything I had heard. Those other rapids don’t compare; they are wild, unruly, and chaotic, but the Alemba is different. It doesn't wrestle or fight among the rocks; instead, it flows in a majestic dance, a stretch of waltzing foam, triumphant.
The beauty of the night on Kondo Kondo was superb; the sun went down and the afterglow flashed across the sky in crimson, purple, and gold, leaving it a deep violet-purple, with the great stars hanging in it like moons, until the moon herself arose, lighting the sky long before she sent her beams down on us in this valley. As she rose, the mountains hiding her face grew harder and harder in outline, and deeper and deeper black, while those opposite were just enough illumined to let one see the wefts and floating veils of blue-white mist upon them, and when at last, and for a short time only, she shone full down on the savage foam of the Alemba, she turned it into a soft silver mist. Around, on all sides, flickered the fire-flies, who had come to see if our fire was not a big relation of their own, and they were the sole representatives, with ourselves, of animal life. When the moon had gone, the sky, still lit by the stars, seeming indeed to be in itself lambent, was very lovely, but it shared none of its light with us, and we sat round our fire surrounded by an utter darkness. Cold, clammy drifts of almost tangible mist encircled us; ever and again came cold faint puffs of wandering wind, weird and grim beyond description.
The beauty of the night on Kondo Kondo was breathtaking; the sun set and the afterglow lit up the sky in shades of red, purple, and gold, leaving it a deep violet-purple, with the stars hanging like moons until the moon herself rose, illuminating the sky long before she cast her beams down on us in this valley. As she ascended, the mountains hiding her face became more defined and deeper in darkness, while those across from us were just illuminated enough to reveal the strands and floating veils of blue-white mist on them, and when at last, even if just briefly, she shone directly on the wild foam of the Alemba, it transformed into a soft silver mist. All around us, fireflies flickered, coming to see if our fire was a close relative of theirs, and they were the only other living creatures, alongside us. After the moon had set, the sky, still aglow with stars, seemed to glow on its own, looking beautiful, but it didn’t share any of its light with us, and we sat around our fire enveloped in complete darkness. Cold, damp drifts of almost palpable mist surrounded us; occasionally, cold, faint gusts of wandering wind came through, eerie and grim beyond description.
I will not weary you further with details of our ascent of the Ogowé rapids, for I have done so already sufficiently to make you understand the sort of work going up them entails, and I have no doubt that, could I have given you a more vivid picture of them, you would join me in admiration of the fiery pluck of those few Frenchmen who traverse them on duty bound. I personally deeply regret it was not my good fortune to meet again the French official I had had the pleasure of meeting on the Éclaireur. He would have been truly great in his description of his voyage to Franceville. I wonder how he would have “done” his unpacking of canoes and his experiences on Kondo Kondo, where, by the by, we came across many of the ashes of his expedition’s attributive fires. Well! he must have been a pleasure to Franceville, and I hope also to the good Fathers at Lestourville, for those places must be just slightly sombre for Parisians.
I won’t bore you with more details about our climb up the Ogowé rapids, since I’ve already explained enough for you to grasp the kind of work it involves. I’m sure if I could have painted a clearer picture, you would share my admiration for the brave few Frenchmen who tackle them out of duty. I personally regret that I didn’t have the luck to meet again the French official I had the pleasure of encountering on the Éclaireur. He would have been amazing in sharing his journey to Franceville. I wonder how he would have described unpacking canoes and his experiences at Kondo Kondo, where we happened upon many of the ashes from his expedition’s fires. Well! He must have been a delight in Franceville, and I hope he was also a joy to the good Fathers at Lestourville, as those places must be a bit dull for Parisians.
Going down big rapids is always, everywhere, more dangerous than coming up, because when you are coming up and a whirlpool or eddy does jam you on rocks, the current helps you off - certainly only with a view to dashing your brains out and smashing your canoe on another set of rocks it’s got ready below; but for the time being it helps, and when off, you take charge and convert its plan into an incompleted fragment; whereas in going down the current is against your backing off. M’bo had a series of prophetic visions as to what would happen to us on our way down, founded on reminiscence and tradition. I tried to comfort him by pointing out that, were any one of his prophecies fulfilled, it would spare our friends and relations all funeral expenses; and, unless they went and wasted their money on a memorial window, that ought to be a comfort to our well-regulated minds. M’bo did not see this, but was too good a Christian to be troubled by the disagreeable conviction that was in the minds of other members of my crew, namely, that our souls, unliberated by funeral rites from this world, would have to hover for ever over the Ogowé near the scene of our catastrophe. I own this idea was an unpleasant one - fancy having to pass the day in those caves with the bats, and then come out and wander all night in the cold mists! However, like a good many likely-looking prophecies, those of M’bo did not quite come off, and a miss is as good as a mile. Twice we had a near call, by being shot in between two pinnacle rocks, within half an inch of being fatally close to each other for us; but after some alarming scrunching sounds, and creaks from the canoe, we were shot ignominiously out down river. Several times we got on to partially submerged table rocks, and were unceremoniously bundled off them by the Ogowé, irritated at the hindrance we were occasioning; but we never met the rocks of M’bo’s prophetic soul - that lurking, submerged needle, or knife-edge of a pinnacle rock which was to rip our canoe from stem to stern, neat and clean into two pieces.
Navigating through big rapids is always, everywhere, more dangerous than going upstream. When you’re going upstream and get caught in a whirlpool or an eddy that slams you against the rocks, the current actually helps push you off — though it’s clearly just waiting to throw you against another set of rocks waiting downstream. But for the moment, it does help, and once you’re off, you take control and adapt to its plan, turning it into an incomplete fragment. On the other hand, when you're going downstream, the current works against you if you try to back off. M’bo had a series of prophetic visions about what would happen to us on our way down, based on memories and traditions. I tried to reassure him by saying that if any of his prophecies came true, it would save our friends and family from paying for our funerals; and unless they wasted their money on a memorial window, that should be a comfort to our rational minds. M’bo didn’t see it that way, but he was too good a Christian to be disturbed by the unpleasant thought in the minds of the other crew members, which was that our souls, not liberated by funeral rites, would have to linger forever over the Ogowé near the site of our disaster. I have to admit this idea was uncomfortable — just imagine spending the day in those caves with bats, then coming out to wander all night in the cold mists! However, like many prophecies that seem promising, M’bo’s didn’t quite come true, and a miss is as good as a mile. Twice we had close calls, getting wedged between two towering rocks, just half an inch away from a fatal collision; but after some alarming grinding sounds and creaks from the canoe, we were unceremoniously pushed downriver. Several times we got stuck on partially submerged flat rocks and were rudely pushed off by the Ogowé, annoyed at the delay we were causing; but we never encountered the rocks predicted by M’bo’s prophetic visions — that hidden, submerged needle or knife-edge of a pinnacle rock that was supposed to tear our canoe apart cleanly from bow to stern.
The course we had to take coming down was different to that we took coming up. Coming up we kept as closely as might be to the most advisable bank, and dodged behind every rock we could, to profit by the shelter it afforded us from the current. Coming down, fallen-tree-fringed banks and rocks were converted from friends to foes; so we kept with all our power in the very centre of the swiftest part of the current in order to avoid them. The grandest part of the whole time was coming down, below the Alemba, where the whole great Ogowé takes a tiger-like spring for about half a mile, I should think, before it strikes a rock reef below. As you come out from among the rocks in the upper rapid it gives you - or I should perhaps confine myself to saying, it gave me - a peculiar internal sensation to see that stretch of black water, shining like a burnished sheet of metal, sloping down before one, at such an angle. All you have got to do is to keep your canoe-head straight - quite straight, you understand - for any failure so to do will land you the other side of the tomb, instead of in a cheerful no-end-of-a-row with the lower rapid’s rocks. This lower rapid is one of the worst in the dry season; maybe it is so in the wet too, for the river’s channel here turns an elbow-sharp curve which infuriates the Ogowé in a most dangerous manner.
The route we took going down was different from the one we took going up. On the way up, we stayed as close as possible to the safest bank and hid behind every rock we could to take advantage of the shelter from the current. Coming down, the fallen trees and rocks went from being our allies to our enemies; so we used all our strength to stay right in the middle of the strongest part of the current to avoid them. The most exciting part was coming down, below the Alemba, where the entire Ogowé makes a sudden leap for about half a mile, I would guess, before it hits a rock reef below. As you emerge from the rocks in the upper rapid, it gives you— or I should probably say, it gave me— a strange feeling inside to see that stretch of black water, shining like a polished sheet of metal, sloping down before you at such an angle. All you need to do is keep the front of your canoe straight— completely straight, you know— because any failure to do so will land you on the other side of the grave, instead of in a chaotic mess with the rocks of the lower rapid. This lower rapid is one of the worst in the dry season; it might be just as bad in the wet season too, as the river’s channel here makes a sharp turn that angers the Ogowé in a very dangerous way.
I hope to see the Ogowé next time in the wet season - there must be several more of these great sheets of water then over what are rocky rapids now. Just think what coming down over that ridge above Boko Boko will be like! I do not fancy however it would ever be possible to get up the river, when it is at its height, with so small a crew as we were when we went and played our knock-about farce, before King Death, in his amphitheatre in the Sierra del Cristal.
I hope to see the Ogowé next time during the rainy season—there must be many more of these vast bodies of water then compared to the rocky rapids we see now. Just imagine what it’ll be like coming down over that ridge above Boko Boko! However, I don’t think it would ever be possible to go upstream when the river is at its peak, with such a small crew as we had when we went and performed our silly show before King Death in his amphitheater in the Sierra del Cristal.
CHAPTER VI. LEMBARENE.
In which is given some account of the episode of the Hippopotame, and of the voyager’s attempts at controlling an Ogowé canoe; and also of the Igalwa tribe.
In which some details are provided about the episode of the Hippopotamus, and the traveler's efforts to navigate an Ogowé canoe; and also about the Igalwa tribe.
I say good-bye to Talagouga with much regret, and go on board the Éclaireur, when she returns from Njole, with all my bottles and belongings. On board I find no other passenger; the Captain’s English has widened out considerably; and he is as pleasant, cheery, and spoiling for a fight as ever; but he has a preoccupied manner, and a most peculiar set of new habits, which I find are shared by the Engineer. Both of them make rapid dashes to the rail, and nervously scan the river for a minute and then return to some occupation, only to dash from it to the rail again. During breakfast their conduct is nerve-shaking. Hastily taking a few mouthfuls, the Captain drops his knife and fork and simply hurls his seamanlike form through the nearest door out on to the deck. In another minute he is back again, and with just a shake of his head to the Engineer, continues his meal. The Engineer shortly afterwards flies from his seat, and being far thinner than the Captain, goes through his nearest door with even greater rapidity; returns, and shakes his head at the Captain, and continues his meal. Excitement of this kind is infectious, and I also wonder whether I ought not to show a sympathetic friendliness by flying from my seat and hurling myself on to the deck through my nearest door, too. But although there are plenty of doors, as four enter the saloon from the deck, I do not see my way to doing this performance aimlessly, and what in this world they are both after I cannot think. So I confine myself to woman’s true sphere, and assist in a humble way by catching the wine and Vichy water bottles, glasses, and plates of food, which at every performance are jeopardised by the members of the nobler sex starting off with a considerable quantity of the ample table cloth wrapped round their legs. At last I can stand it no longer, so ask the Captain point-blank what is the matter. “Nothing,” says he, bounding out of his chair and flying out of his doorway; but on his return he tells me he has got a bet on of two bottles of champagne with Woermann’s Agent for Njole, as to who shall reach Lembarene first, and the German agent has started off some time before the Éclaireur in his little steam launch.
I say goodbye to Talagouga with a lot of regret and board the Éclaireur when she returns from Njole, carrying all my bottles and belongings. On board, I find I'm the only other passenger; the Captain’s English has improved a lot, and he’s as friendly, cheerful, and eager for a challenge as ever, but he seems distracted and has developed some strange new habits that I notice the Engineer shares. Both of them make quick runs to the rail, nervously scanning the river for a minute before returning to whatever they were doing, only to rush back out to the rail again. Their behavior during breakfast is quite stressful. After quickly eating a few bites, the Captain drops his knife and fork and rushes out through the closest door onto the deck. A minute later, he’s back and, with just a shake of his head at the Engineer, continues his meal. Shortly after, the Engineer jumps from his seat and, being much thinner than the Captain, scurries through his nearest door even faster; he returns, shakes his head at the Captain, and goes back to eating. This kind of excitement is catching, and I wonder if I should join in by leaping from my seat and rushing onto the deck through the nearest door, too. But even though there are plenty of doors, with four leading from the deck to the saloon, I don’t see the point in doing it aimlessly, and I can’t figure out what they’re both up to. So, I stick to my own role, helping out in a small way by catching the wine and Vichy water bottles, glasses, and plates of food that are at risk every time they both get up while wrapped in a significant amount of the ample tablecloth around their legs. Finally, I can’t take it anymore, so I ask the Captain directly what’s going on. “Nothing,” he says, leaping out of his chair and rushing through his doorway; but when he comes back he tells me he has a bet of two bottles of champagne with Woermann’s Agent for Njole about who will reach Lembarene first, and the German agent set off some time before the Éclaireur in his little steam launch.
During the afternoon we run smoothly along; the free pulsations of the engines telling what a very different thing coming down the Ogowé is to going up against its terrific current. Every now and again we stop to pick up cargo, or discharge over-carried cargo, and the Captain’s mind becomes lulled by getting no news of the Woermann’s launch having passed down. He communicates this to the Engineer; it is impossible she could have passed the Éclaireur since they started, therefore she must be some where behind at a subfactory, “N’est-ce pas?” “Oui, oui, certainement,” says the Engineer. The Engineer is, by these considerations, also lulled, and feels he may do something else but scan the river à la sister Ann. What that something is puzzles me; it evidently requires secrecy, and he shrinks from detection. First he looks down one side of the deck, no one there; then he looks down the other, no one there; good so far. I then see he has put his head through one of the saloon portholes; no one there; he hesitates a few seconds until I begin to wonder whether his head will suddenly appear through my port; but he regards this as an unnecessary precaution, and I hear him enter his cabin which abuts on mine and there is silence for some minutes. Writing home to his mother, think I, as I go on putting a new braid round the bottom of a worn skirt. Almost immediately after follows the sound of a little click from the next cabin, and then apparently one of the denizens of the infernal regions has got its tail smashed in a door and the heavy hot afternoon air is reft by an inchoate howl of agony. I drop my needlework and take to the deck; but it is after all only that shy retiring young man practising secretly on his clarionet.
During the afternoon, we glide smoothly along; the steady beat of the engines shows just how different it is coming down the Ogowé compared to battling its strong current. Every so often, we stop to pick up cargo or unload extra cargo, and the Captain starts to relax since there’s been no news of Woermann’s launch passing by. He shares this with the Engineer; it’s impossible she could have passed the Éclaireur since they started, so she must be back at a subfactory somewhere. “Right?” “Yes, yes, definitely,” the Engineer replies. The Engineer, feeling reassured, believes he can focus on something other than scanning the river like sister Ann. What that something is, I wonder; it clearly needs to be kept secret, and he seems cautious about being caught. First, he checks one side of the deck—no one there; then he looks down the other side—still no one there; so far, so good. I then see he’s poked his head through one of the saloon portholes; still no one there. He hesitates for a few seconds, and I start to wonder if his head will pop through my porthole, but he decides that’s an unnecessary risk and heads into his cabin, which is next to mine, and there’s silence for a few minutes. I think he’s writing home to his mother while I keep adding a new braid to the bottom of a worn skirt. Almost immediately, I hear a little click from the next cabin, followed by what sounds like someone from the underworld getting their tail caught in a door, and the heavy, hot afternoon air is filled with a sudden howl of pain. I drop my needlework and head to the deck, but it turns out it’s just that shy, quiet young man secretly practicing on his clarinet.
The Captain is drowsily looking down the river. But repose is not long allowed to that active spirit; he sees something in the water - what? “Hippopotame,” he ejaculates. Now both he and the Engineer frequently do this thing, and then fly off to their guns - bang, bang, finish; but this time he does not dash for his gun, nor does the Engineer, who flies out of his cabin at the sound of the war shout “Hippopotame.” In vain I look across the broad river with its stretches of yellow sandbanks, where the “hippopotame” should be, but I can see nothing but four black stumps sticking up in the water away to the right. Meanwhile the Captain and the Engineer are flying about getting off a crew of blacks into the canoe we are towing alongside. This being done the Captain explains to me that on the voyage up “the Engineer had fired at, and hit a hippopotamus, and without doubt this was its body floating.” We are now close enough even for me to recognise the four stumps as the deceased’s legs, and soon the canoe is alongside them and makes fast to one, and then starts to paddle back, hippo and all, to the Éclaireur. But no such thing; let them paddle and shout as hard as they like, the hippo’s weight simply anchors them. The Éclaireur by now has dropped down the river past them, and has to sweep round and run back. Recognising promptly what the trouble is, the energetic Captain grabs up a broom, ties a light cord belonging to the leadline to it, and holding the broom by the end of its handle, swings it round his head and hurls it at the canoe. The arm of a merciful Providence being interposed, the broom-tomahawk does not hit the canoe, wherein, if it had, it must infallibly have killed some one, but falls short, and goes tearing off with the current, well out of reach of the canoe. The Captain seeing this gross dereliction of duty by a Chargeur Réunis broom, hauls it in hand over hand and talks to it. Then he ties the other end of its line to the mooring rope, and by a better aimed shot sends the broom into the water, about ten yards above the canoe, and it drifts towards it. Breathless excitement! surely they will get it now. Alas, no! Just when it is within reach of the canoe, a fearful shudder runs through the broom. It throws up its head and sinks beneath the tide. A sensation of stun comes over all of us. The crew of the canoe, ready and eager to grasp the approaching aid, gaze blankly at the circling ripples round where it sank. In a second the Captain knows what has happened. That heavy hawser which has been paid out after it has dragged it down, so he hauls it on board again.
The Captain is sleepily gazing down the river. But he doesn’t stay relaxed for long; he spot something in the water – what? “Hippopotame,” he exclaims. He and the Engineer often do this and then rush to their guns – bang, bang, done; but this time, he doesn’t rush for his gun, nor does the Engineer, who rushes out of his cabin at the war shout “Hippopotame.” I scan the wide river with its stretches of yellow sandbanks, where the “hippopotame” should be, but all I can see are four black stumps sticking up in the water to the right. Meanwhile, the Captain and the Engineer are hustling to get a crew of Black men into the canoe we’re towing. Once they do that, the Captain tells me that on the way up, “the Engineer shot at and hit a hippopotamus, and without a doubt, this is its body floating.” We’re close enough now for me to recognize the four stumps as the deceased’s legs, and soon the canoe is alongside them, tying up to one, and then paddling back, hippo and all, to the Éclaireur. But not so fast; no matter how hard they paddle and yell, the hippo’s weight is anchoring them down. By now the Éclaireur has drifted past them and needs to circle around and come back. Quickly realizing what the problem is, the energetic Captain grabs a broom, ties a light cord from the lead line to it, and swinging the broom by the end of its handle, he throws it at the canoe. Thankfully, it misses the canoe, which surely would have harmed someone if it had hit, and instead goes flying off with the current, well out of reach. Seeing this major failure from a Chargeur Réunis broom, the Captain pulls it back in hand over hand and talks to it. Then he ties the other end of its line to the mooring rope and with a better aim, tosses the broom into the water, about ten yards above the canoe, letting it drift toward them. Breathless excitement! Surely they will grab it now. Alas, no! Just when it’s within reach of the canoe, the broom trembles violently. It pops up and sinks beneath the surface. A stunned silence falls over all of us. The crew of the canoe, eager and ready to grab the approaching help, stare blankly at the ripples circling where it sank
The Éclaireur goes now close enough to the hippo-anchored canoe for a rope to be flung to the man in her bows; he catches it and freezes on gallantly. Saved! No! Oh horror! The lower deck hums with fear that after all it will not taste that toothsome hippo chop, for the man who has caught the rope is as nearly as possible jerked flying out of the canoe when the strain of the Éclaireur contending with the hippo’s inertia flies along it, but his companion behind him grips him by the legs and is in his turn grabbed, and the crew holding on to each other with their hands, and on to their craft with their feet, save the man holding on to the rope and the whole situation; and slowly bobbing towards us comes the hippopotamus, who is shortly hauled on board by the winners in triumph.
The Éclaireur moves close enough to the canoe tied to the hippo for a rope to be tossed to the man in the front; he catches it and stands there heroically. Saved! No! Oh no! The lower deck is buzzing with fear that they might not get to enjoy that delicious hippo meat, because the man who caught the rope is almost yanked out of the canoe when the force of the Éclaireur challenges the hippo’s weight. But his buddy behind him grabs his legs, and in turn, he gets grabbed, while the crew holds on to each other with their hands and to their boat with their feet, saving the guy holding the rope and the whole situation; and slowly coming toward us is the hippopotamus, who is soon pulled on board in triumph by the winners.
My esteemed friends, the Captain and the Engineer, who of course have been below during this hauling, now rush on to the upper deck, each coatless, and carrying an enormous butcher’s knife. They dash into the saloon, where a terrific sharpening of these instruments takes place on the steel belonging to the saloon carving-knife, and down stairs again. By looking down the ladder, I can see the pink, pig-like hippo, whose colour has been soaked out by the water, lying on the lower deck and the Captain and Engineer slitting down the skin intent on gralloching operations. Providentially, my prophetic soul induces me to leave the top of the ladder and go forward - “run to win’ard,” as Captain Murray would say - for within two minutes the Captain and Engineer are up the ladder as if they had been blown up by the boilers bursting, and go as one man for the brandy bottle; and they wanted it if ever man did; for remember that hippo had been dead and in the warm river-water for more than a week.
My valued friends, the Captain and the Engineer, who have obviously been below deck during this time, now rush up to the upper deck, both without their coats and each holding a huge butcher’s knife. They burst into the saloon, where they start sharpening these knives on the steel of the saloon carving knife, and then they head back downstairs. By peering down the ladder, I can see the pink, pig-like hippo, whose color has faded from being soaked in the water, lying on the lower deck while the Captain and Engineer are skinning it, focused on their task. Fortunately, my instincts tell me to leave the top of the ladder and move forward—“run to win’ard,” as Captain Murray would say—because just two minutes later, the Captain and Engineer rush up the ladder as if they had been blown up by a boiler explosion, and they head straight for the brandy bottle; and they definitely needed it, considering that hippo had been dead and in the warm river water for over a week.
The Captain had had enough of it, he said, but the Engineer stuck to the job with a courage I profoundly admire, and he saw it through and then retired to his cabin; sand-and-canvassed himself first, and then soaked and saturated himself in Florida water. The flesh gladdened the hearts of the crew and lower-deck passengers and also of the inhabitants of Lembarene, who got dashes of it on our arrival there. Hippo flesh is not to be despised by black man or white; I have enjoyed it far more than the stringy beef or vapid goat’s flesh one gets down here.
The Captain had enough of it, he said, but the Engineer stuck with the job with a courage I truly admire, and he saw it through before heading back to his cabin; he cleaned himself up first, then soaked himself in Florida water. The meat pleased the hearts of the crew and lower-deck passengers, as well as the people of Lembarene, who got a taste of it when we arrived there. Hippo meat is not to be looked down on by black or white; I've enjoyed it way more than the tough beef or tasteless goat meat you find down here.
I stayed on board the Éclaireur all night; for it was dark when we reached Lembarene, too dark to go round to Kangwe; and next morning, after taking a farewell of her - I hope not a final one, for she is a most luxurious little vessel for the Coast, and the feeding on board is excellent and the society varied and charming - I went round to Kangwe.
I stayed on the Éclaireur all night because it was too dark when we got to Lembarene to head over to Kangwe. The next morning, after saying goodbye to her—I hope not for the last time, since she’s a wonderful little boat for the Coast, the food on board is great, and the company is diverse and delightful—I went over to Kangwe.
I remained some time in the Lembarene district and saw and learnt many things; I owe most of what I learnt to M. and Mme. Jacot, who knew a great deal about both the natives and the district, and I owe much of what I saw to having acquired the art of managing by myself a native canoe. This “recklessness” of mine I am sure did not merit the severe criticism it has been subjected to, for my performances gave immense amusement to others (I can hear Lembarene’s shrieks of laughter now) and to myself they gave great pleasure.
I spent some time in the Lembarene district and learned a lot; I owe most of my knowledge to M. and Mme. Jacot, who were very familiar with both the locals and the area. I also saw a lot because I learned how to handle a native canoe on my own. I’m sure my “recklessness” didn’t deserve the harsh criticism it received, as my efforts brought immense laughter to others (I can still hear the echoes of joy from Lembarene) and gave me a lot of enjoyment.
My first attempt was made at Talagouga one very hot afternoon. M. and Mme. Forget were, I thought, safe having their siestas, Oranie was with Mme. Gacon. I knew where Mme. Gacon was for certain; she was with M. Gacon; and I knew he was up in the sawmill shed, out of sight of the river, because of the soft thump, thump, thump of the big water-wheel. There was therefore no one to keep me out of mischief, and I was too frightened to go into the forest that afternoon, because on the previous afternoon I had been stalked as a wild beast by a cannibal savage, and I am nervous. Besides, and above all, it is quite impossible to see other people, even if they are only black, naked savages, gliding about in canoes, without wishing to go and glide about yourself. So I went down to where the canoes were tied by their noses to the steep bank, and finding a paddle, a broken one, I unloosed the smallest canoe. Unfortunately this was fifteen feet or so long, but I did not know the disadvantage of having, as it were, a long-tailed canoe then - I did shortly afterwards.
My first try was at Talagouga on a really hot afternoon. I thought M. and Mme. Forget were safely taking their siestas, and Oranie was with Mme. Gacon. I knew for sure where Mme. Gacon was; she was with M. Gacon, who was up in the sawmill shed, out of view of the river, because of the soft thump, thump, thump of the big water wheel. So, there was no one to keep me out of trouble, and I was too scared to go into the forest that afternoon because the day before, I had been stalked like a wild animal by a cannibal savage, and I get nervous easily. Plus, it’s really hard to see other people, even if they are just black, naked savages, moving around in canoes without wanting to get out there and paddle yourself. So, I went down to where the canoes were tied to the steep bank and found a paddle, a broken one, then I untied the smallest canoe. Unfortunately, this one was about fifteen feet long, but I didn’t realize then how being in a long canoe could be a problem—I figured that out soon after.
The promontories running out into the river on each side of the mission beach give a little stretch of slack water between the bank and the mill-race-like current of the Ogowé, and I wisely decided to keep in the slack water, until I had found out how to steer - most important thing steering. I got into the bow of the canoe, and shoved off from the bank all right; then I knelt down - learn how to paddle standing up by and by - good so far. I rapidly learnt how to steer from the bow, but I could not get up any pace. Intent on acquiring pace, I got to the edge of the slack water; and then displaying more wisdom, I turned round to avoid it, proud as a peacock, you understand, at having found out how to turn round. At this moment, the current of “the greatest equatorial river in the world,” grabbed my canoe by its tail. We spun round and round for a few seconds, like a teetotum, I steering the whole time for all I was worth, and then the current dragged the canoe ignominiously down river, tail foremost.
The cliffs extending into the river on either side of the mission beach create a small area of calm water between the bank and the fast-moving current of the Ogowé, so I wisely chose to stay in the calm water until I figured out how to steer—steering is really important. I got into the front of the canoe and pushed off from the bank without a hitch; then I knelt down—I'll learn to paddle standing up later—so far, so good. I quickly learned how to steer from the front, but I couldn't pick up any speed. Focused on gaining speed, I found my way to the edge of the calm water; and then, feeling quite clever, I turned around to avoid it, proud as a peacock, you know, for having figured out how to turn. At that moment, the current of "the greatest equatorial river in the world" grabbed my canoe by the back. We spun around for a few seconds like a top, me steering as best as I could, and then the current yanked the canoe downstream, backwards.
Fortunately a big tree was at that time temporarily hanging against the rock in the river, just below the sawmill beach. Into that tree the canoe shot with a crash, and I hung on, and shipping my paddle, pulled the canoe into the slack water again, by the aid of the branches of the tree, which I was in mortal terror would come off the rock, and insist on accompanying me and the canoe, viâ Kama country, to the Atlantic Ocean; but it held, and when I had got safe against the side of the pinnacle-rock I wiped a perspiring brow, and searched in my mind for a piece of information regarding Navigation that would be applicable to the management of long-tailed Adooma canoes. I could not think of one for some minutes. Captain Murray has imparted to me at one time and another an enormous mass of hints as to the management of vessels, but those vessels were all pre-supposed to have steam power. But he having been the first man to take an ocean-going steamer up to Matadi on the Congo, through the terrific currents that whirl and fly in Hell’s Cauldron, knew about currents, and I remembered he had said regarding taking vessels through them, “Keep all the headway you can on her.” Good! that hint inverted will fit this situation like a glove, and I’ll keep all the tailway I can off her. Feeling now as safe as only a human being can feel who is backed up by a sound principle, I was cautiously crawling to the tail-end of the canoe, intent on kneeling in it to look after it, when I heard a dreadful outcry on the bank. Looking there I saw Mme. Forget, Mme. Gacon, M. Gacon, and their attributive crowd of mission children all in a state of frenzy. They said lots of things in chorus. “What?” said I. They said some more and added gesticulations. Seeing I was wasting their time as I could not hear, I drove the canoe from the rock and made my way, mostly by steering, to the bank close by; and then tying the canoe firmly up I walked over the mill stream and divers other things towards my anxious friends. “You’ll be drowned,” they said. “Gracious goodness!” said I, “I thought that half an hour ago, but it’s all right now; I can steer.” After much conversation I lulled their fears regarding me, and having received strict orders to keep in the stern of the canoe, because that is the proper place when you are managing a canoe single-handed, I returned to my studies. I had not however lulled my friends’ interest regarding me, and they stayed on the bank watching.
Fortunately, there was a big tree leaning against the rock in the river, just below the sawmill beach. The canoe crashed into that tree, and I held on, using my paddle to pull the canoe back into the calm water with the help of the tree's branches. I was terrified that the tree would come off the rock and decide to come along with me and the canoe, via Kama country, to the Atlantic Ocean. But it stayed put, and once I was safely against the side of the pinnacle rock, I wiped my sweaty brow and tried to recall any navigation tips that would apply to handling long-tailed Adooma canoes. I couldn’t think of one for a moment. Captain Murray had shared a vast amount of advice about managing vessels, but those were all meant for steam-powered boats. He had been the first person to take an ocean-going steamer up to Matadi on the Congo, through the terrifying currents in Hell’s Cauldron, so he knew about currents. I remembered he had said when navigating vessels through them, “Keep all the headway you can on her.” Great! That tip, turned around, would fit this situation perfectly, and I’d keep all the tailway I could off her. Feeling as secure as anyone can when backed up by a solid principle, I cautiously crawled to the back of the canoe, planning to kneel and look after it, when I heard a terrible outcry from the bank. Looking over, I saw Mme. Forget, Mme. Gacon, M. Gacon, and their group of mission kids all in a panic. They were shouting a bunch of things in unison. “What?” I responded. They said more and added gestures. Realizing I was wasting their time by not being able to hear, I pushed the canoe away from the rock and steered it to the nearby bank. After tying the canoe securely, I made my way across the mill stream and other obstacles towards my worried friends. “You’ll drown,” they said. “Oh my goodness!” I exclaimed, “I thought that a half hour ago, but it's all good now; I can steer.” After a lengthy conversation, I eased their concerns about me, and having received strict orders to stay in the back of the canoe—since that’s the proper spot for managing a canoe solo—I went back to my studies. However, I hadn't calmed my friends’ interest in me, and they remained on the bank watching.
I found first, that my education in steering from the bow was of no avail; second, that it was all right if you reversed it. For instance, when you are in the bow, and make an inward stroke with the paddle on the right-hand side, the bow goes to the right; whereas, if you make an inward stroke on the right-hand side, when you are sitting in the stern, the bow then goes to the left. Understand? Having grasped this law, I crept along up river; and, by Allah! before I had gone twenty yards, if that wretch, the current of the greatest, etc., did not grab hold of the nose of my canoe, and we teetotummed round again as merrily as ever. My audience screamed. I knew what they were saying, “You’ll be drowned! Come back! Come back!” but I heard them and I heeded not. If you attend to advice in a crisis you’re lost; besides, I couldn’t “Come back” just then. However, I got into the slack water again, by some very showy, high-class steering. Still steering, fine as it is, is not all you require and hanker after. You want pace as well, and pace, except when in the clutches of the current, I had not so far attained. Perchance, thought I, the pace region in a canoe may be in its centre; so I got along on my knees into the centre to experiment. Bitter failure; the canoe took to sidling down river broadside on, like Mr. Winkle’s horse. Shouts of laughter from the bank. Both bow and stern education utterly inapplicable to centre; and so, seeing I was utterly thrown away there, I crept into the bows, and in a few more minutes I steered my canoe, perfectly, in among its fellows by the bank and secured it there. Mme. Forget ran down to meet me and assured me she had not laughed so much since she had been in Africa, although she was frightened at the time lest I should get capsized and drowned. I believe it, for she is a sweet and gracious lady; and I quite see, as she demonstrated, that the sight of me, teetotumming about, steering in an elaborate and showy way all the time, was irresistibly comic. And she gave a most amusing account of how, when she started looking for me to give me tea, a charming habit of hers, she could not see me in among my bottles, and so asked the little black boy where I was. “There,” said he, pointing to the tree hanging against the rock out in the river; and she, seeing me hitched with a canoe against the rock, and knowing the danger and depth of the river, got alarmed.
I first realized that my training in steering from the front was useless; second, that it worked fine if you flipped it around. For example, when you’re at the front and paddle inward on the right side, the front goes to the right; but if you paddle inward on the right side while sitting at the back, the front goes to the left. Get it? Once I understood this, I moved upstream, and, wow! just as I had gone twenty yards, the river current pulled the front of my canoe, and we spun around joyfully. My onlookers screamed. I could hear them saying, “You’ll drown! Come back! Come back!” but I didn’t pay attention. If you listen to advice in a crisis, you’re done for; besides, I couldn’t “come back” at that moment. However, I managed to get back into the calm water with some impressive steering. But even great steering isn’t all you want; you need speed too, and I hadn’t achieved that yet, unless the current held me. Maybe, I thought, the best spot for speed in a canoe is in the middle, so I crawled into the center to try it out. Complete disaster; the canoe started to drift sideways down the river like Mr. Winkle’s horse. Laughter erupted from the bank. I discovered that both my front and back methods didn't work in the middle, so realizing I was completely off track, I crept back to the front. After a few more minutes, I was able to steer my canoe perfectly among the others by the bank and secured it there. Mme. Forget rushed down to greet me and told me she hadn’t laughed so much since she got to Africa, even though she was scared I might capsize and drown. I believe her because she’s such a sweet and kind lady; I can completely see, as she pointed out, that watching me spin around, steering in a dramatic way, was ridiculously funny. She gave a humorous account of how, when she went looking for me to offer tea—a lovely habit of hers—she couldn’t spot me among my bottles, so she asked the little black boy where I was. “There,” he said, pointing to the tree hanging over the rock in the river; and when she saw me stuck with a canoe against the rock and realized the river's danger and depth, she became worried.
Well, when I got down to Lembarene I naturally went on with my canoeing studies, in pursuit of the attainment of pace. Success crowned my efforts, and I can honestly and truly say that there are only two things I am proud of - one is that Doctor Günther has approved of my fishes, and the other is that I can paddle an Ogowé canoe. Pace, style, steering and all, “All same for one” as if I were an Ogowé African. A strange, incongruous pair of things: but I often wonder what are the things other people are really most proud of; it would be a quaint and repaying subject for investigation.
Well, when I arrived in Lambaréné, I naturally continued my canoeing studies, aiming to achieve the right pace. My efforts paid off, and I can honestly say that there are only two things I’m proud of—one is that Doctor Günther has approved my fish, and the other is that I can paddle an Ogowé canoe. Pace, style, steering, and all, "All same for one," as if I were an Ogowé African. It’s a strange and mismatched pair of achievements, but I often wonder what other people are really most proud of; it would be an interesting and rewarding topic to explore.
Mme. Jacot gave me every help in canoeing, for she is a remarkably clear-headed woman, and recognised that, as I was always getting soaked, anyhow, I ran no extra danger in getting soaked in a canoe; and then, it being the dry season, there was an immense stretch of water opposite Andande beach, which was quite shallow. So she saw no need of my getting drowned.
Mme. Jacot helped me a lot with canoeing because she's a really clear-headed woman. She understood that since I was always getting wet anyway, I wasn’t putting myself in any extra danger by getting wet in a canoe. Plus, since it was the dry season, there was a huge stretch of shallow water right in front of Andande beach. So she didn’t think I had to worry about drowning.
The sandbanks were showing their yellow heads in all directions when I came down from Talagouga, and just opposite Andande there was sticking up out of the water a great, graceful, palm frond. It had been stuck into the head of the pet sandbank, and every day was visited by the boys and girls in canoes to see how much longer they would have to wait for the sandbank’s appearance. A few days after my return it showed, and in two days more there it was, acres and acres of it, looking like a great, golden carpet spread on the surface of the centre of the clear water - clear here, down this side of Lembarene Island, because the river runs fairly quietly, and has time to deposit its mud. Dark brown the Ogowé flies past the other side of the island, the main current being deflected that way by a bend, just below the entrance of the Nguni.
The sandbanks were showing their yellow tops in every direction when I came down from Talagouga, and right across from Andande, a large, elegant palm frond was sticking up out of the water. It had been planted at the head of the pet sandbank, and every day, boys and girls in canoes came by to check how much longer they would have to wait for the sandbank to appear. A few days after I returned, it showed up, and two days later, there it was—acres and acres of it—looking like a huge, golden carpet spread over the surface of the clear water. It was clear here, on this side of Lembarene Island, because the river flows gently and has time to settle its mud. Dark brown, the Ogowé rushes past the other side of the island, the main current being diverted that way by a bend just below the entrance of the Nguni.
There was great rejoicing. Canoe-load after canoe-load of boys and girls went to the sandbank, some doing a little fishing round its rim, others bringing the washing there, all skylarking and singing. Few prettier sights have I ever seen than those on that sandbank - the merry brown forms dancing or lying stretched on it: the gaudy-coloured patchwork quilts and chintz mosquito-bars that have been washed, spread out drying, looking from Kangwe on the hill above, like beds of bright flowers. By night when it was moonlight there would be bands of dancers on it with bush-light torches, gyrating, intermingling and separating till you could think you were looking at a dance of stars.
There was a lot of celebration. Canoe-load after canoe-load of kids went to the sandbank, some doing a bit of fishing around its edge, others bringing laundry there, all goofing off and singing. Few sights have ever been prettier than those on that sandbank — the cheerful brown figures dancing or lounging on it; the brightly colored patchwork quilts and chintz mosquito nets that had been washed and spread out to dry, which from Kangwe on the hill above looked like vibrant flower beds. By night, when the moon was out, there would be groups of dancers on it with bush-light torches, swirling, mingling, and breaking apart until it looked like a dance of stars.
They commenced affairs very early on that sandbank, and they kept them up very late; and all the time there came from it a soft murmur of laughter and song. Ah me! if the aim of life were happiness and pleasure, Africa should send us missionaries instead of our sending them to her - but, fortunately for the work of the world, happiness is not. One thing I remember which struck me very much regarding the sandbank, and this was that Mme. Jacot found such pleasure in taking her work on to the verandah, where she could see it. I knew she did not care for the songs and the dancing. One day she said to me, “It is such a relief.” “A relief?” I said. “Yes, do you not see that until it shows there is nothing but forest, forest, forest, and that still stretch of river? That bank is the only piece of clear ground I see in the year, and that only lasts a few weeks until the wet season comes, and then it goes, and there is nothing but forest, forest, forest, for another year. It is two years now since I came to this place; it may be I know not how many more before we go home again.” I grieve to say, for my poor friend’s sake, that her life at Kangwe was nearly at its end. Soon after my return to England I heard of the death of her husband from malignant fever. M. Jacot was a fine, powerful, energetic man, in the prime of life. He was a teetotaler and a vegetarian; and although constantly travelling to and fro in his district on his evangelising work, he had no foolish recklessness in him. No one would have thought that he would have been the first to go of us who used to sit round his hospitable table. His delicate wife, his two young children or I would have seemed far more likely. His loss will be a lasting one to the people he risked his life to (what he regarded) save. The natives held him in the greatest affection and respect, and his influence over them was considerable, far more profound than that of any other missionary I have ever seen. His loss is also great to those students of Africa who are working on the culture or on the languages; his knowledge of both was extensive, particularly of the little known languages of the Ogowé district. He was, when I left, busily employed in compiling a dictionary of the Fan tongue, and had many other works on language in contemplation. His work in this sphere would have had a high value, for he was a man with a University education and well grounded in Latin and Greek, and thoroughly acquainted with both English and French literature, for although born a Frenchman, he had been brought up in America. He was also a cultivated musician, and he and Mme. Jacot in the evenings would sing old French songs, Swiss songs, English songs, in their rich full voices; and then if you stole softly out on to the verandah, you would often find it crowded with a silent, black audience, listening intently.
They started their activities early on that sandbank and kept them going well into the night, and all the while, there was a soft murmur of laughter and song coming from it. Ah, if the goal of life were happiness and pleasure, Africa should be sending us missionaries instead of us sending them to her — but, luckily for the world's work, happiness isn’t the ultimate aim. One thing I remember that really stood out about the sandbank was how much Mme. Jacot enjoyed bringing her work out to the veranda, where she could see it. I knew she wasn’t interested in the songs and the dancing. One day she said to me, “It’s such a relief.” “A relief?” I asked. “Yes, don’t you see that until it appears, all I see is forest, forest, forest, and that endless stretch of river? That bank is the only clear ground I get to see all year, and it only lasts a few weeks before the rainy season comes, and then it disappears, leaving nothing but forest, forest, forest for another year. It’s been two years since I arrived in this place; who knows how many more years it will be before we go home again.” I regret to say, for my poor friend’s sake, that her life at Kangwe was almost at its end. Soon after I returned to England, I heard about her husband’s death from severe fever. M. Jacot was a strong, energetic man, in the prime of his life. He was a teetotaler and a vegetarian; although he traveled constantly within his district for his missionary work, he was not recklessly foolish. Nobody would have thought he would be the first to go among us who used to gather around his welcoming table. His delicate wife, their two young children, or even I seemed much more likely. His loss will have a lasting impact on the people he risked his life to save. The locals held him in great affection and respect, and his influence over them was significant, far deeper than that of any other missionary I’ve ever seen. His loss is also a great blow to those studying Africa who are focusing on its culture or languages; his knowledge of both was extensive, especially regarding the little-known languages of the Ogowé district. When I left, he was busy compiling a dictionary of the Fan language and had many other language projects in mind. His work in this area would have been highly valuable, as he was a man with a university education, well-versed in Latin and Greek, and thoroughly familiar with both English and French literature, since he was born in France but raised in America. He was also an accomplished musician, and in the evenings, he and Mme. Jacot would sing old French songs, Swiss songs, and English songs in their rich, full voices; and if you quietly stepped out onto the veranda, you would often find it crowded with a silent, black audience, listening intently.
The amount of work M. and Mme. Jacot used to get through was, to me, amazing, and I think the Ogowé Protestant mission sadly short-handed - its missionaries not being content to follow the usual Protestant plan out in West Africa, namely, quietly sitting down and keeping house, with just a few native children indoors to do the housework, and close by a school and a little church where a service is held on Sundays. The representatives of the Mission Évangélique go to and fro throughout the district round each station on evangelising work, among some of the most dangerous and uncivilised tribes in Africa, frequently spending a fortnight at a time away from their homes, on the waterways of a wild and dangerous country. In addition to going themselves, they send trained natives as evangelists and Bible-readers, and keep a keen eye on the trained native, which means a considerable amount of worry and strain too. The work on the stations is heavy in Ogowé districts, because when you have got a clearing made and all the buildings up, you have by no means finished with the affair, for you have to fight the Ogowé forest back, as a Dutchman fights the sea. But the main cause of work is the store, which in this exhausting climate is more than enough work for one man alone.
The amount of work M. and Mme. Jacot managed to handle was, to me, incredible, and I think the Ogowé Protestant mission was sadly understaffed—its missionaries weren't satisfied with the usual Protestant approach in West Africa, which was simply to settle down and take care of the house, with just a few local kids helping out inside, and nearby a school and a small church where services are held on Sundays. The representatives of the Mission Évangélique travel around the district near each station doing evangelistic work among some of the most dangerous and uncivilized tribes in Africa, often spending two weeks or more away from their homes, navigating the waterways of a wild and perilous land. Besides going themselves, they send trained locals as evangelists and Bible readers, and keep a close watch on those trained locals, which adds a considerable amount of stress and strain as well. The workload at the stations is heavy in the Ogowé districts, because once you've cleared the land and built all the structures, you're by no means done; you have to keep the Ogowé forest at bay, much like a Dutchman battles the sea. But the biggest challenge is the store, which in this exhausting climate is more than enough work for one person alone.
Payments on the Ogowé are made in goods; the natives do not use any coinage-equivalent, save in the strange case of the Fans, which does not touch general trade and which I will speak of later. They have not even the brass bars and cheetems that are in us in Calabar, or cowries as in Lagos. In order to expedite and simplify this goods traffic, a written or printed piece of paper is employed - practically a cheque, which is called a “bon” or “book,” and these “bons” are cashed - i.e. gooded, at the store. They are for three amounts. Five fura = a dollar. One fura = a franc. Desu = fifty centimes = half a fura. The value given for these “bons” is the same from Government, Trade, and Mission. Although the Mission Évangélique does not trade - i.e. buy produce and sell it at a profit, its representatives have a great deal of business to attend to through the store, which is practically a bank. All the native evangelists, black teachers, Bible-readers and labourers on the stations are paid off in these bons; and when any representative of the mission is away on a journey, food bought for themselves and their canoe crews is paid for in bons, which are brought in by the natives at their convenience, and changed for goods at the store. Therefore for several hours every weekday the missionary has to devote himself to store work, and store work out here is by no means playing at shop. It is very hard, tiring, exasperating work when you have to deal with it in full, as a trader, when it is necessary for you to purchase produce at a price that will give you a reasonable margin of profit over storing, customs’ duties, shipping expenses, etc., etc. But it is quite enough to try the patience of any Saint when you are only keeping store to pay on bons, à la missionary; for each class of article used in trade - and there are some hundreds of them - has a definite and acknowledged value, but where the trouble comes in is that different articles have the same value; for example, six fish hooks and one pocket-handkerchief have the same value, or you can make up that value in lucifer matches, pomatum, a mirror, a hair comb, tobacco, or scent in bottles.
Payments on the Ogowé are made in goods; the locals don’t use any form of currency, except for the unusual case of the Fans, which doesn’t affect general trade and I will discuss later. They don’t even have the brass bars and cheetems found in Calabar, nor cowries like in Lagos. To make this goods trading easier and more efficient, a written or printed piece of paper is used—basically a check, known as a “bon” or “book,” and these “bons” can be cashed—meaning exchanged for goods—at the store. They come in three amounts: five fura equals a dollar, one fura equals a franc, and Desu equals fifty centimes, or half a fura. The value given for these “bons” is consistent across the Government, Trade, and Mission. Although the Mission Évangélique doesn’t trade—meaning it doesn’t buy and sell produce for profit—its representatives have a lot of work to do through the store, which essentially functions as a bank. All local evangelists, black teachers, Bible readers, and workers at the stations are paid in these bons; and when any mission representative is traveling, food purchased for themselves and their canoe crews is paid for with bons, which are brought in by the locals at their convenience and exchanged for goods at the store. As a result, for several hours every weekday, the missionary has to focus on store work, and store work here is no easy task. It’s very tough, exhausting, and frustrating work when you have to handle everything as a trader, needing to buy produce at a price that leaves a reasonable profit after considering storage, customs duties, shipping costs, and so on. But it truly tests the patience of any Saint when you're just managing the store to pay on bons like a missionary; because each type of item used in trade—there are hundreds of them—has a specific and recognized value. The trouble is that different items can share the same value; for instance, six fish hooks and one pocket handkerchief are valued the same, or you can make up that value with matches, pomade, a mirror, a hair comb, tobacco, or scented bottles.
Now, if you are a trader, certain of these articles cost you more than others, although they have an identical value to the native, and so it is to your advantage to pay what we should call, in Cameroons, “a Kru, cheap copper,” and you have a lot of worry to effect this. To the missionary this does not so much matter. It makes absolutely no difference to the native, mind you; so he is by no means done by the trader. Take powder for an example. There is no profit on powder for the trader in Congo Français, but the native always wants it because he can get a tremendous profit on it from his black brethren in the bush; hence it pays the trader to give him his bon out in Boma check, etc., better than in gunpowder. This is a fruitful spring of argument and persuasion. However, whether the native is passing in a bundle of rubber or a tooth of ivory, or merely cashing a bon for a week’s bush catering, he is in Congo Français incapable of deciding what he will have when it comes to the point. He comes into the shop with a bon in his hand, and we will say, for example, the idea in his head that he wants fish-hooks - “jupes,” he calls them - but, confronted with the visible temptation of pomatum, he hesitates, and scratches his head violently. Surrounding him there are ten or twenty other natives with their minds in a similar wavering state, but yet anxious to be served forthwith. In consequence of the stimulating scratch, he remembers that one of his wives said he was to bring some Lucifer matches, another wanted cloth for herself, and another knew of some rubber she could buy very cheap, in tobacco, of a Fan woman who had stolen it. This rubber he knows he can take to the trader’s store and sell for pocket-handkerchiefs of a superior pattern, or gunpowder, or rum, which he cannot get at the mission store. He finally gets something and takes it home, and likely enough brings it back, in a day or so, somewhat damaged, desirous of changing it for some other article or articles. Remember also that these Bantu, like the Negroes, think externally, in a loud voice; like Mr. Kipling’s ’oont, “’e smells most awful vile,” and, if he be a Fan, he accompanies his observations with violent dramatic gestures, and let the customer’s tribe or sex be what it may, the customer is sadly, sadly liable to pick up any portable object within reach, under the shadow of his companions’ uproar, and stow it away in his armpits, between his legs, or, if his cloth be large enough, in that. Picture to yourself the perplexities of a Christian minister, engaged in such an occupation as storekeeping under these circumstances, with, likely enough, a touch of fever on him and jiggers in his feet; and when the store is closed the goods in it requiring constant vigilance to keep them free from mildew and white ants.
Now, if you’re a trader, some of these items cost you more than others, even though they’re worth the same to the locals. So it benefits you to pay what we in Cameroon would call “a Kru, cheap copper,” which comes with a lot of hassle. This isn’t as much of a concern for the missionary. It doesn’t really matter to the local people, so they're not taken advantage of by the trader. Take gunpowder, for instance. There's no profit on gunpowder for the trader in Congo Français, but the locals always want it because they can make a huge profit from their fellow villagers in the bush. Therefore, it makes more sense for the trader to give them their bon in Boma check or similar, rather than in gunpowder. This creates a lot of opportunities for discussion and persuasion. However, whether the local is bringing in a bundle of rubber, a piece of ivory, or just cashing in a bon for a week’s worth of supplies, he’s unable to decide what to choose when it really comes down to it. He walks into the store with a bon in hand, thinking he wants fish-hooks—he calls them “jupes”—but when he sees the tempting pomade on display, he hesitates and scratches his head furiously. Around him, there are ten or twenty other locals in a similar state of indecision, all eager to be served immediately. Because of his frantic scratching, he remembers that one of his wives told him to bring back some Lucifer matches, another wanted cloth for herself, and another heard about some rubber she could buy super cheap in tobacco from a Fan woman who had stolen it. He knows he can take this rubber to the trader’s shop and sell it for high-quality handkerchiefs, gunpowder, or rum, which he can't get at the mission store. In the end, he grabs something and takes it home, likely returning a day or two later to exchange it for something else, possibly damaged. Also, keep in mind that these Bantu, like the Negroes, think out loud; just like Mr. Kipling’s ’oont, “’e smells most awful vile.” If he’s a Fan, he adds dramatic gestures to his comments, and no matter the customer’s tribe or gender, they’re likely to grab any portable item within reach amidst the noise from their companions and stash it away in their armpits, between their legs, or, if their cloth is large enough, in that. Imagine the challenges for a Christian minister trying to run a store under these conditions, probably dealing with a hint of fever and jiggers in his feet; and once the store is closed, he has to constantly watch over the goods to keep them free from mildew and ants.
Then in addition to the store work, a fruitful source of work and worry are the schools, for both boys and girls. It is regarded as futile to attempt to get any real hold over the children unless they are removed from the influence of the country fashions that surround them in their village homes; therefore the schools are boarding; hence the entire care of the children, including feeding and clothing, falls on the missionary.
Then, alongside the store work, schools provide a significant source of both labor and concern for both boys and girls. It’s seen as pointless to try to have a meaningful impact on the children unless they are taken away from the influence of local trends in their village homes; that’s why the schools are boarding. As a result, the missionary is responsible for all aspects of the children’s care, including their meals and clothing.
The instruction given in the Mission Évangélique Schools does not include teaching the boys trades. The girls fare somewhat better, as they get instruction in sewing and washing and ironing, but I think in this district the young ladies would be all the better for being taught cooking.
The instruction provided in the Mission Évangélique Schools doesn't involve teaching the boys any trades. The girls have it a bit better since they learn sewing, washing, and ironing, but I believe that in this area, the young women would greatly benefit from being taught cooking.
It is strange that all the cooks employed by the Europeans should be men, yet all the cooking among the natives themselves is done by women, and done abominably badly in all the Bantu tribes I have ever come across; and the Bantu are in this particular, and indeed in most particulars, far inferior to the true Negro; though I must say this is not the orthodox view. The Negroes cook uniformly very well, and at moments are inspired in the direction of palm-oil chop and fish cooking. Not so the Bantu, whose methods cry aloud for improvement, they having just the very easiest and laziest way possible of dealing with food. The food supply consists of plantain, yam, koko, sweet potatoes, maize, pumpkin, pineapple, and ochres, fish both wet and smoked, and flesh of many kinds - including human in certain districts - snails, snakes, and crayfish, and big maggot-like pupæ of the rhinoceros beetle and the Rhyncophorus palmatorum. For sweetmeats the sugar-cane abounds, but it is only used chewed au naturel. For seasoning there is that bark that tastes like an onion, an onion distinctly passé, but powerful and permanent, particularly if it has been used in one of the native-made, rough earthen pots. These pots have a very cave-man look about them; they are unglazed, unlidded bowls. They stand the fire wonderfully well, and you have got to stand, as well as you can, the taste of the aforesaid bark that clings to them, and that of the smoke which gets into them during cooking operations over an open wood fire, as well as the soot-like colour they impart to even your own white rice. Out of all this varied material the natives of the Congo Français forests produce, dirtily, carelessly and wastefully, a dull, indigestible diet. Yam, sweet potatoes, ochres, and maize are not so much cultivated or used as among the Negroes, and the daily food is practically plantain - picked while green and the rind pulled off, and the tasteless woolly interior baked or boiled and the widely distributed manioc treated in the usual way. The sweet or non-poisonous manioc I have rarely seen cultivated, because it gives a much smaller yield, and is much longer coming to perfection. The poisonous kind is that in general use; its great dahlia-like roots are soaked in water to remove the poisonous principle, and then dried and grated up, or more commonly beaten up into a kind of dough in a wooden trough that looks like a model canoe, with wooden clubs, which I have seen the curiosity hunter happily taking home as war clubs to alarm his family with. The thump, thump, thump of this manioc beating is one of the most familiar sounds in a bush village. The meal, when beaten up, is used for thickening broths, and rolled up into bolsters about a foot long and two inches in diameter, and then wrapped in plantain leaves, and tied round with tie-tie and boiled, or more properly speaking steamed, for a lot of the rolls are arranged in a brass skillet. A small quantity of water is poured over the rolls of plantain, a plantain leaf is tucked in over the top tightly, so as to prevent the steam from escaping, and the whole affair is poised on the three cooking-stones over a wood fire, and left there until the contents are done, or more properly speaking, until the lady in charge of it has delusions on the point, and the bottom rolls are a trifle burnt or the whole insufficiently cooked.
It’s odd that all the cooks hired by the Europeans are men, while among the locals, all the cooking is done by women, and it’s done extremely poorly in all the Bantu tribes I've encountered. The Bantu, in this regard and many others, are significantly less skilled than the true Negro; although I should note that this isn’t the widely accepted view. The Negroes generally cook very well and are occasionally inspired when it comes to preparing dishes with palm oil and fish. The Bantu, on the other hand, cry out for better methods, as they have the easiest and laziest approach to food preparation. Their food supply includes plantain, yam, koko, sweet potatoes, maize, pumpkin, pineapple, ochres, both fresh and smoked fish, various meats—including human flesh in certain regions—snails, snakes, crayfish, and the large maggot-like pupae of the rhinoceros beetle and the Rhyncophorus palmatorum. For sweets, sugar cane is plentiful, but it’s only consumed raw. For seasoning, they use a bark that tastes like an onion—a rather strong and lasting taste, especially if it's been used in one of their rough, homemade earthen pots. These pots have a very primitive look; they are unglazed bowls without lids. They hold up to fire remarkably well, but you have to tolerate the taste of the aforementioned bark that lingers on them and the smoke that seeps in during cooking over an open wood fire, as well as the soot-like discoloration they give to even your plain white rice. From all this diverse range of ingredients, the locals of the Congo Français forests create, in a dirty, careless, and wasteful manner, a dull and hard-to-digest diet. Yam, sweet potatoes, ochres, and maize are not cultivated or consumed as much as they are by the Negroes, and the main daily food is nearly all plantain—picked while still green, with the peel removed, and the bland, woolly inside baked or boiled, along with the widely spread manioc prepared in the usual way. I’ve rarely seen the sweet or non-poisonous manioc being cultivated because it yields much less and takes longer to mature. The poisonous type is what is generally used; its large, dahlia-like roots are soaked in water to eliminate the toxins before being dried and grated, or more often pounded into a kind of dough in a wooden trough resembling a small canoe, using wooden clubs that I've seen collectors proudly taking home as war clubs to scare their families. The rhythmic thump, thump, thump of pounding manioc is one of the most common sounds in a bush village. The resulting meal, once beaten, is used to thicken broths and rolled into long, fat cylinders about a foot long and two inches wide, wrapped in plantain leaves, tied with tie-tie, and boiled—or more accurately, steamed. Many of these rolls are arranged in a brass skillet. A small amount of water is poured over the plantain rolls, a plantain leaf is tightly tucked in on top to trap the steam, and the whole setup is placed on three cooking stones over a wood fire, left there until it’s done cooking—or more accurately, until the lady in charge has a skewed sense of timing, resulting in the bottom rolls being slightly burnt or the entire dish inadequately cooked.
This manioc meal is the staple food, the bread equivalent, all along the coast. As you pass along you are perpetually meeting with a new named food, fou-fou on the Leeward, kank on the Windward, m’vada in Corisco, ogooma in the Ogowé; but acquaintance with it demonstrates that it is all the same - manioc.
This manioc meal is the main food, the equivalent of bread, all along the coast. As you travel, you constantly encounter different names for it: fou-fou in the Leeward, kank in the Windward, m’vada in Corisco, ogooma in the Ogowé; but getting to know it shows that it’s all the same - manioc.
It is a good food when it is properly prepared; but when a village has soaked its soil-laden manioc tubers in one and the same pool of water for years, the water in that pool becomes a trifle strong, and both it and the manioc get a smell which once smelt is never to be forgotten; it is something like that resulting from bad paste with a dash of vinegar, but fit to pass all these things, and has qualities of its own that have no civilised equivalent.
It’s good food when it’s prepared properly; but when a village has soaked its soil-covered manioc tubers in the same pool of water for years, that water starts to get a bit intense, and both it and the manioc develop a smell that, once you’ve encountered it, you won’t forget; it’s similar to the odor of spoiled paste with a touch of vinegar, yet despite all that, it has unique qualities that have no civilized equivalent.
I believe that this way of preparing the staple article of diet is largely responsible for that dire and frequent disease “cut him belly,” and several other quaint disorders, possibly even for the sleep disease. The natives themselves say that a diet too exclusively maniocan produces dimness of vision, ending in blindness if the food is not varied; the poisonous principle cannot be anything like soaked out in the surcharged water, and the meal when it is made up and cooked has just the same sour, acrid taste you would expect it to have from the smell.
I think that this way of preparing the main staple in the diet is largely to blame for the serious and common disease "cut him belly," as well as a few other odd conditions, possibly even for the sleep disease. The locals say that a diet too heavily based on manioc can lead to blurred vision, and eventually blindness if the food isn’t varied. The toxic principle can’t be soaked out in the saturated water, and the meal, when prepared and cooked, has the same sour, bitter taste you’d expect from the smell.
The fish is boiled, or wrapped in leaves and baked. The dried fish, very properly known as stink-fish, is much preferred; this is either eaten as it is, or put into stews as seasoning, as also are the snails. The meat is eaten either fresh or smoked, boiled or baked. By baked I always mean just buried in the ground and a fire lighted on top, or wrapped in leaves and buried in hot embers.
The fish is boiled or wrapped in leaves and baked. The dried fish, commonly called stink-fish, is preferred; it's either eaten as is or added to stews for flavor, just like the snails. The meat can be eaten fresh or smoked, boiled or baked. By baked, I mean it's either buried in the ground with a fire on top or wrapped in leaves and buried in hot coals.
The smoked meat is badly prepared, just hung up in the smoke of the fires, which hardens it, blackening the outside quickly; but when the lumps are taken out of the smoke, in a short time cracks occur in them, and the interior part proceeds to go bad, and needless to say maggoty. If it is kept in the smoke, as it often is to keep it out of the way of dogs and driver ants, it acquires the toothsome taste and texture of a piece of old tarpaulin.
The smoked meat is poorly prepared, just left hanging in the smoke from the fires, which hardens it and quickly darkens the outside; but when the chunks are taken out of the smoke, cracks appear in them in no time, and the inside starts to spoil and, needless to say, becomes maggoty. If it’s kept in the smoke, as is often done to keep it away from dogs and driver ants, it takes on the unpleasant taste and texture of an old piece of tarpaulin.
Now I will ask the surviving reader who has waded through this dissertation on cookery if something should not be done to improve the degraded condition of the Bantu cooking culture? Not for his physical delectation only, but because his present methods are bad for his morals, and drive the man to drink, let alone assisting in riveting him in the practice of polygamy, which the missionary party say is an exceedingly bad practice for him to follow. The inter-relationship of these two subjects may not seem on the face of it very clear, but inter-relationships of customs very rarely are; I well remember M. Jacot coming home one day at Kangwe from an evangelising visit to some adjacent Fan towns, and saying he had had given to him that afternoon a new reason for polygamy, which was that it enabled a man to get enough to eat. This sounds sinister from a notoriously cannibal tribe; but the explanation is that the Fans are an exceedingly hungry tribe, and require a great deal of providing for. It is their custom to eat about ten times a day when in village, and the men spend most of their time in the palaver-houses at each end of the street, the women bringing them bowls of food of one kind or another all day long. When the men are away in the forest rubber or elephant-hunting, and have to cook their own food, they cannot get quite so much; but when I have come across them on these expeditions, they halted pretty regularly every two hours and had a substantial snack, and the gorge they all go in for after a successful elephant hunt is a thing to see - once.
Now I’m asking the remaining reader who has made it through this dissertation on cooking if we should do something to improve the poor state of Bantu cooking culture? Not just for their enjoyment, but because the current methods are harmful to their morals and lead them to drink, not to mention reinforcing the practice of polygamy, which missionaries say is a very harmful practice for them to follow. The connection between these two issues might not seem obvious at first, but connections between customs rarely are; I remember M. Jacot returning one day in Kangwe from an evangelizing trip to some nearby Fan towns, saying he had learned a new justification for polygamy that afternoon: it allows a man to get enough to eat. This may sound alarming coming from a tribe known for cannibalism; however, the explanation is that the Fans are extremely hungry and need a lot of food. It’s their custom to eat about ten times a day when they are in the village, and the men spend most of their time in the meeting houses at each end of the street, with women bringing them bowls of food throughout the day. When the men are out in the forest hunting rubber or elephants and have to cook for themselves, they aren’t able to eat quite as much. But when I’ve encountered them on these expeditions, they typically stopped every two hours for a substantial snack, and the feast they have after a successful elephant hunt is something to witness – once.
There are other reasons which lead to the prevalence of this custom, beside the cooking. One is that it is totally impossible for one woman to do the whole work of a house - look after the children, prepare and cook the food, prepare the rubber, carry the same to the markets, fetch the daily supply of water from the stream, cultivate the plantation, etc., etc. Perhaps I should say it is impossible for the dilatory African woman, for I once had an Irish charwoman, who drank, who would have done the whole week’s work of an African village in an afternoon, and then been quite fresh enough to knock some of the nonsense out of her husband’s head with that of the broom, and throw a kettle of boiling water or a paraffin lamp at him, if she suspected him of flirting with other ladies. That woman, who deserves fame in the annals of her country, was named Harragan. She has attained immortality some years since, by falling down stairs one Saturday night from excitement arising from “the Image’s” (Mr. Harragan) conduct; but we have no Mrs. Harragan in Africa. The African lady does not care a travelling whitesmith’s execration if her husband does flirt, so long as he does not go and give to other women the cloth, etc., that she should have. The more wives the less work, says the African lady; and I have known men who would rather have had one wife and spent the rest of the money on themselves, in a civilised way, driven into polygamy by the women; and of course this state of affairs is most common in nonslave-holding tribes like the Fan.
There are other reasons for the popularity of this custom beyond just cooking. One is that it's totally impossible for one woman to handle all the tasks of a household—taking care of the kids, preparing and cooking food, gathering rubber, carrying it to the markets, fetching fresh water from the stream, tending to the plantation, and so on. Maybe I should specify that it’s impossible for the slow-moving African woman because I once had an Irish cleaning lady who drank but could have completed a whole week’s worth of work for an African village in just one afternoon. She would still have had enough energy left to knock some sense into her husband with a broom and throw boiling water or a paraffin lamp at him if she thought he was flirting with other women. That woman, who deserves to be remembered in the history of her country, was named Harragan. She gained a sort of immortality years ago when she fell down the stairs on a Saturday night, excited by "the Image’s" (Mr. Harragan) behavior; but we have no Mrs. Harragan in Africa. The African woman really doesn’t care at all if her husband flirts, as long as he doesn’t give other women the cloth, etc., that should be hers. The more wives, the less work, say the African women; and I’ve known men who would have preferred just one wife and to spend the rest of their money on themselves in a civilized way, but they felt pushed into polygamy by the women. This situation is, of course, most common in non-slave-holding tribes like the Fan.
Mission work was first opened upon the Ogowé by Dr. Nassau, the great pioneer and explorer of these regions. He was acting for the American Presbyterian Society; but when the French Government demanded education in French in the schools, the stations on the Ogowé, Lembarene (Kangwe), and Talagouga were handed over to the Mission Évangélique of Paris, and have been carried on by its representatives with great devotion and energy. I am unsympathetic, in some particulars, for reasons of my own, with Christian missions, so my admiration for this one does not arise from the usual ground of admiration for missions, namely, that however they may be carried on, they are engaged in a great and holy work; but I regard the Mission Évangélique, judging from the results I have seen, as the perfection of what one may call a purely spiritual mission.
Mission work was initially started on the Ogowé by Dr. Nassau, the great pioneer and explorer of these areas. He was working for the American Presbyterian Society; however, when the French Government required education in French at the schools, the stations on the Ogowé, Lembarene (Kangwe), and Talagouga were transferred to the Mission Évangélique of Paris, which has been managed by its representatives with great dedication and energy. I have my own reasons for being somewhat unsympathetic toward Christian missions, so my admiration for this one doesn’t come from the usual perspective of appreciating missions, which is that, regardless of how they are run, they are involved in a significant and sacred work. Instead, I see the Mission Évangélique, based on the outcomes I have observed, as the ideal example of what one might call a purely spiritual mission.
Lembarene is strictly speaking a district which includes Adânlinan lângâ and the Island, but the name is locally used to denote the great island in the Ogowé, whose native name is Nenge Ezangy; but for the sake of the general reader I will keep to the everyday term of Lembarene Island.
Lembarene is technically a district that includes Adânlinan lângâ and the Island, but locally, the name is used to refer to the large island in the Ogowé, which is named Nenge Ezangy. However, for the sake of the general reader, I will stick to the common term Lembarene Island.
Lembarene Island is the largest of the islands on the Ogowé. It is some fifteen miles long, east and west, and a mile to a mile and a half wide. It is hilly and rocky, uniformly clad with forest, and several little permanent streams run from it on both sides into the Ogowé. It is situated 130 miles from the sea, at the point, just below the entrance of the N’guni, where the Ogowé commences to divide up into that network of channels by which, like all great West African rivers save the Congo, it chooses to enter the Ocean. The island, as we mainlanders at Kangwe used to call it, was a great haunt of mine, particularly after I came down from Talagouga and saw fit to regard myself as competent to control a canoe.
Lembarene Island is the biggest of the islands on the Ogowé. It's about fifteen miles long, from east to west, and one to one and a half miles wide. The island is hilly and rocky, completely covered with forest, and there are several small permanent streams that flow from it on both sides into the Ogowé. It's located 130 miles from the sea, right at the point just below where the N’guni enters, where the Ogowé starts to break up into a network of channels that, like all major rivers in West Africa except the Congo, flows into the ocean. We used to call it “the island” back in Kangwe, and it became one of my favorite spots, especially after I came down from Talagouga and felt confident enough to handle a canoe.
From Andande, the beach of Kangwe, the breadth of the arm of the Ogowé to the nearest village on the island, was about that of the Thames at Blackwall. One half of the way was slack water, the other half was broadside on to a stiff current. Now my pet canoe at Andande was about six feet long, pointed at both ends, flat bottomed, so that it floated on the top of the water; its freeboard was, when nothing was in it, some three inches, and the poor thing had seen trouble in its time, for it had a hole you could put your hand in at one end; so in order to navigate it successfully, you had to squat in the other, which immersed that to the water level but safely elevated the damaged end in the air. Of course you had to stop in your end firmly, because if you went forward the hole went down into the water, and the water went into the hole, and forthwith you foundered with all hands - i.e., you and the paddle and the calabash baler. This craft also had a strong weather helm, owing to a warp in the tree of which it had been made. I learnt all these things one afternoon, paddling round the sandbank; and the next afternoon, feeling confident in the merits of my vessel, I started for the island, and I actually got there, and associated with the natives, but feeling my arms were permanently worn out by paddling against the current, I availed myself of the offer of a gentleman to paddle me back in his canoe. He introduced himself as Samuel, and volunteered the statement that he was “a very good man.” We duly settled ourselves in the canoe, he occupying the bow, I sitting in the middle, and a Mrs. Samuel sitting in the stern. Mrs. Samuel was a powerful, pretty lady, and a conscientious and continuous paddler. Mr. S. was none of these things, but an ex-Bible reader, with an amazing knowledge of English, which he spoke in a quaint, falsetto, far-away sort of voice, and that man’s besetting sin was curiosity. “You be Christian, ma?” said he. I asked him if he had ever met a white man who was not. “Yes, ma,” says Samuel. I said “You must have been associating with people whom you ought not to know.” Samuel fortunately not having a repartee for this, paddled on with his long paddle for a few seconds. “Where be your husband, ma?” was the next conversational bomb he hurled at me. “I no got one,” I answer. “No got,” says Samuel, paralysed with astonishment; and as Mrs. S., who did not know English, gave one of her vigorous drives with her paddle at this moment, Samuel as near as possible got jerked head first into the Ogowé, and we took on board about two bucketfuls of water. He recovered himself, however and returned to his charge. “No got one, ma?” “No,” say I furiously. “Do you get much rubber round here?” “I no be trade man,” says Samuel, refusing to fall into my trap for changing conversation. “Why you no got one?” The remainder of the conversation is unreportable, but he landed me at Andande all right, and got his dollar.
From Andande, the beach of Kangwe, the width of the arm of the Ogowé to the nearest village on the island was about the same as the Thames at Blackwall. Half of the journey was calm water, while the other half faced a strong current. My trusty canoe at Andande was about six feet long, pointed at both ends, and had a flat bottom, allowing it to float on the surface; when empty, it had about three inches of freeboard. This poor canoe had seen better days, with a hole you could fit your hand in at one end, so to steer it effectively, I had to sit in the other end, which soaked that end but kept the damaged end above water. Naturally, I had to stay firmly seated at my end because if I leaned forward, the hole could dip below the water, letting it flood in, and then I would capsize along with my paddle and the calabash baler. The canoe also had a strong weather helm due to a warp in the wood it was made from. I learned all this one afternoon while paddling around the sandbank; and the next afternoon, feeling confident in my canoe, I set off for the island, where I actually arrived and mingled with the locals. However, after exhausting my arms from paddling against the current, I accepted an offer from a guy to paddle me back in his canoe. He introduced himself as Samuel and claimed he was “a very good man.” We settled into the canoe, with him in the front, me in the middle, and a Mrs. Samuel in the back. Mrs. Samuel was a strong, attractive woman and a relentless paddler. Mr. Samuel was neither of these things; he was a former Bible reader with remarkable English, spoken in a strange, high-pitched tone, and his main flaw was his curiosity. “You be Christian, ma?” he asked. I wondered if he had ever met a white person who wasn't. “Yes, ma,” he replied. I said, “You must have been hanging out with people you shouldn't know.” Samuel, not having a comeback for that, paddled on with his long paddle for a few seconds. “Where be your husband, ma?” was the next bomb he dropped on me. “I no got one,” I said. “No got,” Samuel said, stunned; and just then, as Mrs. Samuel, who didn’t know English, made a strong stroke with her paddle, Samuel nearly tipped headfirst into the Ogowé, and we ended up with about two buckets of water splashed in the canoe. He managed to regain his balance and returned to paddling. “No got one, ma?” “No,” I said, frustrated. “Do you get much rubber around here?” “I no be trade man,” said Samuel, refusing to fall for my conversation diversion. “Why you no got one?” The rest of the conversation is unreportable, but he successfully got me back to Andande and collected his dollar.
The next voyage I made, which was on the next day, I decided to go by myself to the factory, which is on the other side of the island, and did so. I got some goods to buy fish with, and heard from Mr. Cockshut that the poor boy-agent at Osoamokita, had committed suicide. It was a grievous thing. He was, as I have said, a bright, intelligent young Frenchman; but living in the isolation, surrounded by savage, tiresome tribes, the strain of his responsibility had been too much for him. He had had a good deal of fever, and the very kindly head agent for Woermann’s had sent Dr. Pélessier to see if he had not better be invalided home; but he told the Doctor he was much better, and as he had no one at home to go to he begged him not to send him, and the Doctor, to his subsequent regret, gave in. No one knows, who has not been to West Africa, how terrible is the life of a white man in one of these out-of-the-way factories, with no white society, and with nothing to look at, day out and day in, but the one set of objects - the forest, the river, and the beach, which in a place like Osoamokita you cannot leave for months at a time, and of which you soon know every plank and stone. I felt utterly wretched as I started home again to come up to the end of the island, and go round it and down to Andande; and paddled on for some little time, before I noticed that I was making absolutely no progress. I redoubled my exertions, and crept slowly up to some rocks projecting above the water; but pass them I could not, as the main current of the Ogowé flew in hollow swirls round them against my canoe. Several passing canoefuls of natives gave me good advice in Igalwa; but facts were facts, and the Ogowé was too strong for me. After about twenty minutes an old Fan gentleman came down river in a canoe and gave me good advice in Fan, and I got him to take me in tow - that is to say, he got into my canoe and I held on to his and we went back down river. I then saw his intention was to take me across to that disreputable village, half Fan, half Bakele, which is situated on the main bank of the river opposite the island; this I disapproved of, because I had heard that some Senegal soldiers who had gone over there, had been stripped of every rag they had on, and maltreated; besides, it was growing very late, and I wanted to get home to dinner. I communicated my feelings to my pilot, who did not seem to understand at first, so I feared I should have to knock them into him with the paddle; but at last he understood I wanted to be landed on the island and duly landed me, when he seemed much surprised at the reward I gave him in pocket-handkerchiefs. Then I got a powerful young Igalwa dandy to paddle me home.
The next day, I decided to go to the factory by myself, which is on the other side of the island, and I did. I got some supplies to trade for fish and heard from Mr. Cockshut that the poor boy-agent at Osoamokita had committed suicide. It was a terrible situation. He was, as I mentioned, a bright, intelligent young Frenchman, but living in isolation, surrounded by exhausting tribes, the pressure of his responsibilities became too much for him. He had suffered from a lot of fever, and the very considerate head agent for Woermann’s sent Dr. Pélessier to check if he should be sent home as an invalid; however, he told the Doctor he was feeling much better, and since he had no one to go to back home, he asked him not to send him away, and Dr. Pélessier, to his later regret, agreed. No one knows, who hasn't been to West Africa, how dreadful life can be for a white man in one of these remote factories, with no white community around, and nothing to see day in and day out but the same scenery – the forest, the river, and the beach, which in a place like Osoamokita you can't leave for months on end, and soon get to know every board and stone. I felt completely miserable as I started back home to the end of the island, then went around it and down to Andande; I paddled on for a while before realizing I was making no progress at all. I put in extra effort and managed to creep slowly up to some rocks sticking out of the water; but I couldn’t pass them, as the main current of the Ogowé swirled strongly around them against my canoe. Several canoes full of natives passed by and gave me helpful advice in Igalwa; but facts were facts, and the Ogowé was too powerful for me. After about twenty minutes, an old Fan gentleman came down the river in a canoe and offered me advice in Fan, and I got him to tow me along – he climbed into my canoe while I held onto his, and we went back down the river. Then I saw his intention was to take me over to that unsavory village, half Fan, half Bakele, located on the main bank of the river opposite the island; I didn’t like that idea because I had heard some Senegal soldiers who went there had been stripped of everything and mistreated; also, it was getting late, and I wanted to get home for dinner. I expressed my concerns to my pilot, who didn’t seem to get it at first, and I worried I’d have to hit it into him with the paddle; but eventually, he understood I wanted to be dropped off on the island, and he did so, sounding surprised at the reward I gave him in pocket-handkerchiefs. Then I got a strong young Igalwa dandy to paddle me home.
I did not go to the island next day, but down below Fula, watching the fish playing in the clear water, and the lizards and birds on the rocky high banks; but on my next journey round to the factories I got into another and a worse disaster. I went off there early one morning; and thinking the only trouble lay in getting back up the Ogowé, and having developed a theory that this might be minimised by keeping very close to the island bank, I never gave a thought to dangers attributive to going down river; so, having by now acquired pace, my canoe shot out beyond the end rocks of the island into the main stream. It took me a second to realise what had happened, and another to find out I could not get the canoe out of the current without upsetting it, and that I could not force her back up the current, so there was nothing for it but to keep her head straight now she had bolted. A group of native ladies, who had followed my proceedings with much interest, shouted observations which I believe to have been “Come back, come back; you’ll be drowned.” “Good-bye, Susannah, don’t you weep for me,” I courteously retorted; and flew past them and the factory beaches and things in general, keenly watching for my chance to run my canoe up a siding, as it were, off the current main line. I got it at last - a projecting spit of land from the island with rocks projecting out of the water in front of it bothered the current, and after a wild turn round or so, and a near call from my terrified canoe trying to climb up a rock, I got into slack water and took a pause in life’s pleasures for a few minutes. Knowing I must be near the end of the island, I went on pretty close to the bank, finally got round into the Kangwe branch of the Ogowé by a connecting creek, and after an hour’s steady paddling I fell in with three big canoes going up river; they took me home as far as Fula, whence a short paddle landed me at Andande only slightly late for supper, convinced that it was almost as safe and far more amusing to be born lucky than wise.
I didn’t go to the island the next day, but stayed down by Fula, watching the fish playing in the clear water and the lizards and birds on the rocky banks. However, on my next trip around to the factories, I ended up in a worse situation. I set off early one morning, thinking the main challenge would be getting back up the Ogowé, and I had come up with a theory that sticking close to the island bank would help minimize that issue. I didn’t consider the dangers of going downstream, so, having gained some speed, my canoe shot out beyond the rocks at the end of the island into the main current. It took me a moment to realize what had happened, and another to figure out that I couldn’t get the canoe out of the current without tipping it over, and that I couldn’t paddle it back upstream. So, I just had to keep it steady now that I had lost control. A group of local women, who had been watching me intently, shouted things like, “Come back, come back; you’ll drown.” “Goodbye, Susannah, don’t cry for me,” I replied politely, and zoomed past them and the factory beaches, searching for my chance to steer my canoe off the main current. I finally found a spot—a rocky point of land from the island that broke the current. After a wild turn or two, and a close call when my canoe nearly climbed a rock, I made it into calmer water and took a moment to catch my breath. Knowing I must be near the end of the island, I paddled close to the bank and eventually made my way into the Kangwe branch of the Ogowé through a creek. After an hour of steady paddling, I ran into three large canoes heading upstream; they took me back to Fula, from where a short paddle got me to Andande, only a bit late for dinner, convinced that being lucky is just as good—if not more fun—than being wise.
Now I have described my circumnavigation of the island, I will proceed to describe its inhabitants. The up-river end of Lembarene Island is the most inhabited. A path round the upper part of the island passes through a succession of Igalwa villages and by the Roman Catholic missionary station. The slave villages belonging to these Igalwas are away down the north face of the island, opposite the Fan town of Fula, which I have mentioned. It strikes me as remarkable that the Igalwa, like the Dualla of Cameroons, have their slaves in separate villages; but this is the case, though I do not know the reason of it. These Igalwa slaves cultivate the plantations, and bring up the vegetables and fruit to their owners’ villages and do the housework daily.
Now that I've described my journey around the island, I will move on to talk about its residents. The upper end of Lembarene Island is the most populated. A path around the northern part of the island goes through a series of Igalwa villages and the Roman Catholic missionary station. The slave villages that belong to these Igalwas are located on the northern side of the island, across from the Fan town of Fula, which I've mentioned. I find it interesting that the Igalwa, similar to the Dualla of the Cameroons, keep their slaves in separate villages; this is true, although I'm not sure why. These Igalwa slaves work on the plantations, bring vegetables and fruits to their owners' villages, and do the daily housework.
The interior of the island is composed of high, rocky, heavily forested hills, with here and there a stream, and here and there a swamp; the higher land is towards the up-river end; down river there is a lower strip of land with hillocks. This is, I fancy, formed by deposits of sand, etc., catching in among the rocks, and connecting what were at one time several isolated islands. There are no big game or gorillas on the island, but it has a peculiar and awful house ant, much smaller than the driver ant, but with a venomous, bad bite; its only good point is that its chief food is the white ants, which are therefore kept in abeyance on Lembarene Island, although flourishing destructively on the mainland banks of the river in this locality. I was never tired of going and watching those Igalwa villagers, nor were, I think, the Igalwa villagers ever tired of observing me. Although the physical conditions of life were practically identical with those of the mainland, the way in which the Igalwas dealt with them, i.e. the culture, was distinct from the culture of the mainland Fans.
The interior of the island has tall, rocky, dense forested hills, with streams and swamps scattered throughout; the higher land is towards the upstream end, while downstream there’s a lower area with bumps. I believe this part is made up of sand and other materials that got trapped among the rocks, linking what used to be several isolated islands. There aren’t any large game animals or gorillas on the island, but it does have a strange and nasty house ant that's smaller than the driver ant but has a painful bite; the one good thing about it is that it mainly feeds on white ants, which keeps their numbers in check on Lembarene Island, even though they thrive destructively on the mainland banks of the river nearby. I never grew tired of watching the Igalwa villagers, nor do I think the Igalwa villagers ever grew tired of watching me. Even though the living conditions were nearly the same as those on the mainland, the way the Igalwas adapted to them, i.e., their culture, was different from the culture of the mainland Fans.
The Igalwas are a tribe very nearly akin, if not ethnically identical with, the M’pongwe, and the culture of these two tribes is on a level with the highest native African culture. African culture, I may remark, varies just the same as European in this, that there is as much difference in the manners of life between, say, an Igalwa and a Bubi of Fernando Po, as there is between a Londoner and a Laplander.
The Igalwas are a tribe that is very similar, if not ethnically the same as, the M’pongwe, and the culture of these two tribes ranks among the highest native African cultures. African culture, I should note, varies just like European culture in that there can be as much difference in lifestyles between, say, an Igalwa and a Bubi from Fernando Po, as there is between a Londoner and a Laplander.
The Igalwa builds his house like that of the M’pongwe, of bamboo, and he surrounds himself with European-made articles. The neat houses, fitted with windows, with wooden shutters to close at night, and with a deal door - a carpenter-made door - are in sharp contrast with the ragged ant-hill looking performances of the Akkas, or the bark huts of the Fan, with no windows, and just an extra broad bit of bark to slip across the hole that serves as a door. On going into an Igalwa house you will see a four-legged table, often covered with a bright-coloured tablecloth, on which stands a water bottle, with two clean glasses, and round about you will see chairs - Windsor chairs. These houses have usually three, sometimes more rooms, and a separate closed-in little kitchen, built apart, wherein you may observe European-made saucepans, in addition to the ubiquitous skillet. Outside, all along the clean sandy streets, the inhabitants are seated. The Igalwa is truly great at sitting, the men pursuing a policy of masterly inactivity, broken occasionally by leisurely netting a fishing net, the end of the netting hitched up on to the roof thatch, and not held by a stirrup. The ladies are employed in the manufacture of articles pertaining to a higher culture - I allude, as Mr. Micawber would say, to bed-quilts and pillow-cases - the most gorgeous bed-quilts and pillow-cases - made of patchwork, and now and again you will see a mosquito-bar in course of construction, of course not made of net or muslin because of the awesome strength and ferocity of the Lembarene strain of mosquitoes, but of stout, fair-flowered and besprigged chintzes; and you will observe these things are often being sewn with a sewing machine.
The Igalwa builds his house like the M’pongwe, using bamboo, and he surrounds himself with items made in Europe. The tidy houses, equipped with windows and wooden shutters that close at night, along with a carpenter-made door, stand in stark contrast to the shabby anthill-like constructions of the Akkas or the bark huts of the Fan, which lack windows and just have a wide piece of bark to cover the hole that serves as a door. Upon entering an Igalwa house, you will see a four-legged table, often adorned with a brightly colored tablecloth, with a water bottle and two clean glasses on it, surrounded by Windsor chairs. These houses typically have three or more rooms, along with a separate enclosed little kitchen built nearby, where you can find European-made saucepans in addition to the common skillet. Outside, along the clean sandy streets, the residents are seated. The Igalwa excels at sitting, with the men practicing a strategy of relaxed inactivity, occasionally interrupted by the leisurely task of netting a fishing net, with the end of the netting secured to the roof thatch instead of a stirrup. The women are busy making items related to a higher culture – as Mr. Micawber would put it, bed quilts and pillowcases – the most beautiful bed quilts and pillowcases made from patchwork. Now and then, you’ll see a mosquito net being made, not out of netting or muslin due to the formidable strength and aggression of the Lembarene strain of mosquitoes, but from strong, light-patterned chintzes; and you will notice that these are often being sewn with a sewing machine.
The women who may not be busy sewing are busy doing each other’s hair. Hair-dressing is quite an art among the Igalwa and M’pongwe women, and their hair is very beautiful; very crinkly, but fine. It is plaited up, close to the head, partings between the plaits making elaborate parterres. Into the beds of plaited hair are stuck long pins of river ivory (hippo), decorated with black tracery and openwork, and made by their good men. A lady will stick as many of these into her hair as she can get, but the prevailing mode is to have one stuck in behind each ear, showing their broad, long heads above like two horns; they are exceedingly becoming to these black but comely ladies, verily, I think, the comeliest ladies I have ever seen on the Coast. Very black they are, blacker than many of their neighbours, always blacker than the Fans, and although their skin lacks that velvety pile of the true negro, it is not too shiny, but it is fine and usually unblemished, and their figures are charmingly rounded, their hands and feet small, almost as small as a high-class Calabar woman’s, and their eyes large, lustrous, soft and brown, and their teeth as white as the sea surf and undisfigured by filing.
The women who aren't busy sewing are busy doing each other's hair. Hairdressing is quite an art among the Igalwa and M’pongwe women, and their hair is very beautiful—very curly, yet fine. It's styled close to the head, with sections between the braids creating intricate designs. Long pins made of river ivory (hippo), decorated with black patterns and openwork, are stuck into the beds of braided hair, crafted by their skilled partners. A woman will put as many of these in her hair as she can, but the trend is to have one pin behind each ear, making their broad, long heads look like two horns. They look incredibly striking—truly, I believe they are the most beautiful women I have ever seen on the Coast. They are very black, darker than many of their neighbors and always darker than the Fans. Although their skin lacks the velvety texture of the true African, it isn’t too shiny; instead, it’s smooth and usually unblemished. Their figures are charmingly rounded, with small hands and feet, almost as small as those of an upper-class Calabar woman, and their eyes are large, lustrous, soft, and brown. Their teeth are as white as the sea foam and remain unaltered by filing.
The native dress for men and women alike is the cloth or paun. The men wear it by rolling the upper line round the waist, and in addition they frequently wear a singlet or a flannel shirt worn more Africano, flowing free. Rich men will mount a European coat and hat, and men connected with the mission or trading stations occasionally wear trousers. The personal appearance of the men does not amount to much when all’s done, so we will return to the ladies. They wrap the upper hem of these cloths round under the armpits, a graceful form of drapery, but one which requires continual readjustment. The cloth is about four yards long and two deep, and there is always round the hem a border, or false hem, of turkey red twill, or some other coloured cotton cloth to the main body of the paun. In addition to the cloth there is worn, when possible, a European shawl, either one of those thick cotton cloth ones printed with Chinese-looking patterns in dull red on a dark ground, this sort is wrapped round the upper part of the body: or what is more highly esteemed is a bright, light-coloured, fancy wool shawl, pink or pale blue preferred, which being carefully folded into a roll is placed over one shoulder, and is entirely for dandy. I am thankful to say they do not go in for hats; when they wear anything on their heads it is a handkerchief folded shawl-wise; the base of the triangle is bound round the forehead just above the eyebrows, the ends carried round over the ears and tied behind over the apex of the triangle of the handkerchief, the three ends being then arranged fan-wise at the back. Add to this costume a sober-coloured silk parasol, not one of your green or red young tent-like, brutally masculine, knobby-sticked umbrellas, but a fair, lady-like parasol, which, being carefully rolled up, is carried handle foremost right in the middle of the head, also for dandy. Then a few strings of turquoise-blue beads, or imitation gold ones, worn round the shapely throat; and I will back my Igalwa or M’pongwe belle against any of those South Sea Island young ladies we nowadays hear so much about, thanks to Mr. Stevenson, yea, even though these may be wreathed with fragrant flowers, and the African lady very rarely goes in for flowers. The only time I have seen the African ladies wearing them for ornament has been among these Igalwas, who now and again stud their night-black hair with pretty little round vividly red blossoms in a most fetching way. I wonder the Africans do not wear flowers more frequently, for they are devoted to scent, both men and women.
The traditional clothing for both men and women is the cloth or paun. Men wear it by wrapping the top around their waist, and they often add a sleeveless shirt or a flannel shirt worn more loosely. Wealthy men might wear a European coat and hat, and those involved with missions or trading stations sometimes wear trousers. Overall, men's appearance isn't too impressive, so let's focus on the women. They wrap the top hem of these cloths under their armpits, creating an elegant drape, though it requires constant adjustment. The cloth is about four yards long and two yards wide, and there’s usually a border or false hem of turkey red twill or some other colored cotton fabric along the bottom. Additionally, they wear a European shawl when possible—either a thick cotton one printed with Chinese-style patterns in dull red on a dark background, wrapped around the upper body, or what’s more prized: a light, fancy wool shawl, preferably pink or pale blue, which is carefully rolled and draped over one shoulder, used mainly for style. Thankfully, they don’t typically wear hats; when they do wear something on their heads, it's a handkerchief folded like a shawl. The base of the triangle is tied around the forehead just above the eyebrows, and the ends are wrapped over the ears and tied behind the head, with the three ends fanned out at the back. Completing this outfit is a sober-colored silk parasol, not one of those bright green or red, awkward umbrellas, but a delicate, lady-like parasol, carried with the handle pointed forward right at the center of the head, also for style. Then there are a few strings of turquoise-blue beads or imitation gold worn around the graceful neck; I’ll place my Igalwa or M’pongwe beauty against any of those South Sea Island young ladies we hear so much about these days, thanks to Mr. Stevenson, even if they might be adorned with fragrant flowers, which the African woman rarely uses. The only time I've seen African women wearing flowers for decoration is among the Igalwas, who sometimes adorn their jet-black hair with lovely round bright red blossoms in a very charming way. I wonder why Africans don't wear flowers more often, as both men and women are fond of fragrances.
The Igalwas are a proud race, one of the noble tribes, like the M’pongwe and the Ajumba. The women do not intermarry with lower-class tribes, and in their own tribe they are much restricted, owing to all relations on the mother’s side being forbidden to intermarry. This well-known form of accounting relationships only through the mother (Mutterrecht) is in a more perfected and elaborated form among the Igalwa than among any other tribe I am personally acquainted with; brothers and cousins on the mother’s side being in one class of relationship.
The Igalwas are a proud people, one of the noble tribes, like the M’pongwe and the Ajumba. The women don’t marry men from lower-class tribes, and within their own tribe, they have strict rules, as all maternal relatives are prohibited from marrying each other. This well-known practice of tracing relationships through the mother (Mutterrecht) is more refined and developed among the Igalwa than in any other tribe I'm familiar with; brothers and cousins on the mother’s side are considered part of the same category of relationship.
The father’s responsibility, as regards authority over his own children, is very slight. The really responsible male relative is the mother’s elder brother. From him must leave to marry be obtained for either girl, or boy; to him and the mother must the present be taken which is exacted on the marriage of a girl; and should the mother die, on him and not on the father, lies the responsibility of rearing the children; they go to his house, and he treats and regards them as nearer and dearer to himself than his own children, and at his death, after his own brothers by the same mother, they become his heirs.
The father's role in terms of authority over his own children is quite minimal. The real male authority figure is the mother's older brother. Permission to marry—whether for a girl or a boy—must be obtained from him; any gifts required at a girl's wedding must be given to him and the mother. If the mother passes away, the responsibility for raising the children falls on him, not the father; they go to live with him, and he treats and values them as if they are closer and more important to him than his own kids. When he dies, after his own siblings from the same mother, they become his heirs.
Marriage among the Igalwa and M’pongwe is not direct marriage by purchase, but a certain fixed price present is made to the mother and uncle of the girl. Other propitiatory presents (Kueliki) are made, but do not count legally, and have not necessarily to be returned in case of post-nuptial differences arising leading to a divorce - a very frequent catastrophe in the social circle; for the Igalwa ladies are spirited, and devoted to personal adornment, and they are naggers at their husbands. Many times when walking on Lembarene Island, have I seen a lady stand in the street and let her husband, who had taken shelter inside the house, know what she thought of him, in a way that reminded me of some London slum scenes. When the husband loses his temper, as he surely does sooner or later, being a man, he whacks his wife - or wives, if they have been at him in a body. He may whack with impunity so long as he does not draw blood; if he does, be it never so little, his wife is off to her relations, the present he has given for her is returned, the marriage is annulled, and she can re-marry as soon as she is able.
Marriage among the Igalwa and M’pongwe isn’t just a simple purchase. Instead, a set price is given as a gift to the mother and uncle of the bride. Other offerings, called Kueliki, are also made but aren't legally recognized and don’t need to be returned if there are issues after the wedding that lead to divorce, which happens quite often. This is because Igalwa women are strong-willed and love to decorate themselves, and they tend to nag their husbands. Many times while walking on Lembarene Island, I've seen a woman stand in the street and let her husband, who had taken cover inside the house, know exactly how she felt about him, reminding me of some scenes from London's poorer areas. When the husband eventually loses his cool—because he definitely will at some point—he might hit his wife, or wives, if they all confront him together. He can do this without consequence as long as he doesn't draw blood; if he does, even a tiny bit, she will go back to her family, the gift he gave her will be returned, the marriage will be canceled, and she can remarry whenever she wants.
Her relations are only too glad to get her, because, although the present has to be returned, yet the propitiatory offerings remain theirs, and they know more propitiatory offerings as well as another present will accrue with the next set of suitors. This of course is only the case with the younger women; the older women for one thing do not nag so much, and moreover they have usually children willing and able to support them. If they have not, their state is, like that of all old childless women in Africa, a very desolate one.
Her relatives are more than happy to take her back because, while the current gifts have to be returned, they still get to keep the offerings made to appease them, and they know that more offerings and another set of gifts will come with the next group of suitors. Of course, this mainly applies to the younger women; older women, on the other hand, tend not to complain as much, plus they usually have children who are willing and able to support them. If they don’t, their situation, like that of all old childless women in Africa, is quite bleak.
Infant marriage is now in vogue among the Igalwa, and to my surprise I find it is of quite recent introduction and adoption. Their own account of this retrograde movement in culture is that in the last generation - some of the old people indeed claim to have known him - there was an exceedingly ugly and deformed man who could not get a wife, the women being then, as the men are now, great admirers of physical beauty. So this man, being very cunning, hit on the idea of becoming betrothed to one before she could exercise her own choice in the matter; and knowing a family in which an interesting event was likely to occur, he made heavy presents in the proper quarters and bespoke the coming infant if it should be a girl. A girl it was, and thus, say the Igalwa, arose the custom; and nowadays, although they do not engage their wives so early as did the founder of the custom, they adopt infant marriage as an institution.
Infant marriage is currently trending among the Igalwa, and I'm surprised to learn that it's a fairly recent practice. According to their own story about this backward shift in culture, in the last generation—some of the elders even claim to have known him—there was an extremely unattractive and deformed man who struggled to find a wife, as women, like men today, valued physical beauty. This man, being quite clever, came up with the idea of getting engaged to a girl before she could make her own decision. He was aware of a family expecting a significant event, so he made generous gifts to the right people and arranged for the upcoming baby if it turned out to be a girl. It was indeed a girl, and that's how, according to the Igalwa, the custom began. Nowadays, while they don't marry off their wives as young as the originator of the custom did, they still practice infant marriage as an institution.
I inquired carefully, in the interests of ethnology, as to what methods of courting were in vogue previously. They said people married each other because they loved each other. I hope other ethnologists will follow this inquiry up, for we may here find a real golden age, which in other races of humanity lies away in the mists of the ages behind the kitchen middens and the Cambrian rocks. My own opinion in this matter is that the earlier courting methods of the Igalwa involved a certain amount of effort on the man’s part, a thing abhorrent to an Igalwa. It necessitated his dressing himself up, and likely enough fighting that impudent scoundrel who was engaged in courting her too; and above all serenading her at night on the native harp, with its strings made from the tendrils of a certain orchid, or on the marimba, amongst crowds of mosquitoes. Any institution that involved being out at night amongst crowds of those Lembarene mosquitoes would have to disappear, let that institution be what it might.
I asked carefully, out of interest in ethnology, about the dating methods that were popular in the past. They said people married each other because they loved each other. I hope other ethnologists will pursue this inquiry further since we might discover a true golden age here, which in other cultures of humanity is lost in the mists of time behind kitchen garbage and Cambrian rocks. My personal opinion on this is that the earlier dating methods of the Igalwa required a certain amount of effort from the man, which is something the Igalwa find repulsive. It meant he had to dress up and probably fight that obnoxious jerk who was also trying to win her over; and above all, serenade her at night on the native harp, with strings made from the tendrils of a specific orchid, or on the marimba, surrounded by swarms of mosquitoes. Any tradition that required being out at night among those Lembarene mosquitoes would have to fade away, no matter what that tradition was.
The Igalwa are one of the dying-out coast tribes. As well as on Lembarene Island, their villages are scattered along the banks of the Lower Ogowé, and on the shores and islands of Elivã Z’Onlange. On the island they are, so far, undisturbed by the Fan invasion, and laze their lives away like lotus-eaters. Their slaves work their large plantations, and bring up to them magnificent yams, ready prepared ogooma, sweet-potatoes, papaw, etc., not forgetting that delicacy Odeaka cheese; this is not an exclusive inspiration of theirs, for the M’pongwe and the Benga use it as well. It is made from the kernel of the wild mango, a singularly beautiful tree of great size and stately spread of foliage. I can compare it only in appearance and habit of growth to our Irish, or evergreen, oak, but it is an idealisation of that fine tree. Its leaves are a softer, brighter, deeper green, and in due season (August) it is covered - not ostentatiously like the real mango, with great spikes of bloom, looking each like a gigantic head of mignonette - but with small yellow-green flowers tucked away under the leaves, filling the air with a soft sweet perfume, and then falling on to the bare shaded ground beneath to make a deep-piled carpet. I do not know whether it is a mango tree at all, for I am no botanist: but anyhow the fruit is rather like that of the mango in external appearance, and in internal still more so, for it has a disproportionately large stone. These stones are cracked, and the kernel taken out. The kernels are spread a short time in the shade to dry; then they are beaten up into a pulp with a wooden pestle, and the pulp put into a basket lined carefully with plantain leaves and placed in the sun, which melts it up into a stiff mass. The basket is then removed from the sun and stood aside to cool. When cool, the cheese can be turned out in shape, and can be kept a long time if it is wrapped round with leaves and a cloth, and hung up inside the house. Its appearance is that of almond rock, and it is cut easily with a knife; but at any period of its existence, if it is left in the sun it melts again rapidly into an oily mass.
The Igalwa are one of the fading coastal tribes. In addition to Lembarene Island, their villages are spread along the banks of the Lower Ogowé and on the shores and islands of Elivã Z’Onlange. On the island, they have so far been untouched by the Fan invasion and spend their days leisurely like lotus-eaters. Their slaves handle the large plantations and bring them wonderful yams, prepared ogooma, sweet potatoes, papaw, and the delicacy Odeaka cheese; this is not unique to them, as the M’pongwe and the Benga make it too. It’s made from the nut of the wild mango, a uniquely beautiful tree that's quite large with a grand spread of foliage. I can only compare its appearance and growth to our Irish, or evergreen, oak, but it's an idealized version of that impressive tree. Its leaves are a softer, brighter, deeper green, and come August, it's covered—not flamboyantly like the actual mango with large clusters of flowers that resemble giant mignonette heads—but with small yellow-green flowers hidden beneath the leaves, filling the air with a sweet, soft fragrance, and then falling to the ground below, creating a thick carpet. I can't say for certain if it's even a mango tree, as I'm not a botanist; but the fruit does resemble mangoes on the outside, and even more so on the inside, as it has an unusually large pit. These pits are cracked, and the nut is removed. The nuts are briefly dried in the shade, then mashed into a pulp with a wooden pestle, and the pulp is placed in a basket lined carefully with plantain leaves and set out in the sun, which transforms it into a thick mass. The basket is then taken out of the sun and set aside to cool. Once cooled, the cheese can be removed in shape and can be stored for a long time if wrapped in leaves and cloth and hung inside the house. Its look is similar to almond rock, and it can be easily sliced with a knife; however, if left in the sun at any point, it quickly melts back into a greasy mess.
The natives use it as a seasoning in their cookery, stuffing fish and plantains with it and so on, using it also in the preparation of a sort of sea-pie they make with meat and fish. To make this, a thing well worth doing, particularly with hippo or other coarse meat, reduce the wood fire to embers, and make plantain leaves into a sort of bag, or cup; small pieces of the meat should then be packed in layers with red pepper and odeaka in between. The tops of the leaves are then tied together with fine tie-tie, and the bundle, without any saucepan of any kind, stood on the glowing embers, the cook taking care there is no flame. The meat is done, and a superb gravy formed, before the containing plantain leaves are burnt through - plantain leaves will stand an amazing lot in the way of fire. This dish is really excellent, even when made with python, hippo, or crocodile. It makes the former most palatable; but of course it does not remove the musky taste from crocodile; nothing I know of will.
The locals use it as a seasoning in their cooking, stuffing fish and plantains with it and so on, and also using it to make a kind of sea-pie with meat and fish. To prepare this, which is definitely worth trying—especially with hippo or other tough meats—reduce the wood fire to embers and shape plantain leaves into a kind of bag or cup. Small pieces of the meat should then be layered with red pepper and odeaka in between. The tops of the leaves are tied together with fine tie-tie, and the bundle, without any pot of any kind, is placed directly on the glowing embers, with the cook ensuring there's no open flame. The meat cooks through, and a rich gravy forms, before the plantain leaves burn through—plantain leaves can withstand a surprising amount of heat. This dish is truly excellent, even when made with python, hippo, or crocodile. It makes the former taste great; however, it doesn't get rid of the musky flavor from crocodile—nothing I know of can.
The great and important difference between the M’pongwe, {167} Igalwa, and Ajumba fetish, and the Fetish of those tribes round them, consists in their conception of a certain spirit called O Mbuiri. They have, as is constant among the Bantu races of South-West Africa, a great god - the creator, a god who has made all things, and who now no longer takes any interest in the things he has created. Their name for this god is Anyambie, which when pronounced sounds to my ears like anlynlae - the l’s being very weak, - the derivation of this name, however, is from Anyima a spirit, and Mbia, good. This god, unlike other forms of the creating god in Fetish, has a viceroy or minister who is a god he has created, and to whom he leaves the government of affairs. This god is O Mbuiri or O Mbwiri, and this O Mbwiri is of very high interest to the student of comparative fetish. He has never been, nor can he ever become, a man, i.e. be born as a man, but he can transfuse with his own personality that of human beings, and also the souls of all those things we white men regard as inanimate, such as rocks, trees, etc., in a similar manner.
The significant difference between the M’pongwe, {167} Igalwa, and Ajumba fetish and the fetishes of the surrounding tribes lies in their belief in a specific spirit called O Mbuiri. Like other Bantu groups in South-West Africa, they have a major god—the creator—who made everything but no longer shows any interest in his creations. They call this god Anyambie, which sounds to me like anlynlae—though the l's are pretty soft. The name comes from Anyima, meaning spirit, and Mbia, meaning good. Unlike the creator gods in other fetishes, this god has a viceroy or minister who is himself a god created by Anyambie and who manages affairs on his behalf. This viceroy is O Mbuiri or O Mbwiri, and he is of great interest to anyone studying comparative fetish beliefs. He has never been, nor can he ever be, born as a man; however, he can merge his own personality with that of human beings and also with the souls of things we white people consider inanimate, like rocks and trees, in a similar way.
The M’pongwe know that his residence is in the sea, and some of them have seen him as an old white man, not flesh-colour white, but chalk white. There is another important point here, but it wants a volume to itself, so I must pass it. O Mbuiri’s appearance in a corporeal form denotes ill luck, not death to the seer, but misfortune of a severe and diffused character. The ruin of a trading enterprise, the destruction of a village or a family, are put down to O Mbuiri’s action. Yet he is not regarded as a malevolent god, a devil, but as an avenger, or punisher of sin; and the M’pongwe look on him as the Being to whom they primarily owe the good things and fortunes of this life, and as the Being who alone has power to govern the host of truly malevolent spirits that exist in nature.
The M’pongwe know that his home is in the sea, and some have seen him as an old man with white skin, not just pale, but chalky white. There’s another important aspect to this, but it needs a whole book to cover, so I'll skip it. O Mbuiri’s appearance in physical form signals bad luck; it doesn’t mean death for the one who sees him, but rather a serious and widespread misfortune. The collapse of a trading venture or the destruction of a village or family is attributed to O Mbuiri’s influence. However, he isn’t seen as an evil god or devil, but rather as an avenger or punisher of wrongdoing. The M’pongwe believe he is the one to whom they owe the blessings and good fortune in life, as well as the one who alone can control the numerous truly malevolent spirits that exist in nature.
The different instruments with which he works in the shaping of human destiny bear his name when in his employ. When acting by means of water, he is O Mbuiri Aningo; when in the weather, O Mbuiri Ngali; when in the forests, O Mbuiri Ibaka; when in the form of a dwarf, O Mbuiri Akoa, and so on.
The various tools he uses to shape human destiny are named after him when he’s in charge. When he works through water, he’s called O Mbuiri Aningo; when it’s related to the weather, he’s O Mbuiri Ngali; when he’s in the forests, he’s O Mbuiri Ibaka; when he takes the form of a dwarf, he’s O Mbuiri Akoa, and so on.
The great difference between O Mbuiri and the lesser spirits is this: - the lesser spirits cannot incarnate themselves except through extraneous things; O Mbuiri can, he can become visible without anything beyond his own will to do so. The other spirits must be in something to become visible. This is an extremely delicate piece of Fetish which it took me weeks to work out. I think I may say another thing about O Mbuiri, though I say it carefully, and that is, that among the M’pongwe and the tribe who are the parent tribe of the M’pongwe - the now rapidly dying out Ajumba, and their allied tribe the Igalwa - O Mbuiri is a distinct entity, while among the neighbouring tribes he is a class, i.e. there are hundreds of O Mbuiri or Ibwiri, one for every remarkable place or thing, such as rock, tree, or forest thicket, and for every dangerous place in a river. Had I not observed a similar state of affairs regarding Sasabonsum, a totally different kind of spirit on the Windward coast, I should have had even greater trouble than I had, in finding a key to what seemed at first a mass of conflicting details regarding this important spirit O Mbuiri.
The main difference between O Mbuiri and the lesser spirits is this: - the lesser spirits can only manifest through external objects; O Mbuiri can appear on his own simply by willing it. The other spirits need to be attached to something to show themselves. This is a very intricate aspect of Fetish that took me weeks to figure out. I can add one more thing about O Mbuiri, though I'll be cautious in saying it: among the M’pongwe and their parent tribe, the quickly diminishing Ajumba, along with their allied tribe the Igalwa, O Mbuiri is seen as a distinct being. However, among neighboring tribes, he is viewed as a category, i.e., there are countless O Mbuiri or Ibwiri, one for every significant place or object, like a rock, tree, or forest thicket, and for every perilous area in a river. If I hadn't noticed a similar situation with Sasabonsum, a completely different type of spirit on the Windward coast, I would have faced even more difficulty than I did in unraveling what initially appeared to be a jumble of contradictory details about this important spirit O Mbuiri.
There is one other very important point in M’pongwe Fetish; and that is that the souls of men exist before birth as well as after death. This is indeed, as far as I have been able to find out, a doctrine universally held by the West African tribes, but among the M’pongwe there is this modification in it, which agrees strangely well with the idea I found regarding reincarnated diseases, existent among the Okÿon tribes (pure negroes). The malevolent minor spirits are capable of being born with, what we will call, a man’s soul, as well as going in with the man’s soul during sleep. For example, an Olâgâ may be born with a man and that man will thereby be born mad; he may at any period of his life, given certain conditions, become possessed by an evil spirit, Onlogho Abambo, Injembe, Nkandada, and become mad, or ill; but if he is born mad, or sickly, one of the evil spirits such as an Olâgâ or an Obambo, the soul of a man that has not been buried properly, has been born with him.
There is one other very important point in M’pongwe Fetish; and that is that the souls of people exist before birth as well as after death. This is indeed, as far as I have been able to find out, a belief universally held by West African tribes, but among the M’pongwe there is this modification in it, which aligns interestingly with the idea I found regarding reincarnated diseases among the Okÿon tribes (pure Africans). The malevolent minor spirits can be born along with a person's soul, as well as enter with the person's soul during sleep. For example, an Olâgâ may be born with a person, and that person will therefore be born mad; at any point in his life, under certain conditions, he may become possessed by an evil spirit, Onlogho Abambo, Injembe, Nkandada, and become mad or ill; but if he is born mad or sickly, one of the evil spirits such as an Olâgâ or an Obambo, the soul of a person that hasn’t been properly buried, has been born with him.
The rest of the M’pongwe Fetish is on broad lines common to other tribes, so I relegate it to the general collection of notes on Fetish. M’pongwe jurisprudence is founded on the same ideas as those on which West African jurisprudence at large is founded, but it is so elaborated that it would be desecration to sketch it. It requires a massive monograph.
The rest of the M’pongwe Fetish follows general principles similar to those of other tribes, so I'll include it in the overall notes on Fetish. M’pongwe law is based on the same concepts as West African law in general, but it’s so detailed that it would be disrespectful to summarize it. It needs a comprehensive study.
CHAPTER VII. ON THE WAY FROM KANGWE TO LAKE NCOVI.
In which the voyager goes for bush again and wanders into a new lake and a new river.
In which the traveler goes into the wilderness again and discovers a new lake and a new river.
July 22nd, 1895. - Left Kangwe. The four Ajumba {170} did not turn up early in the morning as had been arranged, but arrived about eight, in pouring rain, so decided to wait until two o’clock, which will give us time to reach their town of Arevooma before nightfall, and may perhaps give us a chance of arriving there dry. At two we start. We go down river on the Kangwe side of Lembarene Island, make a pause in front of the Igalwa slave town, which is on the Island and nearly opposite the Fan town of Fula on the mainland bank, our motive being to get stores of yam and plantain - and magnificent specimens of both we get - and then, when our canoe is laden with them to an extent that would get us into trouble under the Act if it ran here, off we go again. Every canoe we meet shouts us a greeting, and asks where we are going, and we say “Rembwé” - and they say “What! Rembwé!” - and we say “Yes, Rembwé,” and paddle on. I lay among the luggage for about an hour, not taking much interest in the Rembwé or anything else, save my own headache; but this soon lifted, and I was able to take notice, just before we reached the Ajumba’s town, called Arevooma. The sandbanks stretch across the river here nearly awash, so all our cargo of yams has to be thrown overboard on to the sand, from which they can be collected by being waded out to. The canoe, thus lightened, is able to go on a little further, but we are soon hard and fast again, and the crew have to jump out and shove her off about once every five minutes, and then to look lively about jumping back into her again, as she shoots over the cliffs of the sandbanks.
July 22nd, 1895. - Left Kangwe. The four Ajumba {170} didn’t show up early in the morning as planned, but arrived around eight, in heavy rain. We decided to wait until two o’clock, which would give us time to reach their town of Arevooma before nightfall and maybe keep us dry. At two, we start. We go downriver on the Kangwe side of Lembarene Island, pausing in front of the Igalwa slave town, which is on the island and almost opposite the Fan town of Fula on the mainland. Our goal is to gather supplies of yam and plantain — and we get some fantastic examples of both. Once our canoe is loaded down to the point where we’d be in trouble under the law if it were being enforced here, off we go again. Every canoe we pass calls out a greeting and asks where we’re headed; we reply “Rembwé” — and they respond, “What! Rembwé!” — and we say “Yes, Rembwé,” and keep paddling. I rested among the luggage for about an hour, not really paying attention to Rembwé or anything else, except for my own headache, but this soon faded, and I began to pay attention just before we reached the Ajumba’s town, called Arevooma. The sandbanks stretch across the river here, nearly submerged, so we have to throw all our yam cargo overboard onto the sand, where it can be collected by walking out to it. The canoe, now lighter, can go a little further, but we quickly get stuck again, and the crew has to jump out and push her off about every five minutes, then scramble back in as she shoots over the edges of the sandbanks.
When we reach Arevooma, I find it is a very prettily situated town, on the left-hand bank of the river - clean and well kept, and composed of houses built on the Igalwa and M’pongwe plan with walls of split bamboo and a palm thatch roof. I own I did not much care for these Ajumbas on starting, but they are evidently going to be kind and pleasant companions. One of them is a gentlemanly-looking man, who wears a gray shirt; another looks like a genial Irishman who has accidentally got black, very black; he is distinguished by wearing a singlet; another is a thin, elderly man, notably silent; and the remaining one is a strapping, big fellow, as black as a wolf’s mouth, of gigantic muscular development, and wearing quantities of fetish charms hung about him. The two first mentioned are Christians; the other two pagans, and I will refer to them by their characteristic points, for their honourable names are awfully alike when you do hear them, and, as is usual with Africans, rarely used in conversation.
When we arrive in Arevooma, I see it’s a really nicely located town on the left bank of the river — clean and well-maintained, featuring houses built in the Igalwa and M’pongwe style with walls made of split bamboo and palm thatch roofs. I have to admit I wasn't too fond of these Ajumbas at first, but they clearly seem like they will be kind and enjoyable companions. One of them is a gentlemanly man in a gray shirt; another looks like a friendly Irishman who's incidentally very dark-skinned, and he stands out by wearing a tank top; another is a thin, older guy who is noticeably quiet; and the last one is a big, strong man, as black as coal, with a massive build and wearing lots of fetish charms. The first two are Christians, while the other two practice traditional beliefs, and I’ll refer to them by their distinct traits since their actual names sound pretty similar when you hear them, and, like many Africans, are rarely used in conversation.
Gray Shirt places his house at my disposal, and both he and his exceedingly pretty wife do their utmost to make me comfortable. The house lies at the west end of the town. It is one room inside, but has, I believe, a separate cooking shed. In the verandah in front is placed a table, an ivory bundle chair and a gourd of water, and I am also treated to a calico tablecloth, and most thoughtfully screened off from the public gaze with more calico so that I can have my tea in privacy. After this meal, to my surprise Ndaka turns up. Certainly he is one of the very ugliest men - black or white - I have ever seen, and I fancy one of the best. He is now on a holiday from Kangwe, seeing to the settlement of his dead brother’s affairs. The dead brother was a great man in Arevooma and a pagan, but Ndaka, the Christian Bible-reader, seems to get on perfectly with the family and is holding tonight a meeting outside his brother’s house and comes with a lantern to fetch me to attend it. Of course I have to go, headache or no headache.
Gray Shirt offers me his house, and both he and his really beautiful wife do everything they can to make me comfortable. The house is at the west end of town. It's just one room inside, but I think there’s a separate cooking shed. In the front verandah, there’s a table, an ivory lounge chair, and a jug of water. They also provide a calico tablecloth, and they've thoughtfully set up more calico to screen me from the view of others so I can have my tea in peace. After this meal, to my surprise, Ndaka shows up. He’s definitely one of the ugliest men—black or white—I’ve ever seen, but I have a feeling he’s one of the best. He’s on holiday from Kangwe, taking care of his deceased brother’s affairs. His brother was a significant figure in Arevooma and a pagan, but Ndaka, the Christian Bible reader, seems to get along great with the family. He’s holding a meeting tonight outside his brother’s house and comes with a lantern to invite me. Of course, I have to go, headache or not.
Most of the town was there, mainly as spectators. Ndaka and my two Christian boatmen manage the service between them, and what with the hymns and the mosquitoes the experience is slightly awful. We sit in a line in front of the house, which is brilliantly lit up - our own lantern on the ground before us acting as a rival entertainment to the house lamps inside for some of the best insect society in Africa, who after the manner of the insect world, insist on regarding us as responsible for their own idiocy in getting singed; and sting us in revenge, while we slap hard, as we howl hymns in the fearful Igalwa and M’pongwe way. Next to an English picnic, the most uncomfortable thing I know is an open-air service in this part of Africa. Service being over, Ndaka takes me over the house to show its splendours. The great brilliancy of its illumination arises from its being lit by two hanging lamps burning paraffin oil. The most remarkable point about the house is the floor, which is made of split, plaited bamboo. It gives under your feet in an alarming way, being raised some three or four feet above the ground, and I am haunted by the fear that I shall go through it and give pain to myself, and great trouble to others before I could be got out. It is a beautiful piece of workmanship, and Arevooma has every reason to be proud of it. Having admired these things, I go, dead tired and still headachy, down the road with my host who carries the lantern, through an atmosphere that has 45 per cent. of solid matter in the shape of mosquitoes; then wishing him good-night, I shut myself in, and illuminate, humbly, with a candle. The furniture of the house consists mainly of boxes, containing the wealth of Gray Shirt, in clothes, mirrors, etc. One corner of the room is taken up by great calabashes full of some sort of liquor, and there is an ivory bundle chair, a hanging mirror, several rusty guns, and a considerable collection of china basins and jugs. Evidently Gray Shirt is rich. The most interesting article to me, however, just now is the bed hung over with a clean, substantial, chintz mosquito bar, and spread with clean calico and adorned with patchwork-covered pillows. So I take off my boots and put on my slippers; for it never does in this country to leave off boots altogether at anytime and risk getting bitten by mosquitoes on the feet, when you are on the march; because the rub of your boot on the bite always produces a sore, and a sore when it comes in the Gorilla country, comes to stay.
Most of the town was there, mostly as onlookers. Ndaka and my two Christian boatmen are handling the service together, and between the hymns and the mosquitoes, the experience is pretty awful. We sit in a line in front of the house, which is brightly lit – our own lantern on the ground in front of us serving as a competitor to the house lamps inside, attracting some of the best insect society in Africa, who, like insects do, insist on blaming us for their own foolishness in getting burnt; and they sting us in retaliation while we swat hard, howling hymns in the unsettling Igalwa and M’pongwe style. Aside from an English picnic, the most uncomfortable thing I know is an open-air service in this part of Africa. Once the service is over, Ndaka takes me around the house to show off its features. The intense brightness comes from two hanging lamps burning paraffin oil. The most remarkable aspect of the house is the floor, which is made of split, woven bamboo. It gives way beneath your feet in a startling way, being raised about three or four feet above the ground, and I’m haunted by the fear that I might fall through it and injure myself, causing a lot of trouble for others trying to get me out. It’s a beautiful piece of craftsmanship, and Arevooma has every reason to be proud of it. After admiring these things, I walk down the road, dead tired and still with a headache, with my host who carries the lantern, through an air thick with mosquitoes. After wishing him goodnight, I shut myself in and light a candle, humbly. The furniture in the house mainly consists of boxes containing Gray Shirt’s wealth in clothes, mirrors, and so on. One corner of the room is filled with large calabashes full of some kind of liquor, plus there’s an ivory bundle chair, a hanging mirror, several rusty guns, and quite a collection of china basins and jugs. Clearly, Gray Shirt is wealthy. However, the most interesting item to me right now is the bed covered with a clean, sturdy chintz mosquito net, dressed with clean calico and decorated with patchwork-covered pillows. So, I take off my boots and put on my slippers; it’s never a good idea in this country to take off your boots entirely at any time and risk getting bitten on the feet by mosquitoes while marching, because the rub of your boot on the bite always causes a sore, and a sore in Gorilla country tends to stick around.
No sooner have I carefully swished all the mosquitoes from under the bar and turned in, than a cat scratches and mews at the door - turn out and let her in. She is evidently a pet, so I take her on to the bed with me. She is a very nice cat - sandy and fat - and if I held the opinion of Pythagoras concerning wild fowl, I should have no hesitation in saying she had in her the soul of Dame Juliana Berners, such a whole-souled devotion to sport does she display, dashing out through the flaps of the mosquito bar after rats which, amid squeals from the rats and curses from her, she kills amongst the china collection. Then she comes to me, triumphant, expecting congratulations, and accompanied by mosquitoes, and purrs and kneads upon my chest until she hears another rat.
No sooner have I swatted all the mosquitoes from under the bar and settled in than a cat scratches and meows at the door - I get up and let her in. She’s clearly a pet, so I bring her onto the bed with me. She’s a really nice cat - sandy and plump - and if I believed like Pythagoras about wild animals, I wouldn't hesitate to say she has the spirit of Dame Juliana Berners, given her full-on dedication to hunting. She darts out through the mosquito net after rats that she catches, amidst squeals from the rats and her angry yelps, and takes them down among my china collection. Then she comes back to me, victorious, expecting praise, and brings along some mosquitoes, purring and kneading my chest until she hears another rat.
Tuesday, July 23rd. - Am aroused by violent knocking at the door in the early gray dawn - so violent that two large centipedes and a scorpion drop on to the bed. They have evidently been tucked away among the folds of the bar all night. Well “when ignorance is bliss ’tis folly to be wise,” particularly along here. I get up without delay, and find myself quite well. The cat has thrown a basin of water neatly over into my bag during her nocturnal hunts; and when my tea comes I am informed a man “done die” in the night, which explains the firing of guns I heard. I inquire what he has died of, and am told “He just truck luck, and then he die.” His widows are having their faces painted white by sympathetic lady friends, and are attired in their oldest, dirtiest clothes, and but very few of them; still, they seem to be taking things in a resigned spirit. These Ajumba seem pleasant folk. They play with their pretty brown children in a taking way. Last night I noticed some men and women playing a game new to me, which consisted in throwing a hoop at each other. The point was to get the hoop to fall over your adversary’s head. It is a cheerful game. Quantities of the common house-fly about - and, during the early part of the morning, it rains in a gentle kind of way; but soon after we are afloat in our canoe it turns into a soft white mist.
Tuesday, July 23rd. - I was woken up by loud knocking at the door in the early gray dawn—so loud that two large centipedes and a scorpion fell onto the bed. They must have been hiding in the folds of the bar all night. Well, “when ignorance is bliss, ’tis folly to be wise,” especially around here. I get up quickly and find I'm feeling fine. The cat knocked a basin of water into my bag during her nighttime hunts; and when my tea arrives, I hear that a man “done die” in the night, which explains the gunfire I heard. I ask what he died from and am told, “He just truck luck, and then he die.” His widows are having their faces painted white by sympathetic female friends and are dressed in their oldest, dirtiest clothes, and very few of them at that; still, they seem to be accepting it all calmly. These Ajumba people seem nice. They play with their cute brown children in a charming way. Last night, I saw some men and women playing a game I'm not familiar with, which involved throwing a hoop at each other. The goal was to get the hoop to land over your opponent’s head. It’s a fun game. There are lots of common houseflies around, and during the early morning, it drizzles gently; but soon after we set off in our canoe, it turns into a soft white mist.
We paddle still westwards down the broad quiet waters of the O’Rembo Vongo. I notice great quantities of birds about here - great hornbills, vividly coloured kingfishers, and for the first time the great vulture I have often heard of, and the skin of which I will take home before I mention even its approximate spread of wing. There are also noble white cranes, and flocks of small black and white birds, new to me, with heavy razor-shaped bills, reminding one of the Devonian puffin. The hornbill is perhaps the most striking in appearance. It is the size of a small, or say a good-sized hen turkey. Gray Shirt says the flocks, which are of eight or ten, always have the same quantity of cocks and hens, and that they live together “white man fashion,” i.e. each couple keeping together. They certainly do a great deal of courting, the cock filling out his wattles on his neck like a turkey, and spreading out his tail with great pomp and ceremony, but very awkwardly. To see hornbills on a bare sandbank is a solemn sight, but when they are dodging about in the hippo grass they sink ceremony, and roll and waddle, looking - my man said - for snakes and the little sand-fish, which are close in under the bank; and their killing way of dropping their jaws - I should say opening their bills - when they are alarmed is comic. I think this has something to do with their hearing, for I often saw two or three of them in a line on a long branch, standing, stretched up to their full height, their great eyes opened wide, and all with their great beaks open, evidently listening for something. Their cry is most peculiar and can only be mistaken for a native horn; and although there seems little variety in it to my ear, there must be more to theirs, for they will carry on long confabulations with each other across a river, and, I believe, sit up half the night and talk scandal.
We paddle still westward down the broad, calm waters of the O’Rembo Vongo. I notice a ton of birds around here—great hornbills, brightly colored kingfishers, and for the first time, the great vulture I’ve heard so much about, and I plan to take its skin home before I even mention its wingspan. There are also elegant white cranes and flocks of small black and white birds I've never seen before, with heavy, razor-shaped bills that remind me of the puffin. The hornbill is probably the most eye-catching. It’s about the size of a small, or a large hen turkey. Gray Shirt says the flocks, which consist of eight or ten, always have an equal number of males and females, and that they live together “white man fashion,” meaning each couple stays together. They definitely do a lot of courting, with the male puffing up the wattles on his neck like a turkey and spreading his tail with a lot of show, but it looks pretty awkward. Seeing hornbills on a bare sandbank is a serious sight, but when they’re dodging around in the hippo grass, they drop the formality, rolling and waddling as they look—my man said—for snakes and the little sand-fish that hang close to the bank; and their silly habit of dropping their jaws— I mean opening their bills—when they’re startled is funny. I think this has something to do with their hearing because I often saw two or three of them in a row on a long branch, standing upright, their big eyes wide open, all with their beaks open, clearly listening for something. Their call is really unique and could only be mistaken for a native horn; and even though it seems like there isn’t much variety to my ear, there must be more for theirs because they chat for a long time with each other across a river and, I believe, stay up half the night gossiping.
There were plenty of plantain-eaters here, but, although their screech was as appalling as I have heard in Angola, they were not regarded, by the Ajumba at any rate, as being birds of evil omen, as they are in Angola. Still, by no means all the birds here only screech and squark. Several of them have very lovely notes. There is one who always gives a series of infinitely beautiful, soft, rich-toned whistles just before the first light of the dawn shows in the sky, and one at least who has a prolonged and very lovely song. This bird, I was told in Gaboon, is called Telephonus erythropterus. I expect an ornithologist would enjoy himself here, but I cannot - and will not - collect birds. I hate to have them killed any how, and particularly in the barbarous way in which these natives kill them.
There were a lot of plantain-eating birds around, but even though their screeching was as awful as I've heard in Angola, the Ajumba here didn’t see them as bad omens like they do in Angola. Still, not all the birds here just screech and squawk. Some of them have really beautiful calls. There’s one that always sings a series of incredibly beautiful, soft, rich-whistled notes just before the sky starts to brighten at dawn, and at least one that has a long and lovely song. This bird, I was told in Gaboon, is called Telephonus erythropterus. I think an ornithologist would have a great time here, but I can’t - and won’t - collect birds. I hate seeing them killed anyway, especially in the cruel way that these locals do it.
The broad stretch of water looks like a long lake. In all directions sandbanks are showing their broad yellow backs, and there will be more showing soon, for it is not yet the height of the dry. We are perpetually grounding on those which by next month will be above water. These canoes are built, I believe, more with a view to taking sandbanks comfortably than anything else; but they are by no means yet sufficiently specialised for getting off them. Their flat bottoms enable them to glide on to the banks, and sit there, without either upsetting or cutting into the sand, as a canoe with a keel would; but the trouble comes in when you are getting off the steep edge of the bank, and the usual form it takes is upsetting. So far my Ajumba friends have only tried to meet this difficulty by tying the cargo in.
The wide stretch of water looks like a long lake. In every direction, sandbanks are revealing their broad yellow surfaces, and there will be more appearing soon, as it’s not yet the peak of the dry season. We constantly find ourselves getting stuck on those that will be above water next month. I think these canoes are designed more for comfortably resting on sandbanks than for anything else; however, they aren't specialized enough for getting off them yet. Their flat bottoms let them glide onto the banks and stay there without tipping over or digging into the sand, unlike a canoe with a keel would. The problem arises when trying to get off the steep edge of the bank, and the most common outcome is capsizing. Up to now, my Ajumba friends have only tried to tackle this issue by tying down the cargo.
I try to get up the geography of this region conscientiously. Fortunately I find Gray Shirt, Singlet, and Pagan can speak trade English. None of them, however, seem to recognise a single blessed name on the chart, which is saying nothing against the chart and its makers, who probably got their names up from M’pongwes and Igalwas instead of Ajumba, as I am trying to. Geographical research in this region is fraught with difficulty, I find, owing to different tribes calling one and the same place by different names; and I am sure the Royal Geographical Society ought to insert among their “Hints” that every traveller in this region should carefully learn every separate native word, or set of words, signifying “I don’t know,” - four villages and two rivers I have come across out here solemnly set down with various forms of this statement, for their native name. Really I think the old Portuguese way of naming places after Saints, etc., was wiser in the long run, and it was certainly pleasanter to the ear. My Ajumba, however, know about my Ngambi and the Vinue all right and Elivã z’Ayzingo, so I must try and get cross bearings from these.
I’m trying to get a solid understanding of the geography of this region. Fortunately, I’ve found that Gray Shirt, Singlet, and Pagan can speak basic trade English. However, none of them seem to recognize a single name on the chart, which isn’t a knock against the chart or its creators—they probably based their names on M’pongwes and Igalwas instead of Ajumba, like I’m attempting to do. I’ve discovered that geographical research here is really challenging because different tribes use different names for the same place. I believe the Royal Geographical Society should add to their “Hints” that every traveler in this area should learn every native phrase for “I don’t know”—four villages and two rivers I've encountered are solemnly listed with various versions of that phrase as their native name. Honestly, I think the old Portuguese method of naming places after Saints, etc., was smarter in the long run and certainly sounded nicer. However, my Ajumba do know about my Ngambi and the Vinue, as well as Elivã z’Ayzingo, so I need to figure out cross bearings based on these.
We have an addition to our crew this morning - a man who wants to go and get work at John Holt’s sub-factory away on the Rembwé. He has been waiting a long while at Arevooma, unable to get across, I am told, because the road is now stopped between Ayzingo and the Rembwé by “those fearful Fans.” “How are we going to get through that way?” says I, with natural feminine alarm. “We are not, sir,” says Gray Shirt. This is what Lady MacDonald would term a chatty little incident; and my hair begins to rise as I remember what I have been told about those Fans and the indications I have already seen of its being true when on the Upper Ogowé. Now here we are going to try to get through the heart of their country, far from a French station, and without the French flag. Why did I not obey Mr. Hudson’s orders not to go wandering about in a reckless way! Anyhow I am in for it, and Fortune favours the brave. The only question is: Do I individually come under this class? I go into details. It seems Pagan thinks he can depend on the friendship of two Fans he once met and did business with, and who now live on an island in Lake Ncovi - Ncovi is not down on my map and I have never heard of it before - anyhow thither we are bound now.
We have a new addition to our crew this morning - a guy who wants to go work at John Holt’s sub-factory over by the Rembwé. He’s been stuck at Arevooma for a while, unable to cross, I hear, because the road between Ayzingo and the Rembwé is blocked by “those terrifying Fans.” “How are we going to get through that way?” I say, naturally worried. “We aren’t, sir,” says Gray Shirt. This is what Lady MacDonald might call a chatty little incident; and my hair starts to stand on end as I recall what I’ve heard about those Fans and the signs I’ve already seen that it’s true from my time on the Upper Ogowé. Now we’re trying to pass through the heart of their territory, far from any French station, and without the French flag. Why didn’t I listen to Mr. Hudson’s orders not to wander around recklessly! Anyway, I’m committed now, and Fortune favors the bold. The only question is: Do I count as one of those bold ones? I go into details. It seems Pagan thinks he can rely on the friendship of two Fans he once met and dealt with, who now live on an island in Lake Ncovi - Ncovi isn’t on my map, and I’ve never heard of it before - but that’s where we’re headed now.
Each man has brought with him his best gun, loaded to the muzzle, and tied on to the baggage against which I am leaning - the muzzles sticking out each side of my head: the flint locks covered with cases, or sheaths, made of the black-haired skins of gorillas, leopard skin, and a beautiful bright bay skin, which I do not know, which they say is bush cow - but they call half a dozen things bush cow. These guns are not the “gas-pipes” I have seen up north; but decent rifles which have had the rifling filed out and the locks replaced by flint locks and converted into muzzle loaders, and many of them have beautiful barrels. I find the Ajumba name for the beautiful shrub that has long bunches of red, yellow and cream-coloured young leaves at the end of its branches is “obaa.” I also learn that in their language ebony and a monkey have one name. The forest on either bank is very lovely. Some enormously high columns of green are formed by a sort of climbing plant having taken possession of lightning-struck trees, and in one place it really looks exactly as if some one had spread a great green coverlet over the forest, so as to keep it dry. No high land showing in any direction. Pagan tells me the extinguisher-shaped juju filled with medicine and made of iron is against drowning - the red juju is “for keep foot in path.” Beautiful effect of a gleam of sunshine lighting up a red sandbank till it glows like the Nibelungen gold. Indeed the effects are Turneresque to-day owing to the mist, and the sun playing in and out among it.
Each man has brought his best gun, fully loaded and tied to the baggage I'm leaning against, with the muzzles poking out on either side of my head. The flint locks are covered with cases or sheaths made from the dark fur of gorillas, leopard skin, and a beautiful bright bay skin that I’m not familiar with, but they say it's bush cow—though they call several things bush cow. These guns aren’t the “gas-pipes” I’ve seen up north; they are decent rifles that have had the rifling filed out, the locks replaced with flint locks, and converted to muzzle loaders. Many of them have beautiful barrels. I discover that the Ajumba name for the lovely shrub with long bunches of red, yellow, and cream-colored young leaves at the ends of its branches is “obaa.” I also learn that in their language, ebony and monkey share the same name. The forest on both banks is stunning. Enormous green columns are formed by a climbing plant that has taken over lightning-struck trees, and in one spot, it really looks as if someone spread a huge green cover over the forest to keep it dry. There’s no high land visible in any direction. Pagan tells me the extinguisher-shaped juju filled with medicine and made of iron is for protection against drowning—the red juju is “to keep your feet on the path.” The sunlight beautifully highlights a red sandbank until it glows like Nibelungen gold. The effects today are Turner-like due to the mist, with the sun shining in and out of it.
The sandbanks now have their cliffs to the N.N.W. and N.W. At 9.30, the broad river in front of us is apparently closed by sandbanks which run out from the banks thus: -
The sandbanks now have their cliffs to the N.N.W. and N.W. At 9:30, the wide river in front of us seems to be blocked by sandbanks that extend out from the banks like this: -
yellow}
S. bank bright-red} N. bank.
yellow}
yellow}
S. bank bright-red} N. bank.
yellow}
Current running strong along south bank. This bank bears testimony of this also being the case in the wet season, for a fringe of torn-down trees hangs from it into the river. Pass Seke, a town on north bank, interchanging the usual observations regarding our destination. The river seems absolutely barred with sand again; but as we paddle down it, the obstructions resolve themselves into spits of sand from the north bank and the largest island in mid-stream, which also has a long tail, or train, of sandbank down river. Here we meet a picturesque series of canoes, fruit and trade laden, being poled up stream, one man with his pole over one side, the other with his pole over the other, making a St. Andrew’s cross as you meet them end on.
Current running strong along the south bank. This bank shows evidence that it’s also like this in the wet season, as a line of uprooted trees hangs over it into the river. We pass Seke, a town on the north bank, exchanging our usual comments about our destination. The river seems totally obstructed by sand again, but as we paddle down, the barriers turn out to be sand spits from the north bank and the largest island in the middle of the stream, which also has a long stretch of sandbank extending downstream. Here, we encounter a colorful group of canoes, laden with fruit and goods, being pushed upstream, with one man using his pole on one side and another on the opposite, creating a St. Andrew’s cross when you see them head-on.
Most luxurious, charming, and pleasant trip this. The men are standing up swinging in rhythmic motion their long, rich red wood paddles in perfect time to their elaborate melancholy, minor key boat song. Nearly lost with all hands. Sandbank palaver - only when we were going over the end of it, the canoe slips sideways over its edge. River deep, bottom sand and mud. This information may be interesting to the geologist, but I hope I shall not be converted by circumstances into a human sounding apparatus again to-day. Next time she strikes I shall get out and shove behind.
Most luxurious, charming, and enjoyable trip this is. The men are standing up, swinging their long, rich redwood paddles in perfect sync with their intricate, melancholy boat song in a minor key. We nearly capsized with everyone on board. We had a conversation about the sandbank—just as we were going over the edge, the canoe slid sideways off of it. The river is deep with a sandy and muddy bottom. This information might be interesting for geologists, but I hope I won’t have to again be just a human recording device today. Next time she hits, I’ll get out and push from behind.
We are now skirting the real north bank, and not the bank of an island or islands as we have been for some time heretofore. Lovely stream falls into this river over cascades. The water is now rough in a small way and the width of the river great, but it soon is crowded again with wooded islands. There are patches and wreaths of a lovely, vermilion-flowering bush rope decorating the forest, and now and again clumps of a plant that shows a yellow and crimson spike of bloom, very strikingly beautiful. We pass a long tunnel in the bush, quite dark as you look down it - evidently the path to some native town. The south bank is covered, where the falling waters have exposed it, with hippo grass. Terrible lot of mangrove flies about, although we are more than one hundred miles above the mangrove belt. River broad again - tending W.S.W., with a broad flattened island with attributive sandbanks in the middle. The fair way is along the south bank of the river. Gray Shirt tells me this river is called the O’Rembo Vongo, or small River, so as to distinguish it from the main stream of the Ogowé which goes down past the south side of Lembarene Island, as well I know after that canoe affair of mine. Ayzingo now bears due north - and native mahogany is called “Okooma.” Pass village called Welli on north bank. It looks like some gipsy caravans stuck on poles. I expect that village has known what it means to be swamped by the rising river; it looks as if it had, very hastily in the middle of some night, taken to stilts, which I am sure, from their present rickety condition, will not last through the next wet season, and then some unfortunate spirit will get the blame of the collapse. I also learn that it is the natal spot of my friend Kabinda, the carpenter at Andande. Now if some of these good people I know would only go and distinguish themselves, I might write a sort of county family history of these parts; but they don’t, and I fancy won’t. For example, the entrance - or should I say the exit? - of a broadish little river is just away on the south bank. If you go up this river - it runs S.E. - you get to a good-sized lake; in this lake there is an island called Adole; then out of the other side of the lake there is another river which falls into the Ogowé main stream - but that is not the point of the story, which is that on that island of Adole, Ngouta, the interpreter, first saw the light. Why he ever did - there or anywhere - Heaven only knows! I know I shall never want to write his biography.
We are now along the actual north bank, not near the bank of an island or islands as we had been for a while. A beautiful stream flows into this river over some cascades. The water is slightly rough, and the river is wide, but it will soon be filled again with wooded islands. There are patches and clusters of lovely, red-flowering bushes decorating the forest, and occasionally, groups of a plant with yellow and crimson spikes that are strikingly beautiful. We pass through a long, dark tunnel in the bushes, which clearly leads to a native town. The south bank, where the waterfall has exposed it, is covered in hippo grass. There are a lot of mangrove flies, even though we are more than a hundred miles above the mangrove zone. The river is wide again, flowing west-southwest, with a large, flattened island and sandbanks in the middle. The best way to travel is along the south bank of the river. Gray Shirt tells me this river is called the O’Rembo Vongo, or Small River, to distinguish it from the main stream of the Ogowé that flows past the south side of Lembarene Island, which I know well from my canoe experience. Ayzingo now heads due north, and native mahogany is called “Okooma.” We pass a village called Welli on the north bank. It looks like gypsy caravans propped up on poles. I expect that village knows what it’s like to be flooded by the rising river; it looks as if it quickly took to stilts one night, which, given their current shaky condition, won’t last through the next wet season, and then some poor soul will get blamed for it collapsing. I also learn that it's the birthplace of my friend Kabinda, the carpenter at Andande. Now, if some of these good people I know would just do something remarkable, I could write a sort of local history about these areas; but they don’t, and I doubt they will. For instance, just south of here is the entrance—or should I say exit?—of a small river. If you follow this river, which flows southeast, you’ll reach a fairly large lake; in this lake, there’s an island called Adole; then on the opposite side of the lake, there’s another river that flows into the main Ogowé stream—but that’s not the main point of the story, which is that on that island of Adole, Ngouta, the interpreter, was born. Why he was born there—or anywhere—Heaven only knows! I know I will never want to write his biography.
On the western bank end of that river going to Adole, there is an Igalwa town, notable for a large quantity of fine white ducks and a clump of Indian bamboo. My informants say, “No white man ever live for this place,” so I suppose the ducks and bamboo have been imported by some black trader whose natal spot this is. The name of this village is Wanderegwoma. Stuck on sandbank - I flew out and shoved behind, leaving Ngouta to do the balancing performances in the stern. This O’Rembo Vongo divides up just below here, I am told, when we have re-embarked, into three streams. One goes into the main Ogowé opposite Ayshouka in Nkami country - Nkami country commences at Ayshouka and goes to the sea - one into the Ngumbi, and one into the Nunghi - all in the Ouroungou country. Ayzingo now lies N.E. according to Gray Shirt’s arm. On our river there is here another broad low island with its gold-coloured banks shining out, seemingly barring the entire channel, but there is really a canoe channel along by both banks.
On the western bank of the river leading to Adole, there's a town called Igalwa, known for its large number of fine white ducks and a cluster of Indian bamboo. My sources say, “No white man has ever lived in this place,” so I guess the ducks and bamboo were brought here by some local trader from this region. The village is called Wanderegwoma. Stuck on a sandbank, I took off and pushed away, leaving Ngouta to handle the balancing act at the back. I’ve been told that just below here, the O’Rembo Vongo splits into three streams once we’re back on board. One goes into the main Ogowé across from Ayshouka in Nkami country - Nkami country starts at Ayshouka and stretches to the sea - another flows into the Ngumbi, and the last one into the Nunghi, all within the Ouroungou country. Ayzingo now lies to the northeast according to Gray Shirt’s arm. Here on our river, there’s another wide, low island with its gold-colored banks shining brightly, seeming to block the entire channel, but there’s actually a canoe passage along both banks.
We turn at this point into a river on the north bank that runs north and south - the current is running very swift to the north. We run down into it, and then, it being more than time enough for chop, we push the canoe on to a sandbank in our new river, which I am told is the Karkola. I, after having had my tea, wander off, and find behind our high sandbank, which like all the other sandbanks above water now, is getting grown over with hippo grass - a fine light green grass, the beloved food of both hippo and manatee - a forest, and entering this I notice a succession of strange mounds or heaps, made up of branches, twigs, and leaves, and dead flowers. Many of these heaps are recent, while others have fallen into decay. Investigation shows they are burial places. Among the débris of an old one there are human bones, and out from one of the new ones comes a stench and a hurrying, exceedingly busy line of ants, demonstrating what is going on. I own I thought these mounds were some kind of bird’s or animal’s nest. They look entirely unhuman in this desolate reach of forest. Leaving these, I go down to the water edge of the sand, and find in it a quantity of pools of varying breadth and expanse, but each surrounded by a rim of dark red-brown deposit, which you can lift off the sand in a skin. On the top of the water is a film of exquisite iridescent colours like those on a soap bubble, only darker and brighter. In the river alongside the sand, there are thousands of those beautiful little fish with a black line each side of their tails. They are perfectly tame, and I feed them with crumbs in my hand. After making every effort to terrify the unknown object containing the food - gallant bulls, quite two inches long, sidling up and snapping at my fingers - they come and feed right in the palm, so that I could have caught them by the handful had I wished. There are also a lot of those weird, semi-transparent, yellow, spotted little sandfish with cup-shaped pectoral fins, which I see they use to enable them to make their astoundingly long leaps. These fish are of a more nervous and distrustful disposition, and hover round my hand but will not come into it. Indeed I do not believe the other cheeky little fellows would allow them to.
We now enter a river on the north bank that flows north and south—the current is rushing north. We venture into it, and since there’s plenty of time for waves, we guide the canoe onto a sandbank in this new river, which I’ve been told is the Karkola. After I finish my tea, I wander off and discover a forest behind our tall sandbank, which, like all the other sandbanks exposed above water now, is getting covered in hippo grass—a lovely light green grass, a favorite food for both hippos and manatees. As I enter the forest, I notice a series of strange mounds made of branches, twigs, leaves, and dead flowers. Many of these mounds are new, while others have started to decay. A closer look reveals they are burial sites. Among the debris of an old one, I find human bones, and from one of the newer mounds comes a foul smell and a hurried, busy line of ants, indicating activity. I admit I thought these mounds were some sort of bird or animal nests. They seem completely unhuman in this barren stretch of forest. Leaving those behind, I head down to the water’s edge on the sand and find several pools of varying sizes, each surrounded by a dark red-brown deposit that can be lifted off the sand like a skin. On top of the water is a film of beautiful iridescent colors, similar to those on a soap bubble but darker and brighter. In the river next to the sand, there are thousands of those lovely little fish with a black line on each side of their tails. They are completely unafraid, and I feed them crumbs from my hand. After trying to intimidate the unknown creature with the food—brave bulls about two inches long sidling up and snapping at my fingers—they eventually come to feed right in my palm, so I could have caught them by the handful if I wanted. There are also several of those strange, semi-transparent, yellow-spotted little sandfish with cup-shaped pectoral fins, which I see they use to make their astonishingly long jumps. These fish are more nervous and skittish, hovering around my hand but refusing to come into it. In fact, I don’t think the other cheeky little guys would let them.
The men, having had their rest and their pipes, shout for me, and off we go again. The Karkola {181} soon widens to about 100 feet; it is evidently very deep here; the right bank (the east) is forested, the left, low and shrubbed, one patch looking as if it were being cleared for a plantation, but no village showing. A big rock shows up on the right bank, which is a change from the clay and sand, and soon the whole character of the landscape changes. We come to a sharp turn in the river, from north and south to east and west - the current very swift. The river channel dodges round against a big bank of sword grass, and then widens out to the breadth of the Thames at Putney. I am told that a river runs out of it here to the west to Ouroungou country, and so I imagine this Karkola falls ultimately into the Nazareth. We skirt the eastern banks, which are covered with low grass with a scanty lot of trees along the top. High land shows in the distance to the S.S.W. and S.W., and then we suddenly turn up into a broad river or straith, shaping our course N.N.E. On the opposite bank, on a high dwarf cliff, is a Fan town. “All Fan now,” says Singlet in anything but a gratified tone of voice.
The men, after resting and smoking their pipes, call for me, and off we go again. The Karkola {181} quickly widens to about 100 feet; it’s clearly very deep here. The right bank (to the east) is forested, while the left is low and scrubby, with one area seeming like it’s being cleared for a plantation, though there’s no village in sight. A large rock appears on the right bank, a change from the clay and sand, and soon the entire landscape shifts. We reach a sharp bend in the river, turning from north and south to east and west - the current is very fast. The river channel twists around a large bank of sword grass, then widens to the size of the Thames at Putney. I'm told a river flows from here to the west toward Ouroungou country, so I assume this Karkola eventually feeds into the Nazareth. We follow the eastern banks, covered with low grass and a few trees along the top. High ground is visible in the distance to the south-southwest and southwest, and then we suddenly turn into a wide river or straith, steering our way northeast. On the opposite bank, on a high dwarf cliff, is a Fan town. “All Fan now,” Singlet says in a tone that’s far from pleased.
It is a strange, wild, lonely bit of the world we are now in, apparently a lake or broad - full of sandbanks, some bare and some in the course of developing into permanent islands by the growth on them of that floating coarse grass, any joint of which being torn off either by the current, a passing canoe, or hippos, floats down and grows wherever it settles. Like most things that float in these parts, it usually settles on a sandbank, and then grows in much the same way as our couch grass grows on land in England, so as to form a network, which catches for its adopted sandbank all sorts of floating débris; so the sandbank comes up in the world. The waters of the wet season when they rise drown off the grass; but when they fall, up it comes again from the root, and so gradually the sandbank becomes an island and persuades real trees and shrubs to come and grow on it, and its future is then secured.
It’s a strange, wild, lonely part of the world we’re in now, seemingly a lake or wide area filled with sandbanks, some bare and some developing into permanent islands thanks to the growth of that floating coarse grass. Any piece that gets torn off, whether by the current, a passing canoe, or hippos, floats down and takes root wherever it lands. Like most things that float around here, it usually ends up on a sandbank, where it grows similarly to how our couch grass spreads on land in England, creating a network that traps all sorts of floating debris; in turn, the sandbank gets more significant. The waters during the wet season rise and wash away the grass, but when they recede, it comes back from the roots, and gradually the sandbank transforms into an island, encouraging real trees and shrubs to take root, securing its future.
We skirt alongside a great young island of this class; the sword grass some ten or fifteen feet high. It has not got any trees on it yet, but by next season or so it doubtless will have. The grass is stabbled down into paths by hippos, and just as I have realised who are the road-makers, they appear in person. One immense fellow, hearing us, stands up and shows himself about six feet from us in the grass, gazes calmly, and then yawns a yawn a yard wide and grunts his news to his companions, some of whom - there is evidently a large herd - get up and stroll towards us with all the flowing grace of Pantechnicon vans in motion. We put our helm paddles hard a starboard and leave that bank.
We glide along a large, young island of this type; the grass is about ten or fifteen feet tall. There aren’t any trees on it yet, but it will likely have some by next season. The grass is flattened into paths by hippos, and just as I realize who the roadmakers are, they show up. One huge guy, hearing us, stands up and reveals himself about six feet away in the grass. He looks at us calmly, then yawns a massive yawn and grunts to his buddies, some of whom—there's clearly a big herd—get up and stroll toward us with all the graceful movement of big trucks. We steer our paddles hard to the right and move away from that bank.
Our hasty trip across to the bank of the island on the other side being accomplished, we, in search of seclusion and in the hope that out of sight would mean out of mind to hippos, shot down a narrow channel between semi-island sandbanks, and those sandbanks, if you please, are covered with specimens - as fine a set of specimens as you could wish for - of the West African crocodile. These interesting animals are also having their siestas, lying sprawling in all directions on the sand, with their mouths wide open. One immense old lady has a family of lively young crocodiles running over her, evidently playing like a lot of kittens. The heavy musky smell they give off is most repulsive, but we do not rise up and make a row about this, because we feel hopelessly in the wrong in intruding into these family scenes uninvited, and so apologetically pole ourselves along rapidly, not even singing. The pace the canoe goes down that channel would be a wonder to Henley Regatta. When out of ear-shot I ask Pagan whether there are many gorillas, elephants, or bush cows round here. “Plenty too much,” says he; and it occurs to me that the corn-fields are growing golden green away in England; and soon there rises up in my mental vision a picture that fascinated my youth in the Fliegende Blätter, representing “Friedrich Gerstaeker auf der Reise.” That gallant man is depicted tramping on a serpent, new to M. Boulenger, while he attempts to club, with the butt end of his gun, a most lively savage who, accompanied by a bison, is attacking him in front. A terrific and obviously enthusiastic crocodile is grabbing the tail of the explorer’s coat, and the explorer says “Hurrah! das gibt wieder einen prächtigen Artikel für Die Allgemeine Zeitung.” I do not know where in the world Gerstaeker was at the time, but I should fancy hereabouts. My vigorous and lively conscience also reminds me that the last words a most distinguished and valued scientific friend had said to me before I left home was, “Always take measurements, Miss Kingsley, and always take them from the adult male.” I know I have neglected opportunities of carrying this commission out on both those banks, but I do not feel like going back. Besides, the men would not like it, and I have mislaid my yard measure.
Our quick trip to the bank of the island on the other side finished, we sought some privacy, hoping that being out of sight would mean out of mind for the hippos. We navigated down a narrow channel between semi-island sandbanks, which, by the way, are covered with a fantastic variety of West African crocodiles. These interesting creatures are also lounging around, sprawled out in every direction on the sand, with their mouths wide open. One enormous old female has a bunch of energetic young crocodiles running over her, clearly playing like a bunch of kittens. The strong, musky smell they emit is quite unpleasant, but we don’t make a fuss about it because we feel completely wrong for intruding on their family scenes uninvited. So, we paddle along quickly, even avoiding singing. The pace of the canoe through that channel would impress anyone at the Henley Regatta. Once out of earshot, I ask Pagan if there are many gorillas, elephants, or bush cows around here. “Way too many,” he replies, and I suddenly think of the golden-green cornfields back in England. In my mind, I picture an illustration that captivated my youth in the Fliegende Blätter, titled “Friedrich Gerstaeker auf der Reise.” That brave man is shown stomping on a snake, unknown to M. Boulenger, while trying to club a very lively savage attacking him alongside a bison. A wild and enthusiastic crocodile is grabbing the tail of the explorer’s coat, and the explorer exclaims, “Hurrah! This will be another great article for Die Allgemeine Zeitung.” I have no idea where Gerstaeker was at the time, but I imagine it was around here. My active conscience also reminds me that the last advice from a distinguished scientific friend before I left home was, “Always take measurements, Miss Kingsley, and always take them from the adult male.” I realize I’ve missed chances to follow through on this advice on both banks, but I really don’t feel like going back. Besides, the men wouldn’t like it, and I’ve misplaced my yardstick.
The extent of water, dotted with sandbanks and islands in all directions, here is great, and seems to be fringed uniformly by low swampy land, beyond which, to the north, rounded lumps of hills show blue. On one of the islands is a little white house which I am told was once occupied by a black trader for John Holt. It looks a desolate place for any man to live in, and the way the crocodiles and hippo must have come up on the garden ground in the evening time could not have enhanced its charms to the average cautious man. My men say, “No man live for that place now.” The factory, I believe, has been, for some trade reason, abandoned. Behind it is a great clump of dark-coloured trees. The rest of the island is now covered with hippo grass looking like a beautifully kept lawn. We lie up for a short rest at another island, also a weird spot in its way, for it is covered with a grove of only one kind of tree, which has a twisted, contorted, gray-white trunk and dull, lifeless-looking, green, hard foliage.
The expanse of water, scattered with sandbanks and islands all around, is vast and seems to be bordered evenly by low, swampy land. Beyond this, to the north, there are rounded hills that appear blue. On one of the islands is a small white house that I’ve heard was once home to a black trader working for John Holt. It looks like a lonely place for anyone to live, and the way crocodiles and hippos must have crept into the garden at night wouldn’t appeal to the average cautious person. My crew says, “No man lives there now.” I believe the factory has been abandoned for some trade-related reason. Behind it is a large cluster of dark trees. The rest of the island is now covered with hippo grass, which looks like a well-manicured lawn. We stop for a short rest at another island, which is also an odd place in its own way, as it is filled with a grove of just one type of tree that has a twisted, contorted gray-white trunk and dull, lifeless-looking green leaves.
I learn that these good people, to make topographical confusion worse confounded, call a river by one name when you are going up it, and by another when you are coming down; just as if you called the Thames the London when you were going up, and the Greenwich when you were coming down. The banks all round this lake or broad, seem all light-coloured sand and clay. We pass out of it into a channel. Current flowing north. As we are entering the channel between banks of grass-overgrown sand, a superb white crane is seen standing on the sand edge to the left. Gray Shirt attempts to get a shot at it, but it - alarmed at our unusual appearance - raises itself up with one of those graceful preliminary curtseys, and after one or two preliminary flaps spreads its broad wings and sweeps away, with its long legs trailing behind it like a thing on a Japanese screen.
I find out that these nice folks, to make things even more confusing, call a river one name when you're going upstream and a different name when you're going downstream; like if you called the Thames “London” when going upriver and “Greenwich” when coming back. The banks all around this lake look like light-colored sand and clay. We move out of it into a channel. The current is flowing north. As we enter the channel between banks of grass-covered sand, a stunning white crane stands on the sandy edge to the left. Gray Shirt tries to take a shot at it, but the crane, startled by our unexpected presence, lifts itself with one of those graceful bows and after a couple of flaps, spreads its wide wings and flies off, with its long legs trailing behind like a figure on a Japanese screen.
The river into which we ran zigzags about, and then takes a course S.S.E. It is studded with islands slightly higher than those we have passed, and thinly clad with forest. The place seems alive with birds; flocks of pelican and crane rise up before us out of the grass, and every now and then a crocodile slides off the bank into the water. Wonderfully like old logs they look, particularly when you see one letting himself roll and float down on the current. In spite of these interests I began to wonder where in this lonely land we were to sleep to-night. In front of us were miles of distant mountains, but in no direction the slightest sign of human habitation. Soon we passed out of our channel into a lovely, strangely melancholy, lonely-looking lake - Lake Ncovi, my friends tell me. It is exceedingly beautiful. The rich golden sunlight of the late afternoon soon followed by the short-lived, glorious flushes of colour of the sunset and the after-glow, play over the scene as we paddle across the lake to the N.N.E. - our canoe leaving a long trail of frosted silver behind her as she glides over the mirror-like water, and each stroke of the paddle sending down air with it to come up again in luminous silver bubbles - not as before in swirls of sand and mud. The lake shore is, in all directions, wreathed with nobly forested hills, indigo and purple in the dying daylight. On the N.N.E. and N.E. these come directly down into the lake; on N.W., N., S.W., and S.E. there is a band of well-forested ground, behind which they rise. In the north and north-eastern part of the lake several exceedingly beautiful wooded islands show, with gray rocky beaches and dwarf cliffs.
The river we entered meanders around and then heads S.S.E. It's dotted with islands that are slightly higher than the ones we've passed, and they're sparsely covered with forest. The place feels alive with birds; flocks of pelicans and cranes take off from the grass as we approach, and now and then a crocodile slips off the bank into the water. They really look like old logs, especially when you see one rolling and floating downstream. Despite these interesting sights, I started to worry about where we would sleep in this remote area. In front of us stretched miles of distant mountains, but there was no sign of any human habitation in any direction. Soon we left our channel and entered a beautiful, oddly melancholic, lonely lake - Lake Ncovi, my friends tell me. It’s incredibly picturesque. The rich golden sunlight of the late afternoon is soon followed by the brief but glorious bursts of color at sunset and the afterglow, casting a magical light over the scene as we paddle across the lake toward the N.N.E. - our canoe leaving a long trail of frosted silver behind as it glides over the mirror-like water, with each paddle stroke releasing air that rises as luminous silver bubbles instead of the previous clouds of sand and mud. The lake shore is ringed on all sides by majestically forested hills, appearing indigo and purple in the fading daylight. To the N.N.E. and N.E., the hills drop directly into the lake; to the N.W., N., S.W., and S.E., there's a stretch of well-forested land behind which the hills rise. In the northern and northeastern parts of the lake, several stunning wooded islands can be seen, featuring gray rocky beaches and small cliffs.
Sign of human habitation at first there was none; and in spite of its beauty, there was something which I was almost going to say was repulsive. The men evidently felt the same as I did. Had any one told me that the air that lay on the lake was poison, or that in among its forests lay some path to regions of utter death, I should have said - “It looks like that”; but no one said anything, and we only looked round uneasily, until the comfortable-souled Singlet made the unfortunate observation that he “smelt blood.” {185} We all called him an utter fool to relieve our minds, and made our way towards the second island. When we got near enough to it to see details, a large village showed among the trees on its summit, and a steep dwarf cliff, overgrown with trees and creeping plants came down to a small beach covered with large water-washed gray stones. There was evidently some kind of a row going on in that village, that took a lot of shouting too. We made straight for the beach, and drove our canoe among its outlying rocks, and then each of my men stowed his paddle quickly, slung on his ammunition bag, and picked up his ready loaded gun, sliding the skin sheath off the lock. Pagan got out on to the stones alongside the canoe just as the inhabitants became aware of our arrival, and, abandoning what I hope was a mass meeting to remonstrate with the local authorities on the insanitary state of the town, came - a brown mass of naked humanity - down the steep cliff path to attend to us, whom they evidently regarded as an Imperial interest. Things did not look restful, nor these Fans personally pleasant. Every man among them - no women showed - was armed with a gun, and they loosened their shovel-shaped knives in their sheaths as they came, evidently regarding a fight quite as imminent as we did. They drew up about twenty paces from us in silence. Pagan and Gray Shirt, who had joined him, held out their unembarrassed hands, and shouted out the name of the Fan man they had said they were friendly with: “Kiva-Kiva.” The Fans stood still and talked angrily among themselves for some minutes, and then, Silence said to me, “It would be bad palaver if Kiva no live for this place,” in a tone that conveyed to me the idea he thought this unpleasant contingency almost a certainty. The Passenger exhibited unmistakable symptoms of wishing he had come by another boat. I got up from my seat in the bottom of the canoe and leisurely strolled ashore, saying to the line of angry faces “M’boloani” in an unconcerned way, although I well knew it was etiquette for them to salute first. They grunted, but did not commit themselves further. A minute after they parted to allow a fine-looking, middle-aged man, naked save for a twist of dirty cloth round his loins and a bunch of leopard and wild cat tails hung from his shoulder by a strip of leopard skin, to come forward. Pagan went for him with a rush, as if he were going to clasp him to his ample bosom, but holding his hands just off from touching the Fan’s shoulder in the usual way, while he said in Fan, “Don’t you know me, my beloved Kiva? Surely you have not forgotten your old friend?” Kiva grunted feelingly, and raised up his hands and held them just off touching Pagan, and we breathed again. Then Gray Shirt made a rush at the crowd and went through great demonstrations of affection with another gentleman whom he recognised as being a Fan friend of his own, and whom he had not expected to meet here. I looked round to see if there was not any Fan from the Upper Ogowé whom I knew to go for, but could not see one that I could on the strength of a previous acquaintance, and on their individual merits I did not feel inclined to do even this fashionable imitation embrace. Indeed I must say that never - even in a picture book - have I seen such a set of wild wicked-looking savages as those we faced this night, and with whom it was touch-and-go for twenty of the longest minutes I have ever lived, whether we fought - for our lives, I was going to say, but it would not have been even for that, but merely for the price of them.
At first, there were no signs of human life; and despite its beauty, there was something that I was almost going to call repulsive. The men clearly felt the same way I did. If anyone had told me that the air over the lake was poisonous, or that hidden among its forests was a path to utter death, I would have said, “It looks like that.” But no one said anything, and we just looked around uneasily until the comfort-loving Singlet made the unfortunate remark that he “smelled blood.” {185} We all called him a complete fool to ease our minds and headed toward the second island. When we got close enough to see details, a large village appeared among the trees on its summit, and a steep cliff, covered with trees and climbing plants, descended to a small beach littered with large, water-washed gray stones. There was clearly some kind of argument happening in that village, involving a lot of shouting. We made our way straight to the beach, maneuvering our canoe among the outlying rocks. Each of my men quickly stowed his paddle, slung on his ammunition bag, and picked up his ready-loaded gun, sliding the skin sheath off the lock. Pagan stepped onto the stones next to the canoe just as the locals noticed our arrival and, abandoning what I hope was a mass meeting to complain to the local authorities about the unsanitary conditions in their town, came— a brown mass of naked humanity—down the steep cliff path to attend to us, whom they clearly regarded as an Imperial interest. Things didn’t seem restful, and these Fans didn’t look particularly welcoming. Every man among them— there were no women present—was armed with a gun, and they loosened the shovel-shaped knives in their sheaths as they approached, clearly expecting a fight just as we did. They stopped about twenty paces away from us in silence. Pagan and Gray Shirt, who had joined him, extended their hands confidently and shouted the name of the Fan man they said they were friendly with: “Kiva-Kiva.” The Fans stood still and talked angrily among themselves for several minutes, and then Silence said to me, “It would be bad news if Kiva is not here,” in a tone that suggested he thought this unpleasant scenario was almost certain. The Passenger clearly showed signs of wishing he had taken another boat. I stood up from my seat in the bottom of the canoe and strolled ashore casually, greeting the line of angry faces with “M’boloani,” even though I knew it was their etiquette to salute first. They grunted but didn’t go any further. A moment later, they parted to let a handsome, middle-aged man through, naked except for a twist of dirty cloth around his waist and a bunch of leopard and wild cat tails hanging from his shoulder by a strip of leopard skin. Pagan rushed toward him as if he were going to embrace him warmly, holding his hands just shy of touching the Fan’s shoulder in the usual manner, while saying in Fan, “Don’t you recognize me, my beloved Kiva? Surely you haven’t forgotten your old friend?” Kiva grunted with feeling, raised his hands, and held them just off touching Pagan, and we breathed a sigh of relief. Then Gray Shirt charged at the crowd and launched into great displays of affection with another guy he recognized as a Fan friend he hadn’t expected to see here. I looked around to see if any Fan from the Upper Ogowé that I knew was nearby, but didn’t spot anyone I could confidently approach based on previous acquaintance, and given their individual merits, I didn’t feel inclined to go through the customary embrace at all. In fact, I must say that never— not even in a picture book—have I seen such a group of wild, wicked-looking savages as those we faced that night, and it was touch-and-go for the longest twenty minutes I have ever experienced, wondering whether we would fight— not for our lives, really, but just for the price of them.
Peace having been proclaimed, conversation became general. Gray Shirt brought his friend up and introduced him to me, and we shook hands and smiled at each other in the conventional way. Pagan’s friend, who was next introduced, was more alarming, for he held his hands for half a minute just above my elbows without quite touching me, but he meant well; and then we all disappeared into a brown mass of humanity and a fog of noise. You would have thought, from the violence and vehemence of the shouting and gesticulation, that we were going to be forthwith torn to shreds; but not a single hand really touched me, and as I, Pagan, and Gray Shirt went up to the town in the midst of the throng, the crowd opened in front and closed in behind, evidently half frightened at my appearance. The row when we reached the town redoubled in volume from the fact that the ladies, the children, and the dogs joined in. Every child in the place as soon as it saw my white face let a howl out of it as if it had seen his Satanic Majesty, horns, hoofs, tail and all, and fled into the nearest hut, headlong, and I fear, from the continuance of the screams, had fits. The town was exceedingly filthy - the remains of the crocodile they had been eating the week before last, and piles of fish offal, and remains of an elephant, hippo or manatee - I really can’t say which, decomposition was too far advanced - united to form a most impressive stench. The bark huts are, as usual in a Fan town, in unbroken rows; but there are three or four streets here, not one only, as in most cases. The palaver house is in the innermost street, and there we went, and noticed that the village view was not in the direction in which we had come, but across towards the other side of the lake. I told the Ajumba to explain we wanted hospitality for the night, and wished to hire three carriers for to-morrow to go with us to the Rembwé.
Once peace was declared, everyone started chatting. Gray Shirt introduced his friend to me, and we shook hands and smiled at each other in the usual way. Pagan’s friend was a bit more intimidating because he held his hands just above my elbows for about half a minute without actually touching me, but he meant well. Then we all got swept into a chaotic crowd. You’d think that with all the shouting and wild gestures, we were about to be torn apart, but not a single hand touched me. As Pagan, Gray Shirt, and I walked into the town amid the crowd, it parted in front of us and closed behind, clearly a bit scared of my presence. The noise increased when we reached the town, especially as the women, children, and dogs joined in. Every child who saw my white face screamed like they’d spotted the devil himself and ran into the nearest hut, likely frightfully, as the screams continued. The town was incredibly dirty—leftover crocodile meat from a week ago, heaps of fish guts, and remains of an elephant, hippo, or manatee—I honestly couldn’t tell which, since it was too decomposed—created a powerful stench. The bark huts were lined up in unbroken rows, as is typical in a Fan town, but here there were three or four streets instead of just one like in most places. The palaver house was on the innermost street, so we headed there and noticed that the village view faced the lake, not the direction we came from. I asked the Ajumba to explain that we needed a place to stay for the night and wanted to hire three carriers to take us to the Rembwé the next day.
For an hour and three-quarters by my watch I stood in the suffocating, smoky, hot atmosphere listening to, but only faintly understanding, the war of words and gesture that raged round us. At last the fact that we were to be received being settled, Gray Shirt’s friend led us out of the guard house - the crowd flinching back as I came through it - to his own house on the right-hand side of the street of huts. It was a very different dwelling to Gray Shirt’s residence at Arevooma. I was as high as its roof ridge and had to stoop low to get through the door-hole. Inside, the hut was fourteen or fifteen feet square, unlit by any window. The door-hole could be closed by pushing a broad piece of bark across it under two horizontally fixed bits of stick. The floor was sand like the street outside, but dirtier. On it in one place was a fire, whose smoke found its way out through the roof. In one corner of the room was a rough bench of wood, which from the few filthy cloths on it and a wood pillow I saw was the bed. There was no other furniture in the hut save some boxes, which I presume held my host’s earthly possessions. From the bamboo roof hung a long stick with hooks on it, the hooks made by cutting off branching twigs. This was evidently the hanging wardrobe, and on it hung some few fetish charms, and a beautiful ornament of wild cat and leopard tails, tied on to a square piece of leopard skin, in the centre of which was a little mirror, and round the mirror were sewn dozens of common shirt buttons. In among the tails hung three little brass bells and a brass rattle; these bells and rattles are not only “for dandy,” but serve to scare away snakes when the ornament is worn in the forest. A fine strip of silky-haired, young gorilla skin made the band to sling the ornament from the shoulder when worn. Gorillas seem well enough known round here. One old lady in the crowd outside, I saw, had a necklace made of sixteen gorilla canine teeth slung on a pine-apple fibre string. Gray Shirt explained to me that this is the best house in the village, and my host the most renowned elephant hunter in the district.
For an hour and fifteen minutes by my watch, I stood in the stifling, smoky, hot atmosphere, listening to, but only partly grasping, the heated exchange of words and gestures around us. Finally, once it was decided that we would be received, Gray Shirt’s friend led us out of the guardhouse—the crowd stepping back as I passed through it—to his house on the right side of the street of huts. It was a very different place from Gray Shirt’s home at Arevooma. I was at the height of its roof ridge and had to bend low to get through the doorway. Inside, the hut was about fourteen or fifteen feet square and had no windows for light. The door could be closed by sliding a broad piece of bark across it, secured by two horizontal sticks. The floor was sandy like the street outside but dirtier. There was a fire in one spot, with smoke escaping through the roof. In one corner of the room was a rough wooden bench, which I could tell was the bed from the few filthy cloths on it and a wooden pillow I noticed. There was no other furniture in the hut except for some boxes, which I assumed held my host’s belongings. From the bamboo roof hung a long stick with hooks made by cutting off the ends of branching twigs. This was clearly the hanging wardrobe, and on it hung a few fetish charms and a beautiful ornament made of wildcat and leopard tails tied to a square piece of leopard skin, which had a small mirror in the center, surrounded by dozens of common shirt buttons. Among the tails were three small brass bells and a brass rattle; these bells and rattles serve not only as decorations but also to scare away snakes when the ornament is worn in the forest. A fine strip of silky-haired young gorilla skin made the band to wear the ornament over the shoulder. Gorillas seem to be well known around here. I noticed one old lady in the crowd outside with a necklace made of sixteen gorilla canine teeth strung on a pineapple fiber. Gray Shirt explained to me that this was the best house in the village, and that my host was the most famous elephant hunter in the area.
We then returned to the canoe, whose occupants had been getting uneasy about the way affairs were going “on top,” on account of the uproar they heard and the time we had been away. We got into the canoe and took her round the little promontory at the end of the island to the other beach, which is the main beach. By arriving at the beach when we did, we took our Fan friends in the rear, and they did not see us coming in the gloaming. This was all for the best, it seems, as they said they should have fired on us before they had had time to see we were rank outsiders, on the apprehension that we were coming from one of the Fan towns we had passed, and with whom they were on bad terms regarding a lady who bolted there from her lawful lord, taking with her - cautious soul! - a quantity of rubber. The only white man who had been here before in the memory of man, was a French officer who paid Kiva six dollars to take him somewhere, I was told - but I could not find out when, or what happened to that Frenchman. {189} It was a long time ago, Kiva said, but these folks have no definite way of expressing duration of time nor, do I believe, any great mental idea of it; although their ideas are, as usual with West Africans, far ahead of their language.
We then went back to the canoe, where the people had started to get anxious about what was happening “up top,” because of the noise they heard and how long we had been gone. We climbed into the canoe and steered around the small point at the end of the island to the other beach, which is the main beach. By getting to the beach when we did, we approached our Fan friends from behind, and they didn’t see us coming in the twilight. This turned out to be a good thing, as they mentioned they would have shot at us before realizing we were complete outsiders, fearing we were coming from one of the Fan towns we had passed, which they were on bad terms with over a woman who ran away from her husband, taking with her - cautious soul! - a stash of rubber. The only white man who had been here before, as far as anyone could remember, was a French officer who paid Kiva six dollars to take him somewhere, I was told - but I couldn’t find out when that was or what happened to that Frenchman. {189} It was a long time ago, Kiva said, but these people don’t have a definite way of expressing how long time lasts or, I believe, any clear concept of it; although their ideas are, as is often the case with West Africans, much more advanced than their language.
All the goods were brought up to my hut, and while Ngouta gets my tea we started talking the carrier palaver again. The Fans received my offer, starting at two dollars ahead of what M. Jacot said would be enough, with utter scorn, and every dramatic gesture of dissent; one man, pretending to catch Gray Shirt’s words in his hands, flings them to the ground and stamps them under his feet. I affected an easy take-it-or-leave-it-manner, and looked on. A woman came out of the crowd to me, and held out a mass of slimy gray abomination on a bit of plantain leaf - smashed snail. I accepted it and gave her fish hooks. She was delighted and her companions excited, so she put the hooks into her mouth for safe keeping. I hurriedly explained in my best Fan that I do not require any more snail; so another lady tried the effect of a pine-apple. There might be no end to this, so I retired into trade and asked what she would sell it for. She did not want to sell it - she wanted to give it me; so I gave her fish hooks. Silence and Singlet interposed, saying the price for pine-apples is one leaf of tobacco, but I explained I was not buying. Ngouta turned up with my tea, so I went inside, and had it on the bed. The door-hole was entirely filled with a mosaic of faces, but no one attempted to come in. All the time the carrier palaver went on without cessation, and I went out and offered to take Gray Shirt’s and Pagan’s place, knowing they must want their chop, but they refused relief, and also said I must not raise the price; I was offering too big a price now, and if I once rise the Fan will only think I will keep on rising, and so make the palaver longer to talk. “How long does a palaver usually take to talk round here?” I ask. “The last one I talked,” says Pagan, “took three weeks, and that was only a small price palaver.” “Well,” say I, “my price is for a start to-morrow - after then I have no price - after that I go away.” Another hour however sees the jam made, and to my surprise I find the three richest men in this town of M’fetta have personally taken up the contract - Kiva my host, Fika a fine young fellow, and Wiki, another noted elephant hunter. These three Fans, the four Ajumba and the Igalwa, Ngouta, I think will be enough. Moreover I fancy it safer not to have an overpowering percentage of Fans in the party, as I know we shall have considerable stretches of uninhabited forest to traverse; and the Ajumba say that the Fans will kill people, i.e. the black traders who venture into their country, and cut them up into neat pieces, eat what they want at the time, and smoke the rest of the bodies for future use. Now I do not want to arrive at the Rembwé in a smoked condition, even should my fragments be neat, and I am going in a different direction to what I said I was when leaving Kangwe, and there are so many ways of accounting for death about here - leopard, canoe capsize, elephants, etc. - that even if I were traced - well, nothing could be done then, anyhow - so will only take three Fans. One must diminish dead certainties to the level of sporting chances along here, or one can never get on.
All the goods were brought to my hut, and while Ngouta prepared my tea, we started discussing the carrier situation again. The Fans reacted to my offer, which was two dollars higher than what M. Jacot said would be enough, with total disdain, making dramatic gestures of disagreement; one man pretended to catch Gray Shirt’s words in his hands, threw them to the ground, and stomped on them. I played it cool, adopting a take-it-or-leave-it attitude, and observed. A woman stepped out from the crowd and held out a slimy gray mess on a piece of plantain leaf - smashed snail. I took it and gave her fish hooks. She was thrilled, and her friends were excited, so she put the hooks in her mouth for safekeeping. I quickly explained in my best Fan that I didn't want any more snail, so another woman tried to offer me a pineapple. This could go on forever, so I switched to negotiating and asked what she wanted for it. She didn’t want to sell it - she wanted to give it to me, so I gave her fish hooks. Silence and Singlet intervened, saying the price for pineapples is one leaf of tobacco, but I explained I wasn’t buying. Ngouta showed up with my tea, so I went inside and had it on the bed. The door was filled with a mosaic of faces, but no one tried to come in. Throughout, the carrier negotiation continued nonstop, and I went outside to offer my place to Gray Shirt and Pagan, knowing they must want their food, but they declined help and said I shouldn’t raise the price; I was already offering too much, and if I raised it once, the Fans would think I would keep increasing it, making the talks drag on longer. “How long does a negotiation usually take around here?” I asked. “The last one I did,” said Pagan, “took three weeks, and that was just a small price negotiation.” “Well,” I said, “my price starts tomorrow - after that I have no price - after that, I’m leaving.” Another hour passed, and to my surprise, I found that the three richest men in this town of M’fetta had personally taken on the contract - Kiva, my host, Fika, a fine young man, and Wiki, another well-known elephant hunter. These three Fans, along with the four Ajumba and Ngouta, should be enough. Plus, I think it’s safer not to have too many Fans in the group, as I know we’ll be crossing long stretches of uninhabited forest; the Ajumba say that the Fans will kill people, meaning the black traders who enter their lands, chop them up into neat pieces, eat what they want right away, and smoke the rest of the bodies for later. I definitely don’t want to reach the Rembwé in a smoked condition, even if my remains are neat, and I’m heading in a different direction than I said I was when I left Kangwe. There are so many ways to explain death around here - leopard, canoe capsizing, elephants, etc. - that even if I were tracked down, well, nothing could be done then, so I’ll only take three Fans. One must reduce certain death to a level of potential risk here, or one can never move forward.
No one, either Ajumba or Fan, knew the exact course we were to take. The Ajumba had never been this way before - the way for black traders across being viâ Lake Ayzingo, the way Mr. Goode of the American Mission once went, and the Fans said they only knew the way to a big Fan town called Efoua, where no white man or black trader had yet been. There is a path from there to the Rembwé they knew, because the Efoua people take their trade all to the Rembwé. They would, they said, come with me all the way if I would guarantee them safety if they “found war” on the road. This I agreed to do, and arranged to pay off at Hatton and Cookson’s subfactory on the Rembwé, and they have “Look my mouth and it be sweet, so palaver done set.” Every load then, by the light of the bush lights held by the women, we arranged. I had to unpack my bottles of fishes so as to equalise the weight of the loads. Every load is then made into a sort of cocoon with bush rope.
No one, whether Ajumba or Fan, knew the exact route we were supposed to take. The Ajumba had never traveled this way before—the route for black traders across was via Lake Ayzingo, the path that Mr. Goode from the American Mission once took, and the Fans said they only knew how to get to a big Fan town called Efoua, where no white man or black trader had been yet. There is a trail from there to the Rembwé that they knew about, because the Efoua people send all their trade to the Rembwé. They said they would accompany me all the way if I guaranteed their safety if they encountered “war” on the road. I agreed to this and planned to pay off at Hatton and Cookson’s subfactory on the Rembwé, and they said, “Look my mouth and it be sweet, so palaver done set.” Then, by the light of the bush lights held by the women, we arranged every load. I had to unpack my bottles of fish to balance the weight of the loads. Each load was then wrapped up like a cocoon with bush rope.
I was left in peace at about 11.30 P.M., and clearing off the clothes from the bench threw myself down and tried to get some sleep, for we were to start, the Fans said, before dawn. Sleep impossible - mosquitoes! lice!! - so at 12.40 I got up and slid aside my bark door. I found Pagan asleep under his mosquito bar outside, across the doorway, but managed to get past him without rousing him from his dreams of palaver which he was still talking aloud, and reconnoitred the town. The inhabitants seemed to have talked themselves quite out and were sleeping heavily. I went down then to our canoe and found it safe, high up among the Fan canoes on the stones, and then I slid a small Fan canoe off, and taking a paddle from a cluster stuck in the sand, paddled out on to the dark lake.
I was finally left alone around 11:30 PM, and after removing the clothes from the bench, I threw myself down and tried to get some sleep since the Fans said we would leave before dawn. Sleep was impossible—mosquitoes! lice!! So at 12:40, I got up and slid open my bark door. I found Pagan asleep under his mosquito net outside, right across from the doorway, but I managed to sneak past him without waking him from his dreams of chatter, which he was still mumbling about. I decided to check out the town. The locals seemed to have worn themselves out talking and were sleeping deeply. I then made my way to our canoe and found it safe, resting high among the Fan canoes on the stones. I carefully slid a small Fan canoe into the water, grabbed a paddle from a bunch stuck in the sand, and paddled out onto the dark lake.
It was a wonderfully lovely quiet night with no light save that from the stars. One immense planet shone pre-eminent in the purple sky, throwing a golden path down on to the still waters. Quantities of big fish sprung out of the water, their glistening silver-white scales flashing so that they look like slashing swords. Some bird was making a long, low boom-booming sound away on the forest shore. I paddled leisurely across the lake to the shore on the right, and seeing crawling on the ground some large glow-worms, drove the canoe on to the bank among some hippo grass, and got out to get them.
It was a beautifully calm night with no light except for the stars. One massive planet stood out in the purple sky, casting a golden reflection on the still water. A number of large fish leapt out of the water, their shiny silver-white scales glinting and looking like slashing swords. Some bird was making a deep, resonating boom from the forest shore. I paddled slowly across the lake to the right shore and, noticing some large glow-worms crawling on the ground, maneuvered the canoe onto the bank amidst some hippo grass and got out to collect them.
While engaged on this hunt I felt the earth quiver under my feet, and heard a soft big soughing sound, and looking round saw I had dropped in on a hippo banquet. I made out five of the immense brutes round me, so I softly returned to the canoe and shoved off, stealing along the bank, paddling under water, until I deemed it safe to run out across the lake for my island. I reached the other end of it to that on which the village is situated; and finding a miniature rocky bay with a soft patch of sand and no hippo grass, the incidents of the Fan hut suggested the advisability of a bath. Moreover, there was no china collection in that hut, and it would be a long time before I got another chance, so I go ashore again, and, carefully investigating the neighbourhood to make certain there was no human habitation near, I then indulged in a wash in peace. Drying one’s self on one’s cummerbund is not pure joy, but it can be done when you put your mind to it. While I was finishing my toilet I saw a strange thing happen. Down through the forest on the lake bank opposite came a violet ball the size of a small orange. When it reached the sand beach it hovered along it to and fro close to the ground. In a few minutes another ball of similarly coloured light came towards it from behind one of the islets, and the two waver to and fro over the beach, sometimes circling round each other. I made off towards them in the canoe, thinking - as I still do - they were some brand new kind of luminous insect. When I got on to their beach one of them went off into the bushes and the other away over the water. I followed in the canoe, for the water here is very deep, and, when I almost thought I had got it, it went down into the water and I could see it glowing as it sunk until it vanished in the depths. I made my way back hastily, fearing my absence with the canoe might give rise, if discovered, to trouble, and by 3.30 I was back in the hut safe, but not so comfortable as I had been on the lake. A little before five my men are stirring and I get my tea. I do not state my escapade to them, but ask what those lights were. “Akom,” said the Fan, and pointing to the shore of the lake where I had been during the night they said, “they came there, it was an ‘Aku’” - or devil bush. More than ever did I regret not having secured one of those sort of two phenomena. What a joy a real devil, appropriately put up in raw alcohol, would have been to my scientific friends!
While I was on this hunt, I felt the ground shake under my feet and heard a soft, rustling sound. When I looked around, I realized I had stumbled upon a hippopotamus feast. I spotted five huge hippos nearby, so I quietly went back to my canoe and paddled away, moving along the shore underwater until I thought it was safe to cross the lake back to my island. I reached the part of the island where the village is located and found a small rocky bay with a nice patch of sand and no pesky hippo grass. The events at the Fan hut made me think it would be a good idea to take a bath. Plus, there was no fancy china there, and it would be a while before I got another chance, so I went ashore again. I carefully checked the area to make sure there were no people around before I enjoyed a peaceful wash. Drying off with my cummerbund isn’t exactly bliss, but it can be done if you focus. As I was finishing up, I saw something unusual. A violet ball, about the size of a small orange, floated down through the forest from the opposite side of the lake. When it reached the sandy beach, it hovered back and forth close to the ground. A few minutes later, another ball of the same color appeared, coming from behind one of the islets, and the two of them swayed over the beach, sometimes circling each other. I paddled toward them in my canoe, thinking—still believing—they were some new kind of glowing insect. When I got to the beach, one of the balls darted into the bushes while the other floated away over the water. I followed in my canoe since the water was quite deep, and just when I thought I was close enough to catch it, it sank below the surface, glowing as it disappeared into the depths. I hurried back, worried that my absence with the canoe might lead to trouble if I was discovered, and by 3:30, I was back in the hut safe, though not as comfortable as I had been on the lake. A little before five, my men started moving around, and I got my tea. I didn’t mention my adventure to them but asked what those lights were. “Akom,” replied the Fan, pointing to the lake shore where I had been the night before and said, “they came from there, it was an ‘Aku’”—or devil bush. I regretted even more not having caught one of those phenomena. How exciting it would have been to present a real devil, properly preserved in raw alcohol, to my scientific friends!
Wednesday, July 24th. - We get away about 5.30, the Fans coming in a separate canoe. We call at the next island to M’fetta to buy some more aguma. The inhabitants are very much interested in my appearance, running along the stony beach as we paddle away, and standing at the end of it until we are out of sight among the many islands at the N.E. end of Lake Ncovi. The scenery is savage; there are no terrific cliffs nor towering mountains to make it what one usually calls wild or romantic, but there is a distinction about it which is all its own. This N.E. end has beautiful sand beaches on the southern side, in front of the forested bank, lying in smooth ribbons along the level shore, and in scollops round the promontories where the hills come down into the lake. The forest on these hills, or mountains - for they are part of the Sierra del Cristal - is very dark in colour, and the undergrowth seems scant. We presently come to a narrow but deep channel into the lake coming from the eastward, which we go up, winding our course with it into a valley between the hills. After going up it a little way we find it completely fenced across with stout stakes, a space being left open in the middle, broader than the spaces between the other stakes; and over this is poised a spear with a bush rope attached, and weighted at the top of the haft with a great lump of rock. The whole affair is kept in position by a bush rope so arranged just under the level of the water that anything passing through the opening would bring the spear down. This was a trap for hippo or manatee (Ngany ’imanga), and similar in structure to those one sees set in the hippo grass near villages and plantations, which serve the double purpose of defending the vegetable supply, and adding to the meat supply of the inhabitants. We squeeze through between the stakes so as not to let the trap off, and find our little river leads us into another lake, much smaller than Ncovi. It is studded with islands of fantastic shapes, all wooded with high trees of an equal level, and with little or no undergrowth among them, so their pale gray stems look like clusters of columns supporting a dark green ceiling. The forest comes down steep hill sides to the water edge in all directions; and a dark gloomy-looking herb grows up out of black slime and water, in a bank or ribbon in front of it. There is another channel out of this lake, still to the N.E. The Fans say they think it goes into the big lake far far away, i.e., Lake Ayzingo. From the look of the land, I think this river connecting Ayzingo and Lake Ncovi wanders down this valley between the mountain spurs of the Sierra del Cristal, expanding into one gloomy lake after another. We run our canoe into a bank of the dank dark-coloured water herb to the right, and disembark into a fitting introduction to the sort of country we shall have to deal with before we see the Rembwé - namely, up to our knees in black slime.
Wednesday, July 24th. - We set off around 5:30, with the Fans arriving in a separate canoe. We stop at the next island near M’fetta to buy more aguma. The locals are very curious about me, running along the rocky beach as we paddle away and standing at the end of it until we're out of sight among the many islands at the northeast corner of Lake Ncovi. The landscape is wild; while there aren’t any dramatic cliffs or towering mountains to create what you'd typically call a wild or romantic scene, it has a unique character all its own. This northeast area features beautiful sandy beaches on the southern side, in front of the tree-lined banks, laid out in smooth ribbons along the flat shore and scalloped around the points where the hills descend into the lake. The forest on these hills, or mountains—part of the Sierra del Cristal—is very dark in color, and the underbrush seems sparse. Soon, we come across a narrow but deep channel leading into the lake from the east. We follow it, winding our way into a valley between the hills. After traveling a bit further, we find it completely fenced off with sturdy stakes, leaving a wider gap in the middle than the spaces between the other stakes. Balanced over this gap is a spear connected to a bush rope, weighed down at the top with a large rock. The whole setup is secured by a bush rope arranged just beneath the water's surface so that anything passing through the opening would trigger the spear. This was a trap for hippos or manatees (Ngany ’imanga), similar to those set in the hippo grass near villages and plantations, which serve the dual purpose of protecting the vegetation and contributing to the meat supply for the locals. We carefully maneuver our way through the stakes to avoid triggering the trap and discover that our little river leads us into a smaller lake than Ncovi. This lake is dotted with islands of unusual shapes, all covered in tall trees of uniform height, with little or no underbrush among them, making their pale gray trunks resemble clusters of columns supporting a dark green roof. The forest descends steeply to the water's edge in every direction; dark, gloomy-looking plants rise from the black slime and water, forming a bank or ribbon in front of it. There’s another channel leading out of this lake, still to the northeast. The Fans believe it connects to the big lake far away, i.e., Lake Ayzingo. Judging by the land's appearance, I suspect this river linking Ayzingo and Lake Ncovi winds down this valley between the mountain spurs of the Sierra del Cristal, expanding into one dark lake after another. We guide our canoe into a bank of the murky, dark water plants to the right and step out, greeted by the kind of terrain we’ll have to navigate before reaching the Rembwé—specifically, up to our knees in black sludge.
CHAPTER VIII. FROM NCOVI TO ESOON.
Concerning the way in which the voyager goes from the island of M’fetta to no one knows exactly where, in doubtful and bad company, and of what this led to and giving also some accounts of the Great Forest and of those people that live therein.
About how the traveler leaves the island of M’fetta to a destination that no one knows for sure, in questionable and unreliable company, and what happened as a result, along with some stories about the Great Forest and the people who live there.
I will not bore you with my diary in detail regarding our land journey, because the water-washed little volume attributive to this period is mainly full of reports of law cases, for reasons hereinafter to be stated; and at night, when passing through this bit of country, I was usually too tired to do anything more than make an entry such as: “5 S., 4 R. A., N.E Ebony. T. 1-50, etc., etc.” - entries that require amplification to explain their significance, and I will proceed to explain.
I won't bore you with a detailed account of my diary from our journey on land, because the small water-damaged volume from this time is mostly filled with legal case reports, for reasons I’ll explain shortly. At night, while traveling through this area, I was usually too tired to write anything more than a notation like: “5 S., 4 R. A., N.E Ebony. T. 1-50, etc.” — notes that need further explanation to make sense, and I will go ahead and clarify.
Our first day’s march was a very long one. Path in the ordinary acceptance of the term there was none. Hour after hour, mile after mile, we passed on, in the under-gloom of the great forest. The pace made by the Fans, who are infinitely the most rapid Africans I have ever come across, severely tired the Ajumba, who are canoe men, and who had been as fresh as paint, after their exceedingly long day’s paddling from Arevooma to M’fetta. Ngouta, the Igalwa interpreter, felt pumped, and said as much, very early in the day. I regretted very much having brought him; for, from a mixture of nervous exhaustion arising from our M’fetta experiences, and a touch of chill he had almost entirely lost his voice, and I feared would fall sick. The Fans were evidently quite at home in the forest, and strode on over fallen trees and rocks with an easy, graceful stride. What saved us weaklings was the Fans’ appetites; every two hours they sat down, and had a snack of a pound or so of meat and aguma apiece, followed by a pipe of tobacco. We used to come up with them at these halts. Ngouta and the Ajumba used to sit down, and rest with them, and I also, for a few minutes, for a rest and chat, and then I would go on alone, thus getting a good start. I got a good start, in the other meaning of the word, on the afternoon of the first day when descending into a ravine.
Our first day's march was really long. There was no real path, as you'd typically think of one. Hour after hour, mile after mile, we moved through the dim light of the great forest. The Fans, who are by far the quickest Africans I've ever encountered, completely wore out the Ajumba, who are canoeists and had been fresh as a daisy after their incredibly long day paddling from Arevooma to M’fetta. Ngouta, the Igalwa interpreter, felt exhausted and said so early in the day. I regretted bringing him along; he had nearly lost his voice due to a mix of nervous exhaustion from our experiences in M’fetta and a slight chill, and I worried he might get sick. The Fans clearly felt at home in the forest, moving over fallen trees and rocks with an easy, graceful stride. What saved us weaklings was the Fans' appetite; every two hours, they would stop for a snack of about a pound or so of meat and aguma each, followed by a puff on their pipes. We would catch up with them during these breaks. Ngouta and the Ajumba would rest with them, and I would join for a few minutes to relax and chat, then I’d continue on my own, allowing me to gain a nice lead. I really got a head start in another sense of the word that afternoon on the first day when we were going down into a ravine.
I saw in the bottom, wading and rolling in the mud, a herd of five elephants. I remembered, hastily, that your one chance when charged by several elephants is to dodge them round trees, working down wind all the time, until they lose smell and sight of you, then to lie quiet for a time, and go home. It was evident from the utter unconcern of these monsters that I was down wind now, so I had only to attend to dodging, and I promptly dodged round a tree, and lay down. Seeing they still displayed no emotion on my account, and fascinated by the novelty of the scene, I crept forward from one tree to another, until I was close enough to have hit the nearest one with a stone, and spats of mud, which they sent flying with their stamping and wallowing came flap, flap among the bushes covering me.
I saw a herd of five elephants at the bottom, splashing around in the mud. I quickly remembered that if several elephants charge at you, your best bet is to dodge around trees, staying downwind the whole time, until they lose your scent and sight, and then just stay quiet for a while before heading home. It was clear from how completely indifferent these giants were that I was downwind, so I just had to focus on dodging. I quickly moved around a tree and lay down. Since they still seemed unbothered by my presence and I was intrigued by the unusual scene, I crept from one tree to another, getting close enough to have hit the nearest one with a stone, while the splashes of mud they kicked up with their stomping and rolling came flying among the bushes, covering me.
One big fellow had a nice pair of 40 lb. or so tusks on him, singularly straight, and another had one big curved tusk and one broken one. Some of them lay right down like pigs in the deeper part of the swamp, some drew up trunkfuls of water and syringed themselves and each other, and every one of them indulged in a good rub against a tree. Presently when they had had enough of it they all strolled off up wind, through the bush in Indian file, now and then breaking off a branch, but leaving singularly little dead water for their tonnage and breadth of beam. When they had gone I rose up, turned round to find the men, and trod on Kiva’s back then and there, full and fair, and fell sideways down the steep hillside until I fetched up among some roots.
One big guy had a nice pair of tusks that weighed about 40 pounds each, perfectly straight, while another had one big curved tusk and one that was broken. Some of them sprawled out like pigs in the deeper part of the swamp, some scooped up trunkfuls of water and sprayed themselves and each other, and each one enjoyed a good rub against a tree. Eventually, after they had their fill, they all wandered off upwind, through the bushes in a single file, occasionally breaking off a branch, but leaving surprisingly little muddy water considering their size and bulk. Once they left, I got up, turned around to find the men, and accidentally stepped on Kiva’s back right then and there, falling sideways down the steep hillside until I landed among some roots.
It seems Kiva had come on, after his meal, before the others, and seeing the elephants, and being a born hunter, had crawled like me down to look at them. He had not expected to find me there, he said. I do not believe he gave a thought of any sort to me in the presence of these fascinating creatures, and so he got himself trodden on. I suggested to him we should pile the baggage, and go and have an elephant hunt. He shook his head reluctantly, saying “Kor, kor,” like a depressed rook, and explained we were not strong enough; there were only three Fans - the Ajumba, and Ngouta did not count - and moreover that we had not brought sufficient ammunition owing to the baggage having to be carried, and the ammunition that we had must be saved for other game than elephant, for we might meet war before we met the Rembwé River.
It seems Kiva had come out after his meal, ahead of the others, and seeing the elephants, and being a natural hunter, had crawled like I did to get a closer look. He said he didn’t expect to find me there. I don't think he gave me a second thought with those captivating creatures around, and that's how he ended up getting stepped on. I suggested we stack our gear and go on an elephant hunt. He shook his head reluctantly, saying “Kor, kor,” like a sad rook, and explained that we weren’t strong enough; there were only three Fans - the Ajumba, and Ngouta didn’t count - and also that we hadn’t brought enough ammo since we had to carry our gear, and the ammo we did have needed to be saved for smaller game, in case we ran into trouble before reaching the Rembwé River.
We had by now joined the rest of the party, and were all soon squattering about on our own account in the elephant bath. It was shocking bad going - like a ploughed field exaggerated by a terrific nightmare. It pretty nearly pulled all the legs off me, and to this hour I cannot tell you if it is best to put your foot into a footmark - a young pond, I mean - about the size of the bottom of a Madeira work arm-chair, or whether you should poise yourself on the rim of the same, and stride forward to its other bank boldly and hopefully. The footmarks and the places where the elephants had been rolling were by now filled with water, and the mud underneath was in places hard and slippery. In spite of my determination to preserve an awesome and unmoved calm while among these dangerous savages, I had to give way and laugh explosively; to see the portly, powerful Pagan suddenly convert himself into a quadruped, while Gray Shirt poised himself on one heel and waved his other leg in the air to advertise to the assembled nations that he was about to sit down, was irresistible. No one made such palaver about taking a seat as Gray Shirt; I did it repeatedly without any fuss to speak of. That lordly elephant-hunter, the Great Wiki, would, I fancy, have strode over safely and with dignity, but the man who was in front of him spun round on his own axis and flung his arms round the Fan, and they went to earth together; the heavy load on Wiki’s back drove them into the mud like a pile-driver. However we got through in time, and after I had got up the other side of the ravine I saw the Fan let the Ajumba go on, and were busy searching themselves for something.
We had now joined the rest of the group, and soon enough we were all scrambling about in the elephant bath. It was an awful mess - like a plowed field made worse by a terrible nightmare. It nearly pulled all my legs off, and to this day I can’t tell you if it’s better to step into a footprint - a small puddle, I mean - about the size of the bottom of a Madeira armchair, or if you should balance yourself on the edge and boldly stride to the other side. The footprints and spots where the elephants had been rolling were now filled with water, and the mud underneath was hard and slippery in places. Despite my determination to maintain a serious and calm demeanor among these dangerous savages, I couldn’t help but burst out laughing; seeing the stout, powerful Pagan suddenly turn into a four-legged creature, while Gray Shirt balanced on one heel and waved his other leg in the air to announce to everyone that he was about to sit down, was just too much. No one made a big fuss about sitting down like Gray Shirt did; I did it repeatedly without much of a fuss. That noble elephant hunter, the Great Wiki, I imagine, could have crossed safely and with dignity, but the man in front of him spun around and wrapped his arms around Fan, and they both went down together; the heavy load on Wiki’s back drove them into the mud like a pile driver. However, we managed to get through in time, and after I climbed up the other side of the ravine, I saw the Fan let the Ajumba go on and they were busy looking for something.
I followed the Ajumba, and before I joined them felt a fearful pricking irritation. Investigation of the affected part showed a tick of terrific size with its head embedded in the flesh; pursuing this interesting subject, I found three more, and had awfully hard work to get them off and painful too for they give one not only a feeling of irritation at their holding-on place, but a streak of rheumatic-feeling pain up from it. On completing operations I went on and came upon the Ajumba in a state more approved of by Praxiteles than by the general public nowadays. They had found out about elephant ticks, so I went on and got an excellent start for the next stage.
I followed the Ajumba, and before I joined them, I felt a sharp, irritating prick. Checking the affected area, I discovered a huge tick with its head stuck in my skin. While dealing with this, I found three more ticks, and it was really tough to get them off. It was painful too, because they don’t just cause irritation where they're attached, but also create a painful, rheumatic-like ache that radiates from that spot. Once I finished removing them, I moved on and found the Ajumba in a way that would be more appreciated by Praxiteles than by the general public today. They had figured out about elephant ticks, so I continued on, ready to tackle the next stage.
By this time, shortly after noon on the first day, we had struck into a mountainous and rocky country, and also struck a track - a track you had to keep your eye on or you lost it in a minute, but still a guide as to direction.
By now, just after noon on the first day, we had entered a mountainous and rocky area and found a path—a path you had to constantly watch or you would lose it in a minute, but it still helped us know which way to go.
The forest trees here were mainly ebony and great hard wood trees, {200} with no palms save my old enemy the climbing palm, calamus, as usual, going on its long excursions, up one tree and down another, bursting into a plume of fronds, and in the middle of each plume one long spike sticking straight up, which was an unopened frond, whenever it got a gleam of sunshine; running along the ground over anything it meets, rock or fallen timber, all alike, its long, dark-coloured, rope-like stem simply furred with thorns. Immense must be the length of some of these climbing palms. One tree I noticed that day that had hanging from its summit, a good one hundred and fifty feet above us, a long straight ropelike palm stem.
The trees in the forest here were mostly ebony and large hardwoods, {200} with no palms except for my old foe, the climbing palm, calamus, as usual, going on its long travels, up one tree and down another, bursting into a plume of fronds, and in the middle of each plume was a long spike sticking straight up, which was an unopened frond, whenever it caught a bit of sunshine; running along the ground over anything it encountered, rock or fallen timber, all alike, its long, dark, rope-like stem just covered with thorns. Immense must be the length of some of these climbing palms. One tree I noticed that day had hanging from its top, a good one hundred and fifty feet above us, a long straight rope-like palm stem.
The character of the whole forest was very interesting. Sometimes for hours we passed among thousands upon thousands of gray-white columns of uniform height (about 100-150 feet); at the top of these the boughs branched out and interlaced among each other, forming a canopy or ceiling, which dimmed the light even of the equatorial sun to such an extent that no undergrowth could thrive in the gloom. The statement of the struggle for existence was published here in plain figures, but it was not, as in our climate, a struggle against climate mainly, but an internecine war from over population. Now and again we passed among vast stems of buttressed trees, sometimes enormous in girth; and from their far-away summits hung great bush-ropes, some as straight as plumb lines, others coiled round, and intertwined among each other, until one could fancy one was looking on some mighty battle between armies of gigantic serpents, that had been arrested at its height by some magic spell. All these bush-ropes were as bare of foliage as a ship’s wire rigging, but a good many had thorns. I was very curious as to how they got up straight, and investigation showed me that many of them were carried up with a growing tree. The only true climbers were the calamus and the rubber vine (Landolphia), both of which employ hook tackle.
The whole forest was extremely fascinating. For hours, we wandered among thousands of gray-white columns that stood at a uniform height of about 100-150 feet. At the top, the branches spread out and wove together, creating a canopy that dimmed even the equatorial sun to the point that no undergrowth could grow in the shadows. The concept of the struggle for survival was evident here in stark numbers, but unlike in our climate, it wasn’t mainly a battle against the weather; it was a brutal conflict due to overpopulation. Occasionally, we passed by massive buttressed trees, some with enormous trunks. From their distant heights hung thick vines, some as straight as plumb lines, others coiled and tangled with one another, making it seem like we were witnessing a colossal battle between giant snakes, frozen in time by some magical force. All these vines were as bare of leaves as a ship's wire rigging, though many had thorns. I was curious about how they managed to grow straight up, and my investigation revealed that many were lifted alongside a growing tree. The only true climbers were the calamus and the rubber vine (Landolphia), both of which used hook tackles.
Some stretches of this forest were made up of thin, spindly stemmed trees of great height, and among these stretches I always noticed the ruins of some forest giant, whose death by lightning or by his superior height having given the demoniac tornado wind an extra grip on him, had allowed sunlight to penetrate the lower regions of the forest; and then evidently the seedlings and saplings, who had for years been living a half-starved life for light, shot up. They seemed to know that their one chance lay in getting with the greatest rapidity to the level of the top of the forest. No time to grow fat in the stem. No time to send out side branches, or any of those vanities. Up, up to the light level, and he among them who reached it first won in this game of life or death; for when he gets there he spreads out his crown of upper branches, and shuts off the life-giving sunshine from his competitors, who pale off and die, or remain dragging on an attenuated existence waiting for another chance, and waiting sometimes for centuries. There must be tens of thousands of seeds which perish before they get their chance; but the way the seeds of the hard wood African trees are packed, as it were in cases specially made durable, is very wonderful. Indeed the ways of Providence here are wonderful in their strange dual intention to preserve and to destroy; but on the whole, as Peer Gynt truly observes, “Ein guter Wirth - nein das ist er nicht.”
Some areas of this forest were filled with tall, thin trees, and among these spots, I always noticed the remains of some forest giant, whose death—either by lightning or by being so tall that the fierce tornado winds had a stronger grip on him—allowed sunlight to reach the lower parts of the forest. In turn, seedlings and small trees that had been struggling for light for years shot up. They seemed to understand that their one chance lay in quickly reaching the top of the forest. There was no time to grow thick stems or send out side branches, or indulge in any of those distractions. Up, up to the light, and the one who got there first won in this life-or-death struggle; because once they reached the light, they spread their upper branches and blocked the life-giving sunshine from their competitors, leaving them to fade away and die or struggle on in a thin, weak state, sometimes waiting for another opportunity for centuries. There must be tens of thousands of seeds that perish before they get their chance, but the way the seeds of hard wood African trees are packed—almost like they are in specially designed durable cases—is truly amazing. Indeed, the ways of Providence here are remarkable in their strange dual purpose to preserve and to destroy; but overall, as Peer Gynt rightly observes, “Ein guter Wirth - nein das ist er nicht.”
We saw this influence of light on a large scale as soon as we reached the open hills and mountains of the Sierra del Cristal, and had to pass over those fearful avalanche-like timber falls on their steep sides. The worst of these lay between Efoua and Egaja, where we struck a part of the range that was exposed to the south-east. These falls had evidently arisen from the tornados, which from time to time have hurled down the gigantic trees whose hold on the superficial soil over the sheets of hard bed rock was insufficient, in spite of all the anchors they had out in the shape of roots and buttresses, and all their rigging in the shape of bush ropes. Down they had come, crushing and dragging down with them those near them or bound to them by the great tough climbers.
We noticed the impact of light on a grand scale as soon as we got to the open hills and mountains of the Sierra del Cristal, especially when we had to navigate those terrifying avalanche-like timber falls on their steep slopes. The worst of these were located between Efoua and Egaja, where we encountered a section of the range that faced southeast. These timber falls were clearly caused by the tornadoes that periodically uprooted the massive trees, which lacked adequate anchor in the loose soil over the hard bedrock, despite their extensive roots and buttresses, and all the support they had from the climbing plants. Down they fell, crushing and dragging along with them those nearby or connected to them by the strong vines.
Getting over these falls was perilous, not to say scratchy work. One or another member of our party always went through; and precious uncomfortable going it was, I found, when I tried it in one above Egaja; ten or twelve feet of crashing creaking timber, and then flump on to a lot of rotten, wet débris, with more snakes and centipedes among it than you had any immediate use for, even though you were a collector; but there you had to stay, while Wiki, who was a most critical connoisseur, selected from the surrounding forest a bush-rope that he regarded as the correct remedy for the case, and then up you were hauled, through the sticks you had turned the wrong way on your down journey.
Getting across these falls was dangerous and quite a rough experience. One or another member of our group always ended up going through it, and I realized just how uncomfortable it was when I tried it above Egaja; I fell through ten or twelve feet of crashing, creaking timber and then landed hard on a pile of rotten, wet débris, with more snakes and centipedes in it than anyone would want, even if you were a collector. But there you had to wait while Wiki, who was very particular about his choices, picked a bush-rope from the nearby forest that he thought would be the right solution for the situation, and then you were pulled back up through the branches you had knocked out of place on your way down.
The Duke had a bad fall, going twenty feet or so before he found the rubbish heap; while Fika, who went through with a heavy load on his back, took us, on one occasion, half an hour to recover; and when we had just got him to the top, and able to cling on to the upper sticks, Wiki, who had been superintending operations, slipped backwards, and went through on his own account. The bush-rope we had been hauling on was too worn with the load to use again, and we just hauled Wiki out with the first one we could drag down and cut; and Wiki, when he came up, said we were reckless, and knew nothing of bush ropes, which shows how ungrateful an African can be. It makes the perspiration run down my nose whenever I think of it. The sun was out that day; we were neatly situated on the Equator, and the air was semisolid, with the stinking exhalations from the swamps with which the mountain chain is fringed and intersected; and we were hot enough without these things, because of the violent exertion of getting these twelve to thirteen-stone gentlemen up among us again, and the fine varied exercise of getting over the fall on our own account.
The Duke took a nasty tumble, falling about twenty feet before landing in a pile of junk; meanwhile, Fika, who was carrying a heavy load on his back, took us half an hour to get back to normal after one incident. Just when we finally helped him to the top so he could grip the upper branches, Wiki, who had been overseeing everything, lost his balance and fell back down himself. The bush-rope we had been using was too worn out to use again, so we just pulled Wiki out with the first one we could drag down and cut. When he came back up, he said we were reckless and didn't know anything about bush ropes, which just shows how ungrateful some people can be. It makes the sweat run down my nose whenever I think about it. The sun was shining that day; we were right on the Equator, and the air felt thick with the foul smells from the swamps surrounding the mountain range. We were already hot enough from the intense effort of hoisting those twelve to thirteen-stone guys back up, along with the physical challenge of getting over the fall ourselves.
When we got into the cool forest beyond it was delightful; particularly if it happened to be one of those lovely stretches of forest, gloomy down below, but giving hints that far away above us was a world of bloom and scent and beauty which we saw as much of as earth-worms in a flower-bed. Here and there the ground was strewn with great cast blossoms, thick, wax-like, glorious cups of orange and crimson and pure white, each one of which was in itself a handful, and which told us that some of the trees around us were showing a glory of colour to heaven alone. Sprinkled among them were bunches of pure stephanotis-like flowers, which said that the gaunt bush-ropes were rubber vines that had burst into flower when they had seen the sun. These flowers we came across in nearly every type of forest all the way, for rubber abounds here.
When we entered the cool forest beyond, it was amazing; especially if it was one of those beautiful patches of woodland, dark below but hinting that far above us was a world filled with flowers, scents, and beauty that we could see as much of as earthworms in a flowerbed. Here and there, the ground was scattered with large fallen blossoms, thick, waxy, stunning cups of orange, crimson, and pure white, each one a handful, revealing that some of the trees around us were showcasing a glorious display of color just for the sky. Mixed in among them were clusters of pure stephanotis-like blooms, indicating that the tall bush vines were rubber plants that had burst into flower upon seeing the sun. We found these flowers in nearly every type of forest all along the way because rubber is abundant here.
I will weary you no longer now with the different kinds of forest and only tell you I have let you off several. The natives have separate names for seven different kinds, and these might, I think, be easily run up to nine.
I won't bore you any longer with the various types of forest and will just mention that I've spared you from several. The locals have distinct names for seven different types, and I believe they could easily extend to nine.
A certain sort of friendship soon arose between the Fans and me. We each recognised that we belonged to that same section of the human race with whom it is better to drink than to fight. We knew we would each have killed the other, if sufficient inducement were offered, and so we took a certain amount of care that the inducement should not arise. Gray Shirt and Pagan also, their trade friends, the Fans treated with an independent sort of courtesy; but Silence, Singlet, the Passenger, and above all Ngouta, they openly did not care a row of pins for, and I have small doubt that had it not been for us other three they would have killed and eaten these very amiable gentlemen with as much compunction as an English sportsman would kill as many rabbits. They on their part hated the Fan, and never lost an opportunity of telling me “these Fan be bad man too much.” I must not forget to mention the other member of our party, a Fan gentleman with the manners of a duke and the habits of a dustbin. He came with us, quite uninvited by me, and never asked for any pay; I think he only wanted to see the fun, and drop in for a fight if there was one going on, and to pick up the pieces generally. He was evidently a man of some importance from the way the others treated him; and moreover he had a splendid gun, with a gorilla skin sheath for its lock, and ornamented all over its stock with brass nails. His costume consisted of a small piece of dirty rag round his loins; and whenever we were going through dense undergrowth, or wading a swamp, he wore that filament tucked up scandalously short. Whenever we were sitting down in the forest having one of our nondescript meals, he always sat next to me and appropriated the tin. Then he would fill his pipe, and turning to me with the easy grace of aristocracy, would say what may be translated as “My dear Princess, could you favour me with a lucifer?”
A certain kind of friendship quickly formed between the Fans and me. We each recognized that we were part of that same type of humanity for whom drinking is preferable to fighting. We knew we would have killed each other if given enough incentive, so we made sure that incentive didn’t come up. Gray Shirt and Pagan, also friends of the Fans, were treated with a kind of casual courtesy; but Silence, Singlet, the Passenger, and especially Ngouta, the Fans didn’t care at all for, and I have little doubt that if it weren’t for the three of us, they would have killed and eaten these very amiable gentlemen without a second thought, just like an English sportsman would slaughter a bunch of rabbits. The others, for their part, hated the Fans and never missed a chance to tell me, “These Fans are really bad people.” I can’t forget to mention the other member of our group, a Fan gentleman who had the manners of a duke but the habits of a trash can. He came with us, completely uninvited by me, and never asked for any payment; I think he was just there to enjoy the chaos, jump in for a fight if one broke out, and generally scavenge what he could. He clearly held some importance given how the others treated him; plus, he had a fantastic gun, with a gorilla skin cover for its lock, decorated all over its stock with brass nails. His outfit consisted of a small piece of dirty rag around his waist, and whenever we were pushing through thick underbrush or crossing a swamp, he wore that rag scandalously short. Whenever we were sitting in the forest having one of our random meals, he always sat next to me and took the tin. Then he would fill his pipe and, turning to me with the effortless elegance of someone from the upper class, would say something that could be translated as, “My dear Princess, could you please pass me a match?”
I used to say, “My dear Duke, charmed, I’m sure,” and give him one ready lit.
I used to say, “My dear Duke, I’m sure you’re charming,” and give him one that was already lit.
I dared not trust him with the box whole, having a personal conviction that he would have kept it. I asked him what he would do suppose I was not there with a box of lucifers; and he produced a bush-cow’s horn with a neat wood lid tied on with tie tie, and from out of it he produced a flint and steel and demonstrated.
I didn’t trust him with the whole box because I believed he would’ve kept it. I asked him what he would do if I wasn’t there with a box of matches; and he showed me a buffalo horn with a nice wooden lid tied on with string, and from it, he took out a flint and steel and demonstrated.
The first day in the forest we came across a snake {205} - a beauty with a new red-brown and yellow-patterned velvety skin, about three feet six inches long and as thick as a man’s thigh. Ngouta met it, hanging from a bough, and shot backwards like a lobster, Ngouta having among his many weaknesses a rooted horror of snakes. This snake the Ogowé natives all hold in great aversion. For the bite of other sorts of snakes they profess to have remedies, but for this they have none. If, however, a native is stung by one he usually conceals the fact that it was this particular kind, and tries to get any chance the native doctor’s medicine may give. The Duke stepped forward and with one blow flattened its head against the tree with his gun butt, and then folded the snake up and got as much of it as possible into his bag, while the rest hung dangling out. Ngouta, not being able to keep ahead of the Duke, his Grace’s pace being stiff, went to the extreme rear of the party, so that other people might be killed first if the snake returned to life, as he surmised it would. He fell into other dangers from this caution, but I cannot chronicle Ngouta’s afflictions in full without running this book into an old fashioned folio size. We had the snake for supper, that is to say the Fan and I; the others would not touch it, although a good snake, properly cooked, is one of the best meats one gets out here, far and away better than the African fowl.
The first day in the forest, we stumbled upon a snake {205}—a stunning creature with new red-brown and yellow-patterned velvety skin, about three feet six inches long and as thick as a man's thigh. Ngouta encountered it hanging from a branch and jumped back like a startled lobster, as he had a deep fear of snakes. The Ogowé natives hold this snake in particular disdain. They claim to have remedies for bites from other snakes, but none for this one. If a native gets bitten by it, they usually hide the fact that it was this specific type and try to make the most of whatever remedies the local doctor can provide. The Duke stepped forward and with one swift blow smashed its head against the tree with his gun butt, then folded the snake and stuffed as much of it as he could into his bag, leaving some hanging out. Ngouta, unable to keep up with the Duke's brisk pace, lagged at the back of the group, preferring that others face danger first in case the snake came back to life, as he feared it would. He found himself in other dangers due to this caution, but I can't detail all of Ngouta’s troubles without turning this book into a lengthy tome. The Fan and I had the snake for dinner; the others wouldn’t touch it, despite the fact that a well-cooked snake is one of the best meats one can find out here, far superior to African fowl.
The Fans also did their best to educate me in every way: they told me their names for things, while I told them mine. I found several European words already slightly altered in use among them, such as “Amuck” - a mug, “Alas” - a glass, a tumbler. I do not know whether their “Ami” - a person addressed, or spoken of - is French or not. It may come from “Anwe” - M’pongwe for “Ye,” “You.” They use it as a rule in addressing a person after the phrase they always open up conversation with, “Azuna” - Listen, or I am speaking.
The Fans also did their best to educate me in every way: they shared their names for things, while I shared mine. I noticed several European words that had slightly changed in use among them, like “Amuck” for a mug and “Alas” for a glass or tumbler. I’m not sure if their “Ami,” used to address or refer to someone, is French or not. It might come from “Anwe,” which means “Ye” or “You” in M’pongwe. They usually use it when addressing someone after the phrase they always start their conversations with, “Azuna” - Listen, or I’m speaking.
They also showed me many things: how to light a fire from the pith of a certain tree, which was useful to me in after life, but they rather overdid this branch of instruction one way and another; for example, Wiki had, as above indicated, a mania for bush-ropes and a marvellous eye and knowledge of them; he would pick out from among the thousands surrounding us now one of such peculiar suppleness that you could wind it round anything, like a strip of cloth, and as strong withal as a hawser; or again another which has a certain stiffness, combined with a slight elastic spring, excellent for hauling, with the ease and accuracy of a lady who picks out the particular twisted strand of embroidery silk from a multi-coloured tangled ball. He would go into the bush after them while other people were resting, and particularly after the sort which, when split, is bright yellow, and very supple and excellent to tie round loads.
They also showed me a lot of things: how to start a fire using the pith from a specific tree, which became useful later in my life, but they really overdid this type of training in some ways. For instance, Wiki, as mentioned before, had a fascination with bush ropes and an incredible knowledge of them; he could pick out from the thousands around us one that was so uniquely flexible you could wrap it around anything, like a piece of cloth, and it was as strong as a thick rope. Another one he would find had a certain stiffness combined with a slight elastic spring, making it perfect for hauling, with the same ease and precision as a lady selecting a specific twisted strand of embroidery thread from a mess of colorful tangles. He would go into the bush for them while others were resting, especially looking for the type that, when split, is bright yellow, very flexible, and great for tying around loads.
On one occasion, between Egaja and Esoon, he came back from one of these quests and wanted me to come and see something, very quietly; I went, and we crept down into a rocky ravine, on the other side of which lay one of the outermost Egaja plantations. When we got to the edge of the cleared ground, we lay down, and wormed our way, with elaborate caution, among a patch of Koko; Wiki first, I following in his trail.
On one occasion, between Egaja and Esoon, he returned from one of these quests and wanted me to come see something, really quietly; I went, and we crept down into a rocky ravine, on the other side of which was one of the farthest Egaja plantations. When we reached the edge of the cleared land, we lay down and carefully moved through a patch of Koko; Wiki first, and I followed in his footsteps.
After about fifty yards of this, Wiki sank flat, and I saw before me some thirty yards off, busily employed in pulling down plantains, and other depredations, five gorillas: one old male, one young male, and three females. One of these had clinging to her a young fellow, with beautiful wavy black hair with just a kink in it. The big male was crouching on his haunches, with his long arms hanging down on either side, with the backs of his hands on the ground, the palms upwards. The elder lady was tearing to pieces and eating a pine-apple, while the others were at the plantains destroying more than they ate.
After about fifty yards of this, Wiki lay down flat, and I saw about thirty yards away five gorillas busy pulling down plantains and causing other destruction: one old male, one young male, and three females. One of the females had a young one clinging to her, with beautiful wavy black hair that had just a hint of kink. The big male was crouching on his haunches, with his long arms hanging down on either side, the backs of his hands on the ground, palms facing up. The older female was ripping apart a pineapple and eating it, while the others were focused on the plantains, ruining more than they actually consumed.
They kept up a sort of a whinnying, chattering noise, quite different from the sound I have heard gorillas give when enraged, or from the one you can hear them giving when they are what the natives call “dancing” at night. I noticed that their reach of arm was immense, and that when they went from one tree to another, they squattered across the open ground in a most inelegant style, dragging their long arms with the knuckles downwards. I should think the big male and female were over six feet each. The others would be from four to five. I put out my hand and laid it on Wiki’s gun to prevent him from firing, and he, thinking I was going to fire, gripped my wrist.
They made a sort of whinnying, chattering sound, completely different from the noise I’ve heard gorillas make when they’re angry, or from the sounds they make when the locals describe them as “dancing” at night. I observed that their arm reach was huge, and when they moved from one tree to another, they awkwardly crossed the open ground, dragging their long arms with their knuckles down. I would guess the large male and female were both over six feet tall. The others were probably between four to five feet. I reached out and placed my hand on Wiki’s gun to stop him from shooting, but he, thinking I was about to fire, grabbed my wrist.
I watched the gorillas with great interest for a few seconds, until I heard Wiki make a peculiar small sound, and looking at him saw his face was working in an awful way as he clutched his throat with his hand violently.
I watched the gorillas with great interest for a few seconds until I heard Wiki make a strange little sound. Looking at him, I saw his face contorting in a terrible way as he violently grabbed his throat with his hand.
Heavens! think I, this gentleman’s going to have a fit; it’s lost we are entirely this time. He rolled his head to and fro, and then buried his face into a heap of dried rubbish at the foot of a plantain stem, clasped his hands over it, and gave an explosive sneeze. The gorillas let go all, raised themselves up for a second, gave a quaint sound between a bark and a howl, and then the ladies and the young gentleman started home. The old male rose to his full height (it struck me at the time this was a matter of ten feet at least, but for scientific purposes allowance must be made for a lady’s emotions) and looked straight towards us, or rather towards where that sound came from. Wiki went off into a paroxysm of falsetto sneezes the like of which I have never heard; nor evidently had the gorilla, who doubtless thinking, as one of his black co-relatives would have thought, that the phenomenon favoured Duppy, went off after his family with a celerity that was amazing the moment he touched the forest, and disappeared as they had, swinging himself along through it from bough to bough, in a way that convinced me that, given the necessity of getting about in tropical forests, man has made a mistake in getting his arms shortened. I have seen many wild animals in their native wilds, but never have I seen anything to equal gorillas going through bush; it is a graceful, powerful, superbly perfect hand-trapeze performance. {208}
Oh no! I thought, this guy is about to have a fit; we’re completely lost this time. He rolled his head back and forth, then buried his face into a pile of dried debris at the base of a plantain stem, clasped his hands over it, and let out a huge sneeze. The gorillas dropped everything, stood up for a moment, made a strange sound that was a mix between a bark and a howl, and then the females and the young one headed home. The old male stood up to his full height (I estimated it was at least ten feet, but you have to consider a woman's emotions for accuracy) and looked directly at us, or more accurately, towards where that sound was coming from. Wiki went into a fit of high-pitched sneezes that I had never heard before; apparently, the gorilla hadn’t either. Thinking, as one of his dark cousins would have thought, that the noise was a signal for Duppy, he quickly followed his family the moment he entered the forest and vanished just like they did, swinging from branch to branch in a way that made me believe that, when it comes to navigating tropical forests, mankind has made a mistake by shortening our arms. I’ve seen many wild animals in their natural habitats, but nothing could compare to gorillas moving through the bush; it’s a graceful, powerful, and perfectly executed trapeze act. {208}
After this sporting adventure, we returned, as I usually return from a sporting adventure, without measurements or the body.
After this sports adventure, we came back, just like I always do after a sports adventure, without any measurements or the body.
Our first day’s march, though the longest, was the easiest, though, providentially I did not know this at the time. From my Woermann road walks I judge it was well twenty-five miles. It was easiest however, from its lying for the greater part of the way through the gloomy type of forest. All day long we never saw the sky once.
Our first day's hike, even though it was the longest, was the easiest, though I didn’t realize that at the time. From my walks on the Woermann road, I estimate it was about twenty-five miles. It was easier because most of the route went through a dark, dense forest. We didn’t see the sky at all all day.
The earlier part of the day we were steadily going up hill, here and there making a small descent, and then up again, until we came on to what was apparently a long ridge, for on either side of us we could look down into deep, dark, ravine-like valleys. Twice or thrice we descended into these to cross them, finding at their bottom a small or large swamp with a river running through its midst. Those rivers all went to Lake Ayzingo.
The earlier part of the day, we were consistently heading uphill, occasionally making small descents before going back up again, until we reached what looked like a long ridge. On either side, we could see deep, dark, ravine-like valleys. A couple of times, we went down into these valleys to cross them, discovering a small or large swamp at the bottom with a river flowing through the middle. All those rivers led to Lake Ayzingo.
We had to hurry because Kiva, who was the only one among us who had been to Efoua, said that unless we did we should not reach Efoua that night. I said, “Why not stay for bush?” not having contracted any love for a night in a Fan town by the experience of M’fetta; moreover the Fans were not sure that after all the whole party of us might not spend the evening at Efoua, when we did get there, simmering in its cooking-pots.
We had to rush because Kiva, the only one of us who had been to Efoua, warned that if we didn't, we wouldn’t get there that night. I suggested, “Why not stay for bush?” since I hadn’t developed any fondness for spending a night in a Fan town after what happened in M’fetta; plus, the Fans were unsure that our entire group wouldn't end up spending the evening at Efoua, once we finally arrived, simmering in its cooking pots.
Ngouta, I may remark, had no doubt on the subject at all, and regretted having left Mrs. N. keenly, and the Andande store sincerely. But these Fans are a fine sporting tribe, and allowed they would risk it; besides, they were almost certain they had friends at Efoua; and, in addition, they showed me trees scratched in a way that was magnification of the condition of my own cat’s pet table leg at home, demonstrating leopards in the vicinity. I kept going, as it was my only chance, because I found I stiffened if I sat down, and they always carefully told me the direction to go in when they sat down; with their superior pace they soon caught me up, and then passed me, leaving me and Ngouta and sometimes Singlet and Pagan behind, we, in our turn, overtaking them, with this difference that they were sitting down when we did so.
Ngouta, I should mention, had no doubts about the situation and deeply regretted leaving Mrs. N. and the Andande store. But the Fans are an adventurous group, and they were willing to take the risk; besides, they were pretty sure they had friends in Efoua. They also pointed out trees marked in a way that reminded me of my cat's scratched table leg at home, indicating that leopards were nearby. I kept moving since it was my only option; I realized I got stiff if I sat down. They always made sure to tell me the direction to go when they did sit down. With their faster pace, they soon caught up with me and then passed by, leaving Ngouta, Singlet, Pagan, and me behind. We would eventually catch up with them, but they were already seated when we did.
About five o’clock I was off ahead and noticed a path which I had been told I should meet with, and, when met with, I must follow. The path was slightly indistinct, but by keeping my eye on it I could see it. Presently I came to a place where it went out, but appeared again on the other side of a clump of underbush fairly distinctly. I made a short cut for it and the next news was I was in a heap, on a lot of spikes, some fifteen feet or so below ground level, at the bottom of a bag-shaped game pit.
About five o’clock, I headed out ahead and noticed a path that I had been told to look for, and once I found it, I had to follow it. The path was a bit unclear, but I could see it if I kept my eyes on it. Soon, I reached a point where it disappeared, but it showed up again on the other side of a thicket quite clearly. I took a shortcut towards it, and the next thing I knew, I was in a pile, on a bunch of spikes, about fifteen feet below ground level, at the bottom of a bag-shaped game pit.
It is at these times you realise the blessing of a good thick skirt. Had I paid heed to the advice of many people in England, who ought to have known better, and did not do it themselves, and adopted masculine garments, I should have been spiked to the bone, and done for. Whereas, save for a good many bruises, here I was with the fulness of my skirt tucked under me, sitting on nine ebony spikes some twelve inches long, in comparative comfort, howling lustily to be hauled out. The Duke came along first, and looked down at me. I said, “Get a bush-rope, and haul me out.” He grunted and sat down on a log. The Passenger came next, and he looked down. “You kill?” says he. “Not much,” say I; “get a bush-rope and haul me out.” “No fit,” says he, and sat down on the log. Presently, however, Kiva and Wiki came up, and Wiki went and selected the one and only bush-rope suitable to haul an English lady, of my exact complexion, age, and size, out of that one particular pit. They seemed rare round there from the time he took; and I was just casting about in my mind as to what method would be best to employ in getting up the smooth, yellow, sandy-clay, incurved walls, when he arrived with it, and I was out in a twinkling, and very much ashamed of myself, until Silence, who was then leading, disappeared through the path before us with a despairing yell. Each man then pulled the skin cover off his gun lock, carefully looked to see if things there were all right and ready loosened his knife in its snake-skin sheath; and then we set about hauling poor Silence out, binding him up where necessary with cool green leaves; for he, not having a skirt, had got a good deal frayed at the edges on those spikes. Then we closed up, for the Fans said these pits were symptomatic of the immediate neighbourhood of Efoua. We sounded our ground, as we went into a thick plantain patch, through which we could see a great clearing in the forest, and the low huts of a big town. We charged into it, going right through the guard-house gateway, at one end, in single file, as its narrowness obliged us, and into the street-shaped town, and formed ourselves into as imposing a looking party as possible in the centre of the street. The Efouerians regarded us with much amazement, and the women and children cleared off into the huts, and took stock of us through the door-holes. There were but few men in the town, the majority, we subsequently learnt, being away after elephants. But there were quite sufficient left to make a crowd in a ring round us. Fortunately Wiki and Kiva’s friends were present, and as a result of the confabulation, one of the chiefs had his house cleared out for me. It consisted of two apartments almost bare of everything save a pile of boxes, and a small fire on the floor, some little bags hanging from the roof poles, and a general supply of insects. The inner room contained nothing save a hard plank, raised on four short pegs from the earth floor.
It’s in these moments that you appreciate the value of a good thick skirt. If I had listened to the advice of many in England, who should have known better but didn’t follow it themselves, and had worn men’s clothing, I would have been impaled and done for. Instead, aside from a lot of bruises, there I was with the fullness of my skirt tucked underneath me, sitting on nine ebony spikes about twelve inches long, in relative comfort, howling loudly to be pulled out. The Duke was the first to come by and looked down at me. I said, “Get a bush-rope and pull me out.” He grunted and sat down on a log. The Passenger arrived next and looked down. “You hurt?” he asked. “Not much,” I replied; “get a bush-rope and pull me out.” “Not fit,” he said, and sat down on the log. Eventually, Kiva and Wiki showed up, and Wiki went off and found the only bush-rope suitable for getting an English lady of my exact complexion, age, and size out of that specific pit. They seemed pretty rare there, judging by how long it took; I was just thinking about how best to climb up the smooth, yellow, sandy-clay, sloping walls when he brought it, and I was pulled out in a flash, feeling very embarrassed until Silence, who was leading, disappeared down the path with a desperate yell. Each man then removed the skin cover off his gun lock, checked to make sure everything was ready, and loosened his knife in its snake-skin sheath. Then we set about rescuing poor Silence, wrapping him up where needed with cool green leaves; since he didn’t have a skirt, he was quite roughed up by those spikes. Then we tightened up, because the Fans mentioned that these pits indicated that we were close to Efoua. We scouted our surroundings as we moved into a dense patch of plantains, through which we could see a large clearing in the forest and the low huts of a big town. We charged right into it, going through the guard-house gateway at one end, in single file, because of its narrowness, and into the town shaped like a street, where we formed as impressive a group as we could in the center of the street. The Efouerians stared at us in shock, and the women and children scampered into the huts, peeking at us through the doorways. There were only a few men in town; we later learned that most of them were off hunting elephants. But there were enough around to make a crowd in a ring around us. Luckily, Wiki and Kiva’s friends were there, and as a result of the discussion, one of the chiefs had his house cleared out for me. It had two rooms that were almost empty, except for a pile of boxes, a small fire on the floor, some little bags hanging from the roof beams, and a general supply of insects. The inner room had nothing except a hard plank raised on four short pegs above the dirt floor.
I shook hands with and thanked the chief, and directed that all the loads should be placed inside the huts. I must admit my good friend was a villainous-looking savage, but he behaved most hospitably and kindly. From what I had heard of the Fan, I deemed it advisable not to make any present to him at once, but to base my claim on him on the right of an amicable stranger to hospitality. When I had seen all the baggage stowed I went outside and sat at the doorway on a rather rickety mushroom-shaped stool in the cool evening air, waiting for my tea which I wanted bitterly. Pagan came up as usual for tobacco to buy chop with; and after giving it to him, I and the two chiefs, with Gray Shirt acting as interpreter, had a long chat. Of course the first question was, Why was I there?
I shook hands with and thanked the chief, and instructed that all the loads should be put inside the huts. I have to admit my good friend looked like a pretty villainous savage, but he was very hospitable and kind. Based on what I had heard about the Fan, I thought it was wise not to give him a gift right away, but to claim my right to hospitality as a friendly stranger. After I saw all the baggage stored away, I went outside and sat at the doorway on a somewhat wobbly, mushroom-shaped stool in the cool evening air, waiting for my tea, which I desperately wanted. Pagan came by as usual to get tobacco for buying food; after giving it to him, the two chiefs and I, with Gray Shirt acting as the interpreter, had a long conversation. Of course, the first question was, Why was I there?
I told them I was on my way to the factory of H. and C. on the Rembwé. They said they had heard of “Ugumu,” i.e., Messrs Hatton and Cookson, but they did not trade direct with them, passing their trade into towns nearer to the Rembwé, which were swindling bad towns, they said; and they got the idea stuck in their heads that I was a trader, a sort of bagman for the firm, and Gray Shirt could not get this idea out, so off one of their majesties went and returned with twenty-five balls of rubber, which I bought to promote good feeling, subsequently dashing them to Wiki, who passed them in at Ndorko when we got there. I also bought some elephant-hair necklaces from one of the chiefs’ wives, by exchanging my red silk tie with her for them, and one or two other things. I saw fish-hooks would not be of much value because Efoua was not near a big water of any sort; so I held fish-hooks and traded handkerchiefs and knives.
I told them I was heading to the H. and C. factory on the Rembwé. They mentioned they had heard of “Ugumu,” meaning Messrs Hatton and Cookson, but they didn’t deal with them directly, instead sending their trade to towns closer to the Rembwé, which they described as shady places. They got the idea in their heads that I was a trader, a kind of middleman for the company, and Gray Shirt couldn’t shake off this notion. So one of their members went off and came back with twenty-five balls of rubber, which I bought to keep things friendly, later giving them to Wiki, who traded them in at Ndorko when we arrived there. I also traded my red silk tie for some elephant-hair necklaces from one of the chiefs’ wives, among other things. I figured fish-hooks wouldn’t be very useful since Efoua wasn’t near any large body of water, so I traded fish-hooks for handkerchiefs and knives instead.
One old chief was exceedingly keen to do business, and I bought a meat spoon, a plantain spoon, and a gravy spoon off him; and then he brought me a lot of rubbish I did not want, and I said so, and announced I had finished trade for that night. However the old gentleman was not to be put off, and after an unsuccessful attempt to sell me his cooking-pots, which were roughly made out of clay, he made energetic signs to me that if I would wait he had got something that he would dispose of which Gray Shirt said was “good too much.” Off he went across the street, and disappeared into his hut, where he evidently had a thorough hunt for the precious article. One box after another was brought out to the light of a bush torch held by one of his wives, and there was a great confabulation between him and his family of the “I’m sure you had it last,” “You must have moved it,” “Never touched the thing,” sort. At last it was found, and he brought it across the street to me most carefully. It was a bundle of bark cloth tied round something most carefully with tie tie. This being removed, disclosed a layer of rag, which was unwound from round a central article. Whatever can this be? thinks I; some rare and valuable object doubtless, let’s hope connected with Fetish worship, and I anxiously watched its unpacking; in the end, however, it disclosed, to my disgust and rage, an old shilling razor. The way the old chief held it out, and the amount of dollars he asked for it, was enough to make any one believe that I was in such urgent need of the thing, that I was at his mercy regarding price. I waved it off with a haughty scorn, and then feeling smitten by the expression of agonised bewilderment on his face, I dashed him a belt that delighted him, and went inside and had tea to soothe my outraged feelings.
One old chief was really eager to do business, so I bought a meat spoon, a plantain spoon, and a gravy spoon from him. Then he brought me a bunch of stuff I didn't want, and I told him that I was done trading for the night. However, the old guy wouldn't take no for an answer. After an unsuccessful attempt to sell me his handmade clay cooking pots, he made enthusiastic gestures to show me that if I waited, he had something he wanted to sell that Gray Shirt said was “really good.” He went off across the street and disappeared into his hut, where he clearly searched high and low for the special item. One box after another was brought out into the light of a bush torch held by one of his wives, and there was a lot of back-and-forth between him and his family, with comments like “I’m sure you had it last,” “You must have moved it,” and “I never touched the thing.” Finally, he found it and brought it over to me very carefully. It was a bundle of bark cloth tied around something with tie tie. Once that was removed, it revealed a layer of rag, which was unwound from around a central object. What could this be? I wondered; it had to be something rare and valuable, maybe connected to fetish worship, and I anxiously watched as it was unpacked. However, to my disgust and anger, it turned out to be an old shilling razor. The way the old chief held it out and the amount of money he asked for it made it seem like I desperately needed it, putting me at his mercy about the price. I waved it off with disdain, but then, feeling guilty looking at the confused and pained expression on his face, I tossed him a belt that made him happy and went inside to have tea to calm my upset feelings.
The chiefs made furious raids on the mob of spectators who pressed round the door, and stood with their eyes glued to every crack in the bark of which the hut was made. The next door neighbours on either side might have amassed a comfortable competence for their old age, by letting out seats for the circus. Every hole in the side walls had a human eye in it, and I heard new holes being bored in all directions; so I deeply fear the chief, my host, must have found his palace sadly draughty. I felt perfectly safe and content, however, although Ngouta suggested the charming idea that “P’r’aps them M’fetta Fan done sell we.” As soon as all my men had come in, and established themselves in the inner room for the night, I curled up among the boxes, with my head on the tobacco sack, and dozed.
The chiefs launched furious attacks on the crowd of spectators gathered around the door, all of them staring at every crack in the bark that made up the hut. The neighbors on either side could have easily made a good amount of money for their retirement by renting out seats for the circus. Every spot in the side walls had a human eye peeking through, and I could hear new holes being made in all directions; so, I worry that the chief, my host, must have found his palace quite drafty. Still, I felt completely safe and content, even though Ngouta suggested the amusing thought that "Maybe those M’fetta Fan sold us out." As soon as all my men settled in the inner room for the night, I curled up among the boxes, resting my head on the tobacco sack, and dozed off.
After about half an hour I heard a row in the street, and looking out, - for I recognised his grace’s voice taking a solo part followed by choruses, - I found him in legal difficulties about a murder case. An alibi was proved for the time being; that is to say the prosecution could not bring up witnesses because of the elephant hunt; and I went in for another doze, and the town at last grew quiet. Waking up again I noticed the smell in the hut was violent, from being shut up I suppose, and it had an unmistakably organic origin. Knocking the ash end off the smouldering bush-light that lay burning on the floor, I investigated, and tracked it to those bags, so I took down the biggest one, and carefully noted exactly how the tie-tie had been put round its mouth; for these things are important and often mean a lot. I then shook its contents out in my hat, for fear of losing anything of value. They were a human hand, three big toes, four eyes, two ears, and other portions of the human frame. The hand was fresh, the others only so so, and shrivelled.
After about half an hour, I heard a commotion outside, and looking out—I recognized the duke's voice performing a solo followed by choruses—I found him in legal trouble over a murder case. An alibi was established for the time being; in other words, the prosecution couldn’t bring in witnesses because of the elephant hunt. I went back to dozing off, and the town finally became quiet. When I woke up again, I noticed a strong smell in the hut, probably from being closed up, and it had a distinctly organic origin. After knocking the ash off the burning bush-light that was lying on the floor, I investigated and traced the smell to those bags. I took down the biggest one and carefully noted how the tie-tie had been secured around its opening; these details are important and often significant. Then I emptied its contents into my hat, to avoid losing anything valuable. Inside were a human hand, three big toes, four eyes, two ears, and other parts of a human body. The hand was fresh, while the others were somewhat shriveled.
Replacing them I tied the bag up, and hung it up again. I subsequently learnt that although the Fans will eat their fellow friendly tribesfolk, yet they like to keep a little something belonging to them as a memento. This touching trait in their character I learnt from Wiki; and, though it’s to their credit, under the circumstances, still it’s an unpleasant practice when they hang the remains in the bedroom you occupy, particularly if the bereavement in your host’s family has been recent. I did not venture to prowl round Efoua; but slid the bark door aside and looked out to get a breath of fresh air.
Replacing them, I tied the bag shut and hung it up again. I later learned that while the Fans will eat their fellow tribespeople, they like to keep a little something of theirs as a keepsake. This touching aspect of their character I learned from Wiki; and while it’s admirable given the circumstances, it’s still an unpleasant practice when they hang the remains in the bedroom you're staying in, especially if the loss in your host’s family has been recent. I didn’t dare to explore Efoua; instead, I slid the bark door aside and looked out to get a breath of fresh air.
It was a perfect night, and no mosquitoes. The town, walled in on every side by the great cliff of high black forest, looked very wild as it showed in the starlight, its low, savage-built bark huts, in two hard rows, closed at either end by a guard-house. In both guard-houses there was a fire burning, and in their flickering glow showed the forms of sleeping men. Nothing was moving save the goats, which are always brought into the special house for them in the middle of the town, to keep them from the leopards, which roam from dusk to dawn.
It was a perfect night, and there were no mosquitoes. The town, surrounded on all sides by the towering dark forest cliffs, looked very wild as it appeared in the starlight, its low, rugged bark huts arranged in two straight rows, with a guardhouse at each end. In both guardhouses, there was a fire burning, and in their flickering light, the shapes of sleeping men could be seen. Nothing was moving except the goats, which are always brought into their special pen in the center of the town to protect them from the leopards that roam from dusk till dawn.
Dawn found us stirring, I getting my tea, and the rest of the party their chop, and binding up anew the loads with Wiki’s fresh supple bush-ropes. Kiva amused me much; during our march his costume was exceeding scant, but when we reached the towns he took from his bag garments, and attired himself so resplendently that I feared the charm of his appearance would lead me into one of those dreadful wife palavers which experience had taught me of old to dread; and in the morning time he always devoted some time to repacking. I gave a big dash to both chiefs, and they came out with us, most civilly, to the end of their first plantations; and then we took farewell of each other, with many expressions of hope on both sides that we should meet again, and many warnings from them about the dissolute and depraved character of the other towns we should pass through before we reached the Rembwé.
Dawn found us waking up, me making my tea and the rest of the group preparing their food and retying the loads with Wiki's fresh, flexible bush ropes. Kiva entertained me a lot; during our journey, he wore very little, but when we reached the towns, he pulled clothes from his bag and dressed so impressively that I worried his appearance would get me caught up in one of those awful discussions about wives that I had learned to dread. Each morning, he always took some time to repack. I gave a hearty farewell to both chiefs, and they graciously accompanied us to the edge of their first fields. Then we said our goodbyes, with plenty of hope on both sides that we would meet again, along with many warnings from them about the immoral and corrupt nature of the other towns we would pass before reaching the Rembwé.
Our second day’s march was infinitely worse than the first, for it lay along a series of abruptly shaped hills with deep ravines between them; each ravine had its swamp and each swamp its river. This bit of country must be absolutely impassable for any human being, black or white, except during the dry season. There were representatives of the three chief forms of the West African bog. The large deep swamps were best to deal with, because they make a break in the forest, and the sun can come down on their surface and bake a crust, over which you can go, if you go quickly. From experience in Devonian bogs, I knew pace was our best chance, and I fancy I earned one of my nicknames among the Fans on these. The Fans went across all right with a rapid striding glide, but the other men erred from excess of caution, and while hesitating as to where was the next safe place to plant their feet, the place that they were standing on went in with a glug. Moreover, they would keep together, which was more than the crust would stand. The portly Pagan and the Passenger gave us a fine job in one bog, by sinking in close together. Some of us slashed off boughs of trees and tore off handfuls of hard canna leaves, while others threw them round the sinking victims to form a sort of raft, and then with the aid of bush-rope, of course, they were hauled out.
Our second day of marching was way worse than the first, as it took us along a series of steep hills with deep valleys in between; each valley had a swamp, and each swamp had a river. This area must be completely impassable for anyone, regardless of race, except during the dry season. We encountered all three main types of West African bogs. The large, deep swamps were the easiest to manage because they broke up the forest, allowing sunlight to hit their surface and harden it into a crust that you could walk on, if you moved quickly. From my experience with bogs in Devon, I knew that keeping a good pace was our best bet, and I think that’s how I earned one of my nicknames among the Fans. The Fans swept across easily with a quick, gliding stride, but the other men were too cautious. While they hesitated, trying to find the next safe spot for their feet, the ground they were standing on would give way with a squelch. Plus, they insisted on sticking together, which the crust couldn't handle. The hefty Pagan and the Passenger really tested us in one bog when they sank in close together. Some of us cut off branches from trees and ripped off handfuls of tough canna leaves, while others tossed them around the sinking guys to create a kind of raft, and then, with some bush-rope, we pulled them out.
The worst sort of swamp, and the most frequent hereabouts, is the deep narrow one that has no crust on, because it is too much shaded by the forest. The slopes of the ravines too are usually covered with an undergrowth of shenja, beautiful beyond description, but right bad to go through. I soon learnt to dread seeing the man in front going down hill, or to find myself doing so, for it meant that within the next half hour we should be battling through a patch of shenja. I believe there are few effects that can compare with the beauty of them, with the golden sunlight coming down through the upper forest’s branches on to their exquisitely shaped, hard, dark green leaves, making them look as if they were sprinkled with golden sequins. Their long green stalks, which support the leaves and bear little bunches of crimson berries, take every graceful curve imaginable, and the whole affair is free from insects; and when you have said this, you have said all there is to say in favour of shenja, for those long green stalks of theirs are as tough as twisted wire, and the graceful curves go to the making of a net, which rises round you shoulder high, and the hard green leaves when lying on the ground are fearfully slippery. It is not nice going down through them, particularly when Nature is so arranged that the edge of the bank you are descending is a rock-wall ten or twelve feet high with a swamp of unknown depth at its foot; this arrangement was very frequent on the second and third day’s marches, and into these swamps the shenja seemed to want to send you head first and get you suffocated. It is still less pleasant, however, going up the other side of the ravine when you have got through your swamp. You have to fight your way upwards among rough rocks, through this hard tough network of stems; and it took it out of all of us except the Fans.
The worst kind of swamp, and the most common around here, is the deep, narrow one that's bare on top because it's too shaded by the forest. The slopes of the ravines are usually covered with an undergrowth of shenja, which is incredibly beautiful but really tough to get through. I quickly learned to fear seeing the person in front of me going downhill, or finding myself doing so, because it meant that in the next half hour we would be struggling through a patch of shenja. I believe few things can compare to their beauty, with golden sunlight streaming through the upper forest branches onto their exquisitely shaped, hard, dark green leaves, making them look as if they were sprinkled with golden sequins. Their long green stems, which support the leaves and bear little bunches of crimson berries, twist into every graceful curve imaginable, and the whole scene is free of insects; and once you've noted this, you've covered all there is to say in favor of shenja, because those long green stems are as tough as twisted wire, and their graceful curves create a net that rises around you to shoulder height, while the hard green leaves lying on the ground are incredibly slippery. It's not pleasant going down through them, especially when you're faced with the rock wall of the bank you're descending, which is ten or twelve feet high with an unknown depth swamp at its base; this situation was frequent during the second and third days of our march, and it felt like the shenja wanted to send you headfirst into the swamp to get you suffocated. However, it's even less enjoyable going up the other side of the ravine after making it through the swamp. You have to struggle your way upwards among rough rocks, through this tough network of stems; it took a toll on all of us except the Fans.
These narrow shaded swamps gave us a world of trouble and took up a good deal of time. Sometimes the leader of the party would make three or four attempts before he found a ford, going on until the black, batterlike ooze came up round his neck, and then turning back and trying in another place; while the rest of the party sat upon the bank until the ford was found, feeling it was unnecessary to throw away human life, and that the more men there were paddling about in that swamp, the more chance there was that a hole in the bottom of it would be found; and when a hole is found, the discoverer is liable to leave his bones in it. If I happened to be in front, the duty of finding the ford fell on me; for none of us after leaving Efoua knew the swamps personally. I was too frightened of the Fan, and too nervous and uncertain of the stuff my other men were made of, to dare show the white feather at anything that turned up. The Fan took my conduct as a matter of course, never having travelled with white men before, or learnt the way some of them require carrying over swamps and rivers and so on. I dare say I might have taken things easier, but I was like the immortal Schmelzle, during that omnibus journey he made on his way to Flætz in the thunder-storm - afraid to be afraid. I am very certain I should have fared very differently had I entered a region occupied by a powerful and ferocious tribe like the Fan, from some districts on the West Coast, where the inhabitants are used to find the white man incapable of personal exertion, requiring to be carried in a hammock, or wheeled in a go-cart or a Bath-chair about the streets of their coast towns, depending for the defence of their settlement on a body of black soldiers. This is not so in Congo Français, and I had behind me the prestige of a set of white men to whom for the native to say, “You shall not do such and such a thing;” “You shall not go to such and such a place,” would mean that those things would be done. I soon found the name of Hatton and Cookson’s agent-general for this district, Mr. Hudson, was one to conjure with among the trading tribes; and the Ajumba, moreover, although their knowledge of white men had been small, yet those they had been accustomed to see were fine specimens. Mr. Fildes, Mr. Cockshut, M. Jacot, Dr. Pélessier, Père Lejeune, M. Gacon, Mr. Whittaker, and that vivacious French official, were not men any man, black or white, would willingly ruffle; and in addition there was the memory among the black traders of “that white man MacTaggart,” whom an enterprising trading tribe near Fernan Vaz had had the hardihood to tackle, shooting him, and then towing him behind a canoe and slashing him all over with their knives the while; yet he survived, and tackled them again in a way that must almost pathetically have astonished those simple savages, after the real good work they had put in to the killing of him. Of course it was hard to live up to these ideals, and I do not pretend to have succeeded, or rather that I should have succeeded had the real strain been put on me.
These narrow, shaded swamps caused us a lot of trouble and took up quite a bit of time. Sometimes, the leader would try three or four times to find a shallow place to cross, pushing on until the thick, mucky water rose up around his neck before turning back to look for a crossing elsewhere. Meanwhile, the rest of the group waited on the bank, believing it was pointless to risk lives unnecessarily, and that the more people were wading around in that swamp, the better the chance of finding a spot to cross. And when a crossing was found, the person who found it might very well end up losing their life there. If I happened to be in front, it was up to me to find the crossing since none of us knew these swamps after leaving Efoua. I was too scared of the Fan tribe and too anxious about the capabilities of my other men to let any fear show. The Fan tribe accepted my actions as normal, having never traveled with white men before or learned how some of them needed to be carried over swamps and rivers. I suppose I could have taken things easier, but I was like the unforgettable Schmelzle during that bus ride he had on his way to Flætz in the thunderstorm—afraid to let my fear show. I’m quite sure I would have had a very different experience if I had entered a territory occupied by a powerful and fierce tribe like the Fan, compared to some areas on the West Coast where locals often find white men unable to handle physical tasks, needing to be carried in a hammock or pushed in a cart or wheelchair around the streets of their coastal towns, relying on a group of black soldiers for protection. That’s not the case in Congo Français, and I had the backing of a group of white men. For the locals, saying, “You can’t do this” or “You can’t go there” meant those things would definitely be done. I soon discovered that the name of Mr. Hudson, Hatton and Cookson’s agent-general for the area, had a lot of respect among the trading tribes. The Ajumba, although they didn’t have much experience with white men, had seen a few impressive examples. Mr. Fildes, Mr. Cockshut, M. Jacot, Dr. Pélessier, Père Lejeune, M. Gacon, Mr. Whittaker, and that lively French official were not individuals anyone, black or white, would want to confront. Additionally, there was the memory of “that white man MacTaggart,” whom a bold trading tribe near Fernan Vaz had tried to take on, shooting him, towing him behind a canoe, and slashing him with knives the whole time. Yet he survived and faced them again in a way that must have been astonishing to those simple savages after all their hard work to kill him. Of course, it was tough to live up to these expectations, and I don’t claim to have succeeded, or that I would have succeeded if I had really been put to the test.
But to return to that gorilla-land forest. All the rivers we crossed on the first, second, and third day I was told went into one or other of the branches of the Ogowé, showing that the long slope of land between the Ogowé and the Rembwé is towards the Ogowé. The stone of which the mountains were composed was that same hard black rock that I had found on the Sierra del Cristal, by the Ogowé rapids; only hereabouts there was not amongst it those great masses of white quartz, which are so prominent a feature from Talagouga upwards in the Ogowé valley; neither were the mountains anything like so high, but they had the same abruptness of shape. They look like very old parts of the same range worn down to stumps by the disintegrating forces of the torrential rain and sun, and the dense forest growing on them. Frost of course they had not been subject to, but rocks, I noticed, were often being somewhat similarly split by rootlets having got into some tiny crevice, and by gradual growth enlarged it to a crack.
But back to that gorilla-land forest. All the rivers we crossed on the first, second, and third days were said to flow into one of the branches of the Ogowé, indicating that the long stretch of land between the Ogowé and the Rembwé slopes toward the Ogowé. The mountains were made of that same hard black rock I had seen on the Sierra del Cristal, near the Ogowé rapids; however, unlike there, this area lacked the large masses of white quartz that stand out from Talagouga onwards in the Ogowé valley. The mountains here weren’t nearly as high, but they had the same steep shapes. They seemed like very old sections of the same range that had been worn down to stumps by the relentless rain and sun, along with the thick forest growing on them. They hadn’t been exposed to frost, but I noticed that rocks were often split in a similar way by tiny rootlets that had entered small crevices and gradually expanded them into cracks.
Of our troubles among the timber falls on these mountains I have already spoken; and these were at their worst between Efoua and Egaja. I had suffered a good deal from thirst that day, unboiled water being my ibet and we were all very nearly tired out with the athletic sports since leaving Efoua. One thing only we knew about Egaja for sure, and that was that not one of us had a friend there, and that it was a town of extra evil repute, so we were not feeling very cheerful when towards evening time we struck its outermost plantations, their immediate vicinity being announced to us by Silence treading full and fair on to a sharp ebony spike driven into the narrow path and hurting himself. Fortunately, after we passed this first plantation, we came upon a camp of rubber collectors - four young men; I got one of them to carry Silence’s load and show us the way into the town, when on we went into more plantations.
Of the troubles we faced among the timber falls in these mountains, I’ve already mentioned; they were at their worst between Efoua and Egaja. I had suffered quite a bit from thirst that day, since unboiled water was my only option, and we were all nearly exhausted from the physical activities since leaving Efoua. The only thing we knew for sure about Egaja was that none of us had a friend there, and it had a really bad reputation, so we weren’t feeling too cheerful as we approached its outer plantations in the evening, which were marked by Silence stepping right onto a sharp ebony spike in the narrow path and injuring himself. Luckily, after we passed that first plantation, we ran into a camp of rubber collectors—four young men. I had one of them help carry Silence’s load and guide us into the town, and we continued on through more plantations.
There is nothing more tiresome than finding your path going into a plantation, because it fades out in the cleared ground, or starts playing games with a lot of other little paths that are running about amongst the crops, and no West African path goes straight into a stream or a plantation, and straight out the other side, so you have a nice time picking it up again.
There’s nothing more frustrating than trying to find your way into a plantation, because the path disappears in the cleared area, or it gets tangled up with lots of other little paths weaving through the crops. No West African path goes directly into a stream or a plantation and then straight out the other side, so you end up having a tough time picking it up again.
We were spared a good deal of fine varied walking by our new friend the rubber collector; for I noticed he led us out by a path nearly at right angles to the one by which we had entered. He then pitched into a pit which was half full of thorns, and which he observed he did not know was there, demonstrating that an African guide can speak the truth. When he had got out, he handed back Silence’s load and got a dash of tobacco for his help; he left us to devote the rest of his evening by his forest fire to unthorning himself, while we proceeded to wade a swift, deepish river that crossed the path he told us led into Egaja, and then went across another bit of forest and downhill again. “Oh, bless those swamps!” thought I, “here’s another,” but no - not this time. Across the bottom of the steep ravine, from one side to another, lay an enormous tree as a bridge, about fifteen feet above a river, which rushed beneath it, over a boulder-encumbered bed. I took in the situation at a glance, and then and there I would have changed that bridge for any swamp I have ever seen, yea, even for a certain bush-rope bridge in which I once wound myself up like a buzzing fly in a spider’s web. I was fearfully tired, and my legs shivered under me after the falls and emotions of the previous part of the day, and my boots were slippery with water soaking.
We dodged a lot of exhausting walking thanks to our new friend, the rubber collector; I noticed he took us out on a path that was almost at a right angle to the one we came in on. He then stumbled into a pit half-filled with thorns, admitting that he didn’t know it was there, proving that an African guide can be honest. Once he got out, he returned Silence’s load and got a pinch of tobacco for his help; he left us to spend the rest of his evening by his forest fire dealing with the thorns, while we continued to wade through a fast, fairly deep river that crossed the path he said led to Egaja, then moved through another part of the forest and downhill again. “Oh, not another swamp!” I thought, but no—not this time. Across the bottom of the steep ravine lay a massive tree acting as a bridge, about fifteen feet above a river that rushed beneath it over a rocky bed. I assessed the situation quickly and, right then, would have traded that bridge for any swamp I’ve ever encountered, even for a certain bush-rope bridge that once caught me like a buzzing fly in a spider’s web. I was incredibly tired, my legs shook from the falls and stress of earlier that day, and my boots were slippery from soaking up water.
The Fans went into the river, and half swam, half waded across. All the Ajumba, save Pagan, followed, and Ngouta got across with their assistance. Pagan thought he would try the bridge, and I thought I would watch how the thing worked. He got about three yards along it and then slipped, but caught the tree with his hands as he fell, and hauled himself back to my side again; then he went down the bank and through the water. This was not calculated to improve one’s nerve; I knew by now I had got to go by the bridge, for I saw I was not strong enough in my tired state to fight the water. If only the wretched thing had had its bark on it would have been better, but it was bare, bald, and round, and a slip meant death on the rocks below. I rushed it, and reached the other side in safety, whereby poor Pagan got chaffed about his failure by the others, who said they had gone through the water just to wash their feet.
The Fans entered the river, and half swam, half waded across. All the Ajumba, except for Pagan, followed, and Ngouta made it across with their help. Pagan decided to try the bridge, and I figured I’d watch how it worked. He got about three yards along it and then slipped, but grabbed onto the tree with his hands as he fell and pulled himself back to my side; then he went down the bank and through the water. This didn’t exactly help boost anyone’s confidence; I realized I had to cross by the bridge, as I wasn’t strong enough in my exhausted state to fight the current. If only the miserable thing had had its bark on, it would have been better, but it was bare, smooth, and round, and slipping meant death on the rocks below. I rushed it and made it to the other side safely, and poor Pagan got teased about his failure by the others, who claimed they had gone through the water just to wash their feet.
The other side, when we got there, did not seem much worth reaching, being a swampy fringe at the bottom of a steep hillside, and after a few yards the path turned into a stream or backwater of the river. It was hedged with thickly pleached bushes, and covered with liquid water on the top of semi-liquid mud. Now and again for a change you had a foot of water on top of fearfully slippery harder mud, and then we light-heartedly took headers into the bush, sideways, or sat down; and when it was not proceeding on the evil tenor of its way, like this, it had holes in it; in fact, I fancy the bottom of the holes was the true level, for it came near being as full of holes as a fishing-net, and it was very quaint to see the man in front, who had been paddling along knee-deep before, now plop down with the water round his shoulders; and getting out of these slippery pockets, which were sometimes a tight fit, was difficult.
The other side, when we got there, didn’t seem worth the trip, just a muddy area at the foot of a steep hill. After a few yards, the path turned into a stream or backwater of the river. It was lined with thick bushes and covered in water on top of slimy mud. Every now and then, for a change, you’d find a foot of water over really slippery, harder mud, and then we’d laugh and tumble into the bushes, or sit down. When it wasn’t getting worse like this, it had holes in it; in fact, I think the bottom of the holes was the real level, because it was nearly as full of holes as a fishing net. It was pretty amusing to see the guy in front, who had been slogging along knee-deep before, suddenly drop down with water around his shoulders. Getting out of those slippery pockets, which sometimes felt too tight, was tricky.
However that is the path you have got to go by, if you’re not wise enough to stop at home; the little bay of shrub overgrown swamp fringing the river on one side and on the other running up to the mountain side.
However, that's the path you have to take if you're not smart enough to stay at home; the small bay of overgrown shrubs and swamp along the river on one side and the mountain rising up on the other.
At last we came to a sandy bank, and on that bank stood Egaja, the town with an evil name even among the Fan, but where we had got to stay, fair or foul. We went into it through its palaver house, and soon had the usual row.
At last we reached a sandy bank, and on that bank stood Egaja, a town with a bad reputation even among the Fan, but it was where we had to stay, good or bad. We entered through its meeting house and quickly got into the usual argument.
I had detected signs of trouble among my men during the whole day; the Ajumba were tired, and dissatisfied with the Fans; the Fans were in high feather, openly insolent to Ngouta, and anxious for me to stay in this delightful locality, and go hunting with them and divers other choice spirits, whom they assured me we could easily get to join us at Efoua. I kept peace as well as I could, explaining to the Fans I had not enough money with me now, because I had not, when starting, expected such magnificent opportunities to be placed at my disposal; and promising to come back next year - a promise I hope to keep - and then we would go and have a grand time of it. This state of a party was a dangerous one in which to enter a strange Fan town, where our security lay in our being united. When the first burst of Egaja conversation began to boil down into something reasonable, I found that a villainous-looking scoundrel, smeared with soot and draped in a fragment of genuine antique cloth, was a head chief in mourning. He placed a house at my disposal, quite a mansion, for it had no less than four apartments. The first one was almost entirely occupied by a bedstead frame that was being made up inside on account of the small size of the door.
I had noticed signs of trouble among my men all day; the Ajumba were tired and unhappy with the Fans; the Fans were feeling bold, openly disrespecting Ngouta, and hoping I would stay in this beautiful place to hunt with them and a few other fun people they assured me would join us at Efoua. I tried to keep the peace as best I could, explaining to the Fans that I didn’t have enough money with me right now because, when I set out, I didn’t expect such amazing opportunities to come my way; I promised to return next year - a promise I hope to keep - and then we would have a great time together. This situation was risky as we were entering a strange Fan town, where our safety depended on our unity. When the initial chaotic Egaja chatter calmed down into something more sensible, I noticed a shady-looking guy, smeared with soot and wrapped in a piece of genuine antique cloth, who was a head chief in mourning. He offered me a house, which was quite a mansion since it had four rooms. The first room was almost completely taken up by a bed frame being put together inside because of the small size of the door.
This had to be removed before we could get in with the baggage at all. While this removal was being effected with as much damage to the house and the article as if it were a quarter-day affair in England, the other chief arrived. He had been sent for, being away down the river fishing when we arrived. I saw at once he was a very superior man to any of the chiefs I had yet met with. It was not his attire, remarkable though that was for the district, for it consisted of a gentleman’s black frock-coat such as is given in the ivory bundle, a bright blue felt sombrero hat, an ample cloth of Boma check; but his face and general bearing was distinctive, and very powerful and intelligent; and I knew that Egaja, for good or bad, owed its name to this man, and not to the mere sensual, brutal-looking one. He was exceedingly courteous, ordering his people to bring me a stool and one for himself, and then a fly-whisk to battle with the evening cloud of sand-flies. I got Pagan to come and act as interpreter while the rest were stowing the baggage, etc. After compliments, “Tell the chief,” I said, “that I hear this town of his is thief town.”
This had to be removed before we could bring in the luggage at all. While this was being done, causing as much damage to the house and the item as if it were a formal event in England, the other chief arrived. He had been called for, having been down the river fishing when we got here. I could instantly tell he was a much more impressive man than any of the chiefs I had met so far. It wasn’t just his clothing, which was quite striking for the area—he wore a gentleman’s black frock coat, a bright blue felt sombrero, and a large piece of Boma check cloth—but his face and overall demeanor were distinctive, very strong and intelligent. I understood that Egaja, for better or worse, got its name from this man, and not from the merely sensual, brutish-looking chief. He was extremely polite, instructing his people to bring me a stool and one for himself, and then a fly whisk to deal with the evening swarm of sand flies. I had Pagan come over to act as an interpreter while the others were organizing the luggage, etc. After some pleasantries, I said, “Tell the chief that I hear this town of his is a thief town.”
“Better not, sir,” says Pagan.
"Better not, sir," says Pagan.
“Go on,” said I, “or I’ll tell him myself.”
“Go ahead,” I said, “or I’ll tell him myself.”
So Pagan did. It was a sad blow to the chief.
So Pagan did. It was a disappointing setback for the chief.
“Thief town, this highly respectable town of Egaja! a town whose moral conduct in all matters (Shedule) was an example to all towns, called a thief town! Oh, what a wicked world!”
“Thief town, this highly respectable town of Egaja! A town whose moral conduct in all matters (Schedule) was an example to all towns, called a thief town! Oh, what a wicked world!”
I said it was; but I would reserve my opinion as to whether Egaja was a part of the wicked world or a star-like exception, until I had experienced it myself. We then discoursed on many matters, and I got a great deal of interesting fetish information out of the chief, which was valuable to me, because the whole of this district had not been in contact with white culture; and altogether I and the chief became great friends.
I said it was; but I would hold off on saying whether Egaja was part of the wicked world or a unique exception until I experienced it myself. We then talked about many topics, and I learned a lot of fascinating information about local beliefs from the chief, which was valuable to me because this entire area had not been influenced by white culture; overall, the chief and I became good friends.
Just when I was going in to have my much-desired tea, he brought me his mother - an old lady, evidently very bright and able, but, poor woman, with the most disgusting hand and arm I have ever seen. I am ashamed to say I came very near being sympathetically sick in the African manner on the spot. I felt I could not attend to it, and have my tea afterwards, so I directed one of the canoe-shaped little tubs, used for beating up the manioc in, to be brought and filled with hot water, and then putting into it a heavy dose of Condy’s fluid, I made her sit down and lay the whole arm in it, and went and had my tea. As soon as I had done I went outside, and getting some of the many surrounding ladies to hold bush-lights, I examined the case. The whole hand was a mass of yellow pus, streaked with sanies, large ulcers were burrowing into the fore-arm, while in the arm-pit was a big abscess. I opened the abscess at once, and then the old lady frightened me nearly out of my wits by gently subsiding, I thought dying, but I soon found out merely going to sleep. I then washed the abscess well out, and having got a lot of baked plantains, I made a big poultice of them, mixed with boiling water and more Condy in the tub, and laid her arm right in this; and propping her up all round and covering her over with cloths I requisitioned from her son, I left her to have her nap while I went into the history of the case, which was that some forty-eight hours ago she had been wading along the bank, catching crawfish, and had been stung by “a fish like a snake”; so I presume the ulcers were an old-standing palaver. The hand had been a good deal torn by the creature, and the pain and swelling had been so great she had not had a minute’s sleep since. As soon as the poultice got chilled I took her arm out and cleaned it again, and wound it round with dressing, and had her ladyship carried bodily, still asleep, into her hut, and after rousing her up, giving her a dose of that fine preparation, pil. crotonis cum hydrargi, saw her tucked up on her own plank bedstead for the night, sound asleep again. The chief was very anxious to have some pills too; so I gave him some, with firm injunctions only to take one at the first time. I knew that that one would teach him not to take more than one forever after, better than I could do if I talked from June to January. Then all the afflicted of Egaja turned up, and wanted medical advice. There was evidently a good stiff epidemic of the yaws about; lots of cases of dum with the various symptoms; ulcers of course galore; a man with a bit of a broken spear head in an abscess in the thigh; one which I believe a professional enthusiast would call a “lovely case” of filaria, the entire white of one eye being full of the active little worms and a ridge of surplus population migrating across the bridge of the nose into the other eye, under the skin, looking like the bridge of a pair of spectacles. It was past eleven before I had anything like done, and my men had long been sound asleep, but the chief had conscientiously sat up and seen the thing through. He then went and fetched some rolls of bark cloth to put on my plank, and I gave him a handsome cloth I happened to have with me, a couple of knives, and some heads of tobacco and wished him goodnight; blockading my bark door, and picking my way over my sleeping Ajumba into an inner apartment which I also blockaded, hoping I had done with Egaja for some hours. No such thing. At 1.45 the whole town was roused by the frantic yells of a woman. I judged there was one of my beauties of Fans mixed up in it, and there was, and after paying damages, got back again by 2.30 A.M., and off to sleep again instantly. At four sharp, whole town of Egaja plunged into emotion, and worse shindy. I suggested to the Ajumba they should go out; but no, they didn’t care a row of pins if one of our Fans did get killed, so I went, recognising Kiva’s voice in high expostulation. Kiva, it seems, a long time ago had a transaction in re a tooth of ivory with a man who, unfortunately, happened to be in this town to-night, and Kiva owed the said man a coat. {223}
Just when I was about to have my long-awaited tea, he introduced me to his mother – an old woman, clearly very sharp and capable, but, poor thing, with the most repulsive hand and arm I've ever seen. I’m embarrassed to admit I almost felt physically ill in the African way right there. I didn't think I could deal with it and enjoy my tea later, so I had one of the canoe-shaped tubs, used for mashing manioc, brought in and filled with hot water. Then I added a hefty dose of Condy’s fluid, made her sit down with her entire arm in it, and went to have my tea. Once I finished, I went outside, had some of the many ladies around hold bush lights, and examined the situation. The whole hand was a mass of yellow pus, streaked with blood, and there were large ulcers burrowing into her forearm, while a big abscess was in her armpit. I opened the abscess right away, and then the old lady nearly scared me to death by gently sinking down, which I thought was dying, but I soon realized she was just going to sleep. I then washed out the abscess thoroughly and, after getting some baked plantains, made a big poultice mixing them with boiling water and more Condy in the tub. I placed her arm right in it; propped her up all around and covered her with cloths I borrowed from her son, and left her to nap while I looked into the case, which turned out to be that about forty-eight hours ago she had been wading along the bank catching crawfish and had been stung by "a fish like a snake"; so I assumed the ulcers were an ongoing issue. The hand had gotten pretty torn up by the creature, and the pain and swelling had been so severe she hadn’t slept a wink since. Once the poultice cooled, I took her arm out, cleaned it again, wrapped it in dressing, and had her carried, still asleep, into her hut. After waking her, I gave her a dose of that excellent preparation, pil. crotonis cum hydrargi, and made sure she was tucked into her own wooden bed for the night, sound asleep once more. The chief was very eager to have some pills too; so I gave him some with strict instructions to only take one the first time. I knew that one would teach him to never take more than one again better than I ever could if I talked endlessly. Then all the people in Egaja showed up wanting medical advice. Clearly, there was a strong epidemic of yaws going around; lots of cases of various symptoms; plenty of ulcers; a man with a broken spearhead stuck in an abscess in his thigh; and one that I think a professional enthusiast would call a “lovely case” of filaria, with the entire white of one eye filled with the active little worms and a ridge of excess population migrating across the bridge of his nose into the other eye, beneath the skin, looking like the bridge of a pair of glasses. It was past eleven before I had anything resembling done, and my men had long since fallen asleep, but the chief had conscientiously stayed up to see it through. He then went and fetched some rolls of bark cloth to cover my plank, and I gave him a nice cloth I happened to have, a couple of knives, and some tobacco heads and wished him goodnight; barricading my bark door, and carefully stepping over my sleeping Ajumba into an inner room which I also barricaded, hoping to be done with Egaja for a few hours. No such luck. At 1:45, the whole town was woken up by a woman's frantic screams. I guessed one of my beauties from the Fans was involved, and sure enough, she was. After paying compensation, I got back by 2:30 A.M. and fell asleep instantly. At four sharp, the whole town of Egaja erupted into chaos and noise. I suggested to the Ajumba that they should go out, but no, they didn’t care at all if one of our Fans got killed, so I went out myself, recognizing Kiva’s voice in a heated argument. It turns out, Kiva a long time ago had a deal involving an ivory tooth with a man who, unfortunately, happened to be in town tonight, and Kiva owed him a coat. {223}
Kiva, it seems, has been spending the whole evening demonstrating to his creditor that, had he only known they were to meet, he would have brought the coat with him - a particularly beautiful coat - and the reason he has not paid it before is that he has mislaid the creditor’s address. The creditor says he has called repeatedly at Kiva’s village, that notorious M’fetta, and Kiva has never been at home; and moreover that Kiva’s wife (one of them) stole a yellow dog of great value from his (the creditor’s) canoe. Kiva says, women will be women, and he had gone off to sleep thinking the affair had blown over and the bill renewed for the time being. The creditor had not gone to sleep; but sat up thinking the affair over and remembered many cases, all cited in full, of how Kiva had failed to meet his debts; also Kiva’s brother on the mother’s side and uncle ditto; and so has decided to foreclose forthwith on the debtor’s estate, and as the estate is represented by and consists of Kiva’s person, to take and seize upon it and eat it.
Kiva has been spending the entire evening trying to convince his creditor that if he had known they would be meeting, he would have brought the coat with him - a particularly beautiful coat - and the reason he hasn't paid it yet is that he's lost the creditor’s address. The creditor insists he has visited Kiva’s village, the infamous M’fetta, several times, and Kiva was never home; furthermore, Kiva’s wife (one of them) stole a valuable yellow dog from his canoe. Kiva responds that women will be women, and he assumed the issue had blown over and the bill was temporarily renewed. The creditor, however, hasn't gone to sleep; instead, he sat up thinking it over and recalled numerous instances, all fully detailed, of how Kiva failed to honor his debts; he also remembered Kiva’s brother and uncle from his mother’s side. As a result, he has decided to foreclose immediately on the debtor’s estate, and since the estate consists of Kiva himself, he plans to seize him and consume him.
It is always highly interesting to observe the germ of any of our own institutions existing in the culture of a lower race. Nevertheless it is trying to be hauled out of one’s sleep in the middle of the night, and plunged into this study. Evidently this was a trace of an early form of the Bankruptcy Court; the court which clears a man of his debt, being here represented by the knife and the cooking pot; the whitewashing, as I believe it is termed with us, also shows, only it is not the debtor who is whitewashed, but the creditors doing themselves over with white clay to celebrate the removal of their enemy from his sphere of meretricious activity. This inversion may arise from the fact that whitewashing a creditor who was about to be cooked would be unwise, as the stuff would boil off the bits and spoil the gravy. There is always some fragment of sound sense underlying African institutions. Kiva was, when I got out, tied up, talking nineteen to the dozen; and so was every one else; and a lady was working up white clay in a pot.
It's always fascinating to see the roots of our own institutions in the culture of a less developed group. However, it’s tough to be yanked from your sleep in the middle of the night and thrown into this study. Clearly, this is a hint of an early version of the Bankruptcy Court; the court that frees a person from their debts, represented here by a knife and a cooking pot. The whitewashing, as we call it, also appears, but instead of the debtor being whitewashed, the creditors are the ones applying white clay to themselves to celebrate the ousting of their enemy from his shady dealings. This twist might come from the idea that whitewashing a creditor who was about to be cooked wouldn’t make sense since the clay would wash off and ruin the gravy. There’s often some element of common sense underlying African traditions. When I got out, Kiva was tied up, talking a mile a minute; and so was everyone else; and a woman was mixing white clay in a pot.
I dare say I ought to have rushed at him and cut his bonds, and killed people in a general way with a revolver, and then flown with my band to the bush; only my band evidently had no flying in them, being tucked up in the hut pretending to be asleep, and uninterested in the affair; and although I could have abandoned the band without a pang just then, I could not so lightheartedly fly alone with Kiva to the bush and leave my fishes; so I shouted Azuna to the Bankruptcy Court, and got a Fan who spoke trade English to come and interpret for me; and from him I learnt the above stated outline of the proceedings up to the time. Regarding the original iniquity of Kiva, my other Fans held the opinion that the old Scotch lady had regarding certain passages in the history of the early Jews - that it was a long time ago, and aiblins it was no true.
I should have charged at him, cut his ties, and shot anyone in sight with a revolver, then escaped with my crew into the bush. But my crew was clearly out of it, tucked away in the hut pretending to be asleep and uninterested in what was happening. Even though I could have left them behind without a second thought at that moment, I couldn't just run off with Kiva into the bush and leave my things behind. So, I called out for Azuna to the Bankruptcy Court and got someone who spoke basic English to translate for me. From him, I learned the basic outline of events up to that point. As for Kiva's original wrongdoing, my other fans thought like the old Scottish lady about certain parts of early Jewish history—that it happened a long time ago, and maybe it wasn’t even true.
Fortunately for the reader it is impossible for me to give in full detail the proceedings of the Court. I do not think if the whole of Mr. Pitman’s school of shorthand had been there to take them down the thing could possibly have been done in word-writing. If the late Richard Wagner, however, had been present he could have scored the performance for a full orchestra; and with all its weird grunts and roars, and pistol-like finger clicks, and its elongated words and thigh slaps, it would have been a masterpiece.
Fortunately for the reader, I can't provide a detailed account of the Court's proceedings. I honestly don't believe that even if Mr. Pitman's entire shorthand school had been there to transcribe it, they could have captured every word. However, if the late Richard Wagner had been present, he could have composed a score for a full orchestra; and with all its strange grunts and roars, sharp finger clicks, elongated words, and thigh slaps, it would have been a masterpiece.
I got my friend the chief on my side; but he explained he had no jurisdiction, as neither of the men belonged to his town; and I explained to him, that as the proceedings were taking place in his town he had a right of jurisdiction ipso facto. The Fan could not translate this phrase, so we gave it the chief raw; and he seemed to relish it, and he and I then cut into the affair together, I looking at him with admiration and approval when he was saying his say, and after his “Azuna” had produced a patch of silence he could move his tongue in, and he similarly regarding me during my speech for the defence. We neither, I expect, understood each other, and we had trouble with our client, who would keep pleading “Not guilty,” which was absurd. Anyhow we produced our effect, my success arising from my concluding my speech with the announcement that I would give the creditor a book on Hatton and Cookson for the coat, and I would deduct it from Kiva’s pay.
I got my friend the chief on my side, but he said he had no authority since neither of the men was from his town. I explained that since the proceedings were happening in his town, he had the right to take charge ipso facto. The Fan couldn’t translate this phrase, so we gave it to the chief straight, and he seemed to enjoy it. Then, the two of us jumped into the situation together, and I looked at him with admiration and approval while he spoke. After his "Azuna" created a silence he could speak into, he looked at me the same way during my defense speech. I guess we both didn’t fully understand each other, and we had issues with our client, who kept insisting he was “Not guilty,” which was ridiculous. Anyway, we made an impact; my success came when I ended my speech by saying I would give the creditor a book on Hatton and Cookson for the coat and that I would take it out of Kiva’s pay.
But, said the Court: “We look your mouth and it be sweet mouth, but with Hatton and Cookson we can have no trade.” This was a blow to me. Hatton and Cookson was my big Ju Ju, and it was to their sub-factory on the Rembwé that I was bound. On inquiry I elicited another cheerful little fact which was they could not deal with Hatton and Cookson because there was “blood war on the path that way.” The Court said they would take a book on Holty, but with Holty i.e. Mr. John Holt, I had no deposit of money, and I did not feel justified in issuing cheques on him, knowing also he could not feel amiable towards wandering scientists, after what he had recently gone through with one. Not that I doubt for one minute but that his representatives would have honoured my book; for the generosity and helpfulness of West African traders is unbounded and long-suffering. But I did not like to encroach on it, all the more so from a feeling that I might never get through to refund the money. So at last I paid the equivalent value of the coat out of my own trade-stuff; and the affair was regarded by all parties as satisfactorily closed by the time the gray dawn was coming up over the forest wall. I went in again and slept in snatches until I got my tea about seven, and then turned out to hurry my band out of Egaja. This I did not succeed in doing until past ten. One row succeeded another with my men; but I was determined to get them out of that town as quickly as possible, for I had heard so much from perfectly reliable and experienced people regarding the treacherousness of the Fan. I feared too that more cases still would be brought up against Kiva, from the résumé of his criminal career I had had last night, and I knew it was very doubtful whether my other three Fans were any better than he. There was his grace’s little murder affair only languishing for want of evidence owing to the witnesses for the prosecution being out elephant-hunting not very far away; and Wiki was pleading an alibi, and a twin brother, in a bad wife palaver in this town. I really hope for the sake of Fan morals at large, that I did engage the three worst villains in M’fetta, and that M’fetta is the worst town in all Fan land, inconvenient as this arrangement was to me personally. Anyhow, I felt sure my Pappenheimers would take a lot of beating for good solid crime, among any tribe anywhere. Moreover, the Ajumba wanted meat, and the Fans, they said, offered them human. I saw no human meat at Egaja, but the Ajumba seem to think the Fans eat nothing else, which is a silly prejudice of theirs, because the Fans do. I think in this case the Ajumba thought a lot of smoked flesh offered was human. It may have been; it was in neat pieces; and again, as the Captain of the late s.s. Sparrow would say, “it mayn’t.” But the Ajumba have a horror of cannibalism, and I honestly believe never practise it, even for fetish affairs, which is a rare thing in a West African tribe where sacrificial and ceremonial cannibalism is nearly universal. Anyhow the Ajumba loudly declared the Fans were “bad men too much,” which was impolitic under existing circumstances, and inexcusable, because it by no means arose from a courageous defiance of them; but the West African! Well! “’E’s a devil an’ a ostrich an’ a orphan child in one.”
But the Court said, “We see your smile, and it’s charming, but we can't trade with Hatton and Cookson.” This hit me hard. Hatton and Cookson were my big deal, and I was headed to their sub-factory on the Rembwé. When I asked for more details, I got another disheartening fact: they couldn't deal with Hatton and Cookson because there was a “blood war on the path that way.” The Court mentioned they would accept a credit with Holty, but with Holty, meaning Mr. John Holt, I had no money to deposit, and I didn’t feel right about writing him checks, knowing he wouldn’t be fond of wandering scientists after what he’d recently experienced with one. Not that I doubted for a second that his representatives would have honored my credit; the generosity and support of West African traders are boundless. But I didn’t want to overstep, especially since I felt I might never be able to repay the money. So eventually, I paid for the coat with my own supplies, and everyone considered the matter closed by the time gray dawn broke over the forest. I went back in and caught a few snatches of sleep until I got my tea around seven, then got up to hurry my group out of Egaja. I didn’t manage to get them out until after ten. My men were at each other’s throats, but I was determined to leave that town as quickly as possible because I’d heard too many reliable warnings about the treachery of the Fan. I also worried that more charges would come against Kiva based on the summary of his criminal record I had received last night, and I knew it was questionable whether my other three Fans were any better. There was also his grace’s little murder case, which was stalled for lack of evidence because the prosecution witnesses were off elephant-hunting not far away; and Wiki was claiming an alibi and a twin brother, caught up in a wife dispute in this town. For the sake of Fan morals overall, I genuinely hoped I had picked the three worst criminals in M’fetta and that M’fetta was the worst town in all of Fan territory, even if this arrangement was inconvenient for me. Regardless, I was confident my Pappenheimers would be hard to beat in terms of solid crime, no matter the tribe. Moreover, the Ajumba needed meat, and they claimed the Fans offered human flesh. I didn’t see any human meat in Egaja, but the Ajumba seemed to think the Fans ate nothing but that, which was a silly stereotype since the Fans do. I think in this case, the Ajumba believed a lot of the smoked meat offered was human. It could have been; it was neatly cut, and as the Captain of the late s.s. Sparrow would say, “it may not be.” But the Ajumba are horrified by cannibalism, and I genuinely believe they never practice it, even for spiritual rituals, which is rare among West African tribes where sacrificial and ceremonial cannibalism is nearly universal. Anyway, the Ajumba loudly claimed the Fans were “bad men too much,” which was tactless given the situation and unjustifiable because it didn't stem from any brave defiance; but the West African! Well! “He’s a devil, an ostrich, and an orphan child all in one.”
The chief was very anxious for me to stay and rest, but as his mother was doing wonderfully well, and the other women seemed quite to understand my directions regarding her, I did not feel inclined to risk it. The old lady’s farewell of me was peculiar: she took my hand in her two, turned it palm upwards, and spat on it. I do not know whether this is a constant form of greeting among the Fan; I fancy not. Dr. Nassau, who explained it to me when I saw him again down at Baraka, said the spitting was merely an accidental by-product of the performance, which consisted in blowing a blessing; and as I happened on this custom twice afterwards, I feel sure from observation he is right.
The chief really wanted me to stay and rest, but since his mother was doing remarkably well and the other women seemed to understand my instructions about her, I didn't feel like taking the risk. The old lady's goodbye to me was unusual: she took my hand in hers, turned it palm up, and spat on it. I’m not sure if this is a common greeting among the Fan; I don’t think so. Dr. Nassau, who explained it to me when I saw him again down at Baraka, said the spitting was just an accidental part of the gesture, which was meant to blow a blessing. Since I encountered this custom twice afterwards, I'm confident that he’s correct based on my observations.
The two chiefs saw us courteously out of the town as far as where the river crosses the out-going path again, and the blue-hatted one gave me some charms “to keep my foot in path,” and the mourning chief lent us his son to see us through the lines of fortification of the plantation. I gave them an equal dash, and in answer to their question as to whether I had found Egaja a thief-town, I said that to call Egaja a thief-town was rank perjury, for I had not lost a thing while in it; and we parted with mutual expression of esteem and hopes for another meeting at an early date.
The two chiefs graciously escorted us out of the town as far as the river crossed the outgoing path again. The one in the blue hat gave me some charms “to keep my foot on the path,” and the mourning chief offered us his son to guide us through the fortifications of the plantation. I gave them an equal tip, and when they asked if I found Egaja to be a town of thieves, I replied that calling Egaja a thief-town was outright false, as I hadn’t lost anything while I was there. We parted with mutual respect and hopes for another meeting soon.
The defences of the fine series of plantations of Egaja on this side were most intricate, to judge from the zigzag course our guide led us through them. He explained they had to be because of the character of the towns towards the Rembwé. After listening to this young man, I really began to doubt that the Cities of the Plain had really been destroyed, and wondered whether some future revision committee will not put transported for destroyed. This young man certainly hit off the character of Sodom and Gomorrah to the life, in describing the towns towards the Rembwé, though he had never heard Sodom and Gomorrah named. He assured me I should see the difference between them and Egaja the Good, and I thanked him and gave him his dash when we parted; but told him as a friend, I feared some alteration must take place, and some time elapse before he saw a regular rush of pilgrim worshippers of Virtue coming into even Egaja the Good, though it stood just as good a chance and better than most towns I had seen in Africa.
The defenses of the impressive series of plantations in Egaja on this side were quite complex, judging by the winding path our guide led us through. He explained that they had to be that way because of the nature of the towns near the Rembwé. After listening to this young man, I truly began to question whether the Cities of the Plain had actually been destroyed and wondered if some future review committee might change "destroyed" to "transported." This young man perfectly captured the essence of Sodom and Gomorrah when describing the towns near the Rembwé, even though he had never heard those names. He assured me that I would see the difference between them and Egaja the Good, and I thanked him and gave him a dash as we parted. However, I told him as a friend that I worried some changes would need to happen, and some time would have to pass before he saw a steady stream of pilgrim worshippers of Virtue coming to even Egaja the Good, even though it had just as good a chance—and better than most towns I had seen in Africa.
We went on into the gloom of the Great Forest again; that forest that seemed to me without end, wherein, in a lazy, hazy-minded sort of way, I expected to wander through by day and drop in at night to a noisy savage town for the rest of my days.
We ventured back into the darkness of the Great Forest again; that forest that felt endless to me, where, in a relaxed, dreamy sort of way, I imagined I would roam during the day and return at night to a noisy, wild town for the rest of my life.
We climbed up one hill, skirted its summit, went through our athletic sports over sundry timber falls, and struck down into the ravine as usual. But at the bottom of that ravine, which was exceeding steep, ran a little river free from swamp. As I was wading it I noticed it had a peculiarity that distinguished it from all the other rivers we had come through; and then and there I sat down on a boulder in its midst and hauled out my compass. Yes, by Allah! it’s going north-west and bound as we are for Rembwé River. I went out the other side of that river with a lighter heart than I went in, and shouted the news to the boys, and they yelled and sang as we went on our way.
We hiked up a hill, went around the top, played our sports over several fallen trees, and then headed down into the ravine like usual. At the bottom of that steep ravine, there was a little river that wasn’t swampy. While I was wading through it, I noticed something unique about this river compared to all the others we had crossed. Right then, I sat down on a rock in the middle of the river and pulled out my compass. Yes, by Allah! it’s heading northwest and since we’re on our way to the Rembwé River. I crossed to the other side of that river feeling lighter than when I entered, shouted the news to the guys, and they cheered and sang as we continued on our journey.
All along this bit of country we had seen quantities of rubber vines, and between Egaja and Esoon we came across quantities of rubber being collected. Evidently there was a big camp of rubber hunters out in the district very busy. Wiki and Kiva did their best to teach me the trade. Along each side of the path we frequently saw a ring of stout bush rope, raised from the earth on pegs about a foot to eighteen inches. On the ground in the middle stood a calabash, into which the ends of the pieces of rubber vine were placed, the other ends being supported by the bush rope ring. Round the outside of some of these rings was a slow fire, which just singes the tops of the bits of rubber vine as they project over the collar or ring, and causes the milky juice to run out of the lower end into the calabash, giving out as it does so a strong ammoniacal smell. When the fire was alight there would be a group of rubber collectors sitting round it watching the cooking operations, removing those pieces that had run dry and placing others, from a pile at their side, in position. On either side of the path we continually passed pieces of rubber vine cut into lengths of some two feet or so, and on the top one or two leaves plaited together, or a piece of bush rope tied into a knot, which indicated whose property the pile was.
All along this stretch of countryside, we saw a lot of rubber vines, and between Egaja and Esoon, we found plenty of rubber being collected. Clearly, there was a large camp of rubber gatherers in the area who were very busy. Wiki and Kiva did their best to teach me the ropes. Along each side of the path, we frequently noticed a ring of sturdy bush rope, raised off the ground on pegs about one to one and a half feet high. In the center stood a calabash, where the ends of the rubber vine pieces were placed, with the other ends supported by the bush rope ring. Around some of these rings was a small fire, which just scorched the tops of the rubber vine pieces that extended over the edge, causing the milky sap to flow out of the lower end into the calabash, releasing a strong ammonia-like smell. When the fire was going, a group of rubber collectors would sit around it, overseeing the process, removing those pieces that had run dry and placing others, from a pile beside them, in position. On either side of the path, we constantly passed pieces of rubber vine cut into lengths of about two feet, with one or two leaves braided together on top or a piece of bush rope tied into a knot to indicate whose property the pile belonged to.
The method of collection employed by the Fan is exceedingly wasteful, because this fool of a vegetable Landolphia florida (Ovariensis) does not know how to send up suckers from its root, but insists on starting elaborately from seeds only. I do not, however, see any reasonable hope of getting them to adopt more economical methods. The attempt made by the English houses, when the rubber trade was opened up in 1883 on the Gold Coast, to get the more tractable natives there to collect by incisions only, has failed; for in the early days a man could get a load of rubber almost at his own door on the Gold Coast, and now he has to go fifteen days’ journey inland for it. When a Fan town has exhausted the rubber in its vicinity, it migrates, bag and baggage, to a new part of the forest. The young unmarried men are the usual rubber hunters. Parties of them go out into the forest, wandering about in it and camping under shelters of boughs by night, for a month and more at a time, during the dry seasons, until they have got a sufficient quantity together; then they return to their town, and it is manipulated by the women, and finally sold, either to the white trader, in districts where he is within reach, or to the M’pongwe trader who travels round buying it and the collected ivory and ebony, like a Norfolk higgler. In districts like these I was in, remote from the M’pongwe trader, the Fans carry the rubber to the town nearest to them that is in contact with the black trader, and sell it to the inhabitants, who in their turn resell it to their next town, until it reaches him. This passing down of the rubber and ivory gives rise between the various towns to a series of commercial complications which rank with woman palaver for the production of rows; it being the sweet habit of these Fans to require a life for a life, and to regard one life as good as another. Also rubber trade and wife palavers sweetly intertwine, for a man on the kill in re a wife palaver knows his best chance of getting the life from the village he has a grudge against lies in catching one of that village’s men when he may be out alone rubber hunting. So he does this thing, and then the men from the victim’s village go and lay for a rubber hunter from the killer’s village; and then of course the men from the killer’s village go and lay for rubber hunters from victim number one’s village, and thus the blood feud rolls down the vaulted chambers of the ages, so that you, dropping in on affairs, cannot see one end or the other of it, and frequently the people concerned have quite forgotten what the killing was started for. Not that this discourages them in the least. Really if Dr. Nassau is right, and these Fans are descendants of Adam and Eve, I expect the Cain and Abel killing palaver is still kept going among them.
The way the Fan collects rubber is incredibly wasteful because this silly plant, Landolphia florida (Ovariensis), doesn’t send up suckers from its roots and insists on starting from seeds only. I don’t see any reasonable hope of getting them to change to more efficient methods. The English houses’ attempt to have the more cooperative locals collect rubber through incisions only when the rubber trade opened up in 1883 on the Gold Coast didn’t work; in the beginning, a person could gather rubber almost at their doorstep on the Gold Coast, but now they have to travel fifteen days inland for it. When a Fan town uses up the rubber nearby, it packs up and moves to a new part of the forest. Young unmarried men are the usual rubber hunters. Groups of them venture into the forest, wandering and camping under makeshift shelters at night for over a month during the dry season until they gather enough. Then they return to their town, where the women process it, and finally, they sell it either to the white trader in nearby districts or to the M’pongwe trader, who travels around buying rubber as well as collected ivory and ebony, like a Norfolk trader. In remote areas like the ones I was in, far from the M’pongwe trader, the Fans carry the rubber to the nearest town that has contact with the black trader and sell it to the locals, who then resell it to their neighboring towns until it eventually reaches him. This passing of rubber and ivory creates a series of commercial complexities between various towns, comparable to the disputes over women; the Fans have a tendency to demand a life for a life, viewing one life as interchangeable with another. Furthermore, the rubber trade intertwines with disputes over wives, as a man involved in a wife dispute knows his best chance of taking revenge on a grudge-holding village is to capture one of their men while he’s out rubber hunting alone. So, he does this, leading to men from the victim’s village lying in wait for a rubber hunter from the killer’s village, then men from the killer’s village going after rubber hunters from the first victim’s village, and this cycle of blood feuds continues through the ages, making it impossible for outsiders to see where it started or ended. Often, those involved have completely forgotten the reason for the killing. But this doesn’t discourage them at all. If Dr. Nassau is correct and these Fans are descendants of Adam and Eve, then I expect the Cain and Abel cycle of violence is still very much alive among them.
Wiki, being great on bush rope, gave me much information regarding rubber, showing me the various other vines besides the true rubber vine, whose juice, mingled with the true sap by the collector when in the forest, adds to the weight; a matter of importance, because rubber is bought by weight. The other adulteration gets done by the ladies in the villages when the collected sap is handed over to them to prepare for the markets.
Wiki, who was knowledgeable about bush rope, provided me with a lot of information about rubber. He pointed out various other vines in addition to the true rubber vine, whose sap, when mixed with the genuine sap by the collector in the forest, adds to the weight. This is important because rubber is sold by weight. The other adulteration happens when the collected sap is given to the women in the villages to prepare for the markets.
This preparation consists of boiling it in water slightly, and adding a little salt, which causes the gummy part to separate and go to the bottom of the pot, where it looks like a thick cream. The water is carefully poured off this deposit, which is then taken out and moulded, usually in the hands; but I have seen it run into moulds made of small calabashes with a stick or piece of iron passing through, so that when the rubber is set this can be withdrawn. A hole being thus left the balls can be threaded on to a stick, usually five on one stick, for convenience of transport. It is during the moulding process that most of the adulteration gets in. Down by the side of many of the streams there is a white chalky-looking clay which is brought up into the villages, powdered up, and then hung up over the fire in a basket to attain a uniform smuttiness; it is then worked into the rubber when it is being made up into balls. Then a good chunk of Koko, Arum esculentum (Koko is better than yam, I may remark, because it is heavier), also smoked approximately the right colour, is often placed in the centre of the rubber ball. In fact, anything is put there, that is hopefully regarded as likely to deceive the white trader. So great is the adulteration, that most of the traders have to cut each ball open. Even the Kinsembo rubber, which is put up in clusters of bits shaped like little thimbles formed by rolling pinches of rubber between the thumb and finger, and which one would think difficult to put anything inside of, has to be cut, because “the simple children of nature” who collect it and bring it to that “swindling white trader” struck upon the ingenious notion that little pieces of wood shaped like the thimbles and coated by a dip in rubber were excellent additions to a cluster.
This preparation involves boiling it lightly in water and adding a bit of salt, which causes the gummy part to separate and settle at the bottom of the pot, appearing like a thick cream. The water is carefully poured off this residue, which is then removed and shaped, usually by hand. However, I've seen it poured into molds made from small gourds, with a stick or piece of metal going through them, allowing for easy removal once the rubber sets. This leaves a hole so that the balls can be threaded onto a stick, usually five per stick, for easier transport. Most of the adulteration happens during the molding process. By the sides of many streams, there's a white, chalky clay that’s brought into villages, ground down, and then hung over a fire in a basket to get a consistent dark appearance; this is then mixed into the rubber while forming the balls. Often, a good piece of Koko, Arum esculentum (Koko is preferable to yam because it's heavier), also smoked to the right color, is placed in the center of the rubber ball. In fact, anything that might mislead the white trader is added in. The extent of adulteration is so significant that most traders have to cut each ball open. Even the Kinsembo rubber, formed into clusters that look like tiny thimbles by rolling pinches of rubber between the thumb and finger, which seems difficult to conceal anything inside, still has to be cut open because “the simple children of nature” who collect it and bring it to that “swindling white trader” had the clever idea of inserting little pieces of wood shaped like thimbles, coated with rubber, as an enhancement to the cluster.
The pure rubber, when it is made, looks like putty, and has the same dusky-white colour; but, owing to the balls being kept in the huts in baskets in the smoke, and in wicker-work cages in the muddy pools to soak up as much water as possible before going into the hands of the traders, they get almost inky in colour.
The pure rubber, when it's made, looks like putty and has the same dull white color. However, because the balls are stored in huts in baskets exposed to smoke and in wicker cages in muddy pools to absorb as much water as possible before reaching the traders, they end up with an almost inky color.
CHAPTER IX. FROM ESOON TO AGONJO.
In which the Voyager sets forth the beauties of the way from Esoon to N’dorko, and gives some account of the local Swamps.
In which the Voyager explores the beauty of the route from Esoon to N’dorko, and provides some information about the local swamps.
Our next halting place was Esoon, which received us with the usual row, but kindly enough; and endeared itself to me by knowing the Rembwé, and not just waving the arm in the air, in any direction, and saying “Far, far plenty bad people live for that side,” as the other towns had done. Of course they stuck to the bad people part of the legend; but I was getting quite callous as to the moral character of new acquaintances, feeling sure that for good solid murderous rascality several of my old Fan acquaintances, and even my own party, would take a lot of beating; and yet, one and all, they had behaved well to me. Esoon gave me to understand that of all the Sodoms and Gomorrahs that town of Egaja was an easy first, and it would hardly believe we had come that way. Still Egaja had dealt with us well. However I took less interest - except, of course, as a friend, in some details regarding the criminal career of Chief Blue-hat of Egaja - in the opinion of Esoon regarding the country we had survived, than in the information it had to impart regarding the country we had got to survive on our way to the Big River, which now no longer meant the Ogowé, but the Rembwé. I meant to reach one of Hatton and Cookson’s sub-factories there, but - strictly between ourselves - I knew no more at what town that factory was than a Kindergarten Board School child does. I did not mention this fact; and a casual observer might have thought that I had spent my youth in that factory, when I directed my inquiries to the finding out the very shortest route to it. Esoon shook its head. “Yes, it was close, but it was impossible to reach Uguma’s factory.” “Why?” “There was blood war on the path.” I said it was no war of mine. But Esoon said, such was the appalling depravity of the next town on the road, that its inhabitants lay in wait at day with loaded guns and shot on sight any one coming up the Esoon road, and that at night they tied strings with bells on across the road and shot on hearing them. No one had been killed since the first party of Esoonians were fired on at long range, because no one had gone that way; but the next door town had been heard by people who had been out in the bush at night, blazing down the road when the bells were tinkled by wild animals. Clearly that road was not yet really healthy.
Our next stop was Esoon, which welcomed us with the usual crowd, but in a friendly way. It won me over by actually knowing about the Rembwé instead of just waving an arm and saying, "Far, far plenty bad people live that way," like the other towns had done. Sure, they still talked about the bad people part of the legend, but I was becoming pretty indifferent to the moral character of new acquaintances. I was confident that when it came to solid murderous behavior, some of my old Fan friends, and even my own group, could outdo anyone else. Yet, surprisingly, they had all treated me well. Esoon made it clear that among all the Sodom and Gomorrah-like places, the town of Egaja was the worst, and they could hardly believe we had come that way. Still, Egaja had been good to us. However, I was less interested—except as a friend, particularly in details about Chief Blue-hat’s criminal activities in Egaja—than in what Esoon could tell us about the country we needed to navigate on our way to the Big River, which now meant the Rembwé instead of the Ogowé. I intended to reach one of Hatton and Cookson’s sub-factories there, but between us, I had no idea which town that factory was in, just like a child in Kindergarten wouldn’t know. I didn’t mention this, and someone casually observing might think I had spent my youth in that factory when I asked for the quickest route to get there. Esoon shook its head. “Yes, it’s nearby, but you can’t reach Uguma’s factory.” “Why not?” “There’s a blood feud on the path.” I told them it wasn’t my war. But Esoon explained that the next town was so morally corrupt that its people waited during the day with loaded guns and shot anyone who came down the Esoon road, and at night they set up string traps with bells and shot at the sound. No one had been killed since the first group of Esoonians was shot at from a distance because no one had traveled that way. However, the nearby town had been reported to shoot down the road when the bells rang from wild animals. Clearly, that road was still not safe.
The Duke, who as I have said before, was a fine courageous fellow, ready to engage in any undertaking, suggested I should go up the road - alone by myself - first - a mile ahead of the party - and the next town, perhaps, might not shoot at sight, if they happened to notice I was something queer; and I might explain things, and then the rest of the party would follow. “There’s nothing like dash and courage, my dear Duke,” I said, “even if one display it by deputy, so this plan does you great credit; but as my knowledge of this charming language of yours is but small, I fear I might create a wrong impression in that town, and it might think I had kindly brought them a present of eight edible heathens - you and the remainder of my followers, you understand.” My men saw this was a real danger, and this was the only way I saw of excusing myself. It is at such a moment as this that the Giant’s robe gets, so to speak, between your legs and threatens to trip you up. Going up a forbidden road, and exposing yourself as a pot shot to ambushed natives would be jam and fritters to Mr. MacTaggart, for example; but I am not up to that form yet. So I determined to leave that road severely alone, and circumnavigate the next town by a road that leaves Esoon going W.N.W., which struck the Rembwé by N’dorko, I was told, and then follow up the bank of the river until I picked up the sub-factory. Subsequent experience did not make one feel inclined to take out a patent for this plan, but at the time in Esoon it looked nice enough.
The Duke, who, as I mentioned before, was a brave guy, always up for a challenge, suggested that I should head up the road—alone—first—about a mile ahead of the group. He thought that maybe the next town wouldn't immediately react if they noticed I seemed a bit off, and I could explain things before the rest of the group arrived. “There’s nothing like boldness and bravery, my dear Duke,” I replied, “even if it's shown through someone else, so this idea does you proud; but since my knowledge of your lovely language is pretty basic, I’m afraid I might give the wrong impression in that town. They might think I’d brought them a gift of eight edible natives—meaning you and the rest of my entourage, if you catch my drift.” My guys recognized this as a real risk, and this seemed to be the only way I could justify backing out. It’s at times like this that the Giant’s robe, so to speak, trips you up. Taking a forbidden path and making yourself an easy target for hidden locals would be a piece of cake for someone like Mr. MacTaggart, for example; but I’m not ready for that yet. So I decided to completely avoid that road and take a detour around the next town via a route that leaves Esoon heading W.N.W., which I was told would meet the Rembwé near N’dorko, and then I'd follow the riverbank until I got to the sub-factory. My later experiences didn’t exactly make me want to patent this plan, but at the time in Esoon, it seemed good enough.
Some few of the more highly cultured inhabitants here could speak trade English a little, and had been to the Rembwé, and were quite intelligent about the whole affair. They had seen white men. A village they formerly occupied nearer the Rembwé had been burnt by them, on account of a something that had occurred to a Catholic priest who visited it. They were, of course, none of them personally mixed up in this sad affair, so could give no details of what had befallen the priest. They knew also “the Mové,” which was a great bond of union between us. “Was I a wife of them Mové white man,” they inquired - “or them other white man?” I civilly said them Mové men were my tribe, and they ought to have known it by the look of me. They discussed my points of resemblance to “the Mové white man,” and I am ashamed to say I could not forbear from smiling, as I distinctly recognised my friends from the very racy description of their personal appearance and tricks of manner given by a lively Esoonian belle who had certainly met them. So content and happy did I become under these soothing influences, that I actually took off my boots, a thing I had quite got out of the habit of doing, and had them dried. I wanted to have them rubbed with palm oil, but I found, to my surprise, that there was no palm oil to be had, the tree being absent, or scarce in this region, so I had to content myself with having them rubbed with a piece of animal fat instead. I chaperoned my men, while among the ladies of Esoon - a forward set of minxes - with the vigilance of a dragon; and decreed, like the Mikado of Japan, “that whosoever leered or winked, unless connubially linked, should forthwith be beheaded,” have their pay chopped, I mean; and as they were beginning to smell their pay, they were careful; and we got through Esoon without one of them going into jail; no mean performance when you remember that every man had a past - to put it mildly.
Some of the more cultured people here could speak a bit of trade English, and had been to the Rembwé, so they were pretty knowledgeable about the whole situation. They had seen white men. A village they used to live in closer to the Rembwé had been burned by them because of something that happened to a Catholic priest who visited there. They weren’t personally involved in this unfortunate incident, so they couldn't provide any details about what happened to the priest. They also knew about “the Mové,” which was a significant connection between us. “Was I a wife of the Mové white man,” they asked - “or that other white man?” I politely told them that the Mové men were my tribe, and they should have recognized that from my appearance. They talked about how I resembled “the Mové white man,” and I’m a bit embarrassed to admit that I couldn’t help but smile, as I clearly recognized my friends from the colorful descriptions given by a lively Esoonian woman who had definitely met them. I felt so relaxed and happy under these comforting influences that I actually took off my boots, something I hadn’t done in a while, and had them dried. I wanted to have them polished with palm oil, but I was surprised to find that there wasn’t any palm oil available, as the trees were either missing or rare in this area, so I had to settle for having them rubbed with a piece of animal fat instead. I kept an eye on my men while they were around the ladies of Esoon - a bold group of flirtatious women - with the vigilance of a dragon; and I declared, like the Mikado of Japan, “that anyone who leered or winked, unless they were married, should immediately face the consequences,” meaning they would have their pay cut; and since they were starting to think about their pay, they were careful, and we got through Esoon without any of them ending up in jail; no small feat considering that every man had a history - to say the least.
Esoon is not situated like the other towns, with a swamp and the forest close round it; but it is built on the side of a fairly cleared ravine among its plantain groves. When you are on the southern side of the ravine, you can see Esoon looking as if it were hung on the hillside before you. You then go through a plantation down into the little river, and up into the town - one long, broad, clean-kept street. Leaving Esoon you go on up the hill through another plantation to the summit. Immediately after leaving the town we struck westwards; and when we got to the top of the next hill we had a view that showed us we were dealing with another type of country. The hills to the westward are lower, and the valleys between them broader and less heavily forested, or rather I should say forested with smaller sorts of timber. All our paths took us during the early part of the day up and down hills, through swamps and little rivers, all flowing Rembwé-wards. About the middle of the afternoon, when we had got up to the top of a high hill, after having had a terrible time on a timber fall of the first magnitude, into which four of us had fallen, I of course for one, I saw a sight that made my heart stand still. Stretching away to the west and north, winding in and out among the feet of the now isolated mound-like mountains, was that never to be mistaken black-green forest swamp of mangrove; doubtless the fringe of the River Rembwé, which evidently comes much further inland than the mangrove belt on the Ogowé. This is reasonable and as it should be, though it surprised me at the time; for the great arm of the sea which is called the Gaboon is really a fjord, just like Bonny and Opobo rivers, with several rivers falling into it at its head, and this fjord brings the sea water further inland. In addition to this the two rivers, the ’Como (Nkâmâ) and Rembwé that fall into this Gaboon, with several smaller rivers, both bring down an inferior quantity of fresh water, and that at nothing like the tearing, tide-beating back pace of the Ogowé. As my brother would say, “It’s perfectly simple if you think about it;” but thinking is not my strong point. Anyhow I was glad to see the mangrove-belt; all the gladder because I did not then know how far it was inland from the sea, and also because I was fool enough to think that a long line I could see, running E. and W. to the north of where I stood, was the line of the Rembwé river; which it was not, as we soon found out. Cheered by this pleasing prospect, we marched on forgetful of our scratches, down the side of the hill, and down the foot slope of it, until we struck the edge of the swamp. We skirted this for some mile or so, going N.E. Then we struck into the swamp, to reach what we had regarded as the Rembwé river. We found ourselves at the edge of that open line we had seen from the mountain. Not standing, because you don’t so much as try to stand on mangrove roots unless you are a born fool, and then you don’t stand long, but clinging, like so many monkeys, to the net of aërial roots which surrounded us, looking blankly at a lake of ink-black slime. It was half a mile across, and some miles long. We could not see either the west or east termination of it, for it lay like a rotten serpent twisted between the mangroves. It never entered into our heads to try to cross it, for when a swamp is too deep for mangroves to grow in it, “No bottom lib for them dam ting,” as a Kruboy once said to me, anent a small specimen of this sort of ornament to a landscape. But we just looked round to see which direction we had better take. Then I observed that the roots, aërial and otherwise, were coated in mud, and had no leaves on them, for a foot above our heads. Next I noticed that the surface of the mud before us had a sort of quiver running through it, and here and there it exhibited swellings on its surface, which rose in one place and fell in another. No need for an old coaster like me to look at that sort of thing twice to know what it meant, and feeling it was a situation more suited to Mr. Stanley than myself, I attempted to emulate his methods and addressed my men. “Boys,” said I, “this beastly hole is tidal, and the tide is coming in. As it took us two hours to get to this sainted swamp, it’s time we started out, one time, and the nearest way. It’s to be hoped the practice we have acquired in mangrove roots in coming, will enable us to get up sufficient pace to get out on to dry land before we are all drowned.” The boys took the hint. Fortunately one of the Ajumbas had been down in Ogowé, it was Gray Shirt, who “sabed them tide palaver.” The rest of them, and the Fans, did not know what tide meant, but Gray Shirt hustled them along and I followed, deeply regretting that my ancestors had parted prematurely with prehensile tails, for four limbs, particularly when two of them are done up in boots and are not sufficient to enable one to get through a mangrove swamp network of slimy roots rising out of the water, and swinging lines of aërial ones coming down to the water à la mangrove, with anything approaching safety. Added to these joys were any quantity of mangrove flies, a broiling hot sun, and an atmosphere three-quarters solid stench from the putrefying ooze all round us. For an hour and a half thought I, Why did I come to Africa, or why, having come, did I not know when I was well off and stay in Glass? Before these problems were settled in my mind we were close to the true land again, with the water under us licking lazily among the roots and over our feet.
Esoon isn't like the other towns, surrounded by a swamp and forest; instead, it's built on the side of a fairly cleared ravine amid its plantain groves. Standing on the southern side of the ravine, you see Esoon appearing as if it were hung on the hillside before you. You then walk through a plantation down to the small river and up into the town, which has one long, wide, well-kept street. Leaving Esoon, you head up the hill through another plantation to the top. Right after leaving the town, we headed west; and when we reached the top of the next hill, it became clear we were in a different kind of landscape. The hills to the west are lower, and the valleys between them are broader and less densely forested, or rather, they’re covered with smaller trees. Throughout the early part of the day, our paths took us up and down hills, through swamps and small rivers, all flowing toward the Rembwé. Around midday, after climbing a high hill and struggling over a massive fallen tree that four of us, myself included, had fallen into, I saw something that made my heart stop. Stretching away to the west and north, winding in and out among the feet of the now isolated, mound-like mountains, was the unmistakable black-green forest swamp of mangroves, likely the edge of the River Rembwé, which clearly extends much further inland than the mangrove belt along the Ogowé. This makes sense, even though it surprised me at the time, because the large sea branch known as the Gaboon is actually a fjord, much like the Bonny and Opobo rivers, with several rivers feeding into it at its head, and this fjord brings seawater much further inland. Additionally, the two rivers, the Como (Nkâmâ) and Rembwé that flow into this Gaboon, along with several smaller rivers, also carry a lesser amount of freshwater, and not nearly as powerfully as the tide-swept Ogowé. As my brother would say, “It’s perfectly simple if you think about it,” but thinking isn't my strong suit. Regardless, I was glad to see the mangrove belt, even more so because I didn’t know how far it was from the sea at that moment, and also because I naïvely thought that a long line running east and west to the north of where I stood was the Rembwé River, which it turned out not to be. Encouraged by this encouraging sight, we marched on, forgetting our scratches, down the side of the hill, and down its foot slope, until we reached the edge of the swamp. We skirted this for a mile or so, heading northeast. Then we entered the swamp to get to what we thought was the Rembwé river. We found ourselves at the edge of the open area we’d seen from the mountain. Not standing, because you don’t even try to stand on mangrove roots unless you’re really foolish, and then you won’t stand long, but clinging, like monkeys, to the web of aerial roots surrounding us, we stared blankly at a lake of ink-black sludge. It stretched half a mile across and ran for several miles. We couldn’t see either the western or eastern end of it, as it lay like a rotten serpent twisted among the mangroves. It never occurred to us to try to cross it, because when a swamp is too deep for mangroves to grow, as a Kruboy once told me about a small version of this landscape feature, “No bottom lib for them dam ting.” But we just looked around to determine which direction to take. Then I noticed that the roots, aerial and otherwise, were covered in mud and didn't have leaves for a foot above our heads. Next, I saw that the surface of the mud in front of us was rippling, and here and there it had swells rising and falling across its surface. I didn’t need to look at that sort of thing twice to understand what it meant, and sensing that this was a situation more suited for Mr. Stanley than me, I tried to emulate him and addressed my men. “Boys,” I said, “this nasty hole is tidal, and the tide is coming in. It took us two hours to reach this blessed swamp, so it's time to move out, and fast, in the nearest direction. Let’s hope the experience we've gained navigating mangrove roots will help us pick up enough speed to reach dry land before we’re all drowned.” The boys got the hint. Luckily, one of the Ajumbas had been in Ogowé—Gray Shirt—who “sabed them tide palaver.” The others, along with the Fans, didn’t understand what a tide was, but Gray Shirt hurried them along, and I followed, regretting that my ancestors had lost their prehensile tails too soon, because having four limbs, especially when two are stuck in boots, is not enough to get through a slimy mangrove swamp filled with roots sticking out of the water, while swinging lines of aerial roots come down to the water in a mangrove style, without some trouble. Adding to these pleasures were countless mangrove flies, a scorching hot sun, and an atmosphere thick with the stench of rotting muck all around us. For an hour and a half, I thought about why I came to Africa, or why, after coming, I didn't realize when I was better off and stay in Glass. Before I could settle these thoughts, we were close to dry land again, with the water beneath us lazily licking around the roots and over our feet.
We did not make any fuss about it, but we meant to stick to dry land for some time, and so now took to the side of a hill that seemed like a great bubble coming out of the swamp, and bore steadily E. until we found a path. This path, according to the nature of paths in this country, promptly took us into another swamp, but of a different kind to our last - a knee-deep affair, full of beautiful palms and strange water plants, the names whereof I know not. There was just one part where that abomination, pandanus, had to be got through, but, as swamps go, it was not at all bad. I ought to mention that there were leeches in it, lest I may be thought too enthusiastic over its charms. But the great point was that the mountains we got to on the other side of it, were a good solid ridge, running, it is true, E. and W., while we wanted to go N.; still on we went waiting for developments, and watching the great line of mangrove-swamp spreading along below us to the left hand, seeing many of the lines in its dark face, which betokened more of those awesome slime lagoons that we had seen enough of at close quarters.
We didn’t make a big deal about it, but we planned to stay on dry land for a while, so we headed toward a hill that looked like a huge bubble rising out of the swamp and moved steadily east until we found a path. This path, typical of paths in this area, quickly led us into another swamp, but it was different from the last one — this one was knee-deep and filled with beautiful palms and strange water plants, the names of which I don't know. There was one tricky spot with that awful pandanus to get through, but overall, it wasn’t too bad for a swamp. I should mention that there were leeches in it, just so you don’t think I’m too enthusiastic about its beauty. The main thing was that the mountains we reached on the other side formed a solid ridge. True, it ran east and west while we wanted to go north; still, we pressed on, waiting for things to unfold and watching the long stretch of mangrove swamp spread out below us to the left, noticing many lines in its dark surface that indicated more of those creepy slime lagoons we had seen up close enough already.
About four o’clock we struck some more plantations, and passing through these, came to a path running north-east, down which we went. I must say the forest scenery here was superbly lovely. Along this mountain side cliff to the mangrove-swamp the sun could reach the soil, owing to the steepness and abruptness and the changes of curves of the ground; while the soft steamy air which came up off the swamp swathed everything, and although unpleasantly strong in smell to us, was yet evidently highly agreeable to the vegetation. Lovely wine palms and rafia palms, looking as if they had been grown under glass, so deliciously green and profuse was their feather-like foliage, intermingled with giant red woods, and lovely dark glossy green lianes, blooming in wreaths and festoons of white and mauve flowers, which gave a glorious wealth of beauty and colour to the scene. Even the monotony of the mangrove-belt alongside gave an additional charm to it, like the frame round a picture.
About four o’clock, we encountered more plantations, and as we passed through them, we came across a path heading northeast, which we followed. I have to say, the forest scenery here was incredibly beautiful. Along this mountainside cliff down to the mangrove swamp, the sun could reach the ground because of the steepness and abrupt changes in the terrain; while the warm, steamy air rising from the swamp enveloped everything, and although it had a rather strong odor to us, it was clearly very beneficial for the plants. Stunning wine palms and raffia palms looked as if they had been grown in a greenhouse, so vibrantly green and abundant was their feather-like foliage, mixed in with towering redwoods and rich, glossy green vines blossoming in garlands and clusters of white and mauve flowers, which added a wonderful richness of beauty and color to the landscape. Even the monotony of the mangrove belt beside it added an extra charm, like a frame around a painting.
As we passed on, the ridge turned N. and the mangrove line narrowed between the hills. Our path now ran east and more in the middle of the forest, and the cool shade was charming after the heat we had had earlier in the day. We crossed a lovely little stream coming down the hillside in a cascade; and then our path plunged into a beautiful valley. We had glimpses through the trees of an amphitheatre of blue mist-veiled mountains coming down in a crescent before us, and on all sides, save due west where the mangrove-swamp came in. Never shall I forget the exceeding beauty of that valley, the foliage of the trees round us, the delicate wreaths and festoons of climbing plants, the graceful delicate plumes of the palm trees, interlacing among each other, and showing through all a background of soft, pale, purple-blue mountains and forest, not really far away, as the practised eye knew, but only made to look so by the mist, which has this trick of giving suggestion of immense space without destroying the beauty of detail. Those African misty forests have the same marvellous distinctive quality that Turner gives one in his greatest pictures. I am no artist, so I do not know exactly what it is, but I see it is there. I luxuriated in the exquisite beauty of that valley, little thinking or knowing what there was in it besides beauty, as Allah “in mercy hid the book of fate.” On we went among the ferns and flowers until we met a swamp, a different kind of swamp to those we had heretofore met, save the little one last mentioned. This one was much larger, and a gem of beauty; but we had to cross it. It was completely furnished with characteristic flora. Fortunately when we got to its edge we saw a woman crossing before us, but unfortunately she did not take a fancy to our appearance, and instead of staying and having a chat about the state of the roads, and the shortest way to N’dorko, she bolted away across the swamp. I noticed she carefully took a course, not the shortest, although that course immersed her to her armpits. In we went after her, and when things were getting unpleasantly deep, and feeling highly uncertain under foot, we found there was a great log of a tree under the water which, as we had seen the lady’s care at this point, we deemed it advisable to walk on. All of us save one, need I say that one was myself? effected this with safety. As for me, when I was at the beginning of the submerged bridge, and busily laying about in my mind for a definite opinion as to whether it was better to walk on a slippy tree trunk bridge you could see, or on one you could not, I was hurled off by that inexorable fate that demands of me a personal acquaintance with fluvial and paludial ground deposits; whereupon I took a header, and am thereby able to inform the world, that there is between fifteen and twenty feet of water each side of that log. I conscientiously went in on one side, and came up on the other. The log, I conjecture, is odum or ebony, and it is some fifty feet long; anyhow it is some sort of wood that won’t float. Gray Shirt says it is a bridge across an under-swamp river. Having survived this and reached the opposite bank, we shortly fell in with a party of men and women, who were taking, they said, a parcel of rubber to Holty’s. They told us N’dorko was quite close, and that the plantations we saw before us were its outermost ones, but spoke of a swamp, a bad swamp. We knew it, we said, in the foolishness of our hearts thinking they meant the one we had just forded, and leaving them resting, passed on our way; half-a-mile further on we were wiser and sadder, for then we stood on the rim of one of the biggest swamps I have ever seen south of the Rivers. It stretched away in all directions, a great sheet of filthy water, out of which sprang gorgeous marsh plants, in islands, great banks of screw pine, and coppices of wine palm, with their lovely fronds reflected back by the still, mirror-like water, so that the reflection was as vivid as the reality, and above all remarkable was a plant, {241} new and strange to me, whose pale-green stem came up out of the water and then spread out in a flattened surface, thin, and in a peculiarly graceful curve. This flattened surface had growing out from it leaves, the size, shape and colour of lily of the valley leaves; until I saw this thing I had held the wine palm to be the queen of grace in the vegetable kingdom, but this new beauty quite surpassed her.
As we moved on, the ridge turned north and the mangrove line became narrower between the hills. Our path now ran east, deeper into the forest, and the cool shade was refreshing after the heat earlier in the day. We crossed a charming little stream cascading down the hillside, and then our path descended into a beautiful valley. We caught glimpses through the trees of an amphitheater of blue, mist-covered mountains curving before us, surrounding us except to the due west where the mangrove swamp began. I’ll never forget the incredible beauty of that valley—the foliage of the trees around us, the delicate wreaths and drapes of climbing plants, the graceful plumes of palm trees weaving together, all set against a backdrop of soft, pale, purple-blue mountains and forest that seemed far away, though the experienced eye knew better; it was just an illusion created by the mist, which gives a sense of vastness without losing the beauty of detail. Those misty African forests share that same remarkable quality that Turner captures in his greatest paintings. I’m no artist, so I can't quite explain it, but I can see it’s there. I reveled in the stunning beauty of that valley, little realizing that there was more to it than just beauty, as Allah "in mercy hid the book of fate." We continued through the ferns and flowers until we came upon a swamp, different from the ones we had encountered before, except for the last small one. This one was much larger and a gem of beauty, but we had to cross it. It was fully stocked with typical flora. Luckily, when we reached its edge, we saw a woman crossing ahead of us, but unfortunately, she didn’t like our appearance and instead of stopping to chat about the road conditions and the shortest way to N’dorko, she dashed away across the swamp. I noticed she purposely took a longer route, even though it soaked her up to her armpits. We followed her, and when the water started getting uncomfortably deep and I felt uneasy about the ground beneath me, we discovered a large log under the water that we decided to walk on, given the lady's care at that point. Everyone but me managed to cross safely. When I reached the start of the submerged log and was busy debating whether it was better to walk on a slippery tree trunk bridge that was visible or on one that wasn’t, fate, in its relentless manner, decided that I needed a personal experience with waterlogged terrain; I ended up tipping over and can now inform the world that there’s about fifteen to twenty feet of water on either side of that log. I went in on one side and came up on the other. I suspect the log is made of odum or ebony, and it’s about fifty feet long; either way, it’s some type of wood that doesn’t float. Gray Shirt says it’s a bridge across an underground river. After surviving this and reaching the other bank, we quickly encountered a group of men and women who said they were taking a package of rubber to Holty’s. They told us that N’dorko was quite close and that the plantations we could see ahead were the outer ones, but they warned of a swamp, a nasty swamp. We thought they meant the one we had just crossed, foolishly believing their warnings, and after resting a bit, we continued on. Half a mile later, we were wiser and sadder as we stood on the edge of one of the largest swamps I’ve ever seen south of the rivers. It spread out in every direction, a massive sheet of filthy water, dotted with vibrant marsh plants in islands, large banks of screw pine, and clusters of wine palm, all reflecting beautifully in the still, mirror-like water, making the reflection as vivid as the reality. Most remarkable was a plant, {241} new and unfamiliar to me, with a pale-green stem rising from the water and spreading out into a thin, gracefully curved flat surface. From this surface grew leaves the size, shape, and color of lily of the valley leaves; until I saw this, I had thought the wine palm was the epitome of grace in the plant kingdom, but this new beauty completely outshone her.
Our path went straight into this swamp over the black rocks forming its rim, in an imperative, no alternative, “Come-along-this-way” style. Singlet, who was leading, carrying a good load of bottled fish and a gorilla specimen, went at it like a man, and disappeared before the eyes of us close following him, then and there down through the water. He came up, thanks be, but his load is down there now, worse luck. Then I said we must get the rubber carriers who were coming this way to show us the ford; and so we sat down on the bank a tired, disconsolate, dilapidated-looking row, until they arrived. When they came up they did not plunge in forthwith; but leisurely set about making a most nerve-shaking set of preparations, taking off their clothes, and forming them into bundles, which, to my horror, they put on the tops of their heads. The women carried the rubber on their backs still, but rubber is none the worse for being under water. The men went in first, each holding his gun high above his head. They skirted the bank before they struck out into the swamp, and were followed by the women and by our party, and soon we were all up to our chins.
Our path led straight into the swamp over the black rocks that made up its edge, in a direct, “You-have-to-come-this-way” way. Singlet, who was in the front, loaded down with bottled fish and a gorilla specimen, charged ahead and disappeared into the water. He surfaced, thankfully, but his load stayed down there, unfortunately. Then I suggested we should get the rubber carriers who were coming this way to show us where to cross, so we sat tired and looking defeated on the bank until they arrived. When they showed up, they didn't jump in right away; instead, they started a nerve-wracking process of taking off their clothes and bundling them up, which, to my horror, they placed on top of their heads. The women still carried the rubber on their backs, but being under water doesn’t harm rubber. The men went in first, each holding their guns high above their heads. They moved along the bank before they ventured into the swamp, followed by the women and our group, and before long, we were all up to our chins.
We were two hours and a quarter passing that swamp. I was one hour and three-quarters; but I made good weather of it, closely following the rubber-carriers, and only going in right over head and all twice. Other members of my band were less fortunate. One and all, we got horribly infested with leeches, having a frill of them round our necks like astrachan collars, and our hands covered with them, when we came out.
We spent two hours and fifteen minutes getting through that swamp. I took one hour and seventy-five minutes, but I managed to keep up with the rubber-carriers, only going completely under twice. The others in my group had a harder time. We all ended up completely infested with leeches, with a bunch of them around our necks like fur collars, and our hands covered with them by the time we made it out.
We had to pass across the first bit of open country I had seen for a long time - a real patch of grass on the top of a low ridge, which is fringed with swamp on all sides save the one we made our way to, the eastern. Shortly after passing through another plantation, we saw brown huts, and in a few minutes were standing in the middle of a ramshackle village, at the end of which, through a high stockade, with its gateway smeared with blood which hung in gouts, we saw our much longed for Rembwé River. I made for it, taking small notice of the hubbub our arrival occasioned, and passed through the gateway, setting its guarding bell ringing violently; I stood on the steep, black, mud slime bank, surrounded by a noisy crowd. It is a big river, but nothing to the Ogowé, either in breadth or beauty; what beauty it has is of the Niger delta type - black mud-laden water, with a mangrove swamp fringe to it in all directions. I soon turned back into the village and asked for Ugumu’s factory. “This is it,” said an exceedingly dirty, good-looking, civil-spoken man in perfect English, though as pure blooded an African as ever walked. “This is it, sir,” and he pointed to one of the huts on the right-hand side, indistinguishable in squalor from the rest. “Where’s the Agent?” said I. “I’m the Agent,” he answered. You could have knocked me down with a feather. “Where’s John Holt’s factory?” said I. “You have passed it; it is up on the hill.” This showed Messrs. Holt’s local factory to be no bigger than Ugumu’s. At this point a big, scraggy, very black man with an irregularly formed face the size of a tea-tray and looking generally as if he had come out of a pantomime on the Arabian Nights, dashed through the crowd, shouting, “I’m for Holty, I’m for Holty.” “This is my trade, you go ’way,” says Agent number one. Fearing my two Agents would fight and damage each other, so that neither would be any good for me, I firmly said, “Have you got any rum?” Agent number one looked crestfallen, Holty’s triumphant. “Rum, fur sure,” says he; so I gave him a five-franc piece, which he regarded with great pleasure, and putting it in his mouth, he legged it like a lamplighter away to his store on the hill. “Have you any tobacco?” said I to Agent number one. He brightened, “Plenty tobacco, plenty cloth,” said he; so I told him to give me out twenty heads. I gave my men two heads apiece. I told them rum was coming, and ordered them to take the loads on to Hatton and Cookson’s Agent’s hut and then to go and buy chop and make themselves comfortable. They highly approved of this plan, and grunted assent ecstatically; and just as the loads were stowed Holty’s anatomy hove in sight with a bottle of rum under each arm, and one in each hand; while behind him came an acolyte, a fat, small boy, panting and puffing and doing his level best to keep up with his long-legged flying master. I gave my men some and put the rest in with my goods, and explained that I belonged to Hatton and Cookson’s (it’s the proper thing to belong to somebody), and that therefore I must take up my quarters at their Store; but Holty’s energetic agent hung about me like a vulture in hopes of getting more five franc-piece pickings. I sent Ngouta off to get me some tea, and had the hut cleared of an excited audience, and shut myself in with Hatton and Cookson’s agent, and asked him seriously and anxiously if there was not a big factory of the firm’s on the river, because it was self-evident he had not got anything like enough stuff to pay off my men with, and my agreement was to pay off on the Rembwé, hence my horror at the smallness of the firm’s N’dorko store. “Besides,” I said, “Mr. Glass (I knew the head Rembwé agent of Hatton and Cookson was a Mr. Glass), you have only got cloth and tobacco, and I have promised the Fans to pay off in whatever they choose, and I know for sure they want powder.” “I am not Mr. Glass,” said my friend; “he is up at Agonjo, I only do small trade for him here.” Joy!!!! but where’s Agonjo? To make a long story short I found Agonjo was an hour’s paddle up the Rembwé and the place we ought to have come out at. There was a botheration again about sending up a message, because of a war palaver; but I got a pencil note, with my letter of introduction from Mr. Cockshut to Sanga Glass, at last delivered to that gentleman; and down he came, in a state of considerable astonishment, not unmixed with alarm, for no white man of any kind had been across from the Ogowé for years, and none had ever come out at N’dorko. Mr. Glass I found an exceedingly neat, well-educated M’pongwe gentleman in irreproachable English garments, and with irreproachable, but slightly floreate, English language. We started talking trade, with my band in the middle of the street; making a patch of uproar in the moonlit surrounding silence. As soon as we thought we had got one gentleman’s mind settled as to what goods he would take his pay in, and were proceeding to investigate another gentleman’s little fancies, gentleman number one’s mind came all to pieces again, and he wanted “to room his bundle,” i.e. change articles in it for other articles of an equivalent value, if it must be, but of a higher, if possible. Oh ye shopkeepers in England who grumble at your lady customers, just you come out here and try to serve, and satisfy a set of Fans! Mr. Glass was evidently an expert at the affair, but it was past 11 p.m. before we got the orders written out, and getting my baggage into some canoes, that Mr. Glass had brought down from Agonjo, for N’dorko only had a few very wretched ones, I started off up river with him and all the Ajumba, and Kiva, the Fan, who had been promised a safe conduct. He came to see the bundles for his fellow Fans were made up satisfactorily. The canoes being small there was quite a procession of them. Mr. Glass and I shared one, which was paddled by two small boys; how we ever got up the Rembwé that night I do not know, for although neither of us were fat, the canoe was a one man canoe, and the water lapped over the edge in an alarming way. Had any of us sneezed, or had it been daylight when two or three mangrove flies would have joined the party, we must have foundered; but all went well; and on arriving at Agonjo Mr. Glass most kindly opened his store, and by the light of lamps and lanterns, we picked out the goods from his varied and ample supply, and handed them over to the Ajumba and Kiva, and all, save three of the Ajumba, were satisfied. The three, Gray Shirt, Silence, and Pagan quietly explained to me that they found the Rembwé price so little better than the Lembarene price that they would rather get their pay off Mr. Cockshut, than risk taking it back through the Fan country, so I gave them books on him. I gave all my remaining trade goods, and the rest of the rum to the Fans as a dash, and they were more than satisfied. I must say they never clamoured for dash for top. The Passenger we had brought through with us, who had really made himself very helpful, was quite surprised at getting a bundle of goods from me. My only anxiety was as to whether Fika would get his share all right; but I expect he did, for the Ajumbas are very honest men; and they were going back with my Fan friends. I found out, by the by, the reason of Fika’s shyness in coming through to the Rembwé; it was a big wife palaver.
We had to cross the first piece of open land I had seen in a long time—a real patch of grass on top of a low ridge, surrounded by swamp on all sides except for the way we came from, which was the east. Shortly after passing through another plantation, we saw brown huts, and in a few minutes we were standing in the middle of a run-down village. At the end of it, behind a high stockade with a blood-smeared gateway, we saw the Rembwé River that we had longed for. I headed straight for it, barely noticing the commotion our arrival caused, and walked through the gateway, making the bell at the entrance ring loudly. I found myself on the steep, black, muddy bank, surrounded by a noisy crowd. It's a big river, but it can't compare to the Ogowé in size or beauty; its beauty is more like that of the Niger delta—dark, muddy water with mangrove swamps all around it. I quickly turned back into the village and asked for Ugumu’s factory. “This is it,” said a very dirty but good-looking man who spoke perfect English, even though he was as pure-blooded an African as you'd ever meet. “This is it, sir,” he pointed to one of the huts on the right, which looked just as shabby as the others. “Where’s the Agent?” I asked. “I’m the Agent,” he replied. I was taken aback. “Where’s John Holt’s factory?” I asked. “You’ve passed it; it's up on the hill.” This showed that Messrs. Holt’s local factory was no larger than Ugumu’s. At that moment, a big, thin, very dark man with a face as large as a tea tray and looking like he stepped out of a pantomime from the Arabian Nights, rushed through the crowd, shouting, “I’m for Holty, I’m for Holty.” “This is my trade; you go away,” said Agent number one. Worried that my two Agents would fight and hurt each other and wouldn’t be any good to me, I firmly asked, “Do you have any rum?” Agent number one looked disappointed, while Holty’s Agent beamed. “Rum, for sure,” he said; so I handed him a five-franc piece, which he took with pleasure and ran off to his store on the hill. “Do you have any tobacco?” I asked Agent number one. He perked up, “Plenty of tobacco, plenty of cloth,” he said; so I ordered him to give me twenty heads. I distributed two heads to each of my men. I told them rum was coming, instructed them to take the loads to Hatton and Cookson’s Agent's hut, and then to go and buy food and make themselves comfortable. They were thrilled with this plan and grunted their agreement. Just as the loads were packed, Holty appeared with a bottle of rum under each arm and one in each hand, followed by a chubby little boy who was trying hard to keep up with his speedy master. I shared some rum with my men and stored the rest with my goods. I explained that I was with Hatton and Cookson (it’s standard to associate with someone), so I needed to stay at their store; however, Holty’s enthusiastic Agent lingered around me like a vulture, hoping for more five-franc finds. I sent Ngouta to get me some tea, cleared the hut of the excited crowd, and locked myself in with Hatton and Cookson’s Agent. I asked him seriously and anxiously if there wasn’t a large factory of the firm on the river, as it was obvious he didn’t have nearly enough supplies to pay my men, and my agreement stated that I was supposed to pay them on the Rembwé, hence my distress over the smallness of the firm’s N’dorko store. “Besides,” I said, “Mr. Glass (I knew the head Rembwé agent of Hatton and Cookson was a Mr. Glass), you only have cloth and tobacco, and I promised the Fans I'd pay them in whatever they chose, and I know for sure they want powder.” “I’m not Mr. Glass,” said my companion; “he’s up at Agonjo, I only handle small trades for him here.” Joy! But where's Agonjo? To cut a long story short, I found out Agonjo was an hour's paddle up the Rembwé, which was where we should have ended up. There was some trouble with sending a message because of a war situation, but I eventually managed to get a note, along with my introduction letter from Mr. Cockshut to Sanga Glass, delivered to that gentleman; and down he came, looking quite surprised and a bit alarmed, as no white man of any kind had crossed from the Ogowé in years, and none had ever come out at N’dorko. I found Mr. Glass to be a very neat, well-educated M’pongwe gentleman dressed impeccably in English clothes, speaking English that was impeccable but slightly floreate. We began discussing trade, with my team gathered in the middle of the street, making a ruckus in the otherwise silent moonlit night. Just when we thought we had one gentleman’s trade settled about what goods he would take, he suddenly wanted “to room his bundle,” meaning he wanted to swap items in it for others of equivalent value, ideally of higher value. Oh, shopkeepers in England who complain about your lady customers, just try serving a group of Fans out here! Mr. Glass seemed quite skilled at the process, but it was past 11 p.m. before we got the orders arranged and my luggage loaded into some canoes Mr. Glass had brought down from Agonjo. N’dorko only had a few really awful canoes, so we set off up the river together with him and all the Ajumba, along with Kiva, the Fan who had been promised safe passage. He came along to ensure the bundles for his fellow Fans were put together properly. Since the canoes were small, it was quite a parade. Mr. Glass and I shared one, which was paddled by two small boys; I don’t know how we made it up the Rembwé that night, as even though neither of us were heavy, the canoe was meant for just one person, and the water was lapping over the sides alarmingly. If either of us had sneezed, or if it had been daylight when a few mangrove flies would have joined us, we would surely have capsized; but everything went well. Upon arriving at Agonjo, Mr. Glass kindly opened his store, and under the light of lamps and lanterns, we picked out the goods from his wide and plentiful stock and handed them over to the Ajumba. Everyone except three of the Ajumba was satisfied. The three, Gray Shirt, Silence, and Pagan quietly explained that they felt the Rembwé price was only slightly better than the Lembarene price and preferred to get their payment from Mr. Cockshut instead of risking bringing it back through the Fan territory, so I gave them letters to him. I gave all my remaining trade goods and the rest of the rum to the Fans as a gift, which they greatly appreciated. I must say they never clamored for extra gifts. The passenger we had brought with us, who had been quite helpful, was surprised to receive a bundle of goods from me. My only concern was whether Fika would get his share, but I figured he did, as the Ajumbas are very honest and were going back with my Fan friends. Incidentally, I discovered the reason for Fika’s hesitation in coming through to the Rembwé; it was a big wife issue.
I had a touching farewell with the Fans: and so in peace, good feeling, and prosperity I parted company for the second time with “the terrible M’pongwe,” whom I hope to meet with again, for with all their many faults and failings, they are real men. I am faint-hearted enough to hope, that our next journey together, may not be over a country that seems to me to have been laid down as an obstacle race track for Mr. G. F. Watts’s Titans, and to have fallen into shocking bad repair.
I had an emotional goodbye with the fans, and so I parted ways for the second time with “the terrible M’pongwe” feeling hopeful, positive, and looking forward to future success. I really hope to see them again because, despite their many flaws, they are genuine people. I’m a bit cowardly to wish that our next journey together won't take us through a country that feels like it was designed as an obstacle course for Mr. G. F. Watts’s Titans and has fallen into terrible disrepair.
CHAPTER X. BUSH TRADE AND FAN CUSTOMS.
Wherein the Voyager, having fallen among the black traders, discourses on these men and their manner of life; and the difficulties and dangers attending the barter they carry on with the bush savages; and on some of the reasons that makes this barter so beloved and followed by both the black trader and the savage. To which is added an account of the manner of life of the Fan tribe; the strange form of coinage used by these people; their manner of hunting the elephant, working in iron; and such like things.
In this section, the Voyager, after encountering the black traders, talks about these individuals and their way of life, as well as the challenges and dangers involved in the trade they conduct with the bush savages. He also explores some reasons why this trade is favored and pursued by both the black traders and the savages. Additionally, there's a description of the lifestyle of the Fan tribe, their unusual currency, their elephant hunting methods, their ironworking, and similar topics.
I spent a few, lazy, pleasant days at Agonjo, Mr. Glass doing all he could to make me comfortable, though he had a nasty touch of fever on him just then. His efforts were ably seconded by his good lady, an exceedingly comely Gaboon woman, with pretty manners, and an excellent gift in cookery. The third member of the staff was the store-keeper, a clever fellow: I fancy a Loango from his clean-cut features and spare make, but his tribe I know not for a surety.
I spent a few lazy, enjoyable days at Agonjo, with Mr. Glass doing everything he could to make me comfortable, even though he was dealing with a nasty fever at the time. His efforts were well-supported by his wife, a very attractive Gaboon woman with nice manners and great cooking skills. The third member of the team was the storekeeper, a smart guy: I think he might be from Loango based on his sharp features and lean build, but I can’t be certain about his tribe.
One of these black trader factories is an exceedingly interesting place to stay at, for in these factories you are right down on the bed rock of the trade. On the Coast, for the greater part, the white traders are dealing with black traders, middle men, who have procured their trade stuff from the bush natives, who collect and prepare it. Here, in the black trader factory, you see the first stage of the export part of the trade: namely the barter of the collected trade stuff between the collector and the middleman. I will not go into details regarding it. What I saw merely confirmed my opinion that the native is not cheated; no, not even by a fellow African trader; and I will merely here pause to sing a pæan to a very unpopular class - the black middleman as he exists on the South-West Coast. It is impossible to realise the gloom of the lives of these men in bush factories, unless you have lived in one. It is no use saying “they know nothing better and so don’t feel it,” for they do know several things better, being very sociable men, fully appreciative of the joys of a Coast town, and their aim, object and end in life is, in almost every case, to get together a fortune that will enable them to live in one, give a dance twice a week, card parties most nights, and dress themselves up so that their fellow Coast townsmen may hate them and their townswomen love them. From their own accounts of the dreadful state of trade; and the awful and unparalleled series of losses they have had, from the upsetting of canoes, the raids and robberies made on them and their goods by “those awful bush savages”; you would, if you were of a trustful disposition, regard the black trader with an admiring awe as the man who has at last solved the great commercial problem of how to keep a shop and live by the loss. Nay, not only live, but build for himself an equivalent to a palatial residence, and keep up, not only it, but half a dozen wives, with a fine taste for dress every one of them. I am not of a trustful disposition and I accept those “losses” with a heavy discount, and know most of the rest of them have come out of my friend the white trader’s pockets. Still I can never feel the righteous indignation that I ought to feel, when I see the black trader “down in a seaport town with his Nancy,” etc., as Sir W. H. S. Gilbert classically says, because I remember those bush factories.
One of these black trader factories is a really interesting place to be, because in these factories you're right at the heart of the trade. On the Coast, mostly, the white traders are dealing with black traders, middlemen who have gotten their trade goods from the local bush natives, who gather and prepare them. Here, in the black trader factory, you witness the first stage of the export part of the trade: the barter of the collected goods between the collector and the middleman. I won't go into details about it. What I saw only confirmed my belief that the natives aren't being cheated; not even by another African trader; and I want to take a moment to highlight a very unpopular group – the black middleman as he exists on the South-West Coast. It's hard to understand the dreary lives of these men in bush factories unless you've lived in one. It's pointless to say "they know nothing better and so don’t feel it," because they do know several things that are better, being very sociable men who fully appreciate the pleasures of a Coast town, and their goal in life is, in almost every case, to put together a fortune that will allow them to live in one, host dances twice a week, throw card parties most nights, and dress so well that their fellow Coast townsmen might envy them and the townswomen adore them. From their own stories about the terrible state of trade and the awful and unmatched string of losses they've faced, from overturned canoes to the raids and thefts committed by “those dreadful bush savages”; if you were trusting, you might view the black trader with a sense of admiration as the person who has finally figured out the big commercial challenge of how to run a shop and thrive on losses. Not just survive, but also create a home that is like a palace, and maintain not just that, but also half a dozen wives, each with a great sense of style. I'm not a trusting person and I take those “losses” with a significant discount, knowing that most of the rest have come from my friend, the white trader’s, pockets. Still, I can never feel the righteous anger that I should feel when I see the black trader “down in a seaport town with his Nancy,” etc., as Sir W. H. S. Gilbert famously puts it, because I remember those bush factories.
Mr. Glass, however, was not a trader who made a fortune by losing those of other people; for he had been many years in the employ of the firm. He had risen certainly to the high post and position of charge of the Rembwé, but he was not down giddy-flying at Gaboon. His accounts of his experiences when he had been many years ago away up the still little known Nguni River, in a factory in touch with the lively Bakele, then in a factory among Fans and Igalwa on the Ogowé, and now among Fans and Skekiani on the Rembwé, were fascinating, and told vividly of the joys of first starting a factory in a wild district. The way in which your customers, for the first month or so, enjoyed themselves by trying to frighten you, the trader, out of your wits and goods, and into giving them fancy prices for things you were trading in, and for things of no earthly use to you, or any one else! The trader’s existence during this period is marked by every unpleasantness save dulness; from that he is spared by the presence of a mob of noisy, dangerous, thieving savages all over his place all day; invading his cook-house, to put some nastiness into his food as a trade charm; helping themselves to portable property at large; and making themselves at home to the extent of sitting on his dining-table. At night those customers proceed to sleep all over the premises, with a view to being on hand to start shopping in the morning. Woe betide the trader if he gives in to this, and tolerates the invasion, for there is no chance of that house ever being his own again; and in addition to the local flies, etc., on the table-cloth, he will always have several big black gentlemen to share his meals. If he raises prices, to tide over some extra row, he is a lost man; for the Africans can understand prices going up, but never prices coming down; and time being no object, they will hold back their trade. Then the district is ruined, and the trader along with it, for he cannot raise the price he gets for the things he buys.
Mr. Glass, however, wasn't a trader who made money by taking advantage of others; he had worked for the company for many years. He had certainly risen to the important position of managing the Rembwé, but he wasn't just sitting back and getting rich in Gaboon. His stories about his experiences many years ago up the still relatively unknown Nguni River, in a factory connected to the lively Bakele, then in a factory among the Fans and Igalwa on the Ogowé, and now with the Fans and Skekiani on the Rembwé, were captivating and vividly described the thrill of starting a factory in a wild area. The way your customers, for the first month or so, enjoyed trying to scare you, the trader, out of your mind and goods, to get you to give them high prices for the things you were trading and for items that were of no real use to you or anyone else! The trader’s life during this time is filled with every kind of unpleasantness except boredom; he's kept lively by a crowd of loud, dangerous, thieving locals who invade his space all day, invade his cook-house to add something disgusting to his food as a charm, help themselves to his belongings, and make themselves so comfortable that they sit on his dining table. At night, these customers spread out to sleep all over the premises, ready to start shopping in the morning. Woe to the trader who gives in to this and allows the invasion, for there's no way that house will ever be his again; and in addition to local flies and other pests on the tablecloth, he’ll always have several big black guys to share his meals with. If he raises prices to get through some extra hassle, he's done for; the locals can understand prices going up but never coming down, and since time isn't an issue for them, they'll hold back their business. Then the entire area suffers, and the trader with it, because he can't raise the price he pays for the things he buys.
What that trader has got to do, is to be a “Devil man.” They always kindly said they recognised me as one, which is a great compliment. He must betray no weakness, but a character which I should describe as a compound of the best parts of those of Cardinal Richelieu, Brutus, Julius Caesar, Prince Metternich, and Mezzofanti, the latter to carry on the native language part of the business; and he must cast those customers out, not only from his house; but from his yard; and adhere to the “No admittance except on business” principle. This causes a good deal of unpleasantness, and the trader’s nights are now cheered by lively war-dances outside his stockade; the accompanying songs advertising that the customers are coming over the stockade to raid the store, and cut up the trader “into bits like a fish.” Sometimes they do come - and then - finish; but usually they don’t; and gradually settle down, and respect the trader greatly as “a Devil man”; and do business on sound lines during the day. Over the stockade at night, by ones and twos, stealing, they will come to the end of the chapter.
What that trader has to do is be a "Devil man." They always kindly said they recognized me as one, which is a great compliment. He must show no weakness and have a character that I would describe as a mix of the best traits of Cardinal Richelieu, Brutus, Julius Caesar, Prince Metternich, and Mezzofanti, the latter to handle the native language part of the business. He must kick those customers out, not just from his store but from his property, and stick to the principle of “No admittance except on business.” This causes a lot of unpleasantness, and the trader's nights are now filled with lively war-dances outside his stockade; the accompanying songs reveal that the customers are planning to cross over the stockade to raid the store and cut up the trader "into bits like a fish." Sometimes they do come— and then it's over; but usually, they don’t, and they gradually settle down, respecting the trader a lot as “a Devil man”; and doing business properly during the day. Over the stockade at night, in ones and twos, they come to the end of the chapter, stealing.
Moonlight nights are fairly restful for the bush trader, but when it is inky black, or pouring with rain, he has got to be very much out and about, and particularly vigilant has he got to be on tornado nights - a most uncomfortable sort of weather to attend to business in, I assure you.
Moonlit nights are pretty relaxing for the bush trader, but when it’s pitch black or pouring rain, he really has to be out and about, and he has to be especially alert on tornado nights—it's definitely an uncomfortable kind of weather to do business in, I assure you.
The factory at Agonjo was typical; the house is a fine specimen of the Igalwa style of architecture; mounted on poles above the ground; the space under the house being used as a store for rubber in barrels, and ebony in billets; thereby enabling the trader to hover over these precious possessions, sleeping and waking, like a sitting hen over her eggs. Near to the house are the sleeping places for the beach hands, and the cook-house. In front, in a position commanded by the eye from the verandah, and well withdrawn from the stockade, are great piles of billets of red bar wood. The whole of the clean, sandy yard containing these things, and divers others, is surrounded by a stout stockade, its main face to the river frontage, the water at high tide lapping its base, and at low tide exposing in front of it a shore of black slime. Although I cite this factory as a typical factory of a black trader, it is a specimen of the highest class, for, being in connection with Messrs. Hatton and Cookson it is well kept up and stocked. Firms differ much in this particular. Messrs. Hatton and Cookson, like Messrs. Miller Brothers in the Bights, take every care that lies in their power of the people who serve them, down to the Kruboys working on their beaches, giving ample and good rations and providing good houses. But this is not so with all firms on the Coast. I have seen factories belonging to the Swedish houses beside which this factory at Agonjo is a palace although those factories are white man factories, and the unfortunate white men in them are expected by these firms to live on native chop - an expectation the Agents by no means realise, for they usually die. Black hands, however, do not suffer much at the hands of such firms, for the Swedish Agents are a quiet, gentlemanly set of men, in the best sense of that much misused term, and they do not employ on their beaches such a staff of black helpers as the English houses, so the two or three Kruboys on a starvation beach can fairly well fend for themselves, for there is always an adjacent village, and in that village there are always chickens, and on the shore crabs, and in the river fish, and for the rest of his diet the Kruboy flirts with the local ladies.
The factory at Agonjo was pretty standard; the house is a great example of the Igalwa architectural style, elevated on poles above the ground. The space underneath serves as a storage area for barrels of rubber and blocks of ebony, allowing the trader to keep a close watch over these valuable items, like a hen sitting on her eggs. Nearby are the sleeping quarters for the beach workers and the cookhouse. In front, positioned so it can be easily seen from the verandah and located well away from the stockade, are large piles of red bar wood billets. The entire clean, sandy yard, which contains these and other items, is enclosed by a strong stockade, facing the river, where the water laps at its base during high tide and reveals a shore of black mud at low tide. While I mention this factory as a typical operation for a black trader, it's actually a top-notch example. Being linked to Messrs. Hatton and Cookson, it is well-maintained and stocked. Different firms vary a lot in this regard. Messrs. Hatton and Cookson, like Messrs. Miller Brothers in the Bights, take great care of their workers, including the Kruboys on their beaches, providing ample and decent rations as well as good housing. But not all firms on the Coast operate this way. I've seen factories owned by Swedish companies that make the Agonjo factory look like a palace, even though those factories are operated by white men who are expected to survive on local food — a hope that the Agents don’t fulfill, as they usually end up dying. However, black workers don't suffer too much under these firms because the Swedish Agents are a quiet, gentlemanly group in the best sense of the term, and they don't hire as many black assistants on their beaches as English companies do. So, the two or three Kruboys on a struggling beach can usually manage on their own, as there's always a nearby village with chickens, crabs on the shore, fish in the river, and for the rest of his meals, the Kruboy can charm the local ladies.
Although, as I have laid down, the bush factory at its best is a place, as Mr. Tracey Tupman would say, more fitted for a wounded heart than for one still able to feast on social joys, it is a luxurious situation for a black trader compared to the other form of trading he deals with - that of travelling among the native villages in the bush. This has one hundred times the danger, and a thousand times the discomfort, and is a thoroughly unhealthy pursuit. The journeys these bush traders make are often remarkable, and they deserve great credit for the courage and enterprise they display. Certainly they run less risk of death from fever than a white man would; but, on the other hand, their colour gives them no protection; and their chance of getting murdered is distinctly greater, the white governmental powers cannot revenge their death, in the way they would the death of a white man, for these murders usually take place away in some forest region, in a district no white man has ever penetrated.
Although, as I have mentioned, the bush factory at its best is a place, as Mr. Tracey Tupman would say, better suited for a wounded heart than for someone who can still enjoy social pleasures, it is a luxurious setting for a Black trader compared to the other type of trading he does—traveling among the native villages in the bush. This comes with a hundred times more danger and a thousand times more discomfort, and it’s a thoroughly unhealthy pursuit. The journeys these bush traders undertake are often remarkable, and they deserve a lot of credit for their courage and initiative. Certainly, they face less risk of dying from fever than a white person would; however, on the other hand, their race offers them no protection, and their chances of getting murdered are distinctly higher. The white governmental authorities can’t seek revenge for their deaths in the same way they would for a white person, as these murders usually happen deep in some forest area, in a region no white person has ever entered.
You will naturally ask how it is that so many of these men do survive “to lead a life of sin” as a missionary described to me their Coast town life to be. This question struck me as requiring explanation. The result of my investigations, and the answers I have received from the men themselves, show that there is a reason why the natives do not succumb every time to the temptation to kill the trader, and take his goods, and this is twofold: firstly, all trade in West Africa follows definite routes, even in the wildest parts of it; and so a village far away in the forest, but on the trade route, knows that as a general rule twice a year, a trader will appear to purchase its rubber and ivory. If he does not appear somewhere about the expected time, that village gets uneasy. The ladies are impatient for their new clothes; the gentlemen half wild for want of tobacco; and things coming to a crisis, they make inquiries for the trader down the road, one village to another, and then, if it is found that a village has killed the trader, and stolen all his goods, there is naturally a big palaver, and things are made extremely hot, even for equatorial Africa, for that village by the tobaccoless husbands of the clothesless wives. Herein lies the trader’s chief safety, the village not being an atom afraid, or disinclined to kill him, but afraid of their neighbouring villages, and disinclined to be killed by them. But the trader is not yet safe. There is still a hole in his armour, and this is only to be stopped up in one way, namely, by wives; for you see although the village cannot safely kill him, and take all his goods, they can still let him die safely of a disease, and take part of them, passing on sufficient stuff to the other villages to keep them quiet. Now the most prevalent disease in the African bush comes out of the cooking pot, and so to make what goes into the cooking pot - which is the important point, for earthen pots do not in themselves breed poison - safe and wholesome, you have got to have some one who is devoted to your health to attend to the cooking affairs, and who can do this like a wife? So you have a wife - one in each village up the whole of your route. I know myself one gentleman whose wives stretch over 300 miles of country, with a good wife base in a Coast town as well. This system of judiciously conducted alliances, gives the black trader a security nothing else can, because naturally he marries into influential families at each village, and all his wife’s relations on the mother’s side regard him as one of themselves, and look after him and his interests. That security can lie in women, especially so many women, the so-called civilised man may ironically doubt, but the security is there, and there only, and on a sound basis, for remember the position of a travelling trader’s wife in a village is a position that gives the lady prestige, the discreet husband showing little favours to her family and friends, if she asks for them when he is with her; and then she has not got the bother of having a man always about the house, and liable to get all sorts of silly notions into his head if she speaks to another gentleman, and then go and impart these notions to her with a cutlass, or a kassengo, as the more domestic husband, I am assured by black ladies, is prone to.
You might wonder how so many of these men manage to “lead a life of sin,” as a missionary described their life in the coastal town. This question seemed to need some explanation. My investigations and the responses I've gotten from the men themselves reveal that there's a reason the locals don’t always give in to the temptation to kill the trader and steal his goods, and it comes down to two main points: first, all trade in West Africa follows specific routes, even in the most remote areas. A village deep in the forest, but along the trade route, knows that generally, twice a year, a trader will show up to buy its rubber and ivory. If he doesn’t arrive around the expected time, that village becomes anxious. The women are eager for their new clothes, and the men are desperate for tobacco; as tensions rise, they start asking about the trader down the road, village by village, and if it's discovered that a nearby village has killed the trader and taken all his goods, a big meeting takes place. This situation becomes extremely tense, even for equatorial Africa, because that village faces backlash from the tobacco-less men desperate for clothes-less wives. This situation is where the trader’s primary safety lies. The village isn’t really afraid or unwilling to kill him; they're just worried about their neighboring villages and don’t want to be killed in return. However, the trader isn’t entirely safe yet. There’s still a vulnerability in his defense, and it can only be addressed in one way: through wives. You see, while the village can’t safely kill him and take all his goods, they can still let him die from illness and take some of his goods, passing enough on to other villages to keep them satisfied. Now, the most common diseases in the African bush come from the cooking pot, so to ensure that what goes into the pot is safe and healthy—which is key, since earthen pots themselves don't produce poison—you need someone who cares about your health to handle the cooking, and who better than a wife? So, you have a wife in each village along your trade route. I know a guy whose wives span 300 miles, with a good wife based in a coastal town too. This strategy of smart alliances gives the black trader a level of security nothing else can, because he naturally marries into influential families in each village, and all of his wife’s relatives see him as one of their own and look after him and his interests. The idea that security can come from women—especially so many women—is something the so-called civilized man might ironically question, but that security is solidly there. Remember, the status of a traveling trader’s wife in a village gives her prestige. A good husband shows little favors to her family and friends when he’s with her, and she doesn’t have to worry about a man hanging around the house who might get jealous if she talks to another guy and then confront her about it with a machete or a stick, as domestic husbands are often known to do, according to black ladies I’ve spoken to.
You may now, I fear, be falling into the other adjacent error - from the wonder why any black trader survives, namely, into the wonder why any black trader gets killed; with all these safeguards, and wives. But there is yet another danger, which no quantity of wives, nor local jealousies avail to guard him through. This danger arises from the nomadic habits of the bush tribes, notably the Fan. For when a village has made up its mind to change its district, either from having made the district too hot to hold it, with quarrels with neighbouring villages; or because it has exhausted the trade stuff, i.e. rubber and ivory in reach of its present situation; or because some other village has raided it, and taken away all the stuff it was saving to sell to the black trader; it resolves to give itself a final treat in the old home, and make a commercial coup at one fell swoop. Then when the black trader turns up with his boxes of goods, it kills him, has some for supper, smokes the rest, and takes it and the goods, and departs to found new homes in another district.
You might now, I’m afraid, be falling into the opposite mistake - wondering why any black trader survives, instead of why any black trader gets killed; despite all these protections and wives. But there’s yet another risk that no amount of wives or local rivalries can safeguard him from. This risk comes from the wandering habits of the bush tribes, especially the Fan. When a village decides to move to a different area, either because they’ve made their current spot too dangerous due to conflicts with neighboring villages; or because they've run out of trade goods, like rubber and ivory, nearby; or because another village has raided them and taken away everything they were saving to sell to the black trader, they choose to have one last celebration in their old home and make a big commercial score all at once. So when the black trader arrives with his boxes of goods, they kill him, have some for dinner, smoke the rest, and take both his goods and the remains, leaving to establish new homes in another area.
The bush trade I have above sketched is the bush trade with the Fans. In those districts on the southern banks of the Ogowé the main features of the trade, and the trader’s life are the same, but the details are more intricate, for the Igalwa trader from Lembarene, Fernan Vaz, or Njole, deals with another set of trading tribes, not first hand with the collectors. The Fan villages on the trade routes may, however, be regarded as trade depots, for to them filters the trade stuff of the more remote villages, so the difference is really merely technical, and in all villages alike the same sort of thing occurs.
The bush trade I described earlier is the bush trade with the Fans. In the areas along the southern banks of the Ogowé, the main aspects of the trade and the trader’s life are the same, but the details are more complex. The Igalwa trader from Lembarene, Fernan Vaz, or Njole, interacts with a different group of trading tribes, rather than dealing directly with the collectors. The Fan villages along the trade routes can be seen as trade depots because they receive goods from more distant villages. So, the difference is mostly technical, and the same kind of activities take place in all the villages.
The Igalwa or M’pongwe trader arrives with the goods he has received from the white trader, and there are great rejoicing and much uproar as his chests and bundles and demijohns are brought up from the canoe. And presently, after a great deal of talk, the goods are opened. The chiefs of the village have their pick, and divide this among the principal men of the village, who pay for it in part with their store of collected rubber or ivory, and take the rest on trust, promising to collect enough rubber to pay the balance on the next visit of the trader. Thereby the trader has a quantity of debts outstanding in each village, liable to be bad debts, and herein lies his chief loss. Each chief takes a certain understood value in goods as a commission for himself - nyeno - giving the trader, as a consideration for this, an understood bond to assist him in getting in the trust granted to his village. This nyeno he utilises in buying trade stuff from villages not on the trade route. Among the Fans the men who have got the goods stand by with these to trade for rubber with the general public and bachelors of the village, in a way I will presently explain. In tribes like Ajumbas, Adooma, etc., the men having the goods travel off, as traders, among their various bush tribes, similarly paying their nyeno, and so by the time the goods reach the final producing men, only a small portion of them is left, but their price has necessarily risen. Still it is quite absurd for a casual white traveller, who may have dropped in on the terminus of a trade route, to cry out regarding the small value the collector (who is often erroneously described as the producer) gets for his stuff, compared to the price it fetches in Europe. For before it even reaches the factory of the Coast Settlement, that stuff has got to keep a whole series of traders. It appears at first bad that this should be the case, but the case it is along the west coast of the continent save in the districts commanded by the Royal Niger company, who, with courage and enterprise, have pushed far inland, and got in touch with the great interior trade routes - a performance which has raised in the breasts of the Coast trader tribes who have been supplanted, a keen animosity, which like most animosity in Africa, is not regardful of truth. The tribes that have had the trade of the Bight of Biafra passing through their hands have been accustomed, according to the German Government who are also pressing inland, to make seventy-five per cent. profit on it, and they resent being deprived of this. A good deal is to be said in favour of their views; among other things that the greater part of the seaboard districts of West Africa, I may say every part from Sierra Leone to Cameroon, is structurally incapable of being self-supporting under existing conditions. Below Cameroon, on my beloved South-west coast, which is infinitely richer than the Bight of Benin, rich producing districts come down to the sea in most places until you reach the Congo; but here again the middleman is of great use to the interior tribes, and if they do have to pay him seventy-five per cent, serve them right. They should not go making wife palaver, and blood palaver all over the place to such an extent that the inhabitants of no village, unless they go en masse, dare take a ten mile walk, save at the risk of their lives, in any direction, so no palaver live.
The Igalwa or M’pongwe trader shows up with the goods he got from the white trader, and there’s a lot of celebration and noise as his chests, bundles, and demijohns are unloaded from the canoe. After a lot of discussions, the goods are opened. The village chiefs choose first, dividing the items among the main men of the village, who pay partly with their collection of rubber or ivory and take the rest on credit, promising to gather enough rubber to cover the rest by the trader's next visit. This means the trader has a number of outstanding debts in each village, which could end up being bad debts, and that’s where he faces his biggest loss. Each chief takes a certain agreed-upon value in goods as a commission for himself – nyeno – and in return, gives the trader a promise to help him collect the credit extended to his village. This nyeno is used to buy trade items from villages not on the trade route. Among the Fans, the men who received the goods stay back to trade for rubber with the locals and single men of the village, which I will explain shortly. In tribes like the Ajumbas and Adooma, the men with the goods move off as traders among their various bush tribes, also paying their nyeno, so by the time the goods reach the final producers, only a small portion remains, but their price has increased. Still, it's quite unreasonable for a passing white traveler who might drop by the end of a trade route to complain about the low price the collector (often wrongly called the producer) gets for his goods compared to what they fetch in Europe. Before it even gets to the factory of the Coast Settlement, that stuff has to support a whole line of traders. At first glance, it seems unfair, but that's just how things are along the west coast of the continent, except in areas controlled by the Royal Niger Company, who, with bravery and initiative, have pushed far inland and connected with major trade routes. This has created a strong resentment among the Coast trader tribes who have been displaced, a resentment that, like much animosity in Africa, doesn’t appreciate the reality of the situation. The tribes that have handled the trade of the Bight of Biafra have been used to making a seventy-five percent profit from it, as noted by the German Government, who are also moving inland, and they feel upset about losing that. There’s a lot of valid points regarding their perspective; among other things, most of the coastal areas of West Africa, really from Sierra Leone to Cameroon, are structurally unable to support themselves under the current conditions. Below Cameroon, on my cherished South-west coast, which is way richer than the Bight of Benin, productive areas reach the sea in most places until you hit the Congo; but again, the middleman plays a vital role for the interior tribes, and if they have to pay him seventy-five percent, that’s on them. They shouldn’t be causing conflicts and disputes all over the place to such an extent that no villager can walk ten miles in any direction unless they go en masse, doing so at the risk of their lives, so no conflicts persist.
We will now enter into the reason that induces the bush man to collect stuff to sell among the Fans, which is the expensiveness of the ladies in the tribe. A bush Fan is bound to marry into his tribe, because over a great part of the territory occupied by them there is no other tribe handy to marry into; and a Fan residing in villages in touch with other tribes, has but little chance of getting a cheaper lady. For there is, in the Congo Français and the country adjacent to the north of it (Batanga), a regular style of aristocracy which may be summarised firstly thus: All the other tribes look down on the Fans, and the Fans look down on all the other tribes. This aristocracy has sub-divisions, the M’pongwe of Gaboon are the upper circle tribe; next come the Benga of Corisco; then the Bapuka; then the Banaka. This system of aristocracy is kept up by the ladies. Thus a M’pongwe lady would not think of marrying into one of the lower tribes, so she is restricted, with many inner restrictions, to her own tribe. A Benga lady would marry a M’pongwe, or a Benga, but not a Banaka, or Bapuka; and so on with the others; but not one of them would marry a Fan. As for the men, well of course they would marry any lady of any tribe, if she had a pretty face, or a good trading connection, if they were allowed to: that’s just man’s way. To the south-east the Fans are in touch with the Bakele, a tribe that has much in common with the Fan, but who differ from them in getting on in a very friendly way with the little dwarf people, the Matimbas, or Watwa, or Akoa: people the Fans cannot abide. With these Bakele the Fan can intermarry, but there is not much advantage in so doing, as the price is equally high, but still marry he must.
We will now discuss why the bush man collects items to sell to the Fans, which is due to the high costs associated with the women in the tribe. A bush Fan has to marry within his tribe because there aren’t many other tribes nearby to marry into; and a Fan living in villages near other tribes has little chance of finding a less expensive bride. In the Congo Français and the nearby northern region (Batanga), there is a clear social hierarchy summarized as follows: all other tribes look down on the Fans, and the Fans look down on all the other tribes. This hierarchy has sub-divisions: the M’pongwe of Gaboon are at the top, followed by the Benga of Corisco, then the Bapuka, and then the Banaka. This aristocracy is upheld by the women. A M’pongwe woman wouldn’t consider marrying into a lower tribe, so she is limited, with many restrictions, to her own tribe. A Benga woman might marry a M’pongwe or another Benga, but not a Banaka or Bapuka, and so on; none of them would marry a Fan. As for the men, they would marry women from any tribe if she was attractive or had strong trading ties, assuming they were allowed to do so—that's just how men are. To the southeast, the Fans interact with the Bakele, a tribe that has a lot in common with the Fan but gets along well with the small dwarf people, the Matimbas, or Watwa, or Akoa—people the Fans cannot stand. With the Bakele, the Fan can intermarry, but there isn't much benefit since the price is just as high, yet he must marry.
A young Fan man has to fend for himself, and has a scratchy kind of life of it, aided only by his mother until - if he be an enterprising youth - he is able to steal a runaway wife from a neighbouring village, or if he is a quiet and steady young man, until he has amassed sufficient money to buy a wife. This he does by collecting ebony and rubber and selling it to the men who have been allotted goods by the chief of the village, from the consignment brought up by the black trader. He supports himself meanwhile by, if the situation of his village permits, fishing and selling the fish, and hunting and killing game in the forest. He keeps steadily at it in his way, reserving his roysterings until he is settled in life. A truly careful young man does not go and buy a baby girl cheap, as soon as he has got a little money together; but works and saves on until he has got enough to buy a good, tough widow lady, who, although personally unattractive, is deeply versed in the lore of trade, and who knows exactly how much rubbish you can incorporate in a ball of india rubber, without the white trader, or the black bush factory trader, instantly detecting it. When the Fan young man has married his wife, in a legitimate way on the cash system, he takes her round to his relations, and shows her off; and they make little presents to help the pair set up housekeeping. But the young man cannot yet settle down, for his wife will not allow him to. She is not going to slave herself to death doing all the work of the house, etc., and so he goes on collecting, and she preparing, trade stuff, and he grows rich enough to buy other wives - some of them young children, others widows, no longer necessarily old. But it is not until he is well on in life that he gets sufficient wives, six or seven. For it takes a good time to get enough rubber to buy a lady, and he does not get a grip on the ivory trade until he has got a certain position in the village, and plantations of his own which the elephants can be discovered raiding, in which case a percentage of the ivory taken from the herd is allotted to him. Now and again he may come across a dead elephant, but that is of the nature of a windfall; and on rubber and ebony he has to depend during his early days. These he changes with the rich men of his village for a very peculiar and interesting form of coinage - bikei - little iron imitation axe-heads which are tied up in bundles called ntet, ten going to one bundle, for with bikei must the price of a wife be paid. You do not find bikei close down to Libreville, among the Fans who are there in a semi-civilised state, or more properly speaking in a state of disintegrating culture. You must go for bush. I thought I saw in bikei a certain resemblance in underlying idea with the early Greek coins I have seen at Cambridge, made like the fore-parts of cattle; and I have little doubt that the articles of barter among the Fans before the introduction of the rubber, ebony, and ivory trades, which in their districts are comparatively recent, were iron implements. For the Fans are good workers in iron; and it would be in consonance with well-known instances among other savage races in the matter of stone implements, that these things, important of old, should survive, and be employed in the matter of such an old and important affair as marriage. They thus become ju-ju; and indeed all West African legitimate marriage, although appearing to the casual observer a mere matter of barter, is never solely such, but always has ju-ju in it.
A young Fan man has to take care of himself and lives a pretty rough life, relying only on his mother until—if he's an ambitious guy—he manages to steal a runaway wife from a nearby village, or if he’s a calm and steady young man, until he saves enough money to buy a wife. He does this by collecting ebony and rubber and selling it to the men who have been given goods by the village chief, from shipments brought by the black trader. In the meantime, he supports himself by fishing and selling the fish, as well as hunting game in the forest, if the conditions in his village allow it. He stays focused on his work, saving his partying for when he’s more settled in life. A truly prudent young man doesn’t rush to buy a baby girl cheaply as soon as he has a bit of money; instead, he works and saves until he has enough to buy a good, tough widow. Although she may not be conventionally attractive, she is knowledgeable in the ways of trade and knows exactly how much junk can be mixed into a ball of rubber without getting caught by the white trader or the black bush factory trader. Once the Fan man marries his wife, in a legitimate cash transaction, he proudly takes her to meet his family, and they give small gifts to help the couple set up their household. However, he can’t settle down yet because his wife won’t let him. She doesn't want to do all the housework herself, so he continues collecting and she prepares trade goods, growing rich enough to buy more wives—some young girls, some widows who aren't necessarily old anymore. But it isn't until later in life that he ends up with six or seven wives. It takes a long time to gather enough rubber to buy a lady, and he doesn’t get involved in the ivory trade until he has a certain status in the village, along with his own plantations that elephants sometimes raid; in such cases, he receives a percentage of the ivory from the herd. Occasionally, he might stumble upon a dead elephant, but that’s more of a lucky find; he relies on rubber and ebony in his early days. He trades these with wealthy men in his village for a unique form of currency—bikei—little iron axe-head imitations tied into bundles called ntet, with ten in one bundle, because bikei is how a wife’s price is paid. You won’t find bikei down close to Libreville among the Fans who are in a semi-civilized state, or more accurately, in a state of cultural decline. You have to venture into the bush. I thought I noticed a similarity between bikei and the early Greek coins I’ve seen at Cambridge, which were shaped like the fore-parts of cattle; I have little doubt that before the rubber, ebony, and ivory trades came along—relatively recent in their areas—the Fans used iron tools as barter. The Fans are skilled ironworkers, and it would fit with well-known cases among other indigenous groups regarding stone tools that these items, once important, would continue to be significant in matters like marriage. They thus become ju-ju; and indeed, all legitimate marriage in West Africa, while it may seem like just a simple exchange to an outsider, is never purely that; it always has an element of ju-ju involved.
We may as well here follow out the whole of the domestic life of the Fan, now we have got him married. His difficulty does not only consist in getting enough bikei together but in getting a lady he can marry. No amount of bikei can justify a man in marrying his first cousin, or his aunt; and as relationship among the Fans is recognised with both his father and his mother, not as among the Igalwa with the latter’s blood relations only, there are an awful quantity of aunts and cousins about from whom he is debarred. But when he has surmounted his many difficulties, and dodged his relations, and married, he is seemingly a better husband than the man of a more cultured tribe. He will turn a hand to anything, that does not necessitate his putting down his gun outside his village gateway. He will help chop firewood, or goat’s chop, or he will carry the baby with pleasure, while his good lady does these things; and in bush villages, he always escorts her so as to be on hand in case of leopards, or other local unpleasantnesses. When inside the village he will lay down his gun, within handy reach, and build the house, tease out fibre to make game nets with, and plait baskets, or make pottery with the ladies, cheerily chatting the while.
We might as well follow the entire domestic life of the Fan now that he's married. His challenge isn't just gathering enough resources but also finding a woman to marry. No amount of resources can justify a man marrying his first cousin or aunt; since relationships among the Fans are recognized through both parents, unlike the Igalwa who only consider the maternal side, he's restricted from many aunts and cousins. However, once he overcomes these hurdles, avoids his relatives, and gets married, he often turns out to be a better husband than men from more cultured tribes. He will help with anything that doesn’t require him to put down his gun outside his village. He assists with chopping firewood or goat meat, or happily carries the baby while his wife handles those tasks. In rural villages, he always escorts her to be ready in case of leopards or other dangers. When inside the village, he sets down his gun within reach, builds the house, processes fiber to make game nets, weaves baskets, or makes pottery with the women, all while happily chatting.
Fan pottery, although rough and sunbaked, is artistic in form and ornamented, for the Fan ornaments all his work; the articles made in it consist of cooking pots, palm-wine bottles, water bottles and pipes, but not all water bottles, nor all pipes are made of pottery. I wish they were, particularly the former, for they are occasionally made of beautifully plaited fibre coated with a layer of a certain gum with a vile taste, which it imparts to the water in the vessel. They say it does not do this if the vessel is soaked for two days in water, but it does, and I should think contaminates the stream it was soaked in into the bargain. The pipes are sometimes made of iron very neatly. I should imagine they smoked hot, but of this I have no knowledge. One of my Ajumba friends got himself one of these pipes when we were in Efoua, and that pipe was, on and off, a curse to the party. Its owner soon learnt not to hold it by the bowl, but by the wooden stem, when smoking it; the other lessons it had to teach he learnt more slowly. He tucked it, when he had done smoking, into the fold in his cloth, until he had had three serious conflagrations raging round his middle. And to the end of the chapter, after having his last pipe at night with it, he would lay it on the ground, before it was cool. He learnt to lay it out of reach of his own cloth, but his fellow Ajumbas and he himself persisted in always throwing a leg on to it shortly after, and there was another row.
Fan pottery, though rough and sunbaked, has an artistic shape and decoration since the Fan embellishes all his creations. The items made from it include cooking pots, palm-wine bottles, water bottles, and pipes, but not all water bottles or pipes are made from pottery. I wish they were, especially the water bottles, because sometimes they’re made of beautifully braided fiber coated with a layer of some gum that tastes terrible, which it transfers to the water inside. They say that if the vessel is soaked in water for two days, it won't do this, but it does, and I would think it also contaminates the water it was soaked in. The pipes are sometimes nicely made from iron. I imagine they were hot to smoke, but I don't know for sure. One of my Ajumba friends got one of these pipes while we were in Efoua, and it became a hassle for the group. The owner quickly figured out not to hold it by the bowl, but rather by the wooden stem while smoking; he learned the other lessons a bit more slowly. After smoking, he would tuck it into the fold of his cloth until he ended up having three serious burns around his waist. Even after that, he would put it on the ground before it had cooled down after his last smoke at night. He learned to keep it out of reach of his cloth, but both he and his fellow Ajumbas kept tossing a leg over it right after, leading to more trouble.
The Fan basket-work is strongly made, but very inferior to the Fjort basket-work. Their nets are, however, the finest I have ever seen. These are made mainly for catching small game, such as the beautiful little gazelles (Ncheri) with dark gray skins on the upper part of the body, white underneath, and satin-like in sleekness all over. Their form is very dainty, the little legs being no thicker than a man’s finger, the neck long and the head ornamented with little pointed horns and broad round ears. The nets are tied on to trees in two long lines, which converge to an acute angle, the bottom part of the net lying on the ground. Then a party of men and women accompanied by their trained dogs, which have bells hung round their necks, beat the surrounding bushes, and the frightened small game rush into the nets, and become entangled. The fibre from which these nets are made has a long staple, and is exceedingly strong. I once saw a small bush cow caught in a set of them and unable to break through, and once a leopard; he, however, took his section of the net away with him, and a good deal of vegetation and sticks to boot. In addition to nets, this fibre is made into bags, for carrying things in while in the bush, and into the water bottles already mentioned.
The fan basket work is well-made, but it’s not as good as the Fjort basket work. However, their nets are the best I’ve ever seen. These nets are mainly used for catching small game, like the beautiful little gazelles (Ncheri) that have dark gray skins on top, white underneath, and a sleek, satin-like appearance. They have a delicate shape, with legs no thicker than a man's finger, a long neck, and a head decorated with small pointed horns and broad, round ears. The nets are attached to trees in two long lines that come together at a sharp angle, with the bottom part resting on the ground. Then, a group of men and women, along with their trained dogs that wear bells around their necks, beat the bushes to scare the small game into the nets, where they get trapped. The fiber used to make these nets is strong and has a long staple. I once saw a small bush cow caught in one and unable to break free, and another time there was a leopard; he managed to drag part of the net away with him, along with a bunch of vegetation and sticks. Besides nets, this fiber is also made into bags for carrying items while in the bush, and into the water bottles mentioned earlier.
The iron-work of the Fans deserves especial notice for its excellence. The anvil is a big piece of iron which is embedded firmly in the ground. Its upper surface is flat, and pointed at both ends. The hammers are solid cones of iron, the upper part of the cones prolonged so as to give a good grip, and the blows are given directly downwards, like the blows of a pestle. The bellows are of the usual African type, cut out of one piece of solid but soft wood; at the upper end of these bellows there are two chambers hollowed out in the wood and then covered with the skin of some animal, from which the hair has been removed. This is bound firmly round the rim of each chamber with tie-tie, and the bag of it at the top is gathered up, and bound to a small piece of stick, to give a convenient hand hold. The straight cylinder, terminating in the nozzle, has two channels burnt in it which communicate with each of the chambers respectively, and half-way up the cylinder, there are burnt from the outside into the air passages, three series of holes, one series on the upper surface, and a series at each side. This ingenious arrangement gives a constant current of air up from the nozzle when the bellows are worked by a man sitting behind them, and rapidly and alternately pulling up the skin cover over one chamber, while depressing the other. In order to make the affair firm it is lashed to pieces of stick stuck in the ground in a suitable way so as to keep the bellows at an angle with the nozzle directed towards the fire. As wooden bellows like this if stuck into the fire would soon be aflame, the nozzle is put into a cylinder made of clay. This cylinder is made sufficiently large at the end, into which the nozzle of the bellows goes, for the air to have full play round the latter.
The ironwork of the Fans is particularly noteworthy for its quality. The anvil is a large piece of iron that’s securely embedded in the ground. Its top surface is flat and pointed at both ends. The hammers are solid cones of iron, with the upper part extended to provide a good grip, and the blows are delivered straight down, similar to how a pestle works. The bellows are the typical African style, hewn from one solid piece of soft wood; at the top end of these bellows, there are two chambers carved into the wood and covered with the skin of an animal, with the hair removed. This is tightly bound around the rim of each chamber with tie-tie, and the bag at the top is gathered and tied to a small stick for easy handling. The straight cylinder, ending in the nozzle, has two channels burned into it that connect to each chamber. Halfway up the cylinder, three sets of holes are burned in from the outside to create air passages—one set on the top surface and one set on each side. This clever setup allows a constant stream of air to flow from the nozzle when someone sits behind the bellows, quickly pulling the skin cover over one chamber while pushing down the other. To stabilize the whole structure, it’s tied to sticks anchored in the ground, arranged to keep the bellows at an angle directed towards the fire. Since wooden bellows like this would catch fire if placed directly in the flames, the nozzle is fitted into a clay cylinder. This cylinder is made large enough at the end where the nozzle goes in to allow air to circulate freely around it.
The Fan bellows only differ from those of the other iron-working West Coast tribes in having the channels from the two chambers in one piece of wood all the way. His forge is the same as the other forges, a round cavity scooped in the ground; his fuel also is charcoal. His other smith’s tool consists of a pointed piece of iron, with which he works out the patterns he puts at the handle-end of his swords, etc.
The Fan bellows only differ from those of other iron-working West Coast tribes in having the channels from both chambers made from a single piece of wood. His forge is just like the others, a round hollow dug into the ground, and he also uses charcoal for fuel. His other smithing tool is a pointed piece of iron, which he uses to create the patterns he adds to the handle end of his swords and so on.
I must now speak briefly on the most important article with which the Fan deals, namely ivory. His methods of collecting this are several, and many a wild story the handles of your table knives could tell you, if their ivory has passed through Fan hands. For ivory is everywhere an evil thing before which the quest for gold sinks into a parlour game; and when its charms seize such a tribe as the Fans, “conclusions pass their careers.” A very common way of collecting a tooth is to kill the person who owns one. Therefore in order to prevent this catastrophe happening to you yourself, when you have one, it is held advisable, unless you are a powerful person in your own village, to bury or sink the said tooth and say nothing about it until the trader comes into your district or you get a chance of smuggling it quietly down to him. Some of these private ivories are kept for years and years before they reach the trader’s hands. And quite a third of the ivory you see coming on board a vessel to go to Europe is dark from this keeping: some teeth a lovely brown like a well-coloured meerschaum, others quite black, and gnawed by that strange little creature - much heard of, and abused, yet little known in ivory ports - the ivory rat.
I need to talk briefly about the most important thing the Fan focuses on: ivory. They have several ways of collecting it, and your table knife handles could share some wild stories if their ivory had been in the hands of the Fan. Ivory is fundamentally a corrupting force, overshadowing the pursuit of gold, which becomes like a mere game; when the allure of ivory captures a tribe like the Fans, "conclusions pass their careers." One common method of getting a tooth is to kill the current owner. So, to avoid this disaster happening to you, it’s wise—unless you're a powerful figure in your village—to bury or hide the tooth and keep quiet about it until a trader arrives in your area or you can sneak it down to him. Some of these privately held ivories remain hidden for years before they reach a trader. In fact, about a third of the ivory you see being loaded onto a ship bound for Europe is aged from this concealment: some teeth take on a beautiful brown shade like a well-colored meerschaum, while others turn completely black and are gnawed by the little-known but infamous ivory rat.
Ivory, however, that is obtained by murder is private ivory. The public ivory trade among the Fans is carried on in a way more in accordance with European ideas of a legitimate trade. The greater part of this ivory is obtained from dead elephants. There are in this region certain places where the elephants are said to go to die. A locality in one district pointed out to me as such a place, was a great swamp in the forest. A swamp that evidently was deep in the middle, for from out its dark waters no swamp plant, or tree grew, and evidently its shores sloped suddenly, for the band of swamp plants round its edge was narrow. It is just possible that during the rainy season when most of the surrounding country would be under water, elephants might stray into this natural trap and get drowned, and on the drying up of the waters be discovered, and the fact being known, be regularly sought for by the natives cognisant of this. I inquired carefully whether these places where the elephants came to die always had water in them, but they said no, and in one district spoke of a valley or round-shaped depression in among the mountains. But natives were naturally disinclined to take a stranger to these ivory mines, and a white person who has caught - as any one who has been in touch must catch - ivory fever, is naturally equally disinclined to give localities.
Ivory that comes from murder, though, is considered private ivory. The public ivory trade among the Fans aligns more with European views of legitimate trade. Most of this ivory is sourced from deceased elephants. In this area, there are certain spots known as places where elephants reportedly go to die. One location in a particular district that was pointed out to me was a large swamp in the forest. This swamp appeared to be deep in the center, as no swamp plants or trees grew from its dark waters, and its banks sloped steeply since the band of swamp plants around its edge was narrow. It’s possible that during the rainy season, when most of the surrounding land would be flooded, elephants could wander into this natural trap and drown; when the water recedes, their remains would be found, and the locals aware of this would then search for them regularly. I asked carefully if these places where elephants come to die always contained water, but they said no, and in one district, they mentioned a valley or round-shaped dip among the mountains. However, the locals were understandably reluctant to take a stranger to these ivory hotspots, and a white person who has experienced— as anyone who has been involved must experience—ivory fever is naturally just as hesitant to disclose these locations.
A certain percentage of ivory collected by the Fans is from live elephants, but I am bound to admit that their method of hunting elephants is disgracefully unsportsmanlike. A herd of elephants is discovered by rubber hunters or by depredations on plantations, and the whole village, men, women, children, babies and dogs turn out into the forest and stalk the monsters into a suitable ravine, taking care not to scare them. When they have gradually edged the elephants on into a suitable place, they fell trees and wreathe them very roughly together with bush rope, all round an immense enclosure, still taking care not to scare the elephants into a rush. This fence is quite inadequate to stop any elephant in itself, but it is made effective by being smeared with certain things, the smell whereof the elephants detest so much that when they wander up to it, they turn back disgusted. I need hardly remark that this preparation is made by the witch doctors and its constituents a secret of theirs, and I was only able to find out some of them. Then poisoned plantains are placed within the enclosure, and the elephants eat these and grow drowsier and drowsier; if the water supply within the enclosure is a pool it is poisoned, but if it is a running stream this cannot be done. During this time the crowd of men and women spend their days round the enclosure, ready to turn back any elephant who may attempt to break out, going to and fro to the village for their food. Their nights they spend in little bough shelters by the enclosure, watching more vigilantly than by day, as the elephants are more active at night, it being their usual feeding time. During the whole time the witch doctor is hard at work making incantations and charms, with a view to finding out the proper time to attack the elephants. In my opinion, his decision fundamentally depends on his knowledge of the state of poisoning the animals are in, but his version is that he gets his information from the forest spirits. When, however, he has settled the day, the best hunters steal into the enclosure and take up safe positions in trees, and the outer crowd set light to the ready-built fires, and make the greatest uproar possible, and fire upon the staggering, terrified elephants as they attempt to break out. The hunters in the trees fire down on them as they rush past, the fatal point at the back of the skull being well exposed to them.
A certain percentage of ivory collected by the Fans comes from live elephants, but I have to admit that their method of hunting is really unsportsmanlike. When rubber hunters discover a herd of elephants or find evidence of damage on plantations, the whole village—men, women, children, babies, and dogs—heads into the forest to track the animals into a suitable ravine, making sure not to scare them. Once they’ve managed to guide the elephants into a good spot, they cut down trees and roughly tie them together with brush rope to create a huge enclosure, still being careful not to frighten the elephants into a stampede. This fence is pretty ineffective at stopping an elephant on its own, but it works because it’s smeared with certain substances that elephants find so unpleasant that they turn back in disgust when they encounter it. I should point out that this preparation is done by the witch doctors, and the exact ingredients are their secret; I could only discover some of them. Then, they place poisoned plantains inside the enclosure, and the elephants eat them and get sleepier and sleepier; if the water source in the enclosure is a pool, it's poisoned, but if it's a stream, that can't be done. Meanwhile, the crowd of men and women spend their days around the enclosure, ready to turn back any elephants that might try to escape, making trips to the village for food. At night, they stay in small shelters by the enclosure, watching more closely than during the day since the elephants are more active at night, which is their usual feeding time. During this whole time, the witch doctor is busy making incantations and charms to determine the right moment to attack the elephants. In my opinion, his decision mainly depends on how poisoned the animals are, but he claims to get his information from forest spirits. Once he has decided on the day, the best hunters sneak into the enclosure and hide safely in the trees, while the outer crowd lights the prepared fires, makes as much noise as they can, and shoots at the terrified, staggering elephants as they try to break out. The hunters in the trees shoot down at them as they rush past, targeting the vulnerable spot at the back of the skull.
When the animals are nearly exhausted, those men who do not possess guns dash into the enclosure, and the men who do, reload and join them, and the work is then completed. One elephant hunt I chanced upon at the final stage had taken two months’ preparation, and although the plan sounds safe enough, there is really a good deal of danger left in it with all the drugging and ju-ju. There were eight elephants killed that day, but three burst through everything, sending energetic spectators flying, and squashing two men and a baby as flat as botanical specimens.
When the animals are nearly worn out, the men without guns rush into the enclosure, while the armed men reload and join them to finish the job. I witnessed one elephant hunt at its final stage that had required two months of preparation. Although the plan seems safe enough, there's still a fair amount of risk involved with all the tranquilizing and rituals. That day, eight elephants were killed, but three broke free, sending excited onlookers fleeing and crushing two men and a baby as flat as pressed flowers.
The subsequent proceedings were impressive. The whole of the people gorged themselves on the meat for days, and great chunks of it were smoked over the fires in all directions. A certain portion of the flesh of the hind leg was taken by the witch doctor for ju-ju, and was supposed to be put away by him, with certain suitable incantations in the recesses of the forest; his idea being apparently either to give rise to more elephants, or to induce the forest spirits to bring more elephants into the district.
The following events were remarkable. The entire community feasted on the meat for days, and large pieces were smoked over fires in every direction. The witch doctor took a portion of the hind leg for ju-ju, and it was believed he would store it away, along with specific incantations, deep in the forest. His intention seemed to be either to create more elephants or to persuade the forest spirits to bring more elephants into the area.
Dr. Nassau tells me that the manner in which the ivory gained by one of these hunts is divided is as follows: - “The witch doctor, the chiefs, and the family on whose ground the enclosure is built, and especially the household whose women first discovered the animals, decide in council as to the division of the tusks and the share of the flesh to be given to the crowd of outsiders. The next day the tusks are removed and each family represented in the assemblage cuts up and distributes the flesh.” In the hunt I saw finished, the elephants had not been discovered, as in the case Dr. Nassau above speaks of, in a plantation by women, but by a party of rubber hunters in the forest some four or five miles from any village, and the ivory that would have been allotted to the plantation holder in the former case, went in this case to the young rubber hunters.
Dr. Nassau tells me that the way the ivory from one of these hunts is divided goes like this: “The witch doctor, the chiefs, and the family on whose land the enclosure is built, especially the household whose women first spotted the animals, get together to decide how to divide the tusks and how much of the meat to give to the crowd of outsiders. The next day, the tusks are taken out, and each family represented in the gathering cuts up and shares the meat.” In the hunt I just witnessed, the elephants weren’t found in a plantation by women, as Dr. Nassau mentioned, but by a group of rubber gatherers in the forest about four or five miles from any village. The ivory that would have gone to the plantation owner in the previous case went to the young rubber gatherers instead.
Such are the pursuits, sports and pastimes of my friends the Fans. I have been considerably chaffed both by whites and blacks about my partiality for this tribe, but as I like Africans in my way - not à la Sierra Leone - and these Africans have more of the qualities I like than any other tribe I have met, it is but natural that I should prefer them. They are brave and so you can respect them, which is an essential element in a friendly feeling. They are on the whole a fine race, particularly those in the mountain districts of the Sierra del Cristal, where one continually sees magnificent specimens of human beings, both male and female. Their colour is light bronze, many of the men have beards, and albinoes are rare among them. The average height in the mountain districts is five feet six to five feet eight, the difference in stature between men and women not being great. Their countenances are very bright and expressive, and if once you have been among them, you can never mistake a Fan. But it is in their mental characteristics that their difference from the lethargic, dying-out coast tribes is most marked. The Fan is full of fire, temper, intelligence and go; very teachable, rather difficult to manage, quick to take offence, and utterly indifferent to human life. I ought to say that other people, who should know him better than I, say he is a treacherous, thievish, murderous cannibal. I never found him treacherous; but then I never trusted him, remembering one of the aphorisms of my great teacher Captain Boler of Bonny, “It’s not safe to go among bush tribes, but if you are such a fool as to go, you needn’t go and be a bigger fool still, you’ve done enough.” And Captain Boler’s other great aphorism was: “Never be afraid of a black man.” “What if I can’t help it?” said I. “Don’t show it,” said he. To these precepts I humbly add another: “Never lose your head.” My most favourite form of literature, I may remark, is accounts of mountaineering exploits, though I have never seen a glacier or a permanent snow mountain in my life. I do not care a row of pins how badly they may be written, and what form of bumble-puppy grammar and composition is employed, as long as the writer will walk along the edge of a precipice with a sheer fall of thousands of feet on one side and a sheer wall on the other; or better still crawl up an arête with a precipice on either. Nothing on earth would persuade me to do either of these things myself, but they remind me of bits of country I have been through where you walk along a narrow line of security with gulfs of murder looming on each side, and where in exactly the same way you are as safe as if you were in your easy chair at home, as long as you get sufficient holding ground: not on rock in the bush village inhabited by murderous cannibals, but on ideas in those men’s and women’s minds; and these ideas, which I think I may say you will always find, give you safety. It is not advisable to play with them, or to attempt to eradicate them, because you regard them as superstitious; and never, never shoot too soon. I have never had to shoot, and hope never to have to; because in such a situation, one white alone with no troops to back him means a clean finish. But this would not discourage me if I had to start, only it makes me more inclined to walk round the obstacle, than to become a mere blood splotch against it, if this can be done without losing your self-respect, which is the mainspring of your power in West Africa.
Such are the activities, sports, and hobbies of my friends, the Fans. I’ve been teased a lot by both white and black people about my preference for this group, but since I like Africans my way—not in the style of Sierra Leone—and these Africans have more of the qualities I appreciate than any other group I’ve encountered, it makes sense that I would prefer them. They are brave, which earns my respect, and respect is key to friendly relationships. Overall, they are a great race, especially those in the mountainous regions of the Sierra del Cristal, where you often see amazing examples of humanity, both male and female. Their skin is a light bronze, many of the men have beards, and albinos are rare among them. The average height in the mountain areas is between five feet six and five feet eight, with only a small height difference between men and women. Their faces are bright and expressive, and once you've been among them, you can never mistake a Fan. But it's in their mental traits that they differ most from the lethargic, dying coastal tribes. The Fan is full of energy, temperament, intelligence, and drive; very teachable, somewhat challenging to manage, quick to take offense, and completely indifferent to human life. I should point out that others, who know him better than I do, say he is treacherous, thieving, and murderous. I never found him treacherous, but then again, I never trusted him, recalling one of the sayings of my great teacher, Captain Boler of Bonny: “It’s not safe to venture among bush tribes, but if you’re foolish enough to go, don’t be even more foolish; that’s already enough.” And Captain Boler’s other important saying was: “Never be afraid of a black man.” “What if I can’t help it?” I asked. “Don’t show it,” he replied. To these principles, I humbly add another: “Never lose your cool.” My favorite type of literature is adventure stories about mountaineering, even though I’ve never seen a glacier or a permanent snow-capped mountain in my life. I don’t care how poorly they’re written, or what kind of clumsy grammar and composition are used, as long as the writer dares to walk along the edge of a cliff with a sheer drop of thousands of feet on one side and a sheer wall on the other; or even better, to crawl up an arête with cliffs on both sides. Nothing on earth would convince me to do either of those things myself, but they remind me of places I’ve traversed where you walk along a narrow path of safety with perilous drops looming on either side, and where in exactly the same way you are as secure as if you were lounging in your chair at home, as long as you find enough solid ground—not on rock in a bush village inhabited by murderous cannibals, but in the ideas in those men’s and women’s minds; and these ideas, which you will always find, give you security. It’s unwise to play around with them or try to eradicate them just because you think they’re superstitious; and never, ever fire too soon. I’ve never had to shoot, and I hope I never will; because in such a situation, one white person alone without troops means a certain end. But that wouldn’t discourage me from starting, it just makes me more inclined to find a way around the obstacle rather than become a mere bloodstain against it, if I can do so without losing my self-respect, which is the key to your strength in West Africa.
As for flourishing about a revolver and threatening to fire, I hold it utter idiocy. I have never tried it, however, so I speak from prejudice which arises from the feeling that there is something cowardly in it. Always have your revolver ready loaded in good order, and have your hand on it when things are getting warm, and in addition have an exceedingly good bowie knife, not a hinge knife, because with a hinge knife you have got to get it open - hard work in a country where all things go rusty in the joints - and hinge knives are liable to close on your own fingers. The best form of knife is the bowie, with a shallow half moon cut out of the back at the point end, and this depression sharpened to a cutting edge. A knife is essential, because after wading neck deep in a swamp your revolver is neither use nor ornament until you have had time to clean it. But the chances are you may go across Africa, or live years in it, and require neither. It is just the case of the gentleman who asked if one required a revolver in Carolina and was answered, “You may be here one year, and you may be here two and never want it; but when you do want it you’ll want it very bad.”
As for brandishing a revolver and threatening to shoot, I think it's complete nonsense. I’ve never actually done it, so I’m biased by the feeling that it’s a bit cowardly. Always keep your revolver fully loaded and in good condition, and have your hand on it when things start to heat up. Also, carry a really good bowie knife, not a folding knife, because with a folding knife you have to open it—which is tricky in a place where everything rusts—and folding knives can shut on your fingers. The best type of knife is a bowie, with a slight half-moon notch at the point end, and that notch sharpened to a cutting edge. A knife is crucial, because if you find yourself neck-deep in a swamp, your revolver won't be useful or pretty until you’ve had a chance to clean it. However, there’s a good chance you might travel across Africa or spend years there and never need either one. It’s like the gentleman who asked if you need a revolver in Carolina and was told, “You might be here for a year or two and never need it; but when you do need it, you’ll really need it.”
The cannibalism of the Fans, although a prevalent habit, is no danger, I think, to white people, except as regards the bother it gives one in preventing one’s black companions from getting eaten. The Fan is not a cannibal from sacrificial motives like the negro. He does it in his common sense way. Man’s flesh, he says, is good to eat, very good, and he wishes you would try it. Oh dear no, he never eats it himself, but the next door town does. He is always very much abused for eating his relations, but he really does not do this. He will eat his next door neighbour’s relations and sell his own deceased to his next door neighbour in return; but he does not buy slaves and fatten them up for his table as some of the Middle Congo tribes I know of do. He has no slaves, no prisoners of war, no cemeteries, so you must draw your own conclusions. No, my friend, I will not tell you any cannibal stories. I have heard how good M. du Chaillu fared after telling you some beauties, and now you come away from the Fan village and down the Rembwé river.
The cannibalism of the Fans, while a common practice, is not a threat, I believe, to white people, except for the hassle it creates in stopping your black companions from getting eaten. The Fan doesn’t engage in cannibalism for sacrificial reasons like some others do. Instead, he views it quite pragmatically. He says that human flesh is delicious, really delicious, and wishes you would give it a try. Oh no, he never eats it himself, but the neighboring town does. He often gets criticized for eating his relatives, but he actually doesn’t do that. He’ll eat the neighbors' relatives and trade his own deceased to his neighbor in exchange; but he doesn’t buy slaves and fatten them up for his meals like some tribes in the Middle Congo that I know of. He has no slaves, no prisoners of war, no cemeteries, so you’ll have to draw your own conclusions. No, my friend, I won’t share any cannibal stories. I’ve heard how well M. du Chaillu did after telling you some interesting ones, and now you’re leaving the Fan village and heading down the Rembwé river.
CHAPTER XI. DOWN THE REMBWÉ.
Setting forth how the Voyager descends the Rembwé River, with divers excursions and alarms, in the company of a black trader, and returns safely to the Coast.
Describing how the Voyager travels down the Rembwé River, facing various adventures and challenges, alongside a Black trader, and makes it back safely to the Coast.
Getting away from Agonjo seemed as if it would be nearly as difficult as getting to it, but as the quarters were comfortable and the society fairly good, I was not anxious. I own the local scenery was a little too much of the Niger Delta type for perfect beauty, just the long lines of mangrove, and the muddy river lounging almost imperceptibly to sea, and nothing else in sight. Mr. Glass, however, did not take things so philosophically. I was on his commercial conscience, for I had come in from the bush and there was money in me. Therefore I was a trade product - a new trade stuff that ought to be worked up and developed; and he found himself unable to do this, for although he had secured the first parcel, as it were, and got it successfully stored, yet he could not ship it, and he felt this was a reproach to him.
Leaving Agonjo seemed almost as tough as arriving there, but since the accommodations were nice and the company was decent, I wasn't too worried. I have to say, the local scenery was a bit too much like the Niger Delta for true beauty, with just endless lines of mangrove and the muddy river lazily making its way to the sea, without anything else in sight. However, Mr. Glass wasn’t so relaxed about it. I weighed on his business mind because I had come in from the bush and had money to spend. So, I was considered a trade commodity—a new product that he should have been able to develop; yet, despite having secured the first shipment and storing it successfully, he couldn’t ship it out, which made him feel like he had failed.
Many were his lamentations that the firm had not provided him with a large sailing canoe and a suitable crew to deal with this new line of trade. I did my best to comfort him, pointing out that the most enterprising firm could not be expected to provide expensive things like these, on the extremely remote chance of ladies arriving per bush at Agonjo - in fact not until the trade in them was well developed. But he refused to see it in this light and harped upon the subject, wrapped up, poor man, in a great coat and a muffler, because his ague was on him.
He lamented a lot that the company hadn’t given him a large sailing canoe and a proper crew to handle this new line of trade. I tried to comfort him, explaining that even the most enterprising company couldn't be expected to provide such costly items, especially on the slim chance that women would arrive by bush at Agonjo—really, not until the trade for them was well established. But he wouldn’t see it that way and kept going on about it, poor guy, bundled up in a heavy coat and scarf because he was dealing with a fever.
I next tried to convince Mr. Glass that any canoe would do for me to go down in. “No,” he said, “any canoe will not do;” and he explained that when you got down the Rembwé to ’Como Point you were in a rough, nasty bit of water, the Gaboon, which has a fine confused set of currents from the tidal wash and the streams of the Rembwé and ’Como rivers, in which it would be improbable that a river canoe could live any time worth mentioning. Progress below ’Como Point by means of mere paddling he considered impossible. There was nothing for it but a big sailing canoe, and there was no big sailing canoe to be had. I think Mr. Glass got a ray of comfort out of the fact that Messrs. John Holt’s sub-agent was, equally with himself, unable to ship me.
I then tried to convince Mr. Glass that any canoe would be fine for me to go down in. “No,” he said, “any canoe won’t work;” and he explained that once you got down the Rembwé to ’Como Point, you’d be in a rough, tricky section of water, the Gaboon, which has a chaotic mix of currents from the tidal wash and the streams of the Rembwé and ’Como rivers, where it would be unlikely for a river canoe to survive for long. He thought it would be impossible to make any progress below ’Como Point just by paddling. The only option was a big sailing canoe, but there wasn’t one available. I think Mr. Glass felt a bit better knowing that Messrs. John Holt’s sub-agent was just as unable to get me shipped as he was.
At this point in the affair there entered a highly dramatic figure. He came on to the scene suddenly and with much uproar, in a way that would have made his fortune in a transpontine drama. I shall always regret I have not got that man’s portrait, for I cannot do him justice with ink. He dashed up on to the verandah, smote the frail form of Mr. Glass between the shoulders, and flung his own massive one into a chair. His name was Obanjo, but he liked it pronounced Captain Johnson, and his profession was a bush and river trader on his own account. Every movement of the man was theatrical, and he used to look covertly at you every now and then to see if he had produced his impression, which was evidently intended to be that of a reckless, rollicking skipper. There was a Hallo-my-Hearty atmosphere coming off him from the top of his hat to the soles of his feet, like the scent off a flower; but it did not require a genius in judging men to see that behind, and under this was a very different sort of man, and if I should ever want to engage in a wild and awful career up a West African river I shall start on it by engaging Captain Johnson. He struck me as being one of those men, of whom I know five, whom I could rely on, that if one of them and I went into the utter bush together, one of us at least would come out alive and have made something substantial by the venture; which is a great deal more than I could say, for example, of Ngouta, who was still with me, as he desired to see the glories of Gaboon and buy a hanging lamp.
At this point in the story, a really dramatic character entered the scene. He burst in suddenly and with a lot of noise, the kind of entrance that would have made him a star in a show. I’ll always regret not having his portrait because I can’t capture his essence with words. He rushed onto the porch, slapped Mr. Glass on the back, and flopped himself into a chair. His name was Obanjo, but he preferred it pronounced as Captain Johnson, and he was a self-employed bush and river trader. Every move he made was theatrical, and he would slyly check to see if he had made an impression, which he clearly aimed to convey as that of a wild, carefree captain. There was a friendly vibe radiating off him from the top of his hat to the tips of his shoes, like the scent from a flower; but it didn’t take a genius to realize that beneath that facade was a very different person. If I ever wanted to dive into an adventurous and risky venture up a West African river, I’d start by teaming up with Captain Johnson. He struck me as one of those guys, of whom I know five, that I could trust; if one of us went deep into the wilderness together, at least one of us would make it back alive and have achieved something significant from the experience. That’s way more than I could say for Ngouta, who was still with me because he wanted to see the wonders of Gaboon and buy a hanging lamp.
Captain Johnson’s attire calls for especial comment and admiration. However disconnected the two sides of his character might be, his clothes bore the impress of both of his natures to perfection. He wore, when first we met, a huge sombrero hat, a spotless singlet, and a suit of clean, well-got-up dungaree, and an uncommonly picturesque, powerful figure he cut in them, with his finely moulded, well-knit form and good-looking face, full of expression always, but always with the keen small eyes in it watching the effect his genial smiles and hearty laugh produced. The eyes were the eyes of Obanjo, the rest of the face the property of Captain Johnson. I do not mean to say that they were the eyes of a bad bold man, but you had not to look twice at them to see they belonged to a man courageous in the African manner, full of energy and resource, keenly intelligent and self-reliant, and all that sort of thing.
Captain Johnson’s outfit deserves special mention and admiration. Regardless of how disconnected the two sides of his character might be, his clothes perfectly reflected both aspects of him. When we first met, he wore a large sombrero, a clean tank top, and a well-tailored set of dungarees, cutting quite a striking figure with his strong, well-built body and attractive face, which was always full of expression, yet those keen, small eyes were always watching the impact of his friendly smiles and hearty laughter. The eyes belonged to Obanjo, but the rest of the face was Captain Johnson’s. I don't mean to imply that they were the eyes of a ruthless man, but you didn't need to look twice to see they belonged to someone brave in the African way, full of energy and resourcefulness, highly intelligent and self-sufficient, and all that sort of thing.
I left him and the refined Mr. Glass together to talk over the palaver of shipping me, and they talked it at great length. Finally the price I was to pay Obanjo was settled and we proceeded to less important details. It seemed Obanjo, when up the river this time, had set about constructing a new and large trading canoe at one of his homes, in which he was just thinking of taking his goods down to Gaboon. Next morning Obanjo with his vessel turned up, and saying farewell to my kind host, Mr. Sanga Glass, I departed.
I left him and the refined Mr. Glass together to discuss the details of my shipping arrangements, and they talked about it for a long time. Eventually, they agreed on the price I would pay Obanjo, and we moved on to less important details. It turned out that Obanjo, during his recent trip up the river, had started building a large trading canoe at one of his homes, which he was planning to use to transport his goods down to Gaboon. The next morning, Obanjo arrived with his vessel, and after saying goodbye to my generous host, Mr. Sanga Glass, I set off.
She had the makings of a fine vessel in her; though roughly hewn out of an immense hard-wood tree: her lines were good, and her type was that of the big sea-canoes of the Bight of Panavia. Very far forward was a pole mast, roughly made, but European in intention, and carrying a long gaff. Shrouds and stays it had not, and my impression was that it would be carried away if we dropped in for half a tornado, until I saw our sail and recognised that that would go to darning cotton instantly if it fell in with even a breeze. It was a bed quilt that had evidently been in the family some years, and although it had been in places carefully patched with pieces of previous sets of the captain’s dungarees, in other places, where it had not, it gave “free passage to the airs of Heaven”; which I may remark does not make for speed in the boat mounting such canvas. Partly to this sail, partly to the amount of trading affairs we attended to, do I owe the credit of having made a record trip down the Rembwé, the slowest white man time on record.
She was built to be a great boat, even though she was roughly carved from a massive hardwood tree: her shape was good, and she resembled the large sea canoes of the Bight of Panavia. Up front, there was a pole mast, crudely constructed but meant to be European, with a long gaff. It didn't have any shrouds or stays, and I thought it would break off if we hit a half-tornado, until I saw our sail and realized it would instantly fall apart in even a light breeze. It was an old bed quilt that had clearly been in the family for years, and while some parts had been carefully patched with bits of the captain's old work clothes, other parts were left untouched, allowing "free passage to the airs of Heaven," which I should point out doesn't help with speed for a boat using such fabric. Thanks in part to this sail, and in part to all the trading business we handled, I can take credit for making a record trip down the Rembwé, the slowest time recorded by any white man.
Fixed across the stern of the canoe there was the usual staging made of bamboos, flush with the gunwale. Now this sort of staging is an exceedingly good idea when it is fully finished. You can stuff no end of things under it; and over it there is erected a hood of palm-thatch, giving a very comfortable cabin five or six feet long and about three feet high in the centre, and you can curl yourself up in it and, if you please, have a mat hung across the opening. But we had not got so far as that yet on our vessel, only just got the staging fixed in fact; and I assure you a bamboo staging is but a precarious perch when in this stage of formation. I made myself a reclining couch on it in the Roman manner with my various belongings, and was exceeding comfortable until we got nearly out of the Rembwé into the Gaboon. Then came grand times. Our noble craft had by this time got a good list on her from our collected cargo - ill stowed. This made my home, the bamboo staging, about as reposeful a place as the slope of a writing desk would be if well polished; and the rough and choppy sea gave our vessel the most peculiar set of motions imaginable. She rolled, which made it precarious for things on the bamboo staging, but still a legitimate motion, natural and foreseeable. In addition to this, she had a cataclysmic kick in her - that I think the heathenish thing meant to be a pitch - which no mortal being could foresee or provide against, and which projected portable property into the waters of the Gaboon over the stern and on to the conglomerate collection in the bottom of the canoe itself, making Obanjo repeat, with ferocity and feeling, words he had heard years ago, when he was boatswain on a steamboat trading on the Coast. It was fortunate, you will please understand, for my future, that I have usually been on vessels of the British African or the African lines when voyaging about this West African sea-board, as the owners of these vessels prohibit the use of bad language on board, or goodness only knows what words I might not have remembered and used in the Gaboon estuary.
Fixed across the back of the canoe was the usual bamboo staging, level with the gunwale. Now, this kind of staging is a really good idea when it's fully finished. You can store a ton of stuff underneath it, and above it, there's a palm-thatch hood that creates a cozy cabin that's about five or six feet long and three feet high in the center. You can curl up in it and, if you want, hang a mat across the opening. But we hadn’t gotten that far with our vessel; we had only just attached the staging, in fact. I assure you, a bamboo staging is a pretty shaky perch at this stage. I made myself a reclining couch on it, Roman-style, with my belongings and was very comfortable until we nearly got out of the Rembwé and into the Gaboon. Then things got exciting. By this time, our noble craft had developed quite a tilt from our poorly stowed cargo. This made my bamboo staging about as restful as the slope of a polished writing desk, and the rough, choppy sea gave our vessel the wildest motions you could imagine. She rolled, which made it tricky for things on the bamboo staging, but it was still a legitimate and predictable motion. On top of that, she had a catastrophic kick—what I think that cursed thing meant to be a pitch—that no one could foresee or prepare for, sending portable property flying into the waters of the Gaboon over the back and onto the pile of stuff at the bottom of the canoe, causing Obanjo to repeat, with intensity and feeling, words he had heard years ago when he was a boatswain on a steamboat trading on the Coast. It was fortunate, as you can understand, for my future, that I had mostly been on British African or African lines vessels while traveling this West African coast, as the owners of those ships forbid bad language on board, or goodness knows what words I might have remembered and used in the Gaboon estuary.
We left Agonjo with as much bustle and shouting and general air of brisk seamanship as Obanjo could impart to the affair, and the hopeful mind might have expected to reach somewhere important by nightfall. I did not expect that; neither, on the other hand, did I expect that after we had gone a mile and only four, as the early ballad would say, that we should pull up and anchor against a small village for the night; but this we did, the captain going ashore to see for cargo, and to get some more crew.
We left Agonjo with a lot of hustle, shouting, and an overall vibe of energetic sailing that Obanjo could bring to the situation, and anyone with hope might have thought we would reach somewhere significant by nightfall. I didn't think that; however, I also didn't expect that after just a mile or so, as the old song goes, we would stop and anchor near a small village for the night. But that’s exactly what we did, with the captain going ashore to look for cargo and find some more crew.
There were grand times ashore that night, and the captain returned on board about 2 A.M. with some rubber and pissava and two new hands whose appearance fitted them to join our vessel; for a more villainous-looking set than our crew I never laid eye on. One enormously powerful fellow looked the incarnation of the horrid negro of buccaneer stories, and I admired Obanjo for the way he kept them in hand. We had now also acquired a small dug-out canoe as tender, and a large fishing-net. About 4 A.M. in the moonlight we started to drop down river on the tail of the land breeze, and as I observed Obanjo wanted to sleep I offered to steer. After putting me through an examination in practical seamanship, and passing me, he gladly accepted my offer, handed over the tiller which stuck out across my bamboo staging, and went and curled himself up, falling sound asleep among the crew in less time than it takes to write. On the other nights we spent on this voyage I had no need to offer to steer; he handed over charge to me as a matter of course, and as I prefer night to day in Africa, I enjoyed it. Indeed, much as I have enjoyed life in Africa, I do not think I ever enjoyed it to the full as I did on those nights dropping down the Rembwé. The great, black, winding river with a pathway in its midst of frosted silver where the moonlight struck it: on each side the ink-black mangrove walls, and above them the band of star and moonlit heavens that the walls of mangrove allowed one to see. Forward rose the form of our sail, idealised from bed-sheetdom to glory; and the little red glow of our cooking fire gave a single note of warm colour to the cold light of the moon. Three or four times during the second night, while I was steering along by the south bank, I found the mangrove wall thinner, and standing up, looked through the network of their roots and stems on to what seemed like plains, acres upon acres in extent, of polished silver - more specimens of those awful slime lagoons, one of which, before we reached Ndorko, had so very nearly collected me. I watched them, as we leisurely stole past, with a sort of fascination. On the second night, towards the dawn, I had the great joy of seeing Mount Okoneto, away to the S.W., first showing moonlit, and then taking the colours of the dawn before they reached us down below. Ah me! give me a West African river and a canoe for sheer good pleasure. Drawbacks, you say? Well, yes, but where are there not drawbacks? The only drawbacks on those Rembwé nights were the series of horrid frights I got by steering on to tree shadows and thinking they were mud banks, or trees themselves, so black and solid did they seem. I never roused the watch fortunately, but got her off the shadow gallantly single-handed every time, and called myself a fool instead of getting called one. My nautical friends carp at me for getting on shadows, but I beg them to consider before they judge me, whether they have ever steered at night down a river quite unknown to them an unhandy canoe, with a bed-sheet sail, by the light of the moon. And what with my having a theory of my own regarding the proper way to take a vessel round a corner, and what with having to keep the wind in the bed-sheet where the bed-sheet would hold it, it’s a wonder to me I did not cast that vessel away, or go and damage Africa.
There were amazing times ashore that night, and the captain got back on board around 2 A.M. with some rubber and pissava and two new crew members who looked like they belonged on our ship; I’ve never seen a more villainous-looking group than our crew. One enormous guy looked like the terrifying character from buccaneer tales, and I admired Obanjo for how he kept them under control. We also picked up a small dug-out canoe as a tender and a large fishing net. Around 4 A.M., in the moonlight, we started to drift down the river with the land breeze. I noticed Obanjo wanted to sleep, so I offered to steer. After testing my seamanship skills and finding me suitable, he gladly accepted my offer, handed over the tiller that was sticking out across my bamboo platform, and curled up among the crew, falling sound asleep faster than it takes to write. On the other nights of this trip, I didn’t need to offer to steer; he just handed me the responsibility as usual, and since I prefer night to day in Africa, I loved it. In fact, as much as I enjoyed life in Africa, I don’t think I ever enjoyed it more than those nights drifting down the Rembwé. The great, winding black river had a pathway of frosted silver where the moonlight hit it: on either side were ink-black mangrove walls, and above them, a band of starry and moonlit skies that the mangroves allowed us to see. Forward rose our sail, transformed from a bed sheet to something glorious; the little red glow of our cooking fire added a warm touch to the moon's cold light. Three or four times during the second night, while steering along the south bank, I noticed the mangrove wall was thinner, and looking through the network of their roots and stems, I spotted what seemed like extensive plains of polished silver - more of those terrifying slime lagoons, one of which had almost got me before we reached Ndorko. I watched them in fascination as we drifted by. On the second night, just before dawn, I was thrilled to see Mount Okoneto in the S.W., first illuminated by the moon, then catching the colors of dawn before they reached us below. Ah, give me a West African river and a canoe for pure enjoyment. Drawbacks, you ask? Well, yes, but where are there not drawbacks? The only downsides during those Rembwé nights were the series of terrifying moments I had when steering into tree shadows, mistaking them for mud banks, or thinking they were solid trees. Luckily, I never woke the watch and managed to steer clear of the shadows on my own each time, calling myself a fool instead of getting called one. My nautical friends criticize me for running into shadows, but I ask them to consider before judging whether they’ve ever steered a clumsy canoe down an unknown river at night, with a bed sheet for a sail, by the moonlight. And with my own theories on how to navigate a vessel around corners, combined with the challenge of keeping the wind in the bed sheet, it's a wonder I didn't wreck the boat or cause trouble in Africa.
By daylight the Rembwé scenery was certainly not so lovely, and might be slept through without a pang. It had monotony, without having enough of it to amount to grandeur. Every now and again we came to villages, each of which was situated on a heap of clay and sandy soil, presumably the end of a spit of land running out into the mangrove swamp fringing the river. Every village we saw we went alongside and had a chat with, and tried to look up cargo in the proper way. One village in particular did we have a lively time at. Obanjo had a wife and home there, likewise a large herd of goats, some of which he was desirous of taking down with us to sell at Gaboon. It was a pleasant-looking village, with a clean yellow beach which most of the houses faced. But it had ramifications in the interior. I being very lazy, did not go ashore, but watched the pantomime from the bamboo staging. The whole flock of goats enter at right end of stage, and tear violently across the scene, disappearing at left. Two minutes elapse. Obanjo and his gallant crew enter at right hand of stage, leg it like lamplighters across front, and disappear at left. Fearful pow-wow behind the scenes. Five minutes elapse. Enter goats at right as before, followed by Obanjo and company as before, and so on da capo. It was more like a fight I once saw between the armies of Macbeth and Macduff than anything I have seen before or since; only our Rembwé play was better put on, more supers, and noise, and all that sort of thing, you know. It was a spirited performance I assure you and I and the inhabitants of the village, not personally interested in goat-catching, assumed the rôle of audience and cheered it to the echo.
By daylight, the Rembwé scenery was definitely not as beautiful and could easily be slept through without a second thought. It had its dull moments without enough of them to be considered grand. Every now and then, we encountered villages, each one sitting on a mound of clay and sandy soil, likely the end of a stretch of land jutting into the mangrove swamp lining the river. We stopped by each village, chatted with the locals, and tried to inspect cargo properly. One village, in particular, was quite lively. Obanjo had a wife and home there, as well as a large herd of goats, some of which he wanted to take with us to sell in Gaboon. It was a nice-looking village with a clean yellow beach that most houses faced. But it extended into the interior. Feeling quite lazy, I didn’t go ashore and instead watched the scene unfold from the bamboo platform. A whole flock of goats came in from the right side of the stage, sprinted across dramatically, and vanished off to the left. Two minutes passed. Obanjo and his brave crew entered from the right, dashed across the front like they were in a hurry, and disappeared on the left. There was a chaotic discussion happening behind the scenes. Five minutes went by. The goats returned from the right again, followed by Obanjo and his crew once more, and this pattern repeated itself da capo. It reminded me more of the battle I once saw between Macbeth and Macduff than anything else I had ever witnessed; except our Rembwé production was better orchestrated, with more extras and noise, and all that kind of thing, you know. It was an energetic show, I assure you, and I, along with the villagers who weren’t personally involved in catching goats, played the part of the audience and cheered it on enthusiastically.
We had another cheerful little incident that afternoon. While we were going along softly, softly as was our wont, in the broiling heat, I wishing I had an umbrella - for sitting on that bamboo stage with no sort of protection from the sun was hot work after the forest shade I had had previously - two small boys in two small canoes shot out from the bank and paddled hard to us and jumped on board. After a few minutes’ conversation with Obanjo one of them carefully sank his canoe; the other just turned his adrift and they joined our crew. I saw they were Fans, as indeed nearly all the crew were, but I did not think much of the affair. Our tender, the small canoe, had been sent out as usual with the big black man and another A. B. to fish; it being one of our industries to fish hard all the time with that big net. The fish caught, sometimes a bushel or two at a time, almost all grey mullet, were then brought alongside, split open, and cleaned. We then had all round as many of them for supper as we wanted, the rest we hung on strings over our fire, more or less insufficiently smoking them to prevent decomposition, it being Obanjo’s intention to sell them when he made his next trip up the ’Como; for the latter being less rich in fish than the Rembwé they would command a good price there. We always had our eye on things like this, being, I proudly remark, none of your gilded floating hotel of a ferry-boat like those Cunard or White Star liners are, but just a good trader that was not ashamed to pay, and not afraid of work.
We had another cheerful little incident that afternoon. While we were moving along slowly, as we usually did, in the sweltering heat, I wished I had an umbrella—sitting on that bamboo platform with no shade from the sun was tough after the coolness of the forest I had been in earlier. Suddenly, two small boys in canoes paddled hard toward us and jumped on board. After a few minutes of chatting with Obanjo, one of them carefully sank his canoe, while the other just let his float away, and they joined our team. I noticed they were Fans, as nearly all the crew were, but I didn’t think much of it. Our tender, the small canoe, had been sent out as usual with the big black man and another able seaman to fish, since one of our ongoing tasks was to fish hard all the time with that big net. The fish we caught, sometimes a bushel or two at once, mostly gray mullet, were then brought alongside, split open, and cleaned. We then shared as many of them as we wanted for supper, and hung the rest on strings over our fire, not quite smoking them enough to prevent spoilage, since Obanjo planned to sell them on his next trip up the ’Como; because the latter, being less rich in fish than the Rembwé, would fetch a good price there. We always kept an eye on things like this, proudly noting that we weren’t some fancy floating hotel like those Cunard or White Star liners, but just a solid trader that wasn’t ashamed to pay and wasn’t afraid of hard work.
Well, just after we had leisurely entered a new reach of the river, round the corner after us, propelled at a phenomenal pace, came our fishing canoe, which we had left behind to haul in the net and then rejoin us. The occupants, particularly the big black A. B., were shouting something in terror stricken accents. “What?” says Obanjo springing to his feet. “The Fan! the Fan!” shouted the canoe men as they shot towards us like agitated chickens making for their hen. In another moment they were alongside and tumbling over our gunwale into the bottom of the vessel still crying “The Fan! The Fan! The Fan!” Obanjo then by means of energetic questioning externally applied, and accompanied by florid language that cast a rose pink glow smelling of sulphur, round us, elicited the information that about 40,000 Fans, armed with knives and guns, were coming down the Rembwé with intent to kill and slay us, and might be expected to arrive within the next half wink. On hearing this, the whole of our gallant crew took up masterly recumbent positions in the bottom of our vessel and turned gray round the lips. But Obanjo rose to the situation like ten lions. “Take the rudder,” he shouted to me, “take her into the middle of the stream and keep the sail full.” It occurred to me that perhaps a position underneath the bamboo staging might be more healthy than one on the top of it, exposed to every microbe of a bit of old iron and what not and a half that according to native testimony would shortly be frisking through the atmosphere from those Fan guns; and moreover I had not forgotten having been previously shot in a somewhat similar situation, though in better company. However I did not say anything; neither, between ourselves, did I somehow believe in those Fans. So regardless of danger, I grasped the helm, and sent our gallant craft flying before the breeze down the bosom of the great wild river (that’s the proper way to put it, but in the interests of science it may be translated into crawling towards the middle). Meanwhile Obanjo performed prodigies of valour all over the place. He triced up the mainsail, stirred up his fainthearted crew, and got out the sweeps, i.e. one old oar and four paddles, and with this assistance we solemnly trudged away from danger at a pace that nothing slower than a Thames dumb barge, going against stream, could possibly overhaul. Still we did not feel safe, and I suggested to Ngouta he should rise up and help; but he declined, stating he was a married man. Obanjo cheering the paddlers with inspiriting words sprang with the agility of a leopard on to the bamboo staging aft, standing there with his gun ready loaded and cocked to face the coming foe, looking like a statue put up to himself at the public expense. The worst of this was, however, that while Obanjo’s face was to the coming foe, his back was to the crew, and they forthwith commenced to re-subside into the bottom of the boat, paddles and all. I, as second in command, on seeing this, said a few blood-stirring words to them, and Obanjo sent a few more of great power at them over his shoulder, and so we kept the paddles going.
Well, just after we had casually entered a new part of the river, our fishing canoe came zooming around the bend, moving at an incredible speed. We had left it behind to gather the net and then catch up with us. The people in the canoe, especially the big guy A. B., were yelling something in panicked voices. “What?” Obanjo said, leaping to his feet. “The Fan! The Fan!” shouted the canoe men as they rushed towards us like frantic chickens returning to their coop. A moment later, they were alongside us, tumbling over the gunwale into the bottom of our boat, still shouting, “The Fan! The Fan! The Fan!” Obanjo, through some intense questioning and colorful language that had a sulfurous flair, managed to find out that around 40,000 Fans, armed with knives and guns, were approaching down the Rembwé with plans to attack us, and they could arrive at any moment. Upon hearing this, our brave crew all dropped down, lying flat in the bottom of the boat, their lips turning pale. But Obanjo faced the situation like a champion. “Take the rudder,” he shouted to me, “steer into the middle of the stream and keep the sail full.” I thought maybe hiding under the bamboo staging would be safer than being on top, exposed to every bit of danger coming our way and to the bullets that the Fans might soon be firing, and I also remembered having been shot at in a similar situation before, though with better company. However, I kept my thoughts to myself; honestly, I didn’t really believe in those Fans. So, ignoring the risk, I took the helm and sent our brave boat gliding down the middle of the wild river (that’s the proper way to say it, but in the spirit of honesty, it may be put as crawling towards the center). Meanwhile, Obanjo was showing remarkable bravery all over the place. He raised the mainsail, rallied his scared crew, and pulled out the paddles—specifically, one old oar and four paddles—and with their help, we carefully drifted away from danger at a pace that only a Thames barge, struggling upstream, could match. Still, we didn’t feel safe, so I suggested to Ngouta that he should get up and assist, but he refused, claiming he was a married man. Obanjo, cheering the paddlers with motivating words, leaped onto the bamboo staging at the back, standing ready with his loaded and cocked gun to face whatever was coming, looking like a statue put up for himself with public funds. The downside was that while Obanjo was facing the impending danger, his back was turned to the crew, causing them to start sinking back down into the boat again. As the second in command, I shouted some inspiring words at them, and Obanjo added a few more powerful encouragements over his shoulder, and so we kept the paddles moving.
Presently from round the corner shot a Fan canoe. It contained a lady in the bows, weeping and wringing her hands, while another lady sympathetically howling, paddled it. Obanjo in lurid language requested to be informed why they were following us. The lady in the bows said, “My son! my son!” and in a second more three other canoes shot round the corner full of men with guns. Now this looked like business, so Obanjo and I looked round to urge our crew to greater exertions and saw, to our disgust, that the gallant band had successfully subsided into the bottom of the boat while we had been eyeing the foe. Obanjo gave me a recipe for getting the sweeps out again. I did not follow it, but got the job done, for Obanjo could not take his eye and gun off the leading canoe and the canoes having crept up to within some twenty yards of us, poured out their simple tale of woe.
Right around the corner came a Fan canoe. It had a woman in the front, crying and wringing her hands, while another woman, paddling it, cried out in sympathy. Obanjo angrily asked why they were following us. The woman in the front shouted, “My son! my son!” Just then, three more canoes rounded the corner, filled with men carrying guns. This looked serious, so Obanjo and I turned to encourage our crew to row harder, only to our dismay to find that our brave crew had collapsed at the bottom of the boat while we were focused on the enemy. Obanjo gave me instructions on how to get them back to work. I didn’t follow them but managed to get the job done, as Obanjo couldn’t take his eyes—or his gun—off the leading canoe, and the canoes crept closer, about twenty yards away, sharing their sad tale.
It seemed that one of those miscreant boys was a runaway from a Fan village. He had been desirous, with the usual enterprise of young Fans, of seeing the great world that he knew lay down at the mouth of the river, i.e. Libreville Gaboon. He had pleaded with his parents for leave to go down and engage in work there, but the said parents holding the tenderness of his youth unfitted to combat with Coast Town life and temptation, refused this request, and so the young rascal had run away without leave and with a canoe, and was surmised to have joined the well-known Obanjo. Obanjo owned he had (more armed canoes were coming round the corner), and said if the mother would come and fetch her boy she could have him. He for his part would not have dreamed of taking him if he had known his relations disapproved. Every one seemed much relieved, except the causa belli. The Fans did not ask about two boys and providentially we gave the lady the right one. He went reluctantly. I feel pretty nearly sure he foresaw more kassengo than fatted calf for him on his return home. When the Fan canoes were well back round the corner again, we had a fine hunt for the other boy, and finally unearthed him from under the bamboo staging.
It turned out that one of those troublemaking boys had run away from a Fan village. He had always wanted, like many young Fans, to explore the big world he knew was waiting at the river’s mouth, namely Libreville Gaboon. He had begged his parents for permission to go down there and find work, but they, believing he was too young and vulnerable to deal with the challenges and temptations of Coast Town life, denied his request. So, this young troublemaker took off without permission, using a canoe, and it was assumed he had joined the notorious Obanjo. Obanjo admitted he had him (more armed canoes were nearing), and said that if the mother came to fetch her son, she could take him home. He wouldn’t have thought of keeping him if he had known his family disapproved. Everyone seemed relieved, except for the one at fault. The Fans didn’t ask about two boys, and luckily, we returned the right one to the lady. He left reluctantly. I’m pretty sure he knew he’d face more trouble than rewards when he got back home. Once the Fan canoes were far enough around the bend, we went on a little hunt for the other boy, finally finding him hiding under the bamboo staging.
When we got him out he told the same tale. He also was a runaway who wanted to see the world, and taking the opportunity of the majority of the people of his village being away hunting, he had slipped off one night in a canoe, and dropped down river to the village of the boy who had just been reclaimed. The two boys had fraternised, and come on the rest of their way together, lying waiting, hidden up a creek, for Obanjo, who they knew was coming down river; and having successfully got picked up by him, they thought they were safe. But after this affair boy number two judged there was no more safety yet, and that his family would be down after him very shortly; for he said he was a more valuable and important boy than his late companion, but his family were an uncommon savage set. We felt not the least anxiety to make their acquaintance, so clapped heels on our gallant craft and kept the paddles going, and as no more Fans were in sight our crew kept at work bravely. While Obanjo, now in a boisterous state of mind, and flushed with victory, said things to them about the way they had collapsed when those two women in a canoe came round that corner, that must have blistered their feelings, but they never winced. They laughed at the joke against themselves merrily. The other boy’s family we never saw and so took him safely to Gaboon, where Obanjo got him a good place.
When we got him out, he told the same story. He was also a runaway who wanted to see the world. Taking advantage of most of the people in his village being away hunting, he slipped away one night in a canoe and traveled downriver to the village of the boy who had just been rescued. The two boys bonded and continued their journey together, hiding out in a creek, waiting for Obanjo, who they knew was coming downriver. After successfully getting picked up by him, they thought they were safe. However, after this incident, boy number two figured there was still danger, and that his family would be coming after him soon. He claimed he was more valuable and important than his former companion, but his family was a particularly savage bunch. We felt no urge to meet them, so we hopped back in our sturdy boat and kept paddling. As there were no more Fans in sight, our crew worked hard. Meanwhile, Obanjo, now in a lively mood and pumped with victory, joked about how they had panicked when those two women in a canoe came around the corner, which must have stung their pride, but they never showed it. They laughed off the joke at their expense with a smile. We never saw the other boy’s family, so we safely took him to Gaboon, where Obanjo helped him find a good job.
Really how much danger there was proportionate to the large amount of fear on our boat I cannot tell you. It never struck me there was any, but on the other hand the crew and Obanjo evidently thought it was a bad place; and my white face would have been no protection, for the Fans would not have suspected a white of being on such a canoe and might have fired on us if they had been unduly irritated and not treated by Obanjo with that fine compound of bully and blarney that he is such a master of.
Honestly, I can't say how much danger there really was compared to the overwhelming fear on our boat. I never felt like there was any danger, but the crew and Obanjo clearly thought it was a risky situation; and my white face wouldn’t have helped at all, because the Fans wouldn't have expected to see a white person on that canoe. They might have shot at us if they got too upset and weren’t handled by Obanjo with his expert mix of toughness and charm.
Whatever may have been the true nature of the affair, however, it had one good effect, it got us out of the Rembwé into the Gaboon, and although at the time this seemed a doubtful blessing, it made for progress. I had by this time mastered the main points of incapability in our craft. A. we could not go against the wind. B. we could not go against the tide. While we were in the Rembwé there was a state we will designate as C - the tide coming one way, the wind another. With this state we could progress, backwards if the wind came up against us too strong, but seawards if it did not, and the tide was running down. If the tide was running up, and the wind was coming down, then we went seaward, softly, softly alongside the mangrove bank, where the rip of the tide stream is least. When, however, we got down off ’Como Point, we met there a state I will designate as D - a fine confused set of marine and fluvial phenomena. For away to the north the ’Como and Boqué and two other lesser, but considerable streams, were, with the Rembwé, pouring down their waters in swirling, intermingling, interclashing currents; and up against them, to make confusion worse confounded, came the tide, and the tide up the Gaboon is a swift strong thing, and irregular, and has a rise of eight feet at the springs, two-and-a-half at the neaps. The wind was lulled too, it being evening time. In this country it is customary for the wind to blow from the land from 8 P.M. until 8 A.M., from the south-west to the east. Then comes a lull, either an utter dead hot brooding calm, or light baffling winds and draughts that breathe a few panting hot breaths into your sails and die. Then comes the sea breeze up from the south-south-west or north-west, some days early in the forenoon, some days not till two or three o’clock. This breeze blows till sundown, and then comes another and a hotter calm.
Whatever the true nature of the situation was, it had one positive outcome: it got us out of the Rembwé and into the Gaboon. At the time, this seemed like a questionable advantage, but it led to progress. By this point, I had grasped the main limitations of our craft. A. We couldn’t sail against the wind. B. We couldn’t sail against the tide. While we were in the Rembwé, there was a condition we’ll call C – the tide moving in one direction and the wind in another. During this condition, we could make some progress, going backward if the wind was too strong against us, but heading seaward if it wasn’t and the tide was flowing down. If the tide was flowing up and the wind was coming down, we would drift seaward gently along the mangrove bank, where the current was weakest. However, when we reached ’Como Point, we encountered a condition I’ll call D – a chaotic mix of marine and river phenomena. To the north, the ’Como, Boqué, and two other smaller but significant rivers were, along with the Rembwé, pouring their waters in swirling, merging, and conflicting currents. And against them, adding to the confusion, came the tide, which is fast, strong, and unpredictable in the Gaboon, with a rise of eight feet during spring tides and two-and-a-half feet during neap tides. The wind had also calmed since it was evening. In this region, it’s typical for the wind to blow from the land between 8 P.M. and 8 A.M., coming from the southwest to the east. Then, there’s a lull, either a complete dead calm or light, shifting breezes that offer a few hot puffs into your sails before dying out. After that, the sea breeze comes up from the south-southwest or northwest, sometimes arriving early in the morning, and other days not until two or three o’clock. This breeze continues until sunset, followed by another hot calm.
Fortunately for us we arrived off the head of the Gaboon estuary in this calm, for had we had wind to deal with we should have come to an end. There were one or two wandering puffs, about the first one of which sickened our counterpane of its ambitious career as a marine sail, so it came away from its gaff and spread itself over the crew, as much as to say, “Here, I’ve had enough of this sailing. I’ll be a counterpane again.” We did a great deal of fine varied, spirited navigation, details of which, however, I will not dwell upon because it was successful. We made one or two circles, taking on water the while and then returned into the south bank backwards. At that bank we wisely stayed for the night, our meeting with the Gaboon so far having resulted in wrecking our sail, making Ngouta sea-sick and me exasperate; for from our noble vessel having during the course of it demonstrated for the first time her cataclysmic kicking power, I had had a time of it with my belongings on the bamboo stage. A basket constructed for catching human souls in, given me as a farewell gift by a valued friend, a witch doctor, and in which I kept the few things in life I really cared for, i.e. my brush, comb, tooth brush, and pocket handkerchiefs, went over the stern; while I was recovering this with my fishing line (such was the excellent nature of the thing, I am glad to say it floated) a black bag with my blouses and such essentials went away to leeward. Obanjo recovered that, but meanwhile my little portmanteau containing my papers and trade tobacco slid off to leeward; and as it also contained geological specimens of the Sierra del Cristal, a massive range of mountains, it must have hopelessly sunk had it not been for the big black, who grabbed it. All my bedding, six Equetta cloths, given me by Mr. Hamilton in Opobo River before I came South, did get away successfully, but were picked up by means of the fishing line, wet but safe. After this I did not attempt any more Roman reclining couch luxuries, but stowed all my loose gear under the bamboo staging, and spent the night on the top of the stage, dozing precariously with my head on my knees.
Fortunately for us, we arrived at the head of the Gaboon estuary during this calm, because if we had faced any wind, we wouldn't have made it. There were a couple of stray gusts, and the first one ruined our sail’s ambitious attempt to work as a marine flag, so it detached from the gaff and spread over the crew, as if to say, “I’ve had enough of sailing. I’ll just be a blanket again.” We did a lot of fancy, spirited navigation, but I won’t go into the details because it was successful. We made a couple of circles, picking up water along the way, and then backed to the south bank. We wisely stayed there for the night, as our encounter with the Gaboon had already wrecked our sail, made Ngouta sea-sick, and left me frustrated; our noble vessel had shown off her sudden kicking power for the first time, and I struggled to keep my belongings on the bamboo stage. A basket designed for catching human souls, which I had received as a farewell gift from a valued friend—a witch doctor—held the few things I really cared about: my brush, comb, toothbrush, and pocket handkerchiefs. That basket went overboard, and while I tried to fish it out (thankfully it floated), a black bag with my blouses and other essentials blew away. Obanjo retrieved that, but meanwhile, my little portmanteau with my papers and trade tobacco slid off to leeward; since it also had geological specimens from the Sierra del Cristal, a massive mountain range, it would’ve sunk for good if it hadn’t been for the big black man who grabbed it. All my bedding, six Equetta cloths given to me by Mr. Hamilton in Opobo River before I headed South, did manage to drift away but were picked up with the fishing line, wet but safe. After that, I didn’t try any more fancy lounging; I just stowed all my loose gear under the bamboo staging and spent the night on top of the stage, dozing off awkwardly with my head on my knees.
When the morning broke, looking seaward I saw the welcome forms of König (Dambe) and Perroquet (Mbini) Islands away in the distance, looking, as is their wont, like two lumps of cloud that have dropped on to the broad Gaboon, and I felt that I was at last getting near something worth reaching, i.e. Glass, which though still out of sight, I knew lay away to the west of those islands on the northern shore of the estuary. And if any one had given me the choice of being in Glass within twenty-four hours from the mouth of the Rembwé, or in Paris or London in a week, I would have chosen Glass without a moment’s hesitation. Much as I dislike West Coast towns as a general rule, there are exceptions, and of all exceptions, the one I like most is undoubtedly Glass Gaboon; and its charms loomed large on that dank chilly morning after a night spent on a bamboo staging in an unfinished native canoe.
When morning came, I looked out at the sea and saw the familiar shapes of König (Dambe) and Perroquet (Mbini) Islands in the distance. They looked like two clouds that had landed on the wide Gaboon. I felt that I was finally getting close to something worth reaching, namely Glass, which I knew was located to the west of those islands on the northern shore of the estuary, even though it was still out of sight. If someone had asked me whether I wanted to be in Glass within twenty-four hours from the mouth of the Rembwé, or in Paris or London in a week, I would have chosen Glass without even thinking twice. Despite generally disliking West Coast towns, I make exceptions, and the one I like most is definitely Glass Gaboon; its appeal felt strong on that damp, chilly morning after a night spent on a bamboo platform in an unfinished native canoe.
The Rembwé, like the ’Como, is said to rise in the Sierra del Cristal. It is navigable to a place called Isango which is above Agonjo; just above Agonjo it receives an affluent on its southern bank and runs through mountain country, where its course is blocked by rapids for anything but small canoes. Obanjo did not seem to think this mattered, as there was not much trade up there, and therefore no particular reason why any one should want to go higher up. Moreover he said the natives were an exceedingly bad lot; but Obanjo usually thinks badly of the bush natives in these regions. Anyhow they are Fans - and Fans are Fans. He was anxious for me, however, to start on a trading voyage with him up another river, a notorious river, in the neighbouring Spanish territory. The idea was I should buy goods at Glass and we should go together and he would buy ivory with them in the interior. I anxiously inquired where my profits were to come in. Obanjo who had all the time suspected me of having trade motives, artfully said, “What for you come across from Ogowé? You say, see this country. Ah! I say you come with me. I show you plenty country, plenty men, elephants, leopards, gorillas. Oh! plenty thing. Then you say where’s my trade?” I disclaimed trade motives in a lordly way. Then says he, “You come with me up there.” I said I’d see about it later on, for the present I had seen enough men, elephants, gorillas and leopards, and I preferred to go into wild districts under the French flag to any flag. I am still thinking about taking that voyage, but I’ll not march through Coventry with the crew we had down the Rembwé - that’s flat, as Sir John Falstaff says. Picture to yourselves, my friends, the charming situation of being up a river surrounded by rapacious savages with a lot of valuable goods in a canoe and with only a crew to defend them possessed of such fighting mettle as our crew had demonstrated themselves to be. Obanjo might be all right, would be I dare say; but suppose he got shot and you had eighteen stone odd of him thrown on your hands in addition to your other little worries. There is little doubt such an excursion would be rich in incident and highly interesting, but I am sure it would be, from a commercial point of view, a failure.
The Rembwé, like the ’Como, is said to start in the Sierra del Cristal. It's navigable up to a place called Isango, which is above Agonjo; right above Agonjo, it gets a tributary on its southern bank and runs through mountainous terrain, where rapids make it hard for anything larger than small canoes to pass. Obanjo didn’t seem to think this was a big deal since there wasn’t much trade in that area, and so no real reason for anyone to go further upstream. He also mentioned that the locals were a pretty rough crowd, but Obanjo generally has a poor opinion of the bush natives in these regions. Anyway, they are Fans - and Fans are Fans. Still, he was eager for me to join him on a trading trip up another river, a well-known one, in the neighboring Spanish territory. The plan was for me to buy goods at Glass, and then we would go together, with him buying ivory in the interior. I nervously asked where my profits would come from. Obanjo, who had always suspected I had trade intentions, cleverly said, “What did you come all the way from Ogowé for? You said you wanted to see this country. Ah! I say you come with me. I’ll show you lots of country, lots of people, elephants, leopards, gorillas. Oh! so much to see. Then you’ll wonder where your trade is?” I dismissed his suggestion of trade motives with a haughty attitude. Then he said, “You come with me up there.” I said I’d think about it later; for now, I had seen enough people, elephants, gorillas, and leopards, and I preferred to explore wild areas under the French flag over any other flag. I’m still considering taking that trip, but I don’t intend to face danger with the same crew we had down the Rembwé - that’s for sure, as Sir John Falstaff would say. Imagine, my friends, the delightful scenario of being on a river surrounded by ruthless savages with valuable cargo in a canoe, and only a crew with the kind of fighting spirit our guys had shown. Obanjo might be fine, I would dare say; but what if he got shot and I had over eighteen stone of him to deal with on top of my other issues? There’s no doubt such an adventure would be full of incidents and highly interesting, but I’m sure it would be a commercial disaster.
Trade has a fascination for me, and going transversely across the nine-mile-broad rough Gaboon estuary in an unfinished canoe with an inefficient counterpane sail has none; but I return duty bound to this unpleasant subject. We started very early in the morning. We reached the other side entangled in the trailing garments of the night. I was thankful during that broiling hot day of one thing, and that was that if Sister Ann was looking out across the river, as was Sister Ann’s invariable way of spending spare moments, Sister Ann would never think I was in a canoe that made such audaciously bad tacks, missed stays, got into irons, and in general behaved in a way that ought to have lost her captain his certificate. Just as the night came down, however, we reached the northern shore of the Grand Gaboon at Dongila, just off the mouth of the ’Como, still some eleven miles east of König Island, and further still from Glass, but on the same side of the river, which seemed good work. The foreshore here is very rocky, so we could not go close alongside but anchored out among the rocks. At this place there is a considerable village and a station of the Roman Catholic Mission. When we arrived a nun was down on the shore with her school children, who were busy catching shell-fish and generally merry-making. Obanjo went ashore in the tender, and the holy sister kindly asked me, by him, to come ashore and spend the night; but I was dead tired and felt quite unfit for polite society after the long broiling hot day and getting soaked by water that had washed on board.
Trade fascinates me, but crossing the nine-mile-wide rough Gaboon estuary in an unfinished canoe with a useless makeshift sail doesn’t. Yet here I am, feeling obligated to discuss this unappealing topic. We set out early in the morning. We reached the other side, still wrapped in the lingering darkness of night. I was grateful during that scorching hot day for one thing: if Sister Ann happened to be looking out at the river, as she usually did during her free moments, she would never imagine I was in a canoe that made such ridiculously poor maneuvers, missed tacks, got stuck, and overall acted in a way that should have cost her captain his license. However, just as night fell, we arrived at the northern shore of the Grand Gaboon at Dongila, just off the mouth of the 'Como, still about eleven miles east of König Island, and even farther from Glass, but on the same side of the river, which seemed like a decent achievement. The shoreline here is very rocky, so we couldn’t get close and had to anchor among the rocks. There’s a sizable village and a Roman Catholic Mission station here. When we arrived, a nun was down on the shore with her schoolchildren, who were busy collecting shellfish and having fun. Obanjo went ashore in the small boat, and the nun kindly asked me, through him, to come ashore and spend the night. But I was completely exhausted and felt too drained for polite company after that long, sweltering day and getting soaked by the water that had splashed on board.
We lay off Dongila all night, because of the tide. I lay off everything, Dongila, canoe and all, a little after midnight. Obanjo and almost all the crew stayed on shore that night, and I rolled myself up in an Equetta cloth and went sound and happily asleep on the bamboo staging, leaving the canoe pitching slightly. About midnight some change in the tide, or original sin in the canoe, caused her to softly swing round a bit, and the next news was that I was in the water. I had long expected this to happen, so was not surprised, but highly disgusted, and climbed on board, needless to say, streaming. So, in the darkness of the night I got my portmanteau from the hold and thoroughly tidied up. The next morning we were off early, coasting along to Glass, and safely arriving there, I attempted to look as unconcerned as possible, and vaguely hoped Mr. Hudson would be down in Libreville; for I was nervous about meeting him, knowing that since he had carefully deposited me in safe hands with Mme. Jacot, with many injunctions to be careful, that there were many incidents in my career that would not meet with his approval. Vain hope! he was on the pier! He did not approve! He had heard of most of my goings on.
We stayed anchored off Dongila all night because of the tide. I let everything go, Dongila, the canoe, and all, a little after midnight. Obanjo and almost the entire crew spent the night on shore, while I wrapped myself in an Equetta cloth and fell soundly asleep on the bamboo platform, leaving the canoe gently rocking. Around midnight, some change in the tide, or some wrong move in the canoe, caused it to slowly turn, and the next thing I knew, I was in the water. I had been expecting this to happen, so I wasn't surprised, just really annoyed, and climbed back on board, soaking wet. So, in the dark of the night, I pulled my suitcase from the hold and tidied up thoroughly. The next morning, we set off early, cruising along to Glass, and when we arrived safely, I tried to look as casual as possible and vaguely hoped Mr. Hudson would be in Libreville; I was anxious about running into him, knowing that he had carefully handed me over to Mme. Jacot with lots of warnings to be cautious, and that there were many incidents in my experience that he wouldn't approve of. What a foolish hope! He was on the pier! He definitely did not approve! He had heard about most of my escapades.
This however in no way detracts from my great obligation to Mr. Hudson, but adds another item to the great debt of gratitude I owe him; for had it not been for him I should never have seen the interior of this beautiful region of the Ogowé. I tried to explain to him how much I had enjoyed myself and how I realised I owed it all to him; but he persisted in his opinion that my intentions and ambitions were suicidal, and took me out the ensuing Sunday, as it were on a string.
This, however, doesn't take away from my deep gratitude to Mr. Hudson; it just adds another reason to the long list of thanks I owe him. If it weren't for him, I would never have experienced the beauty of the Ogowé region. I tried to convey how much I enjoyed myself and how I recognized that it was all thanks to him, but he insisted that my goals and hopes were way off base, and took me out the following Sunday, almost like I was on a leash.
CHAPTER XII. FETISH.
In which the Voyager attempts cautiously to approach the subject of Fetish, and gives a classification of spirits, and some account of the Ibet and Orunda.
In which the Voyager carefully tries to address the topic of Fetish, provides a classification of spirits, and offers some information about the Ibet and Orunda.
Having given some account of my personal experiences among an African tribe in its original state, i.e. in a state uninfluenced by European ideas and culture, I will make an attempt to give a rough sketch of the African form of thought and the difficulties of studying it, because the study of this thing is my chief motive for going to West Africa. Since 1893 I have been collecting information in its native state regarding Fetish, and I use the usual terms fetish and ju-ju because they have among us a certain fixed value - a conventional value, but a useful one. Neither “fetish” nor “ju-ju” are native words. Fetish comes from the word the old Portuguese explorers used to designate the objects they thought the natives worshipped, and in which they were wise enough to recognise a certain similarity to their own little images and relics of Saints, “Feitiço.” Ju-ju, on the other hand, is French, and comes from the word for a toy or doll, {286} so it is not so applicable as the Portuguese name, for the native image is not a doll or toy, and has far more affinity to the image of a saint, inasmuch as it is not venerated for itself, or treasured because of its prettiness, but only because it is the residence, or the occasional haunt, of a spirit.
Having shared some details about my personal experiences with an African tribe in its original state, meaning without any influence from European ideas and culture, I will attempt to provide a rough overview of the African way of thinking and the challenges of studying it, as this study is my main reason for traveling to West Africa. Since 1893, I have been gathering information in its native context about Fetish, using the terms fetish and ju-ju because they hold a certain established meaning in our language—conventional but useful. Neither "fetish" nor "ju-ju" are native words. Fetish comes from the term that the old Portuguese explorers used to describe the objects they believed the locals worshipped, recognizing a similarity to their own small images and relics of Saints, “Feitiço.” Ju-ju, on the other hand, is French and derives from the word for a toy or doll, so it’s less fitting than the Portuguese term, as the native image isn’t a doll or toy and shares much more in common with a saint's image, since it’s not revered for itself or valued for its beauty, but solely because it serves as the home or temporary resting place of a spirit.
Stalking the wild West African idea is one of the most charming pursuits in the world. Quite apart from the intellectual, it has a high sporting interest; for its pursuit is as beset with difficulty and danger as grizzly bear hunting, yet the climate in which you carry on this pursuit - vile as it is - is warm, which to me is almost an essential of existence. I beg you to understand that I make no pretension to a thorough knowledge of Fetish ideas; I am only on the threshold. “Ich weiss nicht all doch viel ist mir bekannt,” as Faust said - and, like him after he had said it, I have got a lot to learn.
Stalking the wild West African idea is one of the most fascinating activities in the world. Aside from its intellectual appeal, it has a strong sporting interest; pursuing it is just as challenging and dangerous as hunting a grizzly bear, yet the climate in which you engage in this pursuit—though unpleasant—is warm, which I consider almost essential to life. I want you to understand that I don’t claim to have a complete understanding of Fetish ideas; I'm only just starting. “Ich weiss nicht all doch viel ist mir bekannt,” as Faust put it—and like him after he said it, I still have a lot to learn.
I do not intend here to weary you with more than a small portion of even my present knowledge, for I have great collections of facts that I keep only to compare with those of other hunters of the wild idea, and which in their present state are valueless to the cabinet ethnologist. Some of these may be rank lies, some of them mere individual mind-freaks, others have underlying them some idea I am not at present in touch with.
I don't want to bore you with more than a small part of what I know right now, as I have a lot of information that I only keep to compare with what other wild idea seekers find. In their current form, this information is useless to the academic ethnologist. Some of it might be outright lies, some could just be individual quirks, and some might have ideas behind them that I'm not aware of at the moment.
The difficulty of gaining a true conception of the savage’s real idea is great and varied. In places on the Coast where there is, or has been, much missionary influence the trouble is greatest, for in the first case the natives carefully conceal things they fear will bring them into derision and contempt, although they still keep them in their innermost hearts; and in the second case, you have a set of traditions which are Christian in origin, though frequently altered almost beyond recognition by being kept for years in the atmosphere of the African mind. For example, there is this beautiful story now extant among the Cabindas. God made at first all men black - He always does in the African story - and then He went across a great river and called men to follow Him, and the wisest and the bravest and the best plunged into the great river and crossed it; and the water washed them white, so they are the ancestors of the white men. But the others were afraid too much, and said, “No, we are comfortable here; we have our dances, and our tom-toms, and plenty to eat - we won’t risk it, we’ll stay here”; and they remained in the old place, and from them come the black men. But to this day the white men come to the bank, on the other side of the river, and call to the black men, saying, “Come, it is better over here.” I fear there is little doubt that this story is a modified version of some parable preached to the Cabindas at the time the Capuchins had such influence among them, before they were driven out of the lower Congo regions more than a hundred years ago, for political reasons by the Portuguese.
The challenge of truly understanding the savage’s real ideas is significant and complicated. In areas on the Coast where there has been or still is a lot of missionary influence, the difficulty is even greater. In the first scenario, the natives carefully hide things they fear will make them the subject of mockery and disdain, even though they hold these ideas deep within their hearts. In the second scenario, you encounter traditions that are rooted in Christianity but have often been changed almost beyond recognition after being intertwined with the African mindset for years. For instance, there’s a beautiful story that the Cabindas still tell today. Initially, God created all men black—He always does in the African narrative—then He crossed a great river and called the men to follow Him. The wisest, bravest, and best jumped into the river and swam across it, and the water washed them white, which is why they are the ancestors of white men. However, the others were too afraid and said, “No, we’re comfortable here; we have our dances, our drums, and enough to eat—we won’t take the risk; we’ll stay here.” So they remained in their old place, and from them came the black men. Even today, white men come to the riverbank on the other side and call out to the black men, saying, “Come, it’s better over here.” I suspect this story is a modified version of some parable that was shared with the Cabindas when the Capuchins had significant influence over them, before they were expelled from the lower Congo areas more than a hundred years ago for political reasons by the Portuguese.
In the bush - where the people have been little, or not at all, in contact with European ideas - in some ways the investigation is easier; yet another set of difficulties confronts you. The difficulty that seems to occur most easily to people is the difficulty of the language. The West African languages are not difficult to pick up; nevertheless, there are an awful quantity of them and they are at the best most imperfect mediums of communication. No one who has been on the Coast can fail to recognise how inferior the native language is to the native’s mind behind it - and the prolixity and repetition he has therefore to employ to make his thoughts understood.
In the bush—where people have had little, if any, exposure to European ideas—the investigation can actually be simpler in some ways; however, you face a different set of challenges. The most noticeable challenge for many is the language barrier. West African languages aren't too hard to learn; however, there are so many of them, and at best, they are quite limited as means of communication. Anyone who has been on the Coast can't help but see how much less capable the native language is compared to the intelligence of the person using it—and the excessive wordiness and repetition they have to resort to in order to express their thoughts.
The great comfort is the wide diffusion of that peculiar language, “trade English”; it is not only used as a means of intercommunication between whites and blacks, but between natives using two distinct languages. On the south-west Coast you find individuals in villages far from the sea, or a trading station, who know it, and this is because they have picked it up and employ it in their dealings with the Coast tribes and travelling traders. It is by no means an easy language to pick up - it is not a farrago of bad words and broken phrases, but is a definite structure, has a great peculiarity in its verb forms, and employs no genders. There is no grammar of it out yet; and one of the best ways of learning it is to listen to a seasoned second mate regulating the unloading or loading, of cargo, over the hatch of the hold. No, my Coast friends, I have not forgotten - but though you did not mean it helpfully, this was one of the best hints you ever gave me.
The great advantage is the widespread use of that unique language, “trade English.” It serves not just as a way for white people and black people to communicate, but also for locals who speak two different languages. On the southwest Coast, you can find people in villages far from the sea or any trading posts who know it. This is because they've picked it up and use it in their interactions with Coast tribes and traveling traders. It’s definitely not an easy language to learn—it’s not just a jumble of bad words and broken phrases, but has a clear structure, unique verb forms, and doesn’t use any genders. There’s no grammar book for it yet, and one of the best ways to learn is by listening to an experienced second mate directing the unloading or loading of cargo over the hatch of the hold. No, my Coast friends, I have not forgotten—but even if you didn’t intend it to be helpful, this was one of the best hints you ever gave me.
Another good way is the careful study of examples which display the highest style and the most correct diction; so I append the letter given by Mr. Hutchinson as being about the best bit of trade English I know.
Another effective method is to closely examine examples that showcase the highest style and the most accurate language. Therefore, I’m including the letter provided by Mr. Hutchinson, as it’s one of the best instances of trade English I know.
“To Daddy nah Tampin Office, -
“To Daddy nah Tampin Office, -
Ha Daddy, do, yah, nah beg you tell dem people for me; make dem Sally-own pussin know. Do yah. Berrah well.
Ha Daddy, please, can you tell those people for me; let them know about Sally's cat. Do you? Alright then.
Ah lib nah Pademba Road - one bwoy lib dah oberside lakah dem two Docter lib overside you Tampin office. Berrah well.
Ah live on Pademba Road - one guy lives on the other side like those two doctors that live by your office. Really good.
Dah bwoy head big too much - he say nah Militie Ban - he got one long long ting so so brass, someting lib dah go flip flap, dem call am key. Berrah well. Had! Dah bwoy kin blow! - she ah! - na marin, oh! - nah sun time, oh! nah evenin, oh! - nah middle night, oh! - all same - no make pussin sleep. Not ebry bit dat, more lib da! One Boney bwoy lib oberside nah he like blow bugle. When dem two woh-woh bwoy blow dem ting de nize too much too much.
Damn, that guy's head is way too big - he says he's not part of the Militie Band - he's got this long brass thing that flips around, they call it a key. Alright then. Wow! That guy can really blow! - oh man! - not in the morning, oh! - not in the evening, oh! - not even at midnight, oh! - still, it doesn't let the cat sleep. Not even a bit of that, there's more to it! One skinny guy over there likes to blow the bugle. When those two guys blow their stuff, it’s just way too much noise.
When white man blow dat ting and pussin sleep he kin tap wah make dem bwoy carn do so? Dem bwoy kin blow ebry day eben Sunday dem kin blow. When ah yerry dem blow Sunday ah wish dah bugle kin go down na dem troat or dem kin blow them head-bone inside.
When the white man blows that thing and the cat sleeps, how can he make those boys act like that? Those boys can blow every day, even on Sunday they can blow. When I hear them blow on Sunday, I wish that bugle could go down their throat or that they could blow their skulls inside out.
Do nah beg you yah tell all dem people ’bout dah ting wah dem two bwoy dah blow. Till am Amtrang Boboh hab febah bad. Till am titty carn sleep nah night. Dah nize go kill me two pickin, oh!
Do not beg you to tell all those people about the thing that those two boys are spreading. Until Amtrang Boboh has fevers badly. Until I can't sleep at night. This noise is going to kill my two kids, oh!
Plabba
done. Good by Daddy.
Crashey
Jane.”
Plabba done. Bye, Dad.
Crashey Jane.”
Now for the elementary student we will consider this letter. The complaint in Crashey Jane’s letter is about two boys who are torturing her morning, noon, and night, Sunday and weekday, by blowing some “long long brass ting” as well as a bugle, and the way she dwells on their staying power must bring a sympathetic pang for that black sister into the heart of many a householder in London who lives next to a ladies’ school, or a family of musical tastes. “One touch of nature,” etc. “Daddy” is not a term of low familiarity but one of esteem and respect, and the “Tampin Office” is a respectful appellation for the Office of the “New Era” in which this letter was once published. “Bwoy head big too much,” means that the young man is swelled with conceit because he is connected with “Militie ban.” “Woh woh” you will find, among all the natives in the Bights, to mean extremely bad. I think it is native, having some connection with the root Wo - meaning power, etc.; but Mr. Hutchinson may be right, and it may mean “a capacity to bring double woe.”
Now for the elementary student, let's look at this letter. Crashey Jane’s complaint is about two boys who are tormenting her day and night, on Sundays and weekdays, by blowing a “long long brass ting” as well as a bugle. The way she emphasizes their endurance must resonate with many homeowners in London who live next to a ladies’ school or a family with musical interests. “One touch of nature,” etc. “Daddy” isn’t a casual term but one of respect and admiration, and the “Tampin Office” is a respectful name for the Office of the “New Era” where this letter was published. “Bwoy head big too much” means the young man is full of himself because he is associated with the “Militie ban.” “Woh woh” is a term you’ll find among all the locals in the Bights, meaning extremely bad. I think it’s native, possibly linked to the root Wo - meaning power, etc.; but Mr. Hutchinson may be right, as it could mean “a capacity to bring double woe.”
“Amtrang Boboh” is not the name of some uncivilised savage, as the uninitiated may think; far from it. It is Bob Armstrong - upside down, and slightly altered, and refers to the Hon. Robert Armstrong, stipendiary magistrate of Sierra Leone, etc.
“Amtrang Boboh” is not the name of some uncivilized savage, as those unfamiliar might assume; quite the opposite. It is Bob Armstrong—upside down and slightly altered—and refers to the Hon. Robert Armstrong, stipendiary magistrate of Sierra Leone, etc.
“Berrah well” is a phrase used whenever the native thinks he has succeeded in putting his statement well. He sort of turns round and looks at it, says “Berrah well,” in admiration of his own art, and then proceeds.
“Berrah well” is a phrase used whenever the native believes he has successfully expressed his thoughts. He kind of turns around and examines it, says “Berrah well,” admiring his own skill, and then continues.
“Pickin” are children.
“Pickin” are kids.
“Boney bwoy” is not a local living skeleton, but a native from Bonny River.
“Boney bwoy” is not a local living skeleton, but a person from Bonny River.
“Sally own” is Sierra Leone.
“Sally owns” is Sierra Leone.
“Blow them head-bone inside” means, blow the top off their heads.
“Blow them head-bone inside” means, blow the top off their heads.
I have a collection of trade English letters and documents, for it is a language that I regard as exceedingly charming, and it really requires study, as you will see by reading Crashey Jane’s epistle without the aid of a dictionary. It is, moreover, a language that will take you unexpectedly far in Africa, and if you do not understand it, land you in some pretty situations. One important point that you must remember is that the African is logically right in his answer to such a question as “You have not cleaned this lamp?” - he says, “Yes, sah” - which means, “yes, I have not cleaned the lamp.” It does not mean a denial to your accusation; he always uses this form, and it is liable to confuse you at first, as are many other of the phrases, such as “I look him, I no see him “; this means “I have been searching for the thing but have not found it”; if he really meant he had looked upon the object but had been unable to get to it, he would say: “I look him, I no catch him,” etc.
I have a collection of English trade letters and documents because I find the language very charming, and it really requires study, as you’ll see when you read Crashey Jane’s letter without a dictionary. It’s also a language that can unexpectedly take you far in Africa, and if you don’t understand it, it can land you in some tricky situations. One important thing to remember is that the African is logically correct in his response to a question like “You haven’t cleaned this lamp?” - he says, “Yes, sah” - which means, “yes, I haven’t cleaned the lamp.” It doesn’t deny your accusation; he always uses this phrasing, and it might confuse you at first, just like many other phrases, such as “I look him, I no see him”; this means “I’ve been searching for the item but haven’t found it.” If he really meant that he looked at the object but couldn’t reach it, he would say: “I look him, I no catch him,” etc.
The difficulty of the language is, however, far less than the whole set of difficulties with your own mind. Unless you can make it pliant enough to follow the African idea step by step, however much care you may take, you will not bag your game. I heard an account the other day of a representative of Her Majesty in Africa who went out for a day’s antelope shooting. There were plenty of antelope about, and he stalked them with great care; but always, just before he got within shot of the game, they saw something and bolted. Knowing he and the boy behind him had been making no sound and could not have been seen, he stalked on, but always with the same result; until happening to look round, he saw the boy behind him was supporting the dignity of the Empire at large, and this representative of it in particular, by steadfastly holding aloft the consular flag. Well, if you go hunting the African idea with the flag of your own religion or opinions floating ostentatiously over you, you will similarly get a very poor bag.
The difficulty of the language is, however, much less than the entire set of challenges posed by your own mind. Unless you can adapt it enough to grasp the African concept step by step, no matter how careful you are, you won’t achieve your goal. I recently heard a story about a representative of Her Majesty in Africa who went out for a day of antelope hunting. There were plenty of antelope around, and he stalked them carefully; but just before he got within range, they would see something and run away. Knowing that he and the boy behind him had been completely silent and couldn't have been spotted, he continued to stalk them, but always with the same outcome; until he happened to look back and saw that the boy behind him was upholding the dignity of the Empire and this representative in particular, by proudly holding the consular flag high. Well, if you go hunting for the African idea with the flag of your own beliefs or opinions waving openly over you, you’ll have similarly poor results.
A few hints as to your mental outfit when starting on this sport may be useful. Before starting for West Africa, burn all your notions about sun-myths and worship of the elemental forces. My own opinion is you had better also burn the notion, although it is fashionable, that human beings got their first notion of the origin of the soul from dreams.
A few tips on your mindset when getting into this sport might be helpful. Before heading to West Africa, get rid of all your ideas about sun myths and worship of natural forces. In my view, you should also discard the trendy belief that humans first conceived the idea of the soul's origin from dreams.
I went out with my mind full of the deductions of every book on Ethnology, German or English, that I had read during fifteen years - and being a good Cambridge person, I was particularly confident that from Mr. Frazer’s book, The Golden Bough, I had got a semi-universal key to the underlying idea of native custom and belief. But I soon found this was very far from being the case. His idea is a true key to a certain quantity of facts, but in West Africa only to a limited quantity.
I stepped out with my mind packed with insights from every Ethnology book, both German and English, that I had read over the past fifteen years. Being a good Cambridge person, I was especially confident that from Mr. Frazer’s book, The Golden Bough, I had found a sort of universal key to understanding the core ideas behind native customs and beliefs. However, I quickly realized this was far from true. His concept is a genuine key to some facts, but in West Africa, it only applies to a limited range.
I do not say, do not read Ethnology - by all means do so; and above all things read, until you know it by heart, Primitive Culture, by Dr. E. B. Tylor, regarding which book I may say that I have never found a fact that flew in the face of the carefully made, broad-minded deductions of this greatest of Ethnologists. In addition you must know your Westermarck on Human Marriage, and your Waitz Anthropologie, and your Topinard - not that you need expect to go measuring people’s skulls and chests as this last named authority expects you to do, for no self-respecting person black or white likes that sort of thing from the hands of an utter stranger, and if you attempt it you’ll get yourself disliked in West Africa. Add to this the knowledge of all A. B. Ellis’s works; Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy; Pliny’s Natural History; and as much of Aristotle as possible. If you have a good knowledge of the Greek and Latin classics, I think it would be an immense advantage; an advantage I do not possess, for my classical knowledge is scrappy, and in place of it I have a knowledge of Red Indian dogma: a dogma by the way that seems to me much nearer the African in type than Asiatic forms of dogma.
I’m not saying you shouldn’t read Ethnology—definitely do; and you should especially read, until you know it by heart, Primitive Culture by Dr. E. B. Tylor. I can honestly say that I’ve never encountered a fact that contradicts the well-researched, open-minded conclusions of this leading Ethnologist. Also, you need to be familiar with Westermarck’s Human Marriage, Waitz’s Anthropologie, and Topinard’s works—not that you should expect to measure people’s skulls and chests like Topinard suggests; no self-respecting person, regardless of race, appreciates that sort of thing from a total stranger, and trying it could make you unpopular in West Africa. Additionally, familiarize yourself with all of A. B. Ellis’s writings, Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy, Pliny’s Natural History, and as much of Aristotle as you can get your hands on. Having a solid understanding of the Greek and Latin classics would be a huge advantage; it’s something I lack, as my classical knowledge is patchy, and instead, I have familiarity with Red Indian beliefs—a belief system that seems much closer in nature to African doctrines than those of Asia.
Armed with these instruments of observation, with a little industry and care you should in the mill of your mind be able to make the varied tangled rag-bag of facts that you will soon become possessed of into a paper. And then I advise you to lay the results of your collection before some great thinker and he will write upon it the opinion that his greater and clearer vision makes him more fit to form.
Armed with these tools for observation, with a bit of effort and attention, you should be able to process the mixed bag of facts you will soon gather into a coherent paper in your mind. Then, I suggest you present your findings to a prominent thinker, and they will provide their perspective based on their broader and clearer understanding.
You may say, Why not bring home these things in their raw state? And bring them home in a raw state you must, for purposes of reference; but in this state they are of little use to a person unacquainted with the conditions which surround them in their native homes. Also very few African stories bear on one subject alone, and they hardly ever stick to a point. Take this Fernando Po legend. Winwood Reade (Savage Africa, p. 62) gives it, and he says he heard it twice. I have heard it, in variants, four times - once on Fernando Po, once in Calabar and twice in Gaboon. So it is evidently an old story: -
You might wonder, why not bring these things home in their original form? You have to bring them home raw for reference purposes; however, in this form, they aren't very helpful to someone who doesn't know the context they come from. Also, very few African stories focus on just one topic, and they seldom stay on one point. Take this legend from Fernando Po. Winwood Reade (Savage Africa, p. 62) recounts it, saying he heard it twice. I've heard it, in different versions, four times—once on Fernando Po, once in Calabar, and twice in Gaboon. So, it’s clearly an old story: -
“The first man called all people to one place. His name was Raychow. ‘Hear this, my people’ said he, ‘I am going to give a name to every place, I am King in this River.’ One day he came with his people to the Hole of Wonga Wonga, which is a deep pit in the ground from which fire comes at night. Men spoke to them from the Hole, but they could not see them. Raychow said to his son, ‘Go down into the Hole’ - and his son went. The son of the King of the Hole came to him and defied him to a contest of throwing the spear. If he lost he should be killed, if he won he should go back in safety. He won - then the son of the King of the Hole said, ‘It is strange you should have won, for I am a spirit. Ask whatever you wish,’ and the King’s son asked for a remedy for every disease he could remember; and the spirit gave him the medicines, and when he had done so, he said, ‘There is one sickness you have forgotten - it is the Krawkraw, and of that you shall die.’
“The first man gathered everyone in one spot. His name was Raychow. ‘Listen up, my people,’ he said, ‘I’m going to name every place; I am the King of this River.’ One day, he brought his people to the Hole of Wonga Wonga, a deep pit in the ground from which fire emerges at night. Voices spoke to them from the Hole, but they couldn't see anyone. Raychow said to his son, ‘Go down into the Hole’ — and his son went. The son of the King of the Hole challenged him to a spear-throwing contest. If he lost, he would be killed; if he won, he would return safely. He won — then the son of the King of the Hole said, ‘It’s odd that you won, since I am a spirit. Ask for anything you want,’ and the King’s son asked for a cure for every disease he could think of; the spirit provided him with the medicines and then said, ‘There’s one sickness you forgot — it’s the Krawkraw, and that’s what you will die from.’”
“A tribe named Ndiva was then strong but now none remain (Winwood Reade says four remain). They gave Raychow’s son a canoe and forty men, to take him back to his father’s town, and when he saw his father he did not speak. His father said, ‘My son, if you are hungry eat.’ He did not answer, and his father said, ‘Do you wish me to kill a goat?’ He did not answer; his father said, ‘Do you wish me to give you new wives?’ He did not answer. Then his father said, ‘Do you want me to build you a fetish hut?’ Then he answered, ‘Yes,’ and the hut was built, and the medicines he had brought back from the Hole were put into it.
“A tribe called Ndiva was once strong, but now none remain (Winwood Reade says four are left). They gave Raychow’s son a canoe and forty men to take him back to his father’s town, and when he saw his father, he didn’t say anything. His father said, ‘My son, if you’re hungry, eat.’ He didn’t respond, and his father said, ‘Do you want me to kill a goat?’ He still didn’t answer; his father said, ‘Do you want me to give you new wives?’ He didn’t respond. Then his father said, ‘Do you want me to build you a fetish hut?’ Finally, he answered, ‘Yes,’ and the hut was built, and the medicines he had brought back from the Hole were placed in it."
“‘Now,’ said the son of King Raychow, ‘I go to make Moondah enter the Orongo’ (Gaboon); so he went and dug a canal and when this was finished all his men were dead. Then he said, ‘I will go and kill river-horse in the Benito.’ He killed four, and as he was killing the fifth, the people descended from the mountains against him. So he made fetish on his great war-spear and sang
“‘Now,’ said the son of King Raychow, ‘I’m going to make Moondah enter the Orongo’ (Gaboon); so he went and dug a canal, and when this was done, all his men were dead. Then he said, ‘I’ll go and kill the river-horse in the Benito.’ He killed four, and as he was killing the fifth, the people came down from the mountains against him. So he made a fetish on his great war-spear and sang.”
My spear, go kill these people,
Or
these people will kill me;
My spear, go take out these people,
Or
these people will take me down;
and the spear went and killed the people, except a few who got into canoes and flew to Fernando Po. Then said their King, ‘My people shall never wear cloth till we have conquered the M’pongwe,’ and to this day the Fernando Poians go naked and hate with a special hatred the M’pongwe.”
and the spear went and killed the people, except a few who got into canoes and fled to Fernando Po. Then their King said, ‘My people will never wear clothes until we conquer the M’pongwe,’ and to this day the Fernando Poians go naked and harbor a special hatred for the M’pongwe.”
Now this is a noble story - there is a lot of fine confused feeding in it, as the Scotchman said of boiled sheep’s head.
Now this is a great story - there's a lot of interesting, mixed-up content in it, as the Scotsman said about boiled sheep's head.
You learn from it -
You learn from it.
A. The name of the first man, and also that he was filled with a desire for topographical nomenclature.
A. The name of the first man, and also that he was eager to learn about place names.
B. You hear of the Hole Wonga Wonga, and this is most interesting because to this day, apart from the story, you are told by the natives of a hole that emits fire, and Dr. Nassau says it is always said to be north of Gaboon; but so far no white man has any knowledge of an active volcano there, although the district is of volcanic origin. The crater of Fernando Po may be referred to in the legend because of the king’s son being sent home in a canoe; but I do not think it is, because the Hole is known not to be Fernando Po, and it has got, according to local tradition, a river running from it or close to it.
B. You hear about the Hole Wonga Wonga, and it's really fascinating because even today, besides the story, locals tell you about a hole that spits out fire. Dr. Nassau claims it's always mentioned to be north of Gaboon; however, up to now, no white person has any knowledge of an active volcano in that area, even though the region has volcanic origins. The legend might reference the crater of Fernando Po because of the king’s son being sent back home in a canoe, but I don't think that's the case, as the Hole is confirmed not to be Fernando Po, and local tradition says there's a river flowing from it or nearby.
C. The kraw-kraw is a frightfully prevalent disease; no one has a remedy for it, presumably owing to Raychow’s son’s forgetfulness.
C. The kraw-kraw is an incredibly common disease; no one has a cure for it, probably because of Raychow’s son's forgetfulness.
D. The silence of the son to the questions is remarkable, because you always find people who have been among spirits lose their power of asking for what they want, for a time, and can only answer to the right question.
D. The son's silence in response to the questions is striking, because you often see that people who have been among spirits lose their ability to ask for what they want for a while and can only respond to the right question.
E. The sudden way in which Raychow’s son gets fired with the desire to turn civil engineer just when he has got a magnificent opening in life as a doctor is merely the usual flightiness of young men, who do not see where their true advantages lie - and the conduct of the men in dying, after digging a canal is normal, and modern experiences support it, for men who dig canals down in West Africa die plentifully, be they black, white, or yellow; so you can’t help believing in those men, although it is strange a black man should have been so enterprising as to go in for canal digging at all. There is no other case of it extant to my knowledge, and a remarkable fact is, that the Moondah does so nearly connect, by one creek, with the Gaboon estuary that you can drag a boat across the little intervening bit of land.
E. The way Raychow’s son suddenly decides he wants to become a civil engineer right when he has a great chance to be a doctor is just typical impulsiveness of young men, who often overlook where their real opportunities are. As for the men who die after digging a canal, that’s not unusual, and modern experiences back it up; men digging canals in West Africa often face death, regardless of their race. You can’t help but believe in those men, even if it’s surprising that a black man would choose to get into canal digging at all. To my knowledge, there’s no other case like this. Interestingly, the Moondah is so closely linked by a creek to the Gaboon estuary that you could literally pull a boat across the small stretch of land in between.
F. Is a sporting story that turns up a little unexpectedly, certainly; but the Benito is within easy distance north of the Moondah, so the geography is all right.
F. Is a sports story that appears a bit unexpectedly, for sure; but the Benito is just a short trip north of the Moondah, so the geography checks out.
G. The inhabitants of Fernando Po have still an especial hatred for the M’pongwe, and both they and the M’pongwe have this account of the one tribe driving the other off the mainland. Then the Bubis {295} - as the inhabitants on Fernando Po are called, from a confusion arising in the minds of the sailors calling at Fernando Po, between their stupidity and their word Bâbi = stranger, which they use as a word of greeting - these Bubis are undoubtedly a very early African race. Their culture, though presenting some remarkable points, is on the whole exceedingly low. They never wear clothes unless compelled to, and their language depends so much on gesture that they cannot talk in it to each other in the dark.
G. The people of Fernando Po still have a strong dislike for the M’pongwe, and both groups share a story about one tribe pushing the other off the mainland. Then there are the Bubis {295}—the residents of Fernando Po, named due to a mix-up by sailors who mistook their behavior for a lack of intelligence, along with their word Bâbi, meaning “stranger,” which they use as a greeting. These Bubis are definitely one of the earliest African ethnic groups. Their culture, while having some notable aspects, is generally quite basic. They usually don’t wear clothes unless forced to, and their language relies heavily on gestures, which makes it impossible for them to communicate in the dark.
I give this as a sample of African stories. It is far more connected and keeps to the point in a far more business-like way than most of them. They are of great interest when you know the locality and the tribe they come from; but I am sure if you were to bring home a heap of stories like this, and empty them over any distinguished ethnologist’s head, without ticketing them with the culture of the tribe they belonged to, the conditions it lives under, and so forth, you would stun him with the seeming inter-contradiction of some, and utter pointlessness of the rest, and he would give up ethnology and hurriedly devote his remaining years to the attempt to collect a million postage stamps, so as to do something definite before he died. Remember, you must always have your original material - carefully noted down at the time of occurrence - with you, so that you may say in answer to his Why? Because of this, and this, and this.
I’m sharing this as a sample of African stories. It’s much more cohesive and gets straight to the point in a more practical way than most of them. They’re really interesting when you know the area and the tribe they come from; but I’m sure if you brought back a bunch of stories like this and dumped them on any respected ethnologist’s desk without labeling them with the tribe’s culture, the conditions they live in, and so on, you’d confuse him with the apparent contradictions of some and the complete meaninglessness of the rest. He’d probably give up on ethnology and rush to spend his remaining years trying to collect a million postage stamps, just to do something concrete before he passed away. Remember, you always need to have your original material—carefully noted at the time it happened—so you can respond to his "Why?" with, "Because of this, and this, and this."
However good may be the outfit for your work that you take with you, you will have, at first, great difficulty in realising that it is possible for the people you are among really to believe things in the way they do. And you cannot associate with them long before you must recognise that these Africans have often a remarkable mental acuteness and a large share of common sense; that there is nothing really “child-like” in their form of mind at all. Observe them further and you will find they are not a flighty-minded, mystical set of people in the least. They are not dreamers, or poets, and you will observe, and I hope observe closely - for to my mind this is the most important difference between their make of mind and our own - that they are notably deficient in all mechanical arts: they have never made, unless under white direction and instruction, a single fourteenth-rate piece of cloth, pottery, a tool or machine, house, road, bridge, picture or statue; that a written language of their own construction they none of them possess. A careful study of the things a man, black or white, fails to do, whether for good or evil, usually gives you a truer knowledge of the man than the things he succeeds in doing. When you fully realise this acuteness on one hand and this mechanical incapacity on the other which exist in the people you are studying, you can go ahead. Only, I beseech you, go ahead carefully. When you have found the easy key that opens the reason underlying a series of facts, as for example, these: a Benga spits on your hand as a greeting; you see a man who has been marching regardless through the broiling sun all the forenoon, with a heavy load, on entering a village and having put down his load, elaborately steal round in the shelter of the houses, instead of crossing the street; you come across a tribe that cuts its dead up into small pieces and scatters them broadcast, and another tribe that thinks a white man’s eye-ball is a most desirable thing to be possessed of - do not, when you have found this key, drop your collecting work, and go home with a shriek of “I know all about Fetish,” because you don’t, for the key to the above facts will not open the reason why it is regarded advisable to kill a person who is making Ikung; or why you should avoid at night a cotton tree that has red earth at its roots; or why combings of hair and paring of nails should be taken care of; or why a speck of blood that may fall from your flesh should be cut out of wood - if it has fallen on that - and destroyed, and if it has fallen on the ground stamped and rubbed into the soil with great care. This set requires another key entirely.
However great the gear for your work that you bring along, you will initially struggle to grasp that the people around you genuinely hold their beliefs. You won't spend much time with them before you realize that these Africans often possess remarkable sharpness of mind and a good deal of common sense; there’s nothing truly “child-like” about their way of thinking. Watch them closely, and you’ll see they are not a whimsical or mystical group at all. They aren’t dreamers or poets, and I hope you pay close attention, because to me, this is the most significant difference between their mindset and ours: they are noticeably lacking in all mechanical skills. Unless directed and taught by white individuals, they have never created even a subpar piece of cloth, pottery, a tool or machine, a house, a road, a bridge, a painting, or a statue. None of them have a written language of their own. A careful examination of what a person, whether black or white, fails to do, whether for good or ill, usually gives you a clearer understanding of the person than what they succeed in doing. When you fully realize this sharpness on one hand and this mechanical inability on the other in the people you’re studying, you can move forward. Just please, move forward carefully. Once you discover the simple key that explains a series of facts—like a Benga spitting on your hand as a greeting; seeing a man who has been trudging through the scorching sun all morning with a heavy load, who, upon entering a village and putting down his burden, carefully creeps along the shelter of the houses instead of crossing the street; or coming across a tribe that dismembers their dead and scatters them everywhere, and another tribe that considers a white man's eyeball a highly sought-after possession—don’t, once you find this key, abandon your research and go home exclaiming “I understand all about Fetish,” because you don’t. The key to the above facts won’t unlock the reason why it’s seen as advisable to kill someone who is making Ikung; or why you should steer clear of a cotton tree with red earth at its roots at night; or why you should carefully dispose of hair clippings and nail trimmings; or why a drop of blood from your body should be cut out of wood if it lands on it and destroyed, and if it falls to the ground, stamped and rubbed into the soil with great care. This set needs an entirely different key.
I must warn you also that your own mind requires protection when you send it stalking the savage idea through the tangled forests, the dark caves, the swamps and the fogs of the Ethiopian intellect. The best protection lies in recognising the untrustworthiness of human evidence regarding the unseen, and also the seen, when it is viewed by a person who has in his mind an explanation of the phenomenon before it occurs. The truth is, the study of natural phenomena knocks the bottom out of any man’s conceit if it is done honestly and not by selecting only those facts that fit in with his preconceived or ingrafted notions. And, to my mind, the wisest way is to get into the state of mind of an old marine engineer who oils and sees that every screw and bolt of his engines is clean and well watched, and who loves them as living things, caressing and scolding them himself, defending them, with stormy language, against the aspersions of the silly, uninformed outside world, which persists in regarding them as mere machines, a thing his superior intelligence and experience knows they are not. Even animistic-minded I got awfully sat upon the other day in Cameroon by a superior but kindred spirit, in the form of a First Engineer. I had thoughtlessly repeated some scandalous gossip against the character of a naphtha launch in the river. “Stuff!” said he furiously; “she’s all right, and she’d go from June to January if those blithering fools would let her alone.” Of course I apologised.
I need to warn you that you also need to protect your mind when you go searching for the wild ideas lurking in the complex thoughts of the Ethiopian intellect. The best way to safeguard yourself is to realize that human perceptions, whether about the visible or the invisible, can be unreliable, especially when someone already has an explanation for what's happening before it actually takes place. The truth is, studying natural phenomena can really challenge anyone’s arrogance if it’s done honestly and not just by picking facts that support their pre-existing beliefs. In my opinion, the smartest approach is to adopt the mindset of an experienced marine engineer who ensures that every part of his engines is clean and well-maintained. He treats them like they are alive, caring for and sometimes scolding them, fiercely defending them against the ignorant outside world that views them as just machines—something his greater intelligence and experience clearly knows they aren’t. I found myself criticized the other day in Cameroon by a similarly knowledgeable individual, a First Engineer. I had carelessly repeated some nasty rumor about the reputation of a naphtha launch in the river. “Nonsense!” he said angrily; “she’s perfectly fine, and she could run from June to January if those clueless idiots would just leave her alone.” Naturally, I apologized.
The religious ideas of the Negroes, i.e. the West Africans in the district from the Gambia to the Cameroon region, say roughly to the Rio del Rey (for the Bakwiri appear to have more of the Bantu form of idea than the negro, although physically they seem nearer the latter), differ very considerably from the religious ideas of the Bantu South-West Coast tribes. The Bantu is vague on religious subjects; he gives one accustomed to the Negro the impression that he once had the same set of ideas, but has forgotten half of them, and those that he possesses have not got that hold on him that the corresponding or super-imposed Christian ideas have over the true Negro; although he is quite as keen on the subject of witchcraft, and his witchcraft differs far less from the witchcraft of the Negro than his religious ideas do.
The religious beliefs of Black people, specifically the West Africans from the Gambia to the Cameroon area, extending roughly to the Rio del Rey (since the Bakwiri seem to align more with Bantu concepts than typical Black beliefs, even though they physically resemble the latter), vary significantly from the religious beliefs of the Bantu tribes along the South-West Coast. The Bantu has a vague perspective on religion; to someone familiar with Black traditions, it feels like he once held similar beliefs but has forgotten many of them. The beliefs he retains don't impact him as deeply as the corresponding or additional Christian beliefs do on the true Black person. However, he is just as interested in witchcraft, and his witchcraft practices are much closer to those of Black people than his religious beliefs are.
The god, in the sense we use the word, is in essence the same in all of the Bantu tribes I have met with on the Coast: a non-interfering and therefore a negligible quantity. He varies his name: Anzambi, Anyambi, Nyambi, Nzambi, Anzam, Nyam, Ukuku, Suku, and Nzam, but a better investigation shows that Nzam of the Fans is practically identical with Suku south of the Congo in the Bihe country, and so on.
The concept of god, as we understand it, is essentially the same among all the Bantu tribes I've encountered on the Coast: a non-intrusive presence and thus a minor aspect. The name changes: Anzambi, Anyambi, Nyambi, Nzambi, Anzam, Nyam, Ukuku, Suku, and Nzam, but a closer look reveals that Nzam among the Fans is almost identical to Suku south of the Congo in the Bihe region, and so forth.
They regard their god as the creator of man, plants, animals, and the earth, and they hold that having made them, he takes no further interest in the affair. But not so the crowd of spirits with which the universe is peopled, they take only too much interest and the Bantu wishes they would not and is perpetually saying so in his prayers, a large percentage whereof amounts to “Go away, we don’t want you.” “Come not into this house, this village, or its plantations.” He knows from experience that the spirits pay little heed to these objurgations, and as they are the people who must be attended to, he develops a cult whereby they may be managed, used, and understood. This cult is what we call witchcraft.
They see their god as the creator of humans, plants, animals, and the earth, believing that after creating them, he shows no further interest in their affairs. But the multitude of spirits that inhabit the universe takes a keen interest, much to the annoyance of the Bantu, who frequently expresses his desire for them to leave in his prayers, many of which boil down to “Go away, we don’t want you.” “Don’t come into this house, this village, or its fields.” He knows from experience that the spirits often ignore these pleas, and since they are the ones that need to be dealt with, he develops a system to manage, utilize, and understand them. This system is what we refer to as witchcraft.
As I am not here writing a complete work on Fetish I will leave Nzam on one side, and turn to the inferior spirits. These are almost all malevolent; sometimes they can be coaxed into having creditable feelings, like generosity and gratitude, but you can never trust them. No, not even if you are yourself a well-established medicine man. Indeed they are particularly dangerous to medicine men, just as lions are to lion tamers, and many a professional gentleman in the full bloom of his practice, gets eaten up by his own particular familiar which he has to keep in his own inside whenever he has not sent it off into other people’s.
As I'm not writing a complete piece on fetishism, I’ll set Nzam aside and focus on the lesser spirits. These are mostly malevolent; sometimes they can be persuaded to show positive feelings, like kindness and gratitude, but you can never fully trust them. No, not even if you're a well-established healer. In fact, they can be especially dangerous to healers, just like lions are to lion tamers, and many professionals at the peak of their careers end up being consumed by their own particular spirit that they have to keep contained within themselves when they haven't sent it off into others.
I am indebted to the Reverend Doctor Nassau for a great quantity of valuable information regarding Bantu religious ideas - information which no one is so competent to give as he, for no one else knows the West Coast Bantu tribes with the same thoroughness and sympathy. He has lived among them since 1851, and is perfectly conversant with their languages and culture, and he brings to bear upon the study of them a singularly clear, powerful, and highly-educated intelligence.
I owe a lot to Reverend Doctor Nassau for a wealth of valuable information about Bantu religious beliefs—information that only he can provide because no one else understands the West Coast Bantu tribes as deeply and compassionately. He has been living among them since 1851, is completely fluent in their languages and culture, and approaches his study of them with an incredibly clear, insightful, and highly educated mind.
I shall therefore carefully ticket the information I have derived from him, so that it may not be mixed with my own. I may be wrong in my deductions, but Dr. Nassau’s are above suspicion.
I will carefully label the information I got from him so it doesn't get mixed up with my own. I might be wrong in my conclusions, but Dr. Nassau's are beyond doubt.
He says the origin of these spirits is vague - some of them come into existence by the authority of Anzam (by which you will understand, please, the same god I have quoted above as having many names), others are self-existent - many are distinctly the souls of departed human beings, “which in the future which is all around them” retain their human wants and feelings, and the Doctor assures me he has heard dying people with their last breath threatening to return as spirits to revenge themselves upon their living enemies. He could not tell me if there was any duration set upon the existence as spirits of these human souls, but two Congo Français natives, of different tribes, Benga and Igalwa, told me that when a family had quite died out, after a time its spirits died too. Some, but by no means all, of these spirits of human origin, as is the case among the Negro Effiks, undergo reincarnation. The Doctor told me he once knew a man whose plantations were devastated by an elephant. He advised that the beast should be shot, but the man said he dare not because the spirit of his dead father had passed into the elephant.
He says the origin of these spirits is unclear - some exist because of the authority of Anzam (which you’ll understand is the same god I mentioned earlier with many names), while others are self-existent - many are clearly the souls of deceased humans, “who in the future all around them” maintain their human needs and emotions. The Doctor assures me he’s heard dying people, with their last breath, threatening to come back as spirits to get revenge on the living who wronged them. He couldn’t tell me if there’s a limit to how long these human souls exist as spirits, but two natives from the Congo Français, Benga and Igalwa, told me that when a family has completely died out, after a while, its spirits fade away too. Some, but by no means all, of these spirits of human origin, like those among the Negro Effiks, go through reincarnation. The Doctor once knew a man whose plantations were destroyed by an elephant. He suggested shooting the animal, but the man said he couldn’t because he believed the spirit of his deceased father had entered the elephant.
Their number is infinite and their powers as varied as human imagination can make them; classifying them is therefore a difficult work, but Doctor Nassau thinks this may be done fairly completely into: -
Their number is endless and their abilities are as diverse as human imagination can create; categorizing them is therefore a challenging task, but Doctor Nassau believes this can be done quite thoroughly into: -
1. Human disembodied spirits - Manu.
Disembodied human spirits - Manu.
2. Vague beings, well described by our word ghosts: Abambo.
2. Vague beings, accurately described by our word ghosts: Abambo.
3. Beings something like dryads, who resent intrusion into their territory, on to their rock, past their promontory, or tree. When passing the residence of one of these beings, the traveller must go by silently, or with some cabalistic invocation, with bowed or bared head, and deposit some symbol of an offering or tribute even if it be only a pebble. You occasionally come across great trees that have fallen across a path that have quite little heaps of pebbles, small shells, etc., upon them deposited by previous passers-by. This class is called Ombwiri.
3. Beings similar to dryads, who dislike others entering their territory, whether that’s their rock, their promontory, or their tree. When a traveler passes by the home of one of these beings, they must do so quietly, or with some mysterious chant, while keeping their head bowed or uncovered, and leave behind a symbol of an offering or tribute, even if it’s just a pebble. Sometimes, you’ll find large fallen trees blocking a path that have little piles of pebbles, small shells, and similar items left by those who passed before. This type is called Ombwiri.
4. Beings who are the agents in causing sickness, and either aid or hinder human plans - Mionde.
4. Beings that are responsible for causing sickness, and either help or obstruct human plans - Mionde.
5. There seems to be, the Doctor says, another class of spirits somewhat akin to the ancient Lares and Penates, who especially belong to the household, and descend by inheritance with the family. In their honour are secretly kept a bundle of finger, or other bones, nail-clippings, eyes, brains, skulls, particularly the lower jaws, called in M’pongwe oginga, accumulated from deceased members of successive generations.
5. The Doctor mentions that there appears to be another type of spirits somewhat similar to the ancient Lares and Penates, specifically linked to the household and passed down through the family. In their honor, a collection of fingers or other bones, nail clippings, eyes, brains, skulls—especially the lower jaws, called oginga in M'pongwe—is secretly kept, gathered from deceased family members across generations.
Dr. Nassau says “secretly,” and he refers to this custom being existent in non-cannibal tribes. I saw bundles of this character among the cannibal Fans, and among the non-cannibal Adooma, openly hanging up in the thatch of the sleeping apartment.
Dr. Nassau says "secretly," and he points out that this custom exists in non-cannibal tribes. I saw similar bundles among the cannibal Fans and among the non-cannibal Adooma, openly hanging up in the thatch of the sleeping area.
6. He also says there may be a sixth class, which may, however only be a function of any of the other classes - namely, those that enter into any animal body, generally a leopard. Sometimes the spirits of living human beings do this, and the animal is then guided by human intelligence, and will exercise its strength for the purposes of its temporary human possessor. In other cases it is a non-human soul that enters into the animal, as in the case of Ukuku.
6. He also mentions that there might be a sixth class, which could just be a role of any of the other classes - specifically, those that inhabit any animal body, usually a leopard. Sometimes, the spirits of living humans do this, and the animal is then directed by human intelligence, using its strength for the benefit of its temporary human host. In other cases, it’s a non-human soul that enters the animal, like in the case of Ukuku.
Spirits are not easily classified by their functions because those of different class may be employed in identical undertakings. Thus one witch doctor may have, I find, particular influence over one class of spirit and another over another class; yet they will both engage to do identical work. But in spite of this I do not see how you can classify spirits otherwise than by their functions; you cannot weigh and measure them, and it is only a few that show themselves in corporeal form.
Spirits aren't easy to categorize based on their functions because different types can be involved in the same activities. So, one witch doctor might have special influence over one type of spirit, while another may have power over a different type; however, they can both do the same work. Still, I don’t see how you can classify spirits in any other way besides their functions; you can't weigh or measure them, and only a few appear in physical form.
There are characteristics that all the authorities seem agreed on, and one is that individual spirits in the same class vary in power: some are strong of their sort, some weak.
There are traits that all the authorities seem to agree on, and one is that individual spirits in the same class differ in strength: some are powerful for their kind, while others are weak.
They are all to a certain extent limited in the nature of their power; there is no one spirit that can do all things; their efficiency only runs in certain lines of action and all of them are capable of being influenced, and made subservient to human wishes, by proper incantations. This latter characteristic is of course to human advantage, but it has its disadvantages, for you can never really trust a spirit, even if you have paid a considerable sum to a most distinguished medicine man to get a powerful one put up in a ju-ju, or monde, {301} as it is called in several tribes.
They’re all somewhat limited in the kind of power they have; there isn’t a single spirit that can do everything. Their effectiveness only goes so far, and they can all be influenced and made to serve human desires through the right incantations. While this is clearly beneficial for humans, it also has its downsides, because you can never fully trust a spirit, even if you’ve paid a significant amount to a highly respected medicine person to get a strong one placed in a ju-ju, or monde, {301} as it’s referred to in several tribes.
The method of making these charms is much the same among Bantu and Negroes: I have elsewhere described the Gold Coast method, so here confine myself to the Bantu. This similarity of procedure naturally arises from the same underlying idea existing in the two races.
The way these charms are made is pretty much the same among Bantu and Negroes: I have described the Gold Coast method elsewhere, so I'll focus on the Bantu here. This similarity in process naturally comes from the shared underlying idea in both groups.
You call in the medicine man, the “oganga,” as he is commonly called in Congo Français tribes. After a variety of ceremonies and processes, the spirit is induced to localise itself in some object subject to the will of the possessor. The things most frequently used are antelopes’ horns, the large snail-shells, and large nutshells, according to Doctor Nassau. Among the Fan I found the most frequent charm-case was in the shape of a little sausage, made very neatly of pineapple fibre, the contents being the residence of the spirit or power, and the outside coloured red to flatter and please him - for spirits always like red because it is like blood.
You call in the healer, the “oganga,” as he’s commonly known in the Congo French tribes. After a series of ceremonies and rituals, the spirit is invited to settle in an object that the owner can control. The most commonly used items are antelope horns, large snail shells, and big nutshells, according to Doctor Nassau. Among the Fan, the most common charm was a small sausage-shaped case, carefully made from pineapple fiber, with the spirit or power residing inside, and the outside painted red to appease and please it—spirits are always attracted to red because it resembles blood.
The substance put inside charms is all manner of nastiness, usually on the sea coast having a high percentage of fowl dung.
The stuff put inside charms is all sorts of gross things, usually found on the coast with a high amount of bird droppings.
The nature of the substance depends on the spirit it is intended to be attractive to - attractive enough to induce it to leave its present abode and come and reside in the charm.
The nature of the substance depends on the spirit it’s meant to attract—attractive enough to convince it to leave its current home and come to live in the charm.
In addition to this attractive substance I find there are other materials inserted which have relation towards the work the spirit will be wanted to do for its owner. For example, charms made either to influence a person to be well disposed towards the owner, or the still larger class made with intent to work evil on other human beings against whom the owner has a grudge, must have in them some portion of the person to be dealt with - his hair, blood, nail-parings, etc. - or, failing that, his or her most intimate belonging, something that has got his smell in - a piece of his old waist-cloth for example.
In addition to this appealing material, I find that other elements are included that relate to the work the spirit will need to do for its owner. For instance, charms made either to encourage someone to have a favorable attitude towards the owner, or the even broader category created with the intention of causing harm to other people the owner holds a grudge against, must contain some part of the individual being affected – such as their hair, blood, nail clippings, etc. – or, if that's not possible, their most personal belongings, like a piece of their old clothing that carries their scent.
This ability to obtain power over people by means of their blood, hair, nails, etc., is universally diffused; you will find it down in Devon, and away in far Cathay, and the Chinese, I am told, have in some parts of their empire little ovens to burn their nail- and hair-clippings in. The fear of these latter belongings falling into the hands of evilly-disposed persons is ever present to the West Africans. The Igalwa and other tribes will allow no one but a trusted friend to do their hair, and bits of nails and hair are carefully burnt or thrown away into a river; and blood, even that from a small cut or a fit of nose-bleeding, is most carefully covered up and stamped out if it has fallen on the earth. The underlying idea regarding blood is of course the old one that the blood is the life.
This ability to gain power over people through their blood, hair, nails, and so on is widely spread; you can find it down in Devon and far away in China. I've heard that in some parts of their country, the Chinese have little ovens to burn their nail and hair clippings. The fear of these belongings ending up in the wrong hands is always on the minds of West Africans. The Igalwa and other tribes only let trusted friends do their hair, and they carefully burn or toss away bits of nails and hair into a river. They also take great care to cover up or eliminate any blood, even from a small cut or a nosebleed, if it has touched the ground. The underlying belief about blood is, of course, that blood is life.
The life in Africa means a spirit, hence the liberated blood is the liberated spirit, and liberated spirits are always whipping into people who do not want them.
Life in Africa represents a spirit, so liberated blood symbolizes the liberated spirit, and liberated spirits often provoke those who resist them.
Charms are made for every occupation and desire in life - loving, hating, buying, selling, fishing, planting, travelling, hunting, etc., and although they are usually in the form of things filled with a mixture in which the spirit nestles, yet there are other kinds; for example, a great love charm is made of the water the lover has washed in, and this, mingled with the drink of the loved one, is held to soften the hardest heart.
Charms are created for every job and wish in life—loving, hating, buying, selling, fishing, planting, traveling, hunting, etc. While they typically come in the form of items filled with a mixture where the spirit resides, there are other types too. For instance, a powerful love charm is made from the water that the lover has bathed in, and this, combined with the drink of the beloved, is used to soften even the toughest heart.
Some kinds of charms, such as those to prevent your getting drowned, shot, seen by elephants, etc., are worn on a bracelet or necklace. A new-born child starts with a health-knot tied round the wrist, neck, or loins, and throughout the rest of its life its collection of charms goes on increasing. This collection does not, however, attain inconvenient dimensions, owing to the failure of some of the charms to work.
Some types of charms, like those to stop you from drowning, being shot, or spotted by elephants, are worn on a bracelet or necklace. A newborn starts with a health knot tied around its wrist, neck, or waist, and as it grows, its collection of charms keeps getting bigger. However, this collection doesn't become unwieldy since some of the charms don’t work.
That is the worst of charms and prayers. The thing you wish of them may, and frequently does, happen in a strikingly direct way, but other times it does not. In Africa this is held to arise from the bad character of the spirits; their gross ingratitude and fickleness. You may have taken every care of a spirit for years, given it food and other offerings that you wanted for yourself, wrapped it up in your cloth on chilly nights and gone cold, put it in the only dry spot in the canoe, and so on, and yet after all this, the wretched thing will be capable of being got at by your rival or enemy and lured away, leaving you only the case it once lived in.
That’s the downside of charms and prayers. What you wish from them can, and often does, happen in a surprisingly straightforward way, but sometimes it doesn’t. In Africa, this is thought to stem from the bad nature of the spirits; their terrible ingratitude and unpredictability. You might have cared for a spirit for years, giving it food and other offerings you could have used for yourself, wrapped it in your cloth on cold nights and gotten chilled yourself, put it in the only dry spot in the canoe, and so on, yet after all this, the miserable thing can be swayed by your rival or enemy and lured away, leaving you only the container it once inhabited.
Finding, we will say, that you have been upset and half-drowned, and your canoe-load of goods lost three times in a week, that your paddles are always breaking, and the amount of snags in the river and so on is abnormal, you judge that your canoe-charm has stopped. Then you go to the medicine man who supplied you with it and complain. He says it was a perfectly good charm when he sold it you and he never had any complaints before, but he will investigate the affair; when he has done so, he either says the spirit has been lured away from the home he prepared for it by incantations and presents from other people, or that he finds the spirit is dead; it has been killed by a more powerful spirit of its class, which is in the pay of some enemy of yours. In all cases the little thing you kept the spirit in is no use now, and only fit to sell to a white man as “a big curio!” and the sooner you let him have sufficient money to procure you a fresh and still more powerful spirit - necessarily more expensive - the safer it will be for you, particularly as your misfortunes distinctly point to some one being desirous of your death. You of course grumble, but seeing the thing in his light you pay up, and the medicine man goes busily to work with incantations, dances, looking into mirrors or basins of still water, and concoctions of messes to make you a new protecting charm.
Finding, let's say, that you've been upset and half-drowned, and your load of goods has been lost three times in a week, that your paddles keep breaking, and there are way too many snags in the river, you decide your canoe charm has stopped working. So, you go to the medicine man who sold it to you and complain. He says it was a perfectly good charm when he sold it to you and he’s never had any complaints before, but he’ll look into it. After investigating, he either says the spirit has been lured away from the home he made for it by rituals and gifts from others, or that he finds the spirit is dead; it’s been killed by a stronger spirit, which is working for some enemy of yours. In either case, the little thing you kept the spirit in is useless now and only fit to be sold to a white man as “a big curio!” The sooner you give him enough money to get you a new and even more powerful spirit—definitely more expensive—the safer you’ll be, especially since your bad luck clearly points to someone wanting you dead. You may grumble, but seeing it from his perspective, you pay up, and the medicine man gets busy with rituals, dances, looking into mirrors or basins of still water, and mixing up potions to make you a new protective charm.
Human eye-balls, particularly of white men, I have already said are a great charm. Dr. Nassau says he has known graves rifled for them. This, I fancy, is to secure the “man that lives in your eyes” for the service of the village, and naturally the white man, being regarded as a superior being, would be of high value if enlisted into its service. A similar idea of the possibility of gaining possession of the spirit of a dead man obtains among the Negroes, and the heads of important chiefs in the Calabar districts are usually cut off from the body on burial and kept secretly for fear the head, and thereby the spirit, of the dead chief, should be stolen from the town. If it were stolen it would be not only a great advantage to its new possessor, but a great danger to the chief’s old town; because he would know all the peculiar ju-ju relating to it. For each town has a peculiar one, kept exceedingly secret, in addition to the general ju-jus, and this secret one would then be in the hands of the new owners of the spirit. It is for similar reasons that brave General MacCarthy’s head was treasured by the Ashantees, and so on.
Human eyeballs, especially those of white men, are, as I've mentioned, quite captivating. Dr. Nassau has noted that he's seen graves disturbed for them. I think this is to capture the “man that lives in your eyes” for the benefit of the village, and since the white man is viewed as a superior being, he would be very valuable if brought into their service. A similar belief exists among Africans regarding the chance of possessing the spirit of a deceased person, and important chiefs in the Calabar area usually have their heads cut off upon burial and kept hidden to prevent the head, and thus the spirit, of the deceased chief from being taken from the town. If it were taken, it would not only provide a significant advantage to the new owner but also pose a great threat to the chief’s old town, as he would be aware of all the specific ju-ju associated with it. Each town has its unique ju-ju, kept extremely secret, alongside the general ones, and this secret ju-ju would then be in the hands of those who possess the spirit. This is why the brave General MacCarthy’s head was so highly valued by the Ashantees, among others.
Charms are not all worn upon the body, some go to the plantations, and are hung there, ensuring an unhappy and swift end for the thief who comes stealing. Some are hung round the bows of the canoe, others over the doorway of the house, to prevent evil spirits from coming in - a sort of tame watch-dog spirits.
Charms aren't just worn on the body; some are placed in the fields, ensuring that any thief who tries to steal will meet a quick and unhappy fate. Some are tied around the canoe's bow, while others are hung over the front door to keep evil spirits out—like a friendly guard against bad spirits.
The entrances to the long street-shaped villages are frequently closed with a fence of saplings and this sapling fence you will see hung with fetish charms to prevent evil spirits from entering the village and sometimes in addition to charms you will see the fence wreathed with leaves and flowers. Bells are frequently hung on these fences, but I do not fancy ever for fetish reasons. At Ndorko, on the Rembwé, there were many guards against spirit visitors, but the bell, which was carefully hung so that you could not pass through the gateway without ringing it, was a guard against thieves and human enemies only.
The entrances to the long, street-shaped villages are often closed off with a fence made of young trees, and you'll see this sapling fence decorated with charm talismans to keep evil spirits out. Sometimes, in addition to the charms, the fence is adorned with leaves and flowers. Bells are often hung on these fences, but I doubt it's for any spiritual reasons. At Ndorko, by the Rembwé, there were many protections against spirit visitors, but the bell, which was securely hung so that you had to ring it to pass through the gateway, was meant to deter thieves and human adversaries only.
Frequently a sapling is tied horizontally near the ground across the entrance. Dr. Nassau could not tell me why, but says it must never be trodden on. When the smallpox, a dire pestilence in these regions, is raging, or when there is war, these gateways are sprinkled with the blood of sacrifices, and for these sacrifices and for the payments of heavy blood fines, etc., goats and sheep are kept. They are rarely eaten for ordinary purposes, and these West Coast Africans have all a perfect horror of the idea of drinking milk, holding this custom to be a filthy habit, and saying so in unmitigated language.
Often, a young tree is tied horizontally near the ground at the entrance. Dr. Nassau couldn't explain why, but he says it must never be stepped on. When smallpox, a terrible disease in these areas, is widespread, or during times of war, these entryways are sprinkled with the blood of sacrifices. Goats and sheep are kept for these sacrifices and to pay hefty blood fines, etc. They are rarely eaten for regular meals, and the West Coast Africans generally have a strong aversion to drinking milk, considering it to be a dirty practice, and they express this very bluntly.
The villagers eat the meat of the sacrifice, that having nothing to do with the sacrifice to the spirits, which is the blood, for the blood is the life. {306}
The villagers eat the meat from the sacrifice, which has nothing to do with the offering to the spirits, since the blood is the essence of life. {306}
Beside the few spirits that the Bantu regards himself as having got under control in his charms, he has to worship the uncontrolled army of the air. This he does by sacrifice and incantation.
Beside the few spirits that the Bantu believes he has control over through his charms, he must worship the uncontrolled forces of the air. He does this through sacrifices and incantations.
The sacrifice is the usual killing of something valuable as an offering to the spirits. The value of the offering in these S.W. Coast regions has certainly a regular relationship to the value of the favour required of the spirits. Some favours are worth a dish of plantains, some a fowl, some a goat and some a human being, though human sacrifice is very rare in Congo Français, the killing of people being nine times in ten a witchcraft palaver.
The sacrifice typically involves killing something valuable as an offering to the spirits. The worth of the offering in these S.W. Coast areas is definitely connected to the value of the favor sought from the spirits. Some favors are worth a plate of plantains, some a chicken, some a goat, and some a human being, although human sacrifice is quite rare in Congo Français, with the killing of people usually being a result of witchcraft disputes.
Dr. Nassau, however, says that “the intention of the giver ennobles the gift,” the spirit being supposed, in some vague way, to be gratified by the recognition of itself, and even sometimes pleased with the homage of the mere simulacrum of a gift. I believe the only class of spirits that have this convenient idea are the Imbwiri; thus the stones heaped by passers-by on the foot of some great tree, or rock, or the leaf cast from a passing canoe towards a promontory on the river, etc., although intrinsically valueless and useless to the Ombwiri nevertheless gratify him. It is a sort of bow or taking off one’s hat to him. Some gifts, the Doctor says, are supposed to be actually utilised by the spirit.
Dr. Nassau, however, says that “the intention of the giver ennobles the gift,” suggesting that the spirit, in some vague way, feels appreciated by that recognition and is sometimes even happy with the mere appearance of a gift. I think the only group that holds this convenient belief is the Imbwiri; for example, the stones piled by passers-by at the base of a great tree or rock, or the leaf tossed from a passing canoe toward a river's promontory, even though they hold no actual value or use for the Ombwiri, still please him. It’s like a gesture of respect or removing one’s hat to him. Some gifts, the Doctor says, are believed to be actually used by the spirit.
In some part of the long single street of most villages there is built a low hut in which charms are hung, and by which grows a consecrated plant, a lily, a euphorbia, or a fig. In some tribes a rudely carved figure, generally female, is set up as an idol before which offerings are laid. I saw at Egaja two figures about 2 feet 6 inches high, in the house placed at my disposal. They were left in it during my occupation, save that the rolls of cloth (their power) which were round their necks, were removed by the owner chief; of the significance of these rolls I will speak elsewhere.
In many villages, there's a low hut along the main street where charms are displayed, and a sacred plant grows nearby, like a lily, euphorbia, or fig. In some tribes, there's a roughly carved idol, usually female, where offerings are made. I saw two figures about 2 feet 6 inches tall in the house that was provided for me at Egaja. They remained there during my stay, except the owner chief took away the rolls of cloth (their power) that were around their necks; I will discuss the significance of these rolls later.
Incantations may be divided into two classes, supplications analogous to our idea of prayers, and certain cabalistic words and phrases. The supplications are addresses to the higher spirits. Some are made even to Anzam himself, but the spirit of the new moon is that most commonly addressed to keep the lower spirits from molesting.
Incantations can be categorized into two types: supplications similar to our concept of prayers, and specific mystical words and phrases. The supplications are directed towards higher spirits. Some are even made to Anzam himself, but the spirit of the new moon is the one most frequently called upon to prevent lower spirits from causing trouble.
Dr. Nassau gave me many instances out of the wealth of his knowledge. One night when he was stopping at a village, he saw standing out in the open street a venerable chief who addressed the spirits of the air and begged them, “Come ye not into my town;” he then recounted his good deeds, praising himself as good, just, honest, kind to his neighbours, and so on. I must remark that this man had not been in touch with Europeans, so his ideal of goodness was the native one - which you will find everywhere among the most remote West Coast natives. He urged these things as a reason why no evil should befall him, and closed with an impassioned appeal to the spirits to stay away. At another time, in another village, when a man’s son had been wounded and a bleeding artery which the Doctor had closed had broken out again and the hæmorrhage seemed likely to prove fatal, the father rushed out into the street wildly gesticulating towards the sky, saying, “Go away, go away, go away, ye spirits, why do you come to kill my son?” In another case a woman rushed into the street, alternately objurgating and pleading with the spirits, who, she said, were vexing her child which had convulsions. “Observe,” said the Doctor in his impressive way, “these were distinctly prayers, appeals for mercy, agonising protests, but there was no praise, no love, no thanks, no confession of sin.” I said, considering the underlying idea, I did not see how that could be, thinking of the thing as they did, and the Doctor and I had one of our little disagreements. I shall always feel grateful to him for his great toleration of me, but I am sure this arose from his feeling that I saw there was an underlying idea in the minds of the people he loved well enough to lay down his life for in the hope of benefiting and ennobling them, and that I did not, as many do, set them down as idiotic brutes, glorying in an aimless cruelty that would be a disgrace to a devil.
Dr. Nassau shared many insights from his vast knowledge. One night while staying in a village, he saw an elderly chief standing in the open street, addressing the spirits of the air and pleading, “Don’t come into my town.” He then listed his good deeds, boasting about being good, just, honest, and kind to his neighbors. It’s worth noting that this man had no contact with Europeans, so his concept of goodness was purely native — a view you can find among the most isolated West Coast communities. He presented these qualities as reasons why he should be spared from harm and concluded with a heartfelt plea for the spirits to stay away. On another occasion, in a different village, when a man’s son had been injured and a bleeding artery that the Doctor had closed had opened up again, leading to a potentially fatal hemorrhage, the father ran into the street, frantically gesturing towards the sky, shouting, “Go away, go away, go away, spirits, why are you coming to kill my son?” In yet another instance, a woman burst into the street, alternately cursing and begging the spirits that she claimed were troubling her child who was having convulsions. “Notice,” the Doctor remarked in his thoughtful manner, “these were definitely prayers, pleas for mercy, desperate protests, but there was no praise, no love, no gratitude, and no acknowledgment of sin.” I responded, considering the underlying concept, that I didn't understand how that could be true, thinking of their perspective, and the Doctor and I had one of our little disagreements. I will always be grateful to him for his patience with me, but I’m sure it came from his belief that I recognized there was a deeper idea in the minds of the people he cared for deeply enough to sacrifice his life in hopes of helping and uplifting them, and that I didn’t, like many do, see them as mindless beasts, reveling in aimless cruelty that would disgrace even a devil.
Regarding the cabalistic words and phrases, things which had long given me great trouble to get any comprehension of, the Doctor gave me great help. He says some of these phrases and words are coined by the person himself, others are archaisms handed down from ancestors and believed to possess an efficacy, though their actual meaning is forgotten. He says they are used at any time as defence from evil, when a person is startled, sneezes, or stumbles. Among these I think I ought to class that peculiar form of friendly farewell or greeting which the Doctor poetically calls a “blown blessing” and the natives Ibata. I thought the three times it was given to me that it was just spitting on the hand. Practically it is so, but the Doctor says the spitting is accidental, a by-product I suppose. The method consists in taking the right hand in both yours, turning it palm upwards, bending your head low over it, and saying with great energy and a violent propulsion of the breath, Ibata.
Regarding the mystical words and phrases, which had long troubled me to understand, the Doctor really helped me out. He says some of these phrases and words are created by the person themselves, while others are old expressions passed down from ancestors and believed to have power, even though their actual meanings are forgotten. He mentions they can be used anytime as protection from evil, when someone is startled, sneezes, or stumbles. Among these, I think I should include that unique form of friendly goodbye or greeting that the Doctor poetically calls a “blown blessing” and the locals call Ibata. I thought the three times it was given to me was just spitting on the hand. In practice, it is, but the Doctor says the spitting is accidental, a by-product I suppose. The method involves taking the right hand in both of yours, turning it palm up, bending your head low over it, and saying with great energy and a strong breath, Ibata.
Idols are comparatively rare in Congo Français, but where they are used the people have the same idea about them as the true Negroes have, namely, that they are things which spirits reside in, or haunt, but not in their corporeal nature adorable. The resident spirit in them and in the charms and plants, which are also regarded as residences of spirits, has to be placated with offerings of food and other sacrifices. You will see in the Fetish huts above mentioned dishes of plantain and fish left till they rot. Dr. Nassau says the life or essence of the food only is eaten by the spirit, the form of the vegetable or flesh being left to be removed when its life is gone out.
Idols are relatively uncommon in Congo Français, but where they are found, the locals view them similarly to how true Black people do, believing that spirits inhabit or linger in them, but they don't regard them as inherently worthy. The spirit residing in these idols, as well as in charms and plants—also seen as homes for spirits—needs to be appeased with food offerings and other sacrifices. In the mentioned Fetish huts, you will find dishes of plantains and fish left to decay. Dr. Nassau states that only the life or essence of the food is consumed by the spirit, while the physical form of the plant or meat is left behind to be removed once it has spoiled.
In cases of emergency a fowl with its blood is laid at the door of the Fetish hut, or when pestilence is expected, or an attack by enemies, or a great man or woman is very ill, goats and sheep are sacrificed and the blood put in the Fetish hut as well as on the gateways of the village. These sacrifices among the Fan are made with a very peculiar-shaped knife, a fine specimen of which I secured by the kindness of Captain Davies; it is shaped like the head of a hornbill and is quite unlike the knives in common use among the tribes, which are either long, leaf-shaped blades sharpened along both edges, or broad, trowel-shaped, almost triangular daggers. All Fan knives are fine weapons, superior to the knives of all other Coast tribes I have met with, but the sacrifice knife is distinctly peculiar. I found to my great interest the same superstition in Congo Français that I met with first in the Oil Rivers. Its meaning I am unable to fully account for, but I believe it to be a form of sacrifice. In Calabar each individual has a certain forbidden thing or things. These things are either forms of food, or the method of eating. In Calabar this prohibition is called Ibet, and when, in consequence of the influence of white culture, a man gives up his Ibet, he is regarded by good sound ju-juists as leading an irregular and dissipated life, and even the unintentional breaking of the Ibet is regarded as very dangerous. Special days are set apart by each individual; on these days he eats only the smallest quantity and plainest quality of food. No one must eat with him, nor any dog, fowl, etc., feed off the crumbs, nor any one watch him while eating. I suspect on this day the Ibet is eaten, but I have not verified this, only getting, from an untrustworthy source, a statement that supported it.
In emergencies, a bird is placed at the entrance of the Fetish hut, or when there's an outbreak of disease, an enemy attack, or a significant person is very sick, goats and sheep are sacrificed. Their blood is poured into the Fetish hut and on the village gates. Among the Fan, these sacrifices are done with a uniquely shaped knife, a fine example of which I received thanks to Captain Davies; it resembles a hornbill's head and is quite different from the knives commonly used by other tribes, which are either long, leaf-shaped blades that are sharp on both sides, or broad, trowel-like, nearly triangular daggers. All Fan knives are excellent weapons, superior to the knives of other coastal tribes I've encountered, but the sacrifice knife is distinctly unique. I found it very interesting that the same superstition exists in Congo Français that I first encountered in the Oil Rivers. I can't fully explain its meaning, but I believe it represents a type of sacrifice. In Calabar, each person has certain forbidden items or practices. These forbidden things could be types of food or ways of eating. In Calabar, this prohibition is called Ibet, and when someone abandons their Ibet due to the influence of white culture, they're considered by proper ju-ju practitioners to be living a disordered and reckless life, and even accidentally breaking the Ibet is seen as very risky. Each person designates special days when they only eat a very small amount and the simplest types of food. No one is allowed to eat with them, and no dogs, birds, etc., can take any of the leftovers, nor can anyone watch them while they eat. I suspect that on this day the Ibet is consumed, but I haven't confirmed this, having only heard it from a not entirely reliable source.
Dr. Nassau told me that among Congo Français tribes certain rites are performed for children during infancy or youth, in which a prohibition is laid upon the child as regards the eating of some particular article of food, or the doing of certain acts. “It is difficult,” he said, “to get the exact object of the ‘Orunda.’ Certainly the prohibited article is not in itself evil, for others but the inhibited individual may eat or do with it as they please. Most of the natives blindly follow the custom of their ancestors without being able to give any raison d’être, but again, from those best able to give a reason, you learn the prohibited article is a sacrifice ordained for the child by its parents and the magic doctor as a gift to the governing spirit of its life. The thing prohibited becomes removed from the child’s common use, and is made sacred to the spirit. Any use of it by the child or man would therefore be a sin, which would bring down the spirit’s wrath in the form of sickness or other evil, which can be atoned for only by expensive ceremonies or gifts to the magic doctor who intercedes for the offender.”
Dr. Nassau told me that among the tribes in Congo Français, certain rites are performed for children during infancy or youth. In these rites, specific foods or actions are forbidden for the child. “It's hard,” he said, “to pinpoint the exact purpose of the ‘Orunda.’ The prohibited item isn't inherently bad, since others can eat or do whatever they want with it. Most of the locals follow the traditions of their ancestors without knowing why, but from those who can explain, you find out that the forbidden item is a sacrifice made for the child by its parents and the magical doctor as a gift to the spirit that governs the child's life. The banned item becomes separate from the child's regular use and is treated as sacred to the spirit. If the child or anyone else uses it, that would be seen as a sin, potentially provoking the spirit's anger, resulting in illness or other misfortune, which can only be atoned for through costly ceremonies or gifts to the magical doctor who advocates for the wrongdoer.”
Anything may be an Orunda or Ibet provided only that it is connected with food; I have been able to find no definite ground for the selection of it. The Doctor said, for example, that “once when on a boat journey, and camped in the forest for the noon-day meal, the crew of four had no meat. They needed it. I had a chicken but ate only a portion, and gave the rest to the crew. Three men ate it with their manioc meal, the fourth would not touch it. It was his Orunda.” “On another journey,” said the Doctor, “instead of all my crew leaving me respectfully alone in the canoe to have my lunch and going ashore to have theirs, one of them stayed behind in the canoe, and I found his Orunda was only to eat over water when on a journey by water.” “At another place, a chief at whose village we once anchored in a small steamer when a glass of rum was given him, had a piece of cloth held up before his mouth that the people might not see him drink, which was his Orunda.”
Anything can be an Orunda or Ibet as long as it relates to food; I haven’t been able to find a clear reason for choosing it. The Doctor mentioned, for example, that “once when we were on a boat trip and stopped in the forest for lunch, the crew of four had no meat. They needed it. I had a chicken but only ate part of it and gave the rest to the crew. Three men ate it with their manioc meal, but the fourth wouldn’t touch it. It was his Orunda.” “On another trip,” the Doctor said, “instead of all my crew members leaving me respectfully alone in the canoe to eat my lunch while they went ashore, one of them stayed in the canoe, and I found out his Orunda was that he could only eat over water when traveling by water.” “At another place, a chief in a village where we stopped with a small steamer, when offered a glass of rum, held a piece of cloth in front of his mouth so the people wouldn’t see him drink, which was his Orunda.”
I know some ethnologists will think this last case should be classed under another head, but I think the Doctor is right. He is well aware of the existence of the other class of prohibitions regarding chiefs and I have seen plenty of chiefs myself up the Rembwé who have no objection to take their drinks coram publico, and I have no doubt this was only an individual Orunda of this particular Rembwé chief.
I know some ethnologists might think this last case should be categorized differently, but I believe the Doctor is correct. He is fully aware of the other types of prohibitions concerning chiefs, and I have seen many chiefs myself in the Rembwé who have no problem drinking coram publico. I have no doubt this was just an individual case with this particular Rembwé chief.
Great care is requisite in these matters, because a man may do or abstain from doing one and the same thing for divers reasons.
Great care is necessary in these matters, because a person may do or choose not to do the same thing for different reasons.
CHAPTER XIII. FETISH - (continued).
In which the Voyager discourses on deaths and witchcraft, and, with no intentional slur on the medical profession, on medical methods and burial customs, concluding with sundry observations on twins.
In which the Voyager talks about death and witchcraft and, without any disrespect to the medical field, discusses medical practices and burial traditions, finishing with various thoughts on twins.
It is exceedingly interesting to compare the ideas of the Negroes with those of the Bantu. The mental condition of the lower forms of both races seems very near the other great border-line that separates man from the anthropoid apes, and I believe that if we had the material, or rather if we could understand it, we should find little or no gap existing in mental evolution in this old, undisturbed continent of Africa.
It’s really interesting to compare the ideas of Black people with those of the Bantu. The mental state of the lower groups in both races seems very close to the other significant line that divides humans from apes, and I believe that if we had the resources, or more accurately, if we could comprehend it, we’d find hardly any gap in mental evolution in this old, untouched continent of Africa.
Let, however, these things be as they may, one thing about Negro and Bantu races is very certain, and that is that their lives are dominated by a profound belief in witchcraft and its effects.
Let these things be as they may, one thing about Black and Bantu people is very certain: their lives are deeply influenced by a strong belief in witchcraft and its effects.
Among both alike the rule is that death is regarded as a direct consequence of the witchcraft of some malevolent human being, acting by means of spirits, over which he has, by some means or another, obtained control.
Among both, the rule is that death is seen as a direct result of the witchcraft of some malevolent person, who acts through spirits that they have somehow gained control over.
To all rules there are exceptions. Among the Calabar negroes, who are definite in their opinions, I found two classes of exceptions. The first arises from their belief in a bush-soul. They believe every man has four souls: a, the soul that survives death; b, the shadow on the path; c, the dream-soul; d, the bush-soul.
To every rule, there are exceptions. Among the Calabar people, who have strong opinions, I discovered two types of exceptions. The first comes from their belief in a bush-soul. They believe that every person has four souls: a, the soul that lives on after death; b, the shadow on the path; c, the dream-soul; d, the bush-soul.
This bush-soul is always in the form of an animal in the forest - never of a plant. Sometimes when a man sickens it is because his bush-soul is angry at being neglected, and a witch-doctor is called in, who, having diagnosed this as being the cause of the complaint, advises the administration of some kind of offering to the offended one. When you wander about in the forests of the Calabar region, you will frequently see little dwarf huts with these offerings in them. You must not confuse these huts with those of similar construction you are continually seeing in plantations, or near roads, which refer to quite other affairs. These offerings, in the little huts in the forest, are placed where your bush-soul was last seen. Unfortunately, you are compelled to call in a doctor, which is an expense, but you cannot see your own bush-soul, unless you are an Ebumtup, a sort of second-sighter.
This bush-soul always takes the form of an animal in the forest—never a plant. Sometimes when a person gets sick, it’s because their bush-soul is angry from being ignored, leading to the calling of a witch-doctor who, after diagnosing this as the issue, recommends some kind of offering to appease the offended spirit. When you stroll through the forests of the Calabar region, you’ll often come across small dwarf huts containing these offerings. Don’t confuse these huts with similar-looking ones found in plantations or along roads, which are related to different matters. These offerings in the little huts in the forest are placed where your bush-soul was last spotted. Unfortunately, you have to see a doctor, which can be costly, but you won’t be able to see your own bush-soul unless you’re an Ebumtup, a kind of second-sighter.
But to return to the bush-soul of an ordinary person. If the offering in the hut works well on the bush-soul, the patient recovers, but if it does not he dies. Diseases arising from derangements in the temper of the bush-soul however, even when treated by the most eminent practitioners, are very apt to be intractable, because it never realises that by injuring you it endangers its own existence. For when its human owner dies, the bush-soul can no longer find a good place, and goes mad, rushing to and fro - if it sees a fire it rushes into it; if it sees a lot of people it rushes among them, until it is killed, and when it is killed it is “finish” for it, as M. Pichault would say, for it is not an immortal soul.
But to get back to the bush-soul of an ordinary person. If the offering in the hut works well on the bush-soul, the person gets better, but if it doesn’t, they die. Diseases that come from issues with the bush-soul’s temper, even when treated by the best doctors, tend to be really difficult to cure because it never understands that by harming you, it also puts itself at risk. When its human owner dies, the bush-soul can’t find a good place anymore and goes crazy, darting around—if it sees a fire, it runs into it; if it sees a crowd, it rushes in among them until it gets killed, and when it gets killed, it’s “finished” for it, as M. Pichault would say, because it’s not an immortal soul.
The bush-souls of a family are usually the same for a man and for his sons, for a mother and for her daughters. Sometimes, however, I am told all the children take the mother’s, sometimes all take the father’s. They may be almost any kind of animal, sometimes they are leopards, sometimes fish, or tortoises, and so on.
The bush-souls of a family are usually the same for a man and his sons, and for a mother and her daughters. However, I’ve heard that sometimes all the children take their mother’s, and other times they all take their father’s. They can be almost any type of animal; sometimes they’re leopards, sometimes fish, sometimes tortoises, and so on.
There is another peculiarity about the bush-soul, and that is that it is on its account that old people are held in such esteem among the Calabar tribes. For, however bad these old people’s personal record may have been, the fact of their longevity demonstrates the possession of powerful and astute bush-souls. On the other hand, a man may be a quiet, respectable citizen, devoted to peace and a whole skin, and yet he may have a sadly flighty disreputable bush-soul which will get itself killed or damaged and cause him death or continual ill-health.
There’s something else unique about the bush-soul: it’s the reason why older people are highly respected among the Calabar tribes. Regardless of their personal history, their long lives show that they possess strong and wise bush-souls. Conversely, a man might be a calm, upstanding citizen who values peace and safety, but he could have a reckless and shady bush-soul that ends up causing him harm or resulting in poor health.
There is another way by which a man dies apart from the action of bush-souls or witchcraft; he may have had a bad illness from some cause in his previous life and, when reincarnated, part of this disease may get reincarnated with him and then he will ultimately die of it. There is no medicine of any avail against these reincarnated diseases.
There is another way a person can die besides the influence of spirits or witchcraft; they might have suffered from a serious illness in a past life and, when reborn, part of that illness may come back with them, ultimately leading to their death. There is no medicine that can cure these reincarnated diseases.
The idea of reincarnation is very strong in the Niger Delta tribes. It exists, as far as I have been able to find out, throughout all Africa, but usually only in scattered cases, as it were; but in the Delta, most - I think I may say all - human souls of the “surviving soul” class are regarded as returning to the earth again, and undergoing a reincarnation shortly after the due burial of the soul.
The concept of reincarnation is very prevalent among the tribes in the Niger Delta. From what I've gathered, it exists throughout Africa, but usually only in isolated instances. However, in the Delta, most—if not all—human souls classified as "surviving souls" are believed to return to Earth, undergoing reincarnation shortly after the proper burial of the soul.
These two exceptions from the rule of all deaths and sickness being caused by witchcraft are, however, of minor importance, for infinitely the larger proportion of death and sickness is held to arise from witchcraft itself, more particularly among the Bantu.
These two exceptions to the rule that all deaths and illnesses are caused by witchcraft are, however, of minor importance, since a much larger share of deaths and illnesses is believed to come from witchcraft itself, especially among the Bantu.
Witchcraft acts in two ways, namely, witching something out of a man, or witching something into him. The former method is used by both Negro and Bantu, but is decidedly more common among the Negroes, where the witches are continually setting traps to catch the soul that wanders from the body when a man is sleeping; and when they have caught this soul, they tie it up over the canoe fire and its owner sickens as the soul shrivels.
Witchcraft works in two ways: it can either pull something out of a person or put something into them. The first method is used by both Black and Bantu people, but it's much more common among Black people, where witches constantly lay traps to catch the soul that drifts away from the body while a person is sleeping. When they capture this soul, they tie it up over a canoe fire, causing the owner to become ill as the soul withers.
This is merely a regular line of business, and not an affair of individual hate or revenge. The witch does not care whose dream-soul gets into the trap, and will restore it on payment. Also witch-doctors, men of unblemished professional reputation, will keep asylums for lost souls, i.e. souls who have been out wandering and found on their return to their body that their place has been filled up by a Sisa, a low class soul I will speak of later. These doctors keep souls and administer them to patients who are short of the article.
This is simply a regular business, not a matter of personal hatred or revenge. The witch doesn’t care whose dream-soul gets caught in the trap and will restore it for a fee. Also, witch-doctors, who have a spotless professional reputation, will run asylums for lost souls, i.e. souls that have been wandering and, upon returning to their bodies, find their place taken by a Sisa, a lower-class soul I will discuss later. These doctors hold souls and provide them to patients who are lacking in that regard.
But there are other witches, either wicked on their own account, or hired by people who are moved by some hatred to individuals, and then the trap is carefully set and baited for the soul of the particular man they wish to injure, and concealed in the bait at the bottom of the pot are knives and sharp hooks which tear and damage the soul, either killing it outright, or mauling it so that it causes its owner sickness on its return to him. I knew the case of a Kruman who for several nights had smelt in his dreams the savoury smell of smoked crawfish seasoned with red peppers. He became anxious, and the headman decided some witch had set a trap baited with this dainty for his dream-soul, with intent to do him grievous bodily harm, and great trouble was taken for the next few nights to prevent this soul of his from straying abroad.
But there are other witches, either evil on their own or hired by people who harbor some hatred toward individuals. Then the trap is carefully set and baited for the soul of the specific person they want to harm, and hidden in the bait at the bottom of the pot are knives and sharp hooks that tear and damage the soul, either killing it outright or injuring it so that when it returns, it causes the person sickness. I heard about a Kruman who, for several nights, could smell the delicious aroma of smoked crawfish seasoned with red peppers in his dreams. He became worried, and the village leader concluded that some witch had set a trap baited with this delicacy for his dreaming soul, intending to do him serious harm. So, great effort was made over the next few nights to keep his soul from wandering away.
The witching of things into a man is far the most frequent method among the Bantu, hence the prevalence among them of the post-mortem examination, - a practice I never found among the Negroes.
The way things are turned into a person is by far the most common method among the Bantu, which is why post-mortem examinations are so common among them—a practice I never found among the Negroes.
The belief in witchcraft is the cause of more African deaths than anything else. It has killed and still kills more men and women than the slave-trade. Its only rival is perhaps the smallpox, the Grand Kraw-Kraw, as the Krumen graphically call it.
The belief in witchcraft causes more deaths in Africa than anything else. It has killed and continues to kill more men and women than the slave trade. Its only competitor might be smallpox, referred to as the Grand Kraw-Kraw by the Krumen.
At almost every death a suspicion of witchcraft arises. The witch-doctor is called in, and proceeds to find out the guilty person. Then woe to the unpopular men, the weak women, and the slaves; for on some of them will fall the accusation that means ordeal by poison, or fire, followed, if these point to guilt, as from their nature they usually do, by a terrible death: slow roasting alive - mutilation by degrees before the throat is mercifully cut - tying to stakes at low tide that the high tide may come and drown - and any other death human ingenuity and hate can devise.
At almost every death, there's a suspicion of witchcraft. The witch-doctor is called in to identify the guilty person. Then, unfortunate soul to the unpopular men, the vulnerable women, and the slaves; because the accusation that leads to a trial by poison or fire will fall on some of them, usually pointing to guilt as is often the case, followed by a horrific death: being slowly roasted alive - progressively mutilated before the throat is mercifully cut - tied to stakes at low tide to be drowned by the high tide - and any other death that human creativity and malice can come up with.
The terror in which witchcraft is held is interesting in spite of all its horror. I have seen mild, gentle men and women turned by it, in a moment, to incarnate fiends, ready to rend and destroy those who a second before were nearest and dearest to them. Terrible is the fear that falls like a spell upon a village when a big man, or big woman is just known to be dead. The very men catch their breaths, and grow grey round the lips, and then every one, particularly those belonging to the household of the deceased, goes in for the most demonstrative exhibition of grief. Long, low howls creep up out of the first silence - those blood-curdling, infinitely melancholy, wailing howls - once heard, never to be forgotten.
The fear surrounding witchcraft is fascinating despite all its horror. I have seen gentle men and women instantly transformed into furious monsters, ready to hurt and destroy those who were just a moment ago the closest to them. The fear that grips a village when a prominent person dies is truly horrifying. The men pause, their breaths caught and their lips turning gray, and everyone, especially those from the deceased's family, puts on an intense display of sorrow. Long, low wails emerge from the initial silence—those chilling, deeply mournful cries—once heard, they are never forgotten.
The men tear off their clothes and wear only the most filthy rags; women, particularly the widows, take off ornaments and almost all dress; their faces are painted white with chalk, their heads are shaven, and they sit crouched on the earth in the house, in the attitude of abasement, the hands resting on the shoulders, palm downwards, not crossed across the breast, unless they are going into the street.
The men rip off their clothes and wear only the dirtiest rags; women, especially the widows, remove their jewelry and almost all of their clothing; their faces are painted white with chalk, they shave their heads, and they sit hunched on the ground in the house, in a posture of submission, with their hands resting on their shoulders, palms facing down, and not crossed over their chests unless they’re going out into the street.
Meanwhile the witch-doctor has been sent for, if he is not already present, and he sets to work in different ways to find out who are the persons guilty of causing the death.
Meanwhile, the witch doctor has been called in, if he isn't already there, and he begins working in various ways to determine who is responsible for the death.
Whether the methods vary with the tribe, or with the individual witch-doctor, I cannot absolutely say, but I think largely with the latter.
Whether the methods differ from tribe to tribe or from one individual witch-doctor to another, I can't say for sure, but I believe it's mostly the latter.
Among the Benga I saw a witch-doctor going round a village ringing a small bell which was to stop ringing outside the hut of the guilty. Among the Cabindas (Fjort) I saw, at different times, two witch-doctors trying to find witches, one by means of taking on and off the lid of a small basket while he repeated the names of all the people in the village. When the lid refused to come off at the name of a person, that person was doomed. The other Cabinda doctor first tried throwing nuts upon the ground, also repeating names. That method apparently failed. Then he resorted to another, rubbing the flattened palms of his hands against each other. When the palms refused to meet at a name, and his hands flew about wildly, he had got his man.
Among the Benga, I saw a witch-doctor walking around a village, ringing a small bell that was supposed to stop ringing outside the hut of the person who was guilty. With the Cabindas (Fjort), I witnessed two witch-doctors at different times trying to identify witches. One would take the lid of a small basket on and off while repeating the names of everyone in the village. If the lid wouldn’t come off for a person’s name, that person was considered doomed. The other Cabinda doctor initially tried throwing nuts on the ground while also repeating names. When that method didn’t work, he switched to rubbing the flattened palms of his hands together. If his palms wouldn’t meet at a name and his hands started flying about wildly, he had found his target.
The accused person, if he denies the guilt, and does not claim the ordeal, is tortured until he not only acknowledges his guilt but names his accomplices in the murder, for remember this witchcraft is murder in the African eyes.
The accused person, if he denies his guilt and doesn't claim the ordeal, is tortured until he not only admits his guilt but also names his accomplices in the murder, because remember, this witchcraft is considered murder in the eyes of Africans.
If he claims the ordeal, as he usually does, he usually has to take a poison drink. Among all the Bantu tribes I know this is made from Sass wood (sass = bad; sass water = rough water; sass surf = bad surf, etc.), and is a decoction of the freshly pulled bark of a great hard wood forest tree, which has a tall unbranched stem, terminating in a crown of branches bearing small leaves. Among the Calabar tribes the ordeal drink is of two kinds: one made from the Calabar bean, the other, the great ju-ju drink Mbiam, which is used also in taking oaths.
If he goes through the trial, as he usually does, he typically has to drink a poison potion. Among all the Bantu tribes I know, this is made from Sass wood (sass = bad; sass water = rough water; sass surf = bad surf, etc.), and it’s a brew made from the freshly pulled bark of a large hardwood tree, which has a tall, unbranched trunk that ends in a crown of branches with small leaves. Among the Calabar tribes, there are two types of ordeal drinks: one made from the Calabar bean, and the other is the powerful ju-ju drink Mbiam, which is also used for swearing oaths.
In both the sass-wood and Calabar bean drink the only chance for the accused lies in squaring the witch-doctor, so that in the case of the sass-wood drink it is allowed to settle before administration, and in the bean that you get a very heavy dose, both arrangements tending to produce the immediate emetic effect indicative of innocence. If this effect does not come on quickly you die a miserable death from the effects of the poison interrupted by the means taken to kill you as soon as it is decided from the absence of violent sickness that you are guilty.
In both the sass-wood and Calabar bean drinks, the only hope for the accused is to win over the witch doctor. For the sass-wood drink, it needs to be left to settle before it's administered, while with the bean, you have to take a very large dose. Both methods are meant to cause an immediate vomiting reaction, which would indicate innocence. If this reaction doesn't happen quickly, you face a terrible death from the poison, as the efforts to kill you are made once it's determined, based on the lack of severe sickness, that you are guilty.
The Mbiam is not poisonous, nor is its use confined, as the use of the bean is, entirely to witch palaver; but it is the most respected and dreaded of all oaths, and from its decision there is but one appeal, the appeal open to all condemned persons, but rarely made - the appeal to Long ju-ju. This Long ju-ju means almost certain death, and before it a severe frightening that is worse to a negro mind than mere physical torture.
The Mbiam is not toxic, nor is its use limited entirely to witchcraft discussions like the bean is; instead, it is the most respected and feared of all oaths. When a decision is made using it, there’s only one option for appeal that’s available to all condemned individuals, though it’s seldom used—the appeal to Long ju-ju. This Long ju-ju usually results in certain death, and the terror associated with it is more unbearable to a Black person's mind than physical torture.
The Mbiam oath formula I was able to secure in the upper districts of the Calabar. One form of it runs thus, and it is recited before swallowing the drink made of filth and blood: -
The Mbiam oath formula I was able to get in the upper districts of Calabar. One version of it goes like this, and it's said before drinking the mixture of filth and blood: -
“If I have been guilty of this crime,
“If I have
gone and sought the sick one’s hurt,
“If I have sent
another to seek the sick one’s hurt,
“If I have employed
any one to make charms or to cook bush,
“Or to put anything
in the road,
“Or to touch his cloth,
“Or to touch
his yams,
“Or to touch his goats,
“Or to touch
his fowl,
“Or to touch his children,
“If I have
prayed for his hurt,
“If I have thought to hurt him in my
heart,
“If I have any intention to hurt him,
“If
I ever, at any time, do any of these things (recite in full),
“Or
employ others to do these things (recite in full),
“Then,
Mbiam! Thou deal with me.”
“If I have been guilty of this crime,
“If I have gone out and sought to harm the sick one,
“If I have sent someone to seek to harm the sick one,
“If I have hired anyone to make charms or to cook bush,
“Or to place anything in the path,
“Or to touch his clothes,
“Or to touch his yams,
“Or to touch his goats,
“Or to touch his fowl,
“Or to touch his children,
“If I have prayed for his harm,
“If I have wished him ill in my heart,
“If I have any intention to cause him harm,
“If I have ever, at any time, done any of these things (recite in full),
“Or employed others to do these things (recite in full),
“Then, Mbiam! You deal with me.”
This form I give was for use when a man was sick, and things were generally going badly with him, for it is not customary in cases of disease to wait until death occurs before making an accusation of witchcraft. In the case of Mbiam being administered after a death this long and complicated oath would be worded to meet the case most carefully, the future intention clauses being omitted. In all cases, whenever it is used, the greatest care is taken that the oath be recited in full, oath-takers being sadly prone to kiss their thumb, as it were, particularly ladies who are taking Mbiam for accusations of adultery, in conjunction with the boiling oil ordeal. Indeed, so unreliable is this class of offenders, or let us rather say this class of suspected persons, that some one usually says the oath for them.
This form I’m giving was used when someone was sick and generally doing poorly because it’s not common to wait until death occurs to make an accusation of witchcraft. In the case of Mbiam being administered after a death, this long and complicated oath would be carefully worded to fit the situation, especially omitting the future intention clauses. In all situations where it’s used, the utmost care is taken to ensure the oath is fully recited, as oath-takers often tend to skip parts, particularly women who are taking Mbiam for accusations of adultery along with the boiling oil ordeal. In fact, this group of offenders, or rather, these suspected individuals, is so unreliable that someone usually recites the oath for them.
From the penalty and inconveniences of these accusations of witchcraft there is but one escape, namely flight to a sanctuary. There are several sanctuaries in Congo Français. The great one in the Calabar district is at Omon. Thither mothers of twins, widows, thieves, and slaves fly, and if they reach it are safe. But an attempt at flight is a confession of guilt; no one is quite certain the accusation will fall on him, or her, and hopes for the best until it is generally too late. Moreover, flying anywhere beyond a day’s march, is difficult work in West Africa. So the killing goes on and it is no uncommon thing for ten or more people to be destroyed for one man’s sickness or death; and thus over immense tracts of country the death-rate exceeds the birth-rate. Indeed some of the smaller tribes have thus been almost wiped out. In the Calabar district I have heard of an entire village taking the bean voluntarily because another village had accused it en bloc of witchcraft. Miss Slessor has frequently told me how, during a quarrel, one person has accused another of witchcraft, and the accused has bolted off in a towering rage and swallowed the bean.
From the penalties and inconveniences of these witchcraft accusations, there's only one way to escape: fleeing to a sanctuary. There are several sanctuaries in Congo Français. The main one in the Calabar district is at Omon. There, mothers of twins, widows, thieves, and slaves find refuge, and if they make it there, they are safe. However, trying to escape is seen as an admission of guilt; no one is entirely sure the accusation will land on them, and people often hold out hope until it’s usually too late. Additionally, fleeing more than a day's journey away is tough in West Africa. So the killings continue, and it's common for ten or more people to be killed for one person's illness or death; as a result, in vast areas, the death rate surpasses the birth rate. In fact, some of the smaller tribes have been nearly wiped out. In the Calabar district, I’ve heard of an entire village taking the poison willingly because another village accused it collectively of witchcraft. Miss Slessor has often told me how, during an argument, one person has accused another of witchcraft, and the accused has stormed off in anger and ingested the poison.
The witch-doctor is not always the cause of people being subjected to the ordeal or torture. In Calabar and the Okÿon districts all the widows of a dead man are subjected to ordeal.
The witch doctor isn't always responsible for people undergoing trial or torture. In Calabar and the Okÿon regions, all the widows of a deceased man go through the ordeal.
They have to go the next night after the death, before an assemblage of chiefs and the general surrounding crowd, to a cleared space where there is a fire burning. A fowl is tied to the right hand of each widow, and should that fowl fail to cluck at the sight of the fire the woman is held guilty of having bewitched her dead husband and is dealt with accordingly.
They have to go the following night after the death, in front of a gathering of chiefs and the general crowd, to an open area where there’s a fire burning. A bird is tied to the right hand of each widow, and if that bird doesn’t cluck when it sees the fire, the woman is considered guilty of having bewitched her dead husband and is punished accordingly.
Among the Bantu, although the killing among the wives from the accusation of witchcraft is high, some of them being almost certain to fall victims, yet there is not the wholesale slaughter of women and slaves sent down with the soul of the dead that there is among the Negroes.
Among the Bantu, even though the number of wives killed due to accusations of witchcraft is high, with some almost guaranteed to be victims, there isn't the widespread slaughter of women and slaves sent down with the soul of the deceased like there is among the Negroes.
In doubtful cases of death, i.e. in all cases not arising from actual violence, when blood shows in the killing, the Bantu of the S.W. Coast make post-mortem examinations. Notably common is this practice among the Cameroons and Batanga region tribes. The body is cut open to find in the entrails some sign of the path of the injected witch.
In uncertain cases of death, i.e. in all situations that don't involve actual violence, where there is blood involved in the killing, the Bantu of the S.W. Coast conduct post-mortem examinations. This practice is particularly common among the tribes from the Cameroons and the Batanga region. The body is opened up to look in the entrails for any signs of the witch's influence.
I am informed that it is the lung that is most usually eaten by the spirit. If the deceased is a witch-doctor it is thought, as I have mentioned before, that his familiar spirit has eaten him internally, and he is opened with a view of securing and destroying his witch. In 1893 I saw in a village in Kacongo five unpleasant-looking objects stuck on sticks. They were the livers and lungs, and in fact the plucks, of witch-doctors, and the inhabitants informed me they were the witches that had been found in them on post-mortems and then been secured.
I’ve been told that the lung is what spirits usually consume. If the deceased was a witch-doctor, it’s believed, as I mentioned earlier, that his familiar spirit has internally devoured him, and he’s opened up to capture and destroy his witch. In 1893, I saw five disturbing-looking items on sticks in a village in Kacongo. They were the livers and lungs, basically the internal organs, of witch-doctors, and the locals told me these were the witches that had been discovered during autopsies and then collected.
Mrs. Grenfell, of the Upper Congo, told me in the same year, when I had the pleasure of travelling with her from Victoria to Matadi, that a similar practice was in vogue among several of the Upper Congo tribes.
Mrs. Grenfell, from the Upper Congo, told me that same year, when I had the pleasure of traveling with her from Victoria to Matadi, that a similar practice was common among several of the Upper Congo tribes.
Again in 1893 I came across another instance of the post-mortem practice. A woman had dropped down dead on a factory beach at Corisco Bay. The natives could not make it out at all. They were irritated about her conduct: “She no sick, she no complain, she no nothing, and then she go die one time.”
Again in 1893, I encountered another example of the post-mortem practice. A woman had suddenly dropped dead on a factory beach at Corisco Bay. The locals couldn’t understand it at all. They were annoyed by her behavior: “She’s not sick, she didn’t complain, she didn’t do anything, and then she just dies all of a sudden.”
The post-mortem showed a burst aneurism. The native verdict was “She done witch herself,” i.e. she was a witch eaten by her own familiar.
The post-mortem revealed a ruptured aneurysm. The local verdict was “She did witch herself,” i.e. she was a witch consumed by her own familiar.
The general opinion held by people living near a river is that the spirit of a witch can take the form of a crocodile to do its work in; those who live away from large rivers or in districts like Congo Français, where crocodiles are not very savage, hold that the witch takes on the form of a leopard. Still the crocodile spirit form is believed in in Congo Français, and to a greater extent in Kacongo, because here the crocodiles of the Congo are very ferocious and numerous, taking as heavy a toll in human life as they do in the delta of the Niger and the estuaries of the Sierra Leone and Sherboro’ Rivers.
The general belief among people living near a river is that the spirit of a witch can transform into a crocodile to carry out its actions; those who live far from large rivers or in places like Congo Français, where crocodiles are not very aggressive, believe that the witch turns into a leopard. Still, the crocodile spirit form is acknowledged in Congo Français, and even more so in Kacongo, because there, the crocodiles of the Congo are quite fierce and abundant, taking as many lives as those in the delta of the Niger and the estuaries of the Sierra Leone and Sherboro’ Rivers.
One witch-doctor I know in Kacongo had a strange professional method. When, by means of his hand rubbings, etc., he had got hold of a witch or a bewitched one, he always gave the unfortunate an emetic and always found several lively young crocodiles in the consequence, and the stories of the natives in this region abound in accounts of people who have been carried off by witch crocodiles, and kept in places underground for years. I often wonder whether this idea may not have arisen from the well-known habit of the crocodile of burying its prey on the bank. Sometimes it will take off a limb of its victim at once, but frequently it buries the body whole for a few days before eating it. The body is always buried if it is left to the crocodile.
One witch-doctor I know in Kacongo had a strange way of working. When he used his hand rubbings and other methods to identify a witch or someone under a spell, he always gave the unfortunate person an emetic, which often resulted in them releasing several lively young crocodiles. The stories from the locals are full of tales about people who have been taken away by witch crocodiles and kept underground for years. I often wonder if this idea might come from the well-known behavior of crocodiles, which often bury their prey on the riverbank. Sometimes they will take a limb from their victim right away, but frequently, they bury the whole body for a few days before eating it. If left to a crocodile, the body is always buried.
I have a most profound respect for the whole medical profession, but I am bound to confess that the African representatives of it are a little empirical in their methods of treatment. The African doctor is not always a witch-doctor in the bargain, but he is usually. Lady doctors abound. They are a bit dangerous in pharmacy, but they do not often venture on surgery, so on the whole they are safer, for African surgery is heroic. Dr. Nassau cited the worst case of it I know of. A man had been accidentally shot in the chest by another man with a gun on the Ogowé. The native doctor who was called in made a perpendicular incision into the man’s chest, extending down to the last rib; he then cut diagonally across, and actually lifted the wall of the chest, and groped about among the vitals for the bullet which he successfully extracted. Patient died. No anæsthetic was employed.
I have a deep respect for the entire medical profession, but I have to admit that the African representatives of it are a bit empirical in their treatment methods. The African doctor isn't always a witch-doctor too, but he usually is. There are plenty of female doctors. They can be a bit risky with medications, but they don't often try surgery, so overall they're safer, as African surgery is quite extreme. Dr. Nassau mentioned the worst case I know of. A man accidentally got shot in the chest by another man with a gun on the Ogowé. The local doctor who was called in made a vertical incision into the man's chest, going down to the last rib; then he cut diagonally and actually lifted the chest wall, feeling around among the organs for the bullet, which he successfully removed. The patient died. No anesthetic was used.
I came across a minor operation. A man had broken the ulna of the left arm. The native doctor got a piece - a very nice piece - of bamboo, drove it in through the muscles and integuments from the wrist to the elbow, then encased the limb in plantain leaves, and bound it round, tightly and neatly, needless to say with tie-tie. The arm and hand when I saw it, some six or seven months after the operation, was quite useless, and was withering away.
I encountered a small surgery. A man had broken the ulna in his left arm. The local doctor found a nice piece of bamboo, inserted it through the muscles and skin from the wrist to the elbow, then wrapped the limb in plantain leaves and secured it tightly and neatly with ties. When I saw the arm and hand about six or seven months after the operation, they were completely useless and starting to wither away.
Many of their methods, however, are better. The Dualla medicos are truly great on poultices for extracting foreign substances, such as bits of iron cooking-pot - a very frequent form of foreign substance in a man out here, owing to their being generally used as bullets. Almost incredible stories are told by black and white of the efficacy of these poultices; one case I heard from a reliable source of a man who had been shot with fragments of iron pot in the thigh. The white doctor extracted several pieces and said he had got all out, but the man still went on suffering, and could not walk, so, at his request, a native doctor was called in, and he applied his poultice. In a few minutes he removed it, and on its face were two pieces of jagged iron pot. Probably they had been in the poultice when it was applied, anyhow the patient recovered rapidly.
Many of their methods, however, are better. The Dualla doctors are really skilled at using poultices to remove foreign objects, like bits of cooking pot metal - a common type of foreign material in a person out here, since those pots are often used as makeshift bullets. Incredible stories are shared by both black and white about the effectiveness of these poultices; I heard one account from a trustworthy source about a man who had been shot with fragments of iron pot in his thigh. The white doctor removed several pieces and claimed he got everything out, but the man continued to suffer and couldn’t walk. At his request, a native doctor was called in, and he applied his poultice. A few minutes later, he took it off, revealing two jagged pieces of iron pot. They may have been in the poultice when it was applied, but regardless, the patient recovered quickly.
Baths accompanied by massage are much esteemed. The baths are sometimes of hot water with a few herbs thrown in, sometimes they are made by digging a hole in the earth and putting into it a quantity of herbs, and bruised cardamoms, and peppers. Boiling water is then plentifully poured over these and the patient is placed in the bath and is covered over with the parboiled green stuff; a coating of clay is then placed over all, leaving just the head sticking out. The patient remains in this bath for a period of a few hours, up to a day and a half, and when taken out is well rubbed and kneaded. This form of bath I saw used by the M’pongwe and Igalwas, and it is undoubtedly good for many diseases, notably for that curse of the Coast, rheumatism, which afflicts black and white alike. Rubbing and kneading and hot baths are, I think, the best native remedies, and the plaster of grains-of-paradise pounded up, and mixed with clay, and applied to the forehead as a remedy for malarial headache, or brow ague, is often very useful, but apart from these, I have never seen, in any of these herbal remedies, any trace of a really valuable drug.
Baths combined with massages are highly valued. The baths can be hot water with some herbs added, or they can be created by digging a hole in the ground and filling it with a mix of herbs, crushed cardamom, and peppers. Boiling water is then generously poured over these ingredients, and the person is placed in the bath, covered with the simmered green mixture; a layer of clay is then applied over everything, leaving only the head exposed. The person stays in this bath for a few hours up to a day and a half, and when they are taken out, they are thoroughly rubbed and kneaded. I observed this bathing method used by the M’pongwe and Igalwa people, and it is undoubtedly effective for many ailments, particularly for the common issue along the coast, rheumatism, which affects both black and white individuals. I believe that rubbing, kneading, and hot baths are the best local remedies, and a paste made from ground grains of paradise mixed with clay and applied to the forehead can be very helpful for malarial headaches. However, apart from these, I have never seen any truly valuable drugs in these herbal remedies.
The Calabar natives are notably behindhand in their medical methods, depending more on ju-ju than the Bantus. In a case of rheumatism, for example, instead of ordering the hot bath, the local practitioner will “woka” his patient and extract from the painful part, even when it has not been wounded, pieces of iron pot, millipedes, etc., and, in cases of dysentery, bundles of shred-up palm-leaves. These things, he asserts, have been by witchcraft inserted into the patient. His conduct can hardly be regarded as professional; and moreover as he goes on to diagnose who has witched these things into the patient’s anatomy, it is highly dangerous to the patient’s friends, relations, and neighbours into the bargain.
The Calabar locals are significantly behind in their medical practices, relying more on ju-ju than the Bantus. For instance, when treating rheumatism, instead of recommending a hot bath, the local healer will "woka" their patient and pull out from the painful area— even if it hasn’t been injured— bits of iron pot, millipedes, and so on. In cases of dysentery, they might extract bundles of shredded palm leaves. They claim these things have been inserted into the patient through witchcraft. Their methods can hardly be considered professional; additionally, as they diagnose who has cast this witchcraft on the patient, it poses a significant risk to the patient’s friends, family, and neighbors.
With no intentional slur on the medical profession, after this discussion on their methods I will pass on to the question of dying.
With no intention to disparage the medical profession, after this discussion on their methods, I will move on to the topic of dying.
Dying in West Africa particularly in the Niger Delta, is made very unpleasant for the native by his friends and relations.
Dying in West Africa, especially in the Niger Delta, is made very unpleasant for the local people by their friends and family.
When a person is insensible, violent means are taken to recall the spirit to the body. Pepper is forced up the nose and into the eyes. The mouth is propped open with a stick. The shredded fibres of the outside of the oil-nut are set alight and held under the nose and the whole crowd of friends and relations with whom the stifling hot hut is tightly packed yell the dying man’s name at the top of their voices, in a way that makes them hoarse for days, just as if they were calling to a person lost in the bush or to a person struggling and being torn or lured away from them. “Hi, hi, don’t you hear? come back, come back. See here. This is your place,” etc.
When someone is unresponsive, harsh methods are used to bring them back to consciousness. Pepper is forced up their nose and into their eyes. Their mouth is held open with a stick. The shredded fibers from the outer part of the oil-nut are lit and held under their nose while the entire crowd of friends and family crammed into the stifling hot hut yell the dying person's name at the top of their lungs, hoarse for days, as if they were calling out to someone lost in the wild or someone struggling and being pulled away from them. “Hey, hey, can’t you hear? Come back, come back. Look here. This is your home,” etc.
This custom holds good among both Negroes and Bantus; but the funeral ceremonies vary immensely, in fact with every tribe, and form a subject the details of which I will reserve for a separate work on Fetish.
This custom is observed among both Black people and Bantus; however, the funeral ceremonies vary greatly, in fact with every tribe, and it's a topic whose details I will save for a separate work on Fetish.
Among the Okÿon tribes especial care is taken in the case of a woman dying and leaving a child over six months old. The underlying idea is that the spirit of the mother is sure to come back and fetch the child, and in order to pacify her and prevent the child dying, it is brought in and held just in front of the dead body of the mother and then gradually carried away behind her where she cannot see it, and the person holding the child makes it cry out and says, “See, your child is here, you are going to have it with you all right.” Then the child is hastily smuggled out of the hut, while a bunch of plantains is put in with the body of the woman and bound up with the funeral binding clothes.
Among the Okÿon tribes, special care is taken when a woman dies and leaves behind a child older than six months. The belief is that the mother's spirit will definitely come back to retrieve her child, so to soothe her and prevent the child from dying, the child is brought in and held right in front of the deceased mother. Then, it's gradually moved behind her where she can't see it, and the person holding the child encourages it to cry out, saying, “Look, your child is here; you’re going to be with it just fine.” After that, the child is quickly taken out of the hut while a bunch of plantains is placed with the woman's body and secured with the funeral binding clothes.
Very young children they do not attempt to keep, but throw them away in the bush alive, as all children are thrown who have not arrived in this world in the way considered orthodox, or who cut their teeth in an improper way. Twins are killed among all the Niger Delta tribes, and in districts out of English control the mother is killed too, except in Omon, where the sanctuary is.
Very young children aren’t kept; instead, they’re abandoned in the bushes alive, just like any child who doesn’t enter this world in the accepted way or who has teeth that come in improperly. Twins are killed among all the tribes in the Niger Delta, and in areas outside of English control, the mother is also killed, except in Omon, where there’s a sanctuary.
There twin mothers and their children are exiled to an island in the Cross River. They have to remain on the island and if any man goes across and marries one of them he has to remain on the island too. This twin-killing is a widely diffused custom among the Negro tribes.
There are twin mothers and their children exiled to an island in the Cross River. They have to stay on the island, and if any man crosses over and marries one of them, he has to stay on the island too. This practice of killing twins is a widely spread custom among the Black tribes.
There is always a sense of there being something uncanny regarding twins in West Africa, and in those tribes where they are not killed they are regarded as requiring great care to prevent them from dying on their own account. I remember once among the Tschwi {324} trying to amuse a sickly child with an image which was near it and which I thought was its doll. The child regarded me with its great melancholy eyes pityingly, as much as to say, “A pretty fool you are making of yourself,” and so I was, for I found out that the image was not a doll at all but an image of the child’s dead twin which was being kept near it as a habitation for the deceased twin’s soul, so that it might not have to wander about, and, feeling lonely, call its companion after it.
There’s always something eerie about twins in West Africa. In tribes where twins aren’t killed, they’re seen as needing extra care to prevent them from dying themselves. I remember once among the Tschwi {324} trying to entertain a sickly child with an object nearby that I thought was its doll. The child looked at me with big, sorrowful eyes, as if to say, “What a foolish thing you’re doing.” And I was foolish, because I discovered that the object wasn’t a doll at all, but a representation of the child’s deceased twin, kept nearby as a resting place for the twin’s soul so it wouldn’t have to roam around alone, calling for its sibling.
The terror with which twins are regarded in the Niger Delta is exceedingly strange and real. When I had the honour of being with Miss Slessor at Okÿon, the first twins in that district were saved with their mother from immolation owing entirely to Miss Slessor’s great influence with the natives and her own unbounded courage and energy. The mother in this case was a slave woman - an Eboe, the most expensive and valuable of slaves. She was the property of a big woman who had always treated her - as indeed most slaves are treated in Calabar - with great kindness and consideration, but when these two children arrived all was changed; immediately she was subjected to torrents of virulent abuse, her things were torn from her, her English china basins, possessions she valued most highly, were smashed, her clothes were torn, and she was driven out as an unclean thing. Had it not been for the fear of incurring Miss Slessor’s anger, she would, at this point, have been killed with her children, and the bodies thrown into the bush.
The fear surrounding twins in the Niger Delta is incredibly strange and real. When I had the privilege of being with Miss Slessor in Okÿon, the first twins in that area were saved along with their mother from being killed, thanks entirely to Miss Slessor’s significant influence over the locals and her immense courage and determination. The mother in this case was a slave woman - an Eboe, the most prized and valuable type of slave. She belonged to a prominent woman who had always treated her - like most slaves in Calabar - with considerable kindness and respect, but when these two children were born, everything changed; she was suddenly subjected to a barrage of harsh insults, her belongings were ripped from her, her cherished English china basins were smashed, her clothes were torn, and she was cast out like something filthy. If it hadn't been for her fear of angering Miss Slessor, she would have been killed along with her children at that moment, and their bodies would have been discarded in the bush.
As it was, she was hounded out of the village. The rest of her possessions were jammed into an empty gin case and cast to her. No one would touch her, as they might not touch to kill. Miss Slessor had heard of the twins’ arrival and had started off, barefooted and bareheaded, at that pace she can go down a bush path. By the time she had gone four miles she met the procession, the woman coming to her and all the rest of the village yelling and howling behind her. On the top of her head was the gin-case, into which the children had been stuffed, on the top of them the woman’s big brass skillet, and on the top of that her two market calabashes. Needless to say, on arriving Miss Slessor took charge of affairs, relieving the unfortunate, weak, staggering woman from her load and carrying it herself, for no one else would touch it, or anything belonging to those awful twin things, and they started back together to Miss Slessor’s house in the forest-clearing, saved by that tact which, coupled with her courage, has given Miss Slessor an influence and a power among the negroes unmatched in its way by that of any other white.
As it was, she was chased out of the village. The rest of her belongings were crammed into an empty gin case and thrown to her. No one would touch her, like they might avoid something dangerous. Miss Slessor had heard about the twins' arrival and had set off, barefoot and with her head uncovered, moving quickly down a bush path. By the time she had traveled four miles, she encountered the procession, with the woman approaching her and the rest of the village yelling and screaming behind her. On top of her head was the gin case, which held the children, with the woman's large brass skillet on top of them, and atop that, her two market calabashes. Naturally, upon arriving, Miss Slessor took charge of the situation, relieving the unfortunate, weak, staggering woman of her burden and carrying it herself, since no one else would touch it, or anything related to those dreadful twins. They started back together to Miss Slessor's house in the forest clearing, saved by the tact that, along with her courage, has given Miss Slessor an influence and power among the Black community that is unmatched by any other white person.
She did not take the twins and their mother down the village path to her own house, for though had she done so the people of Okÿon would not have prevented her, yet so polluted would the path have been, and so dangerous to pass down, that they would have been compelled to cut another, no light task in that bit of forest, I assure you. So Miss Slessor stood waiting in the broiling sun, in the hot season’s height, while a path was being cut to enable her just to get through to her own grounds. The natives worked away hard, knowing that it saved the polluting of a long stretch of market road, and when it was finished Miss Slessor went to her own house by it and attended with all kindness, promptness, and skill, to the woman and children. I arrived in the middle of this affair for my first meeting with Miss Slessor, and things at Okÿon were rather crowded, one way and another, that afternoon. All the attention one of the children wanted - the boy, for there was a boy and a girl - was burying, for the people who had crammed them into the box had utterly smashed the child’s head. The other child was alive, and is still a member of that household of rescued children all of whom owe their lives to Miss Slessor. There are among them twins from other districts, and delicate children who must have died had they been left in their villages, and a very wonderful young lady, very plump and very pretty, aged about four. Her mother died a few days after her birth, so the child was taken and thrown into the bush, by the side of the road that led to the market. This was done one market-day some distance from the Okÿon town. This particular market is held every ninth day, and on the succeeding market-day some women from the village by the side of Miss Slessor’s house happened to pass along the path and heard the child feebly crying: they came into Miss Slessor’s yard in the evening, and sat chatting over the day’s shopping, etc., and casually mentioned in the way of conversation that they had heard the child crying, and that it was rather remarkable it should be still alive. Needless to say, Miss Slessor was off, and had that waif home. It was truly in an awful state, but just alive. In a marvellous way it had been left by leopards and snakes, with which this bit of forest abounds, and, more marvellous still, the driver ants had not scented it. Other ants had considerably eaten into it one way and another; nose, eyes, etc., were swarming with them and flies; the cartilage of the nose and part of the upper lip had been absolutely eaten into, but in spite of this she is now one of the prettiest black children I have ever seen, which is saying a good deal, for negro children are very pretty with their round faces, their large mouths not yet coarsened by heavy lips, their beautifully shaped flat little ears, and their immense melancholy deer-like eyes, and above these charms they possess that of being fairly quiet. This child is not an object of terror, like the twin children; it was just thrown away because no one would be bothered to rear it, but when Miss Slessor had had all the trouble of it the natives had no objection to pet and play with it, calling it “the child of wonder,” because of its survival.
She didn’t take the twins and their mother down the village path to her house. Even though the people of Okÿon wouldn’t have stopped her, the path would have been so contaminated and unsafe that they would have had to create another one, which would have been a hefty job in that forest, believe me. So, Miss Slessor stood waiting in the scorching sun during the peak of the hot season while a path was made to let her reach her own property. The locals worked hard, knowing it prevented the contamination of a long stretch of market road, and once it was done, Miss Slessor made her way to her house via that path and attended to the woman and children with kindness, quickness, and skill. I arrived during this situation for my first meeting with Miss Slessor, and things in Okÿon were pretty hectic that afternoon. All the attention one of the children needed—the boy, since there was a boy and a girl—was for burying, because the people who had crammed them into the box had completely smashed the child’s head. The other child was alive and is still part of that household of rescued kids, all of whom owe their lives to Miss Slessor. Among them are twins from other areas, fragile children who would have died if left in their villages, and a wonderful little girl, very chubby and pretty, about four years old. Her mother died a few days after her birth, so the child was taken and abandoned in the bush by the side of the road leading to the market. This happened on a market day some distance from Okÿon. This specific market is held every ninth day, and on the next market day, some women from the village near Miss Slessor’s house happened to walk along the path and heard the child faintly crying. They came into Miss Slessor’s yard that evening, chatted about their day’s shopping, and casually mentioned that they had heard the child crying, noting it was quite remarkable that it was still alive. Naturally, Miss Slessor was off, and she brought that waif home. It was indeed in terrible condition, but alive. In an astonishing twist, it had been left alone by leopards and snakes, which are abundant in that part of the forest, and even more remarkably, the driver ants hadn’t found it. Other ants had done quite a number on it in various ways; its nose and eyes were swarming with them and flies. The cartilage of its nose and part of its upper lip had been completely eaten away, but despite all that, she is now one of the prettiest black children I’ve ever seen. That's quite a compliment, as African children are very pretty with their round faces, their large mouths not yet roughened by heavy lips, their beautifully shaped small flat ears, and their big, soulful deer-like eyes, plus they tend to be fairly calm. This child isn’t terrifying like the twin children; it was simply abandoned because no one wanted to bother raising it, but once Miss Slessor took care of her, the locals had no issues with petting and playing with her, calling her “the child of wonder” because she survived.
With the twin baby it was very different. They would not touch it and only approached it after some days, and then only when it was held by Miss Slessor or me. If either of us wanted to do or get something, and we handed over the bundle to one of the house children to hold, there was a stampede of men and women off the verandah, out of the yard, and over the fence, if need be, that was exceedingly comic, but most convincing as to the reality of the terror and horror in which they held the thing. Even its own mother could not be trusted with the child; she would have killed it. She never betrayed the slightest desire to have it with her, and after a few days’ nursing and feeding up she was anxious to go back to her mistress, who, being an enlightened woman, was willing to have her if she came without the child.
With the twin baby, it was completely different. They wouldn’t touch it and only got close after several days, and then only when it was being held by Miss Slessor or me. If either of us needed to do something and handed the bundle to one of the house kids to hold, there would be a mad rush of men and women off the porch, out of the yard, and over the fence if necessary, which was both hilarious and showed just how serious their fear and horror of it was. Even the baby’s own mother couldn't be trusted with the child; she would have harmed it. She never showed the slightest interest in having it with her, and after a few days of nursing and feeding, she was eager to return to her mistress, who, being an understanding woman, was okay with having her back as long as she came without the baby.
The main horror is undoubtedly of the child, the mother being killed more as a punishment for having been so intimately mixed up in bringing the curse, danger, and horror into the village than for anything else.
The main horror is definitely centered on the child, with the mother being killed more as a punishment for being so deeply involved in bringing the curse, danger, and horror into the village than for any other reason.
The woman went back by the road that had been cut for her coming, and would have to live for the rest of her life an outcast, and for a long time in a state of isolation, in a hut of her own into which no one would enter, neither would any one eat or drink with her, nor partake of the food or water she had cooked or fetched. She would lead the life of a leper, working in the plantation by day, and going into her lonely hut at night, shunned and cursed. I tried to find out whether there was any set period for this quarantine, and all I could arrive at was that if - and a very considerable if - a man were to marry her and she were subsequently to present to Society an acceptable infant, she would be to a certain extent socially rehabilitated, but she would always be a woman with a past - a thing the African, to his credit be it said, has no taste for.
The woman walked back along the path that had been made for her arrival, and she would have to live the rest of her life as an outcast, spending a long time in isolation in a hut of her own that no one would enter. No one would share a meal or drink with her, nor would they accept the food or water she prepared or collected. She would live like a leper, working in the fields during the day and retreating to her lonely hut at night, avoided and condemned. I tried to find out if there was a set time for this quarantine, and all I could gather was that if— and a significant if—a man were to marry her and she later provided Society with an acceptable child, she would be somewhat socially rehabilitated, but she would always be a woman with a past—a situation the African, to his credit, has no appetite for.
The woman’s own lamentations were pathetic. She would sit for hours singing or rather mourning out a kind of dirge over herself: “Yesterday I was a woman, now I am a horror, a thing all people run from. Yesterday they would eat with me, now they spit on me. Yesterday they would talk to me with a sweet mouth, now they greet me only with curses and execrations. They have smashed my basin, they have torn my clothes,” and so on, and so on. There was no complaint against the people for doing these things, only a bitter sense of injury against some superhuman power that had sent this withering curse of twins down on her. She knew not why; she sang “I have not done this, I have not done that” - and highly interesting information regarding the moral standpoint a good deal of it was. I have tried to find out the reason of this widely diffused custom which is the cause of such a pitiful waste of life; for in addition to the mother and children being killed it often leads to other people, totally unconcerned in the affair, being killed by the relatives of the sufferer on the suspicion of having caused the calamity by witchcraft, and until one gets hold of the underlying idea, and can destroy that, the custom will be hard to stamp out in a district like the great Niger Delta. But I have never been able to hunt it down, though I am sure it is there, and a very quaint idea it undoubtedly is. The usual answer is, “It was the custom of our fathers,” but that always and only means, “We don’t intend to tell.”
The woman’s own cries were heart-wrenching. She would sit for hours singing, or rather mourning, a kind of dirge for herself: “Yesterday I was a woman, now I am a monster, something everyone runs from. Yesterday they would eat with me, now they spit on me. Yesterday they would talk to me sweetly, now they greet me only with curses and insults. They have broken my basin, they have torn my clothes,” and so on, and so on. There was no blame placed on the people for their actions, only a bitter feeling of injury against some powerful force that had sent this devastating curse of twins upon her. She didn’t know why; she sang, “I haven’t done this, I haven’t done that” – and it provided some interesting insight into her moral viewpoint. I have tried to understand the reason behind this widespread custom that leads to such a tragic loss of life; because in addition to the mother and children being killed, it often results in others, completely uninvolved, being killed by the victim’s relatives out of suspicion of having caused the tragedy through witchcraft. Until the underlying idea is grasped and eradicated, the custom will be difficult to eliminate in an area like the great Niger Delta. But I have never managed to uncover it, although I’m certain it exists, and it’s undoubtedly a very peculiar idea. The typical response is, “It was the tradition of our forefathers,” but that really just means, “We don’t plan to share.”
Funeral customs vary considerably between the Negro and Bantu, and I never yet found among the Bantu those unpleasant death charms which are in vogue in the Niger Delta.
Funeral customs differ a lot between the Black and Bantu people, and I have yet to come across those distasteful death charms that are popular in the Niger Delta among the Bantu.
The Calabar people, when the Consular eye is off them, bury under the house. In the case of a great chief the head is cut off and buried with great secrecy somewhere else, for reasons I have already stated. The body is buried a few days after death, but the really important part of the funeral is the burying of the spirit, and this is the thing that causes all the West Africans, Negro and Bantu alike, great worry, trouble, and expense. For the spirit, no matter what its late owner may have been, is malevolent - all native-made spirits are. The family have to get together a considerable amount of wealth to carry out this burial of the spirit, so between the body-burying and the spirit-burying a considerable time usually elapses; maybe a year, maybe more. The custom of keeping the affair open until the big funeral can be made obtains also in Cabinda and Loango, but there, instead of burying the body in the meantime, {329} it is placed upon a platform of wood, and slow fires kept going underneath to dry it, a mat roof being usually erected over it to keep off rain. When sufficiently dried, it is wrapped in clothes and put into a coffin, until the money to finish the affair is ready. The Duallas are more tied down; their death-dances must be celebrated, I am informed, on the third, seventh, and ninth day after death. On these days the spirit is supposed to be particularly present in its old home. In all the other cases, I should remark, the spirit does not leave the home until its devil is made and if this is delayed too long he naturally becomes fractious.
The Calabar people, when they think no one is watching, bury under the house. In the case of a great chief, the head is cut off and secretly buried elsewhere, for reasons I've already mentioned. The body is buried a few days after death, but the truly important part of the funeral is the burial of the spirit, which causes all West Africans, whether Negro or Bantu, a lot of worry, trouble, and expense. Because the spirit, no matter who its owner was, is malevolent—all native-made spirits are. The family has to gather a significant amount of wealth to carry out this spirit burial, so between the body burial and the spirit burial, a considerable amount of time usually passes; maybe a year, maybe more. The practice of keeping the matter open until the big funeral can be done is also found in Cabinda and Loango, but there, instead of burying the body in the meantime, {329} it is placed on a wooden platform with slow fires kept going underneath to dry it, and a mat roof is usually erected over it to protect it from rain. Once sufficiently dried, it is wrapped in cloth and put into a coffin until the money is available to finalize the arrangements. The Duallas are more restricted; their death dances must take place, I’ve been told, on the third, seventh, and ninth days after death. On these days, the spirit is thought to be particularly present in its old home. In all other cases, I should note that the spirit does not leave the home until its devil is made, and if this is delayed for too long, it naturally becomes restless.
Among the Congo Français tribes there are many different kinds of burial - as the cannibalistic of the Fan. I may remark, however, that they tell me themselves that it is considered decent to bury a relative, even if you subsequently dig him up and dispose of the body to the neighbours. Then there is the earth-burial of the Igalwas and M’pongwe, and the beating into unrecognisable pulp of the body which, I am told on good native authority, is the method of several Upper Ogowé tribes, including the Adoomas. I had no opportunity of making quiet researches on burial customs when I was above Njoli, because I was so busy trying to avoid qualifying for a burial myself; so I am not quite sure whether this method is the general one among these little-known tribes, as I am told by native traders, who have it among them that it is - or whether it is reserved for the bodies of people believed to have been possessed of dangerous souls.
Among the Congo Français tribes, there are many different types of burial, like the cannibal practices of the Fan. However, I should note that they say it’s considered acceptable to bury a relative, even if you later dig them up and give the body to the neighbors. Then there's the earth burial practiced by the Igalwas and M’pongwe, and the method used by several Upper Ogowé tribes, including the Adoomas, where the body is beaten into an unrecognizable pulp, according to reliable native sources. I didn’t have the chance to quietly investigate burial customs when I was up near Njoli because I was too busy trying to avoid ending up as a burial myself; so I’m not really sure if this method is common among these little-known tribes, as the native traders tell me it is, or if it’s only for those believed to have dangerous souls.
Destroying the body by beating up, or by cutting up, is a widely diffused custom in West Africa in the case of dangerous souls, and is universally followed with those that have contained wanderer-souls, i.e. those souls which keep turning up in the successive infants of a family. A child dies, then another child comes to the same father or mother, and that dies, after giving the usual trouble and expense. A third arrives and if that dies, the worm - the father, I mean - turns, and if he is still desirous of more children, he just breaks one of the legs of the body before throwing it in the bush.
Destroying the body by beating it or cutting it up is a common practice in West Africa when it comes to dangerous souls. It's a tradition that’s universally applied to those that have contained wandering souls, meaning those souls that keep reappearing in the successive children of a family. A child dies, then another child is born to the same parents, and that one also dies, causing the usual trouble and expense. If a third child is born and dies, the father gets frustrated and, if he still wants more kids, he just breaks one of the legs of the body before disposing of it in the bush.
This he thinks will act as a warning to the wanderer-soul and give it to understand that if it will persist in coming into his family, it must settle down there and give up its flighty ways. If a fourth child arrives in the family, “it usually limps,” and if it dies, the justly irritated parent cuts its body up carefully into very small pieces, and scatters them, doing away with the soul altogether.
This, he believes, will serve as a warning to the restless spirit and make it clear that if it continues to enter his family, it needs to settle down and abandon its erratic habits. If a fourth child comes into the family, “it usually has a limp,” and if it dies, the understandably upset parent meticulously chops its body into tiny pieces and scatters them, effectively getting rid of the soul completely.
The Kama country people of the lower Ogowé are more superstitious and full of observances than the upper river tribes.
The Kama people in the lower Ogowé are more superstitious and have more rituals than the tribes upstream.
Particularly rich in Fetish are the Ncomi, a Fernan Vaz tribe. I once saw a funeral where they had been called in to do the honours, and M. Jacot told me of an almost precisely similar occurrence that he had met with in one of his many evangelising expeditions from Lembarene. I will give his version because of his very superior knowledge of the language.
Particularly rich in Fetish are the Ncomi, a Fernan Vaz tribe. I once saw a funeral where they had been called in to do the honors, and M. Jacot told me about a nearly identical situation he encountered during one of his many evangelizing trips from Lembarene. I will share his version because of his much greater knowledge of the language.
He was staying in a Fan town where one of the chiefs had just died. The other chief (there are usually two in a Fan town) decided that his deceased confrère should have due honour paid him, and resolved to do the thing handsomely.
He was staying in a Fan town where one of the chiefs had just died. The other chief (there are usually two in a Fan town) decided that his deceased confrère should be given the proper honor, and he resolved to do it well.
The Fans openly own to not understanding thoroughly about death and life and the immortality of the soul, and things of that sort, and so the chief called in the Ncomi, who are specialists in these subjects, to make the funeral customs.
The Fans honestly admit that they don’t fully understand death, life, the immortality of the soul, and related topics, so the chief called in the Ncomi, who are experts in these matters, to handle the funeral customs.
M. Jacot said the chief made a speech to the effect that the Fans did not know about these things, but their neighbours, the Ncomi, were known to be well versed in them and the proper things to do, so he had called them in to pay honour to the dead chief. Then the Ncomi started and carried on their weird, complicated death-dance.
M. Jacot said the chief gave a speech saying that the Fans weren’t familiar with these customs, but their neighbors, the Ncomi, were known to understand them well and how to appropriately honor the deceased. So, he had invited them to pay their respects to the dead chief. Then the Ncomi began their strange, intricate death dance.
The Fans sat and stood round watching them in a ring for a long time, but to a rational, common-sense, shrewd, unimaginative set of people like the Fans, just standing hour after hour gazing on a dance you do not understand, and which consists of a wriggle and a stamp, a wriggle and a stamp, in a solemn walk, or prance, round and round, to the accompaniment of a monotonous phrase thumped on a tom-tom and a monotonous, melancholy chant, uttered in a minor key interspersed every few minutes with an emphatic howl, produces a feeling of boredom, therefore the Fans softly stole away and went to bed, which disgusted the Ncomi, and there was a row. In the dance I saw the same thing happened, only when the Ncomi saw the audience getting thin they complained and said that they were doing this dance in honour of the Fans’ chief, in a neighbourly way, and the very least the Fans could do, as they couldn’t dance themselves, was to sit still and admire people who could. The Fan chief in my village quite saw it, and went and had the Fans who had gone home early turned up and made them come and see the performance some more; this they did for a time, and then stole off again, or slept in their seats, and the Ncomi were highly disgusted at those brutes of Fans, whom they regarded, they said in their way, as Philistines of an utterly obtuse and degraded type.
The Fans stood and sat around watching them in a circle for a long time, but to a rational, practical, sharp, and unimaginative group like the Fans, just standing there for hours staring at a dance they didn’t understand, which was just a wiggle and a stomp, a wiggle and a stomp, in a serious walk or prance, going round and round to the sound of a monotonous beat on a drum and a sad, repetitive chant in a minor key, broken up every few minutes by a loud howl, created a feeling of boredom. So, the Fans quietly drifted away and went to bed, which upset the Ncomi, causing a commotion. In the dance I witnessed, the same thing happened; when the Ncomi noticed the audience thinning out, they complained, saying they were doing this dance in honor of the Fans’ chief, out of neighborly goodwill, and the least the Fans could do, since they couldn’t dance themselves, was to sit still and appreciate those who could. The Fan chief in my village understood this and had the Fans who left early brought back to watch the performance again; they did for a while, then slipped away again or dozed off in their seats, which infuriated the Ncomi, who referred to those Fans, in their own way, as utterly clueless and degraded Philistines.
The Ncomi themselves put the body into coffins. A barrel is the usual one, but gun-cases or two trade boxes, the ends knocked out and the cases fitted together, is another frequent form of coffin used by them. These coffins are not buried, but are put into special places in the forest.
The Ncomi themselves place the body in coffins. A barrel is the standard option, but gun cases or two trade boxes with the ends removed and fitted together are also commonly used as coffins. These coffins are not buried; instead, they are placed in designated spots in the forest.
Along the bank of the Ogowé you will notice here and there long stretches of uninhabited bush. These are not all mere stretches of swamp forest. If you land on some of these and go in a little way you will find the forest full of mounds - or rather heaps, because they have no mould over them - made of branches of trees and leaves; underneath each of these heaps there are the remains of a body. One very evil-looking place so used I found when I was on the Karkola river. Dr. Nassau tells me they are the usual burying grounds (Abe) of the Ajumbas.
Along the bank of the Ogowé, you'll occasionally see long stretches of empty bush. These aren't just patches of swamp forest. If you land in some of these areas and venture a little further in, you'll discover the forest filled with mounds – or rather heaps, since they lack any soil on top – made up of tree branches and leaves; beneath each of these heaps lie the remains of a body. I found one particularly sinister spot used for this when I was on the Karkola river. Dr. Nassau tells me these are the traditional burial grounds (Abe) of the Ajumbas.
CHAPTER XIV. FETISH - (continued).
In which the Voyager discourses on the legal methods of natives of this country, the ideas governing forms of burial, of their manner of mourning for their dead, and the condition of the African soul in the under-world.
In which the Voyager discusses the legal practices of the natives of this country, their beliefs about burial customs, how they mourn their dead, and the state of the African soul in the afterlife.
Great as are the incidental miseries and dangers surrounding death to all the people in the village in which a death occurs, undoubtedly those who suffer most are the widows of a chief or free man.
Great as the incidental miseries and dangers surrounding death are for everyone in the village where a death occurs, it’s clear that the ones who suffer the most are the widows of a chief or wealthy man.
The uniform custom among both Negroes and Bantus is that those who escape execution on the charge of having witched the husband to death, shall remain in a state of filth and abasement, not even removing vermin from themselves, until after the soul-burial is complete - the soul of the dead man being regarded as hanging about them and liable to be injured. Therefore, also to the end of preventing his soul from getting damaged, they are confined to their huts; this latter restriction is not rigidly enforced, but it is held theoretically to be the correct thing.
The standard practice among both Black individuals and Bantus is that those who escape execution for allegedly causing their husband's death through witchcraft must remain in a state of dirt and humiliation, not even cleaning off pests from their bodies, until the burial of the deceased's soul is completed. The spirit of the dead man is believed to linger around them and could be harmed. To prevent any damage to his soul, they are also confined to their huts; this restriction isn’t strictly enforced, but it is considered the right thing to do in theory.
They maintain the attitude of grief and abasement, sitting on the ground, eating but little food, and that of a coarse kind. In Calabar their legal rights over property, such as slaves, are meanwhile considerably in abeyance, and they are put to great expense during the time the spirit is awaiting burial. They have to keep watch, two at a time, in the hut, where the body is buried, keeping lights burning, and they have to pay out of their separate estate for the entertainment of all the friends of the deceased who come to pay him compliment; and if he has been an important man, a big man, the whole district will come, not in a squadron, but just when it suits them, exactly as if they were calling on a live friend. Thus it often happens that even a big woman is bankrupt by the expense. I will not go into the legal bearings of the case here, for they are intricate, and, to a great extent, only interesting to a student of Negro law.
They have a mindset of mourning and humiliation, sitting on the ground and eating very little, and what they do eat is of a basic kind. In Calabar, their legal rights over property, like slaves, are not fully recognized, and they incur significant expenses while waiting for the spirit to be buried. They must take turns watching, two at a time, in the hut where the body is laid to rest, keeping lights burning, and they have to cover the costs of entertaining all the friends of the deceased who come to pay their respects; and if the person was a prominent figure, the entire community will come by, not in a group, but whenever it suits them, just like visiting a living friend. Consequently, it's common for even a wealthy woman to end up broke from the expenses. I won’t delve into the legal aspects here since they are complex and mostly of interest to those studying African law.
The Bantu women occupy a far inferior position in regard to the rights of property to that held by the Negro women.
The Bantu women are in a much weaker position concerning property rights compared to the Negro women.
The disposal of wives after the death of the husband among the M’pongwe and Igalwa is a subject full of interest; but it is, like most of their law, very complicated. The brothers of the deceased are supposed to take them - the younger brother may not marry the elder brother’s widows, but the elder brothers may marry those of the younger brother. Should any of the women object to the arrangement, they may “leave the family.”
The way wives are treated after their husband dies among the M’pongwe and Igalwa is quite intriguing, but it's also very complicated, much like their laws in general. The deceased man's brothers are expected to take in the widows—however, the younger brother can't marry the widows of the older brother, but the older brothers can marry the widows of the younger brother. If any of the women disagree with this setup, they are allowed to "leave the family."
I own that the ground principle of African law practically is “the simple plan that they should take who have the power, and they should keep who can,” and this tells particularly against women and children who have not got living, powerful relations of their own. Unless the children of a man are grown up and sufficiently powerful on their own account, they have little chance of sharing in the distribution of his estate; but in spite of this abuse of power there is among Negroes and Bantus a definite and acknowledged Law, to which an appeal can be made by persons of all classes, provided they have the wherewithal to set the machinery of it in motion. The difficulty the children and widows have in sharing in the distribution of the estate of the father and husband arises, I fancy, in the principle of the husband’s brothers being the true heir, which has sunk into a fossilised state near the trading stations in the face of the white culture. The reason for this inheritance of goods passing from the man to his brother by the same mother has no doubt for one of its origins the recognition of the fact that the brother by the same mother must be a near relation, whereas, in spite of the strict laws against adultery, the relationship to you of the children born of your wives is not so certain. Nevertheless this is one of the obvious and easy explanations for things it is well to exercise great care before accepting, for you must always remember that the African’s mind does not run on identical lines with the European - what may be self-evident to you is not so to him, and vice versa. I have frequently heard African metaphysicians complain that white men make great jumps in their thought-course, and do not follow an idea step by step. You soon become conscious of the careful way a Negro follows his idea. Certain customs of his you can, by the exercise of great patience, trace back in a perfectly smooth line from their source in some natural phenomenon. Others, of course, you cannot, the traces of the intervening steps of the idea having been lost, owing partly to the veneration in which old customs are held, which causes them to regard the fact that their fathers had this fashion as reason enough for their having it, and above all to the total absence of all but oral tradition. But so great a faith have I in the lack of inventive power in the African, that I feel sure all their customs, had we the material that has slipped down into the great swamp of time, could be traced back either, as I have said, to some natural phenomenon, or to the thing being advisable, for reasons of utility.
I admit that the main principle of African law is basically “the strong take what they can, and the strong keep what they can hold,” which particularly disadvantages women and children who don’t have powerful relatives to support them. Unless a man’s children are grown up and strong enough on their own, they have little chance of getting a share of his estate. Despite this abuse of power, among Black Africans there exists a clear and recognized Law that anyone can appeal to, as long as they have the resources to activate it. The struggle that children and widows face in getting a share of a father or husband’s estate seems to stem from the principle that the husband’s brothers are the rightful heirs, which has become entrenched near trading posts in the face of white influence. The rationale behind this inheritance system, where goods pass from a man to his brother by the same mother, likely originates from the understanding that a brother from the same mother is a close relative, whereas the relationship to the children born from your wives is less certain, despite strict laws against adultery. However, this is a straightforward explanation that should be approached with caution, as it’s crucial to remember that African reasoning doesn’t align with European reasoning—what seems obvious to you may not be to them, and vice versa. I've often heard African thinkers express that white people make significant leaps in their reasoning rather than following ideas step by step. You can quickly notice how carefully a Black person follows their thoughts. With patience, you can trace some of their customs back in a clear line to their origins in natural events. Others, however, you cannot track because the steps that connect the ideas have been lost, partly due to the deep respect for traditions, which leads them to believe that just because their ancestors followed a custom, that’s justification enough to maintain it, especially since all knowledge is primarily passed down orally. However, I have such strong confidence in the limited inventiveness of Africans that I believe all their customs, if we had access to the information that has been lost over time, could be traced back either to some natural event or to practical reasons for their utility.
The uncertainty in the parentage of offspring may seem to be such a utilitarian underlying principle, but, on the other hand, it does not sufficiently explain the varied forms of the law of inheritance, for in some tribes the eldest or most influential son does succeed to his father’s wealth; in other places you have the peculiar custom of the chief slave inheriting. I think, from these things, that the underlying idea in inheritance of property is the desire to keep the wealth of “the house,” i.e. estate, together, and if it were allowed to pass into the hands of weak people, like women and young children, this would not be done. Another strong argument against the theory that it arises from the doubtful relationship of the son, is that certain ju-ju always go to the son of the chief wife, if he is old enough, at the time of the father’s death, even in those tribes where the wealth goes elsewhere.
The uncertainty about who the parents of children are might seem like a practical reason, but it doesn’t fully explain the different ways inheritance laws work. In some tribes, the oldest or most powerful son inherits his father’s wealth; in others, there’s a unique tradition where the chief slave inherits. From these examples, I believe that the main idea behind property inheritance is to keep the family wealth, or estate, together. If it were allowed to go to less capable people, like women and young children, that wouldn’t happen. Another strong argument against the idea that inheritance comes from doubts about the son's relation to the father is that certain valuables always go to the son of the chief wife, if he is old enough, at the time of the father’s death, even in tribes where wealth passes to someone else.
Certain tribes acknowledge the right of the women and children to share in the dead man’s wealth, given that these are legally married wives, or the children of legally married wives; it is so in Cameroons, for example. An esteemed friend of mine who helps to manage things for the Fatherland down there was trying a palaver the other day with a patience peculiar to him, and that intelligent and elaborate care I should think only a mind trained on the methods of German metaphysicians could impart into that most wearisome of proceedings, wherein every one says the same thing over fourteen different times at least, with a similar voice and gesture, the only variation being in the statements regarding the important points, and the facts of the case, these varying with each individual. This palaver was made by a son claiming to inherit part of his father’s property; at last, to the astonishment, and, of course, the horror, of the learned judge, the defendant, the wicked uncle, pleaded through the interpreter, “This man cannot inherit his father’s property, because his parents married for love.” There is no encouragement to foolishness of this kind in Cameroon, where legal marriage consists in purchase.
Certain tribes recognize that women and children have the right to share in a deceased man’s wealth, provided they are legally married wives or the children of legally married wives; this is the case in Cameroon, for example. A respected friend of mine who helps manage affairs for the homeland down there was engaged in a discussion the other day with a patience unique to him, and that thoughtful and intricate care that I believe only someone trained in the methods of German philosophers could apply to such a tedious process, where everyone repeats the same thing at least fourteen times with similar tones and gestures, the only differences being in the comments on the key points and the facts of the case, which vary with each person. This discussion was initiated by a son attempting to claim part of his father's estate; ultimately, to the shock and horror of the educated judge, the defendant, the unscrupulous uncle, argued through the interpreter, “This man cannot inherit his father's property because his parents married for love.” There is no tolerance for this kind of nonsense in Cameroon, where legal marriage equates to a transaction.
In Bonny River and in Opobo the inheritance of “the house” is settled primarily by a vote of the free men of the house; when the chief dies, their choice has to be ratified by the other chiefs of houses; but in Bonny and Opobo the white traders have had immense influence for a long time, so one cannot now find out how far this custom is purely native in idea.
In Bonny River and Opobo, the inheritance of “the house” is mainly decided by a vote from the free men of the house. When the chief passes away, their choice must be approved by the other chief's households. However, in Bonny and Opobo, the white traders have had a huge influence for a long time, making it hard to determine how much of this custom is genuinely native in origin.
Among the Fans the uncle is, as I have before said, an important person although the father has more rights than among the Igalwa, and here I came across a peculiar custom regarding widows. M. Jacot cited to me a similar case or so, one of which I must remark was in an Ajumba town. The widows were inside the dead husband’s hut, as usual; the Fan huts are stoutly built of sheets of flattened bark, firmly secured together with bark rope, and thatched - they never build them in any other way except when they are in the bush rubber-collecting or elephant-hunting, when they make them of the branches of trees. Well, round the bark hut, with the widows inside, there was erected a hut made of branches, and when this was nearly completed, the Fans commenced pulling down the inner bark hut, and finally cleared it right out, thatch and all, and the materials of which it had been made were burnt. I was struck with the performance because the Fans, though surrounded by intensely superstitious tribes, are remarkably free from superstition {338} themselves, taking little or no interest in speculative matters, except to get charms to make them invisible to elephants, to keep their feet in the path, to enable them to see things in the forest, and practical things of that sort, and these charms they frequently gave me to assist and guard me in my wanderings.
Among the Fans, the uncle is an important figure, as I've mentioned before, even though the father has more rights than among the Igalwa. Here, I encountered a unique custom regarding widows. M. Jacot shared a similar case with me, one of which I should note occurred in an Ajumba town. The widows were inside their deceased husband's hut, as is customary. The Fan huts are sturdily constructed from sheets of flattened bark, tightly bound with bark rope, and thatched. They never build them any other way unless they are in the bush collecting rubber or hunting elephants, in which case they use branches from trees. Well, around the bark hut, with the widows inside, they built a hut made of branches. Once this was almost finished, the Fans began to dismantle the inner bark hut and ultimately cleared it out entirely, thatch and all, burning the materials it was made from. I was struck by this ritual because, although the Fans are surrounded by intensely superstitious tribes, they themselves are surprisingly free from superstition, showing little to no interest in speculative matters except for obtaining charms to make them invisible to elephants, to ensure they stay on the path, and to help them see things in the forest—practical things like that. They often gave me these charms to assist and protect me during my travels.
The M’pongwe and Igalwa have a peculiar funeral custom, but it is not confined in its operation to widows, all the near relatives sharing in it. The mourning relations are seated on the floor of the house, and some friend - Dr. Nassau told me he was called in in this capacity - comes in and “lifts them up,” bringing to them a small present, a factor of which is always a piece of soap. This custom is now getting into the survival form in Libreville and Glass. Nowadays the relatives do not thus sit, unwashed and unkempt, keenly requiring the soap. Among the bush Igalwa, I am told, the soap is much wanted.
The M’pongwe and Igalwa have a unique funeral tradition that involves not just widows but all close relatives. The grieving family members sit on the floor of the house, and a friend—Dr. Nassau mentioned he was invited for this purpose—comes in and “lifts them up” by bringing them a small gift, which always includes a bar of soap. This practice is now evolving into a more modern version in Libreville and Glass. Nowadays, the relatives don’t sit around dirty and disheveled, desperately needing the soap. However, among the bush Igalwa, I’ve been told that the soap is highly sought after.
It is not only the widows that remain, either theoretically or practically unwashed; all the mourners do. The Ibibios seem to me to wear the deepest crape in the form of accumulated dirt, and all the African tribes I have met have peculiar forms of hair cutting - shaving the entire head, not shaving it at all, shaving half of it, etc. - when in mourning. The period of the duration of wearing mourning is, I believe, in all West Coast tribes that which elapses between the death and the burial of the soul. I believe a more thorough knowledge would show us that there is among the Bantu also a fixed time for the lingering of the soul on earth after death, but we have not got sufficient evidence on the point yet. The only thing we know is that it is not proper for the widow to re-marry while her husband’s soul is still in her vicinity.
It’s not just the widows who are, either in theory or practice, unwashed; all the mourners are too. The Ibibios seem to wear the deepest mourning in the form of accumulated dirt, and all the African tribes I've encountered have unique ways of cutting their hair—completely shaving their heads, not shaving at all, shaving only half, etc.—when in mourning. The mourning period, I believe, for all West Coast tribes lasts from the time of death until the burial of the soul. I think there’s a more detailed understanding that would reveal the Bantu also have a specific time for the soul to linger on earth after death, but we don’t have enough evidence on that yet. All we know for sure is that it's improper for a widow to remarry while her husband's soul is still nearby.
Among the Calabar tribes the burial of his spirit liberates the woman. Among the Tschwi she requires special ceremonies on her own account. In Togoland, among the Ewe people, I know the period is between five and six weeks, during which time the widow remains in the hut, armed with a good stout stick, as a precaution against the ghost of her husband, so as to ward off attacks should he be ill-tempered. After these six weeks the widow can come out of the hut, but as his ghost has not permanently gone hence, and is apt to revisit the neighbourhood for the next six months, she has to be taken care of during this period. Then, after certain ceremonies, she is free to marry again. So I conclude the period of mourning, in all tribes, is that period during which the soul remains round its old possessions, whether these tribes have a definite soul-burial or devil-making or not.
Among the Calabar tribes, the burial of his spirit frees the woman. Among the Tschwi, she needs to go through special ceremonies on her own behalf. In Togoland, with the Ewe people, I know that the mourning period lasts between five and six weeks, during which the widow stays in the hut, armed with a strong stick, as a precaution against her husband's ghost, to protect herself from any potential attacks if he’s angry. After these six weeks, the widow can leave the hut, but since his ghost hasn’t permanently departed and may return to the area for the next six months, she needs support during this time. Then, after certain ceremonies, she is allowed to remarry. So, I conclude that the mourning period, in all tribes, is the time when the soul lingers around its former belongings, regardless of whether these tribes have specific soul-burial or devil-making rituals or not.
The ideas connected with the under-world to which the ghost goes are exceedingly interesting. The Negroes and Bantus are at one on these subjects in one particular only, and that is that no marriages take place there. The Tschwis say that this under-world, Srahmandazi, is just the same as this world in all other particulars, save that it is dimmer, a veritable shadow-land where men have not the joys of life, but only the shadow of the joy. Hence, says the Tschwi proverb, “One day in this world is worth a year in Srahmandazi.” The Tschwis, with their usual definiteness in this sort of detail, know all about their Srahmandazi. Its entrance is just east of the middle Volta, and the way down is difficult to follow, and when the sun sets on this world it rises on Srahmandazi. The Bantus are vague on this important and interesting point. The Benga, for example, although holding the absence of marriage there, do not take steps to meet the case as the Tschwis do, and kill a supply of wives to take down with them. This reason for killing wives at a funeral is another instance that, however strange and cruel a custom may be here in West Africa, however much it may at first appear to be the flower of a rootless superstition, you will find on close investigation that it has some root in a religious idea, and a common-sense element. The common-sense element in the killing of wives and slaves among both the Tschwi and the Calabar tribes consists in the fact that it discourages poisoning. A Calabar chief elaborately explained to me that the rigorous putting down of killing at funerals that was being carried on by the Government not only landed a man in the next world as a wretched pauper, but added an additional chance to his going there prematurely, for his wives and slaves, no longer restrained by the prospect of being killed at his death and sent off with him would, on very slight aggravation, put “bush in his chop.” It is sad to think of this thorn being added to the rose-leaves of a West Coast chief’s life, as there are 99.9 per cent. of thorns in it already.
The ideas related to the underworld where the ghost goes are really fascinating. The Negroes and Bantus agree on one thing only, and that's that no marriages happen there. The Tschwis say that this underworld, Srahmandazi, is just like this world in every way except that it's dimmer, truly a shadowland where people don't have the joys of life, but only a shadow of joy. That's why the Tschwi proverb says, “One day in this world is worth a year in Srahmandazi.” The Tschwis, known for their precision in such matters, know a lot about their Srahmandazi. Its entrance is located just east of the middle Volta, and the path down is hard to follow. When the sun sets in this world, it rises in Srahmandazi. The Bantus are less clear on this significant detail. The Benga, for instance, although believing that there is no marriage there, don't handle the situation like the Tschwis do by killing a supply of wives to bring with them. The reason for killing wives at funerals illustrates that, no matter how strange or cruel a custom may seem in West Africa, and however much it might initially appear to stem from a baseless superstition, a closer look reveals it has some basis in a religious belief and a touch of common sense. The common-sense aspect of wife and slave killing among both the Tschwi and the Calabar tribes lies in the fact that it discourages poisoning. A Calabar chief explained to me in detail that the strict enforcement against killing during funerals implemented by the Government not only meant a man would arrive in the next world as a miserable pauper but also increased the chances of him getting there early, since his wives and slaves, no longer facing the threat of being killed at his death and buried with him, would, with very little provocation, put “bush in his chop.” It’s sad to think about this thorn being added to the already thorny life of a West Coast chief, as there are 99.9 percent thorns in it already.
I came across a similar case on the Gold Coast, when a chief complained to me of the way the Government were preserving vermin, in the shape of witches, in the districts under its surveillance. You were no longer allowed to destroy them as of old, and therefore the vermin were destroying the game; for, said he, the witches here live almost entirely on the blood they suck from children at night. They used, in old days, to do this furtively, and do so now where native custom is unchecked; but in districts where the Government says that witchcraft is utter nonsense, and killing its proficients utter murder which will be dealt with accordingly, the witch flourishes exceedingly, and blackmails the fathers and mothers of families, threatening that if they are not bought off they will have their child’s blood; and if they are not paid, the child dies away gradually - poison again, most likely.
I came across a similar situation on the Gold Coast when a chief told me about how the Government was allowing witches, regarded as pests, to thrive in the areas under its control. You could no longer get rid of them like before, and as a result, these pests were ruining the local wildlife. He said that here, the witches mainly survive by sucking the blood of children at night. In the past, they used to do this secretly, and they still do where local customs aren't controlled; however, in areas where the Government claims that witchcraft is total nonsense and that killing those involved is considered murder with serious consequences, the witches are thriving and extorting families. They threaten parents that if they aren't paid off, they will take their child's blood, and if they aren't compensated, the child will gradually waste away – most likely due to poisoning.
I often think it must be the common-sense element in fetish customs that enables them to survive, in the strange way they do, in the minds of Africans who have been long under European influence and education. In witching, for example, every intelligent native knows there is a lot of poison in the affair, but the explanation he gives you will not usually display this knowledge, and it was not until I found the wide diffusion of the idea of the advisability of administering an emetic to the bewitched person, that I began to suspect my black friends of sound judgment.
I often think it must be the practical aspect of fetish customs that allows them to persist, in such a peculiar way, in the minds of Africans who have been under European influence and education for a long time. In witchcraft, for instance, every educated local understands that there's a lot of poison involved, but the explanation they provide usually doesn't reflect this understanding. It wasn't until I discovered the widespread belief in giving an emetic to the bewitched person that I started to suspect my black friends of having good judgment.
The good ju-juist will tell you all things act by means of their life, which means their power, their spirit. Dr. Nassau tells me the efficacy of drugs is held to depend on their benevolent spirits, which, on being put into the body, drive away the malevolent disease-causing spirits - a leucocytes-versus-pathogenic-bacteria sort of influence, I suppose. On this same idea also depends the custom of the appeal to ordeal, the working of which is supposed to be spiritual. Nevertheless, the intelligent native, believing all the time in this factor, squares the commonsense factor by bribing the witch-doctor who makes the ordeal drink.
The good ju-juist will explain that everything acts through its life, meaning its power and spirit. Dr. Nassau tells me that the effectiveness of drugs is believed to rely on their benevolent spirits, which, when introduced into the body, drive away the harmful disease-causing spirits—like a leukocyte versus pathogenic bacteria kind of effect, I guess. This same idea underlies the custom of appealing to ordeals, which is thought to operate spiritually. Nevertheless, the savvy native, while always believing in this spiritual aspect, balances it with common sense by bribing the witch-doctor who administers the ordeal drink.
The feeling regarding the importance of funeral observances is quite Greek in its intensity. Given a duly educated African, I am sure that he would grasp the true inwardness of the Antigone far and away better than any European now living can. A pathetic story which bears on this feeling was told me some time ago by Miss Slessor when she was stationed at Creek Town. An old blind slave woman was found in the bush, and brought into the mission. She was in a deplorable state, utterly neglected and starving, her feet torn by thorns and full of jiggers, and so on. Every care was taken of her and she soon revived and began to crawl about, but her whole mind was set on one thing with a passion that had made her alike indifferent to her past sufferings and to her present advantages. What she wanted was a bit, only a little bit, of white cloth. Now, I may remark, white cloth is anathema to the Missions, for it is used for ju-ju offerings, and a rule has to be made against its being given to the unconverted, or the missionary becomes an accessory before the fact to pagan practices, so white cloth the old woman was told she could not have, she had been given plenty of garments for her own use and that was enough. The old woman, however, kept on pleading and saying the spirit of her dead mistress kept coming to her asking and crying for white cloth, and white cloth she must get for her, and so at last, finding it was not to be got at the Mission station, she stole away one day, unobserved, and wandered off into the bush, from which she never again reappeared, doubtless falling a victim to the many leopards that haunted hereabouts.
The sentiment about the significance of funeral practices is incredibly intense, much like in Greek culture. If you had a well-educated African, I’m sure they would understand the true essence of Antigone far better than any living European can. Miss Slessor, during her time in Creek Town, shared a touching story that illustrates this feeling. An old blind slave woman was discovered in the bush and taken to the mission. She was in terrible condition, completely neglected and starving, with her feet damaged by thorns and infested with jiggers. After receiving care, she began to recover and crawl around, but her mind was fixed on one thing, a desire so strong that it made her indifferent to both her past suffering and her current situation. What she wanted was just a bit of white cloth. It’s worth noting that white cloth is frowned upon by the Missions because it’s used for ju-ju offerings, and a rule was established to prevent it from being given to non-converts, lest the missionary be complicit in pagan customs. So, the old woman was told she could not have it; she had already been given plenty of clothing for her use, and that should suffice. Nonetheless, she continued to plead, claiming that the spirit of her deceased mistress kept appearing to her, asking for white cloth, which she felt she needed to obtain for her. Eventually, realizing she wouldn’t find it at the mission, she stealthily left one day and wandered off into the bush, from which she never returned, likely becoming a victim to the leopards that roamed the area.
To provide a proper burial for the dead relation is the great duty of a negro’s life, its only rival in his mind is the desire to avoid having a burial of his own. But, in a good negro, this passion will go under before the other, and he will risk his very life to do it. He may know, surely and well, that killing slaves and women at a dead brother’s grave means hanging for him when their Big Consul knows of it, but in the Delta he will do it. On the Coast, Leeward and Windward, he will spend every penny he possesses and, on top, if need be, go and pawn himself, his wives, or his children into slavery to give a deceased relation a proper funeral.
To give a proper burial for a deceased relative is the biggest responsibility in a Black person's life; the only thing that rivals it in their mind is the wish to avoid having their own burial. But, in a good person, this drive will take precedence, and they will risk their own life to fulfill it. They may know very well that killing slaves and women at a dead brother’s grave means they’ll be hanged if their Big Consul finds out, but in the Delta, they will do it anyway. On the Coast, whether Leeward or Windward, they will spend every last penny they have and, if necessary, go and sell themselves, their wives, or their children into slavery just to give a deceased relative a proper funeral.
This killing at funerals I used to think would be more easily done away with in the Delta than among the Tschwi tribes, but a little more knowledge of the Delta’s idea about the future life showed me I was wrong.
This killing at funerals, I used to think, would be easier to eliminate in the Delta than among the Tschwi tribes, but learning more about the Delta's beliefs regarding the afterlife made me realize I was mistaken.
Among the Tschwi the slaves and women killed are to form for the dead a retinue, and riches wherewith to start life in Srahmandazi (Yboniadse of the Oji), where there are markets and towns and all things as on this earth, and so the Tschwi would have little difficulty in replacing human beings at funerals with gold-dust, cloth, and other forms of riches, and this is already done in districts under white influence. But in the Delta there is no under-world to live in, the souls shortly after reaching the under-world being forwarded back to this, in new babies, and the wealth that is sent down with a man serves as an indication as to what class of baby the soul is to be repacked and sent up in. As wealth in the Delta consists of women and slaves I do not believe the under-world gods of the Niger would understand the status of a chief who arrived before them, let us say, with ten puncheons of palm oil, and four hundred yards of crimson figured velvet; they would say, “Oh! very good as far as it goes, but where is your real estate? The chances are you are only a trade slave boy and have stolen these things”; and in consequence of this, killing at funerals will be a custom exceedingly difficult to stamp out in these regions. Try and imagine yourself how abhorrent it must be to send down a dear and honoured relative to the danger of his being returned to this world shortly as a slave. There is no doubt a certain idea among the Negroes that some souls may get a rise in status on their next incarnation. You often hear a woman saying she will be a man next time, a slave he will be a freeman, and so on, but how or why some souls obtain promotion I have not yet sufficient evidence to show. I think a little more investigation will place this important point in my possession. I once said to a Calabar man, “But surely it would be easy for a man’s friends to cheat; they could send down a chief’s outfit with a man, though he was only a small man here?”
Among the Tschwi, the slaves and women who are killed are meant to accompany the dead, along with riches to help them start a new life in Srahmandazi (Yboniadse of the Oji), where there are markets, towns, and everything just like this world. Because of this, the Tschwi find it easy to replace human beings at funerals with gold dust, cloth, and other forms of wealth, and this practice is already common in areas influenced by white people. However, in the Delta, there isn't an underworld for the dead to go to; souls that reach the underworld are soon sent back as new babies, and the wealth that is buried with a person signals what social status the new baby will have. Since wealth in the Delta consists of women and slaves, I doubt the underworld gods of the Niger would understand the status of a chief who appeared before them with just ten barrels of palm oil and four hundred yards of crimson patterned velvet; they might say, “Oh! That’s nice, but where’s your real estate? You’re probably just a trade slave boy who stole these things.” Because of this, the tradition of killing at funerals will be hard to eliminate in these regions. Imagine how terrible it must be to send a beloved relative to the risk of being returned to this world as a slave. There’s definitely a belief among the Negroes that some souls can move up in status in their next life. You often hear a woman say she’ll be a man next time, or a slave will be a freeman, and so on, but I don’t yet have enough evidence to explain how or why some souls get promoted. I think a bit more investigation will help clarify this important issue for me. I once asked a Calabar man, “But surely it would be easy for a man’s friends to cheat; they could send down a chief’s outfit with a man, even if he was just a small man here?”
“No,” said he, “the other souls would tell on him, and then he would get sent up as a dog or some beast as a punishment.”
“No,” he said, “the other souls would snitch on him, and then he’d get sent away like a dog or some animal as punishment.”
My first conception of the prevalence of the incarnation idea was also gained from a Delta negro. I said, “Why in the world do you throw away in the bush the bodies of your dead slaves? Where I have been they tie a string to the leg of a dead slave and when they bury him bring the string to the top and fix it to a peg, with the owner’s name on, and then when the owner dies he has that slave again down below.”
My first understanding of how common the idea of incarnation is came from a Delta Black person. I asked, “Why do you just leave the bodies of your deceased slaves in the bushes? Where I’ve been, they tie a string to the leg of a dead slave, and when they bury him, they bring the string up to the surface and attach it to a peg with the owner’s name on it. Then, when the owner dies, he gets that slave back down below.”
“They be fool men,” said he, and he went on to explain that the ghost of that slave would be almost immediately back on earth again growing up ready to work for some one else, and would not wait for its last owner’s soul down below, and out of the luxuriant jungle of information that followed I gathered that no man’s soul dallies below long, and also that a soul returning to a family, a thing ensured by certain ju-jus, was identified. The new babies as they arrive in the family are shown a selection of small articles belonging to deceased members whose souls are still absent; the thing the child catches hold of identifies him. “Why he’s Uncle John, see! he knows his own pipe;” or “That’s cousin Emma, see! she knows her market calabash,” and so on.
“They're foolish men,” he said, and he continued to explain that the ghost of that slave would almost immediately return to earth again, growing up ready to work for someone else, and wouldn’t wait for its last owner’s soul below. From the rich information that followed, I understood that no man's soul stays down long, and also that a soul returning to a family, something ensured by certain ju-jus, was recognized. The new babies that arrive in the family are shown a selection of small items belonging to deceased members whose souls are still absent; the item the child grabs identifies them. “Why, he’s Uncle John, see! He knows his own pipe;” or “That’s cousin Emma, see! She knows her market calabash,” and so on.
I remember discoursing with a very charming French official on the difficulty of eradicating fetish customs.
I remember talking with a very charming French official about the challenge of getting rid of superstitious rituals.
“Why not take the native in the rear, Mademoiselle,” said he, “and convert the native gods?”
“Why not take the native from behind, Mademoiselle,” he said, “and convert the native gods?”
I explained that his ingenious plan was not feasible, because you cannot convert gods. Even educating gods is hopeless work. All races of men through countless ages, have been attempting to make their peculiar deities understand how they are wanted to work, and what they are wanted to do, and the result is anything but encouraging.
I explained that his clever plan just wouldn't work, because you can't change gods. Even trying to educate gods is a pointless effort. All human races, over countless ages, have been trying to get their unique deities to understand how they should act and what they should do, and the outcome is far from promising.
As I have dwelt on the repellent view of Negro funeral custom, I must in justice to them cite their better view. There is a custom that I missed much on going south of Calabar, for it is a pretty one. Outside the villages in the Calabar districts, by the sides of the most frequented roads, you will see erections of boughs. I do not think these are intended for huts, but for beds, for they are very like the Calabar type of bed, only made in wood instead of clay. Over them a roof of mats is put, to furnish a protection against rain.
As I've discussed the unpleasant aspects of Black funeral customs, I should fairly mention their more positive side. There's a tradition that I greatly missed while traveling south of Calabar, as it's quite lovely. Outside the villages in the Calabar areas, along the busiest roads, you’ll see structures made of branches. I don't believe these are meant to be huts, but rather beds, as they resemble the Calabar style of bed, only made of wood instead of clay. A roof of mats is placed over them to provide shelter from the rain.
These shelters - graves or fetish huts they are wrongly called by Europeans - are made by driving four longish stout poles into the ground while at the height of about three feet or so four more poles are tied so as to make a skeleton platform which is filled in with withies and made flat. Another set of five poles is tied above, and to these the roof is affixed. On the platform, is placed the bedding belonging to the deceased, the undercloth, counterpane, etc., and at the head are laid the pillows, bolster-shaped and stuffed with cotton-tree fluff, or shredded palm-leaves, and covered with some gaily-coloured cotton cloth. In every case I have seen - and they amount to hundreds, for you cannot take an hour’s walk even from Duke Town without coming upon a dozen or so of these erections - the pillows are placed so that the person lying on the bed would look towards the village.
These shelters—incorrectly referred to by Europeans as graves or fetish huts—are constructed by driving four sturdy long poles into the ground. At about three feet high, four more poles are tied to create a skeletal platform, which is filled with withies and made flat. Another set of five poles is tied above, and the roof is attached to these. On the platform, the bedding belonging to the deceased is placed, including the undercloth, counterpane, and so on. At the head, pillows shaped like bolsters, stuffed with cotton-tree fluff or shredded palm leaves and covered with bright cotton fabric, are laid out. In every case I’ve seen—there are hundreds, as you can't take an hour's walk even from Duke Town without encountering a dozen or so of these structures—the pillows are arranged so that the person lying on the bed would face towards the village.
On the roof and on the bed, and underneath it on the ground, are placed the household utensils that belonged to the deceased; the calabashes, the basins, the spoons cut out of wood, and the boughten iron ones, as we should say in Devon, and on the stakes are hung the other little possessions; there is one I know of made for the ghost of a poor girl who died, on to the stakes of which are hung the dolls and the little pincushions, etc., given her by a kind missionary.
On the roof, on the bed, and on the ground underneath it, lie the household items that belonged to the deceased; the gourds, the basins, the wooden spoons, and the purchased metal ones, as we’d say in Devon. On the stakes, the other small belongings are hung; there's one I know of made for the spirit of a poor girl who passed away, onto which dolls and little pincushions, etc., given to her by a kind missionary, are hung.
Food is set out at these places and spirit poured over them from time to time, and sometimes, though not often, pieces of new cloth are laid on them. Most of the things are deliberately damaged before they are put on the home for the spirit; I do not think this is to prevent them from being stolen, because all are not damaged sufficiently to make them useless. There was a beautifully made spoon with a burnt-in pattern on one of these places when I left Calabar to go South, and on my return, some six months after, it was still there. On another there was a very handsome pair of market calabashes, also much decorated, that were only just chipped and in better repair than many in use in Calabar markets, and I make no doubt the spoon and they are still lying rotting among the débris of the pillows, etc. These places are only attended to during the time the spirit is awaiting burial, as they are regarded merely as a resting-place for it while it is awaiting this ceremony. The body is not buried near them, I may remark.
Food is placed at these spots and occasionally, some spirit is poured over them, and sometimes, though not very often, new pieces of cloth are laid out on them. Most items are intentionally damaged before they're set out for the spirit; I don't think this is to stop them from being stolen, since not all of them are damaged enough to make them worthless. There was a beautifully crafted spoon with a burnt-in design at one of these spots when I left Calabar to head South, and when I returned about six months later, it was still there. At another spot, there was a very attractive pair of decorated market calabashes that were just slightly chipped and in better condition than many used in Calabar markets. I'm sure the spoon and those calabashes are still lying among the débris of the pillows, etc. These spots are only looked after while the spirit is waiting for burial, as they're considered just a resting place while awaiting this ceremony. The body isn't buried near them, I should mention.
In spite, however, of the care that is taken to bury spirits, a considerable percentage from various causes - poverty of the relations, the deceased being a stranger in the land, accidental death in some unknown part of the forest or the surf - remain unburied, and hang about to the common danger of the village they may choose to haunt. Many devices are resorted to, to purify the villages from these spirits. One which was in use in Creek Town, Calabar, to within a few years ago, and which I am informed is still customary in some interior villages, was very ingenious, and believed to work well by those who employed it.
Despite the efforts made to bury spirits, a significant number remain unburied due to various reasons—like the relatives' lack of money, the deceased being a stranger in the area, or accidental deaths in unknown parts of the forest or the ocean waves. These spirits linger, posing a common threat to the village they decide to haunt. Several methods are used to cleanse the villages of these spirits. One method that was practiced in Creek Town, Calabar, until a few years ago, and is reported to still be customary in some inland villages, was quite clever and thought to be effective by those who used it.
In the houses were set up Nbakim, - large, grotesque images carved of wood and hung about with cloth strips and gew-gaws. Every November in Creek Town (I was told by some authorities it was every second November) there was a sort of festival held. Offerings of food and spirits were placed before these images; a band of people accompanied by the rest of the population used to make a thorough round of the town, up and down each street and round every house, dancing, singing, screaming and tom-toming, in fact making all the noise they knew how to - and a Calabar Effik is very gifted in the power of making noise. After this had been done for what was regarded as a sufficient time, the images were taken out of the houses, the crowd still making a terrific row and were then thrown into the river, and the town was regarded as being cleared of spirits.
In the houses were set up Nbakim, large, grotesque images carved from wood and decorated with cloth strips and trinkets. Every November in Creek Town (some say it’s every second November), there was a kind of festival. Offerings of food and drinks were placed in front of these images; a group of people, along with the rest of the town, would make their way through every street and around every house, dancing, singing, shouting, and drumming, basically making all the noise they could — and a Calabar Effik is really skilled at making noise. After this went on for what was considered a sufficient time, the images were taken out of the houses, with the crowd still making a huge commotion, and they were then thrown into the river, marking the town as being free from spirits.
The rationale of the affair is this. The wandering spirits are attracted by the images, and take shelter among their rags, like earwigs or something of that kind. The charivari is to drive any of the spirits who might be away from their shelters back into them. The shouting of the mob is to keep the spirits from venturing out again while they are being carried to the river. The throwing of the images, rags and all, into the river, is to destroy the spirits or at least send them elsewhere. They did not go and pour boiling water on their earwig-traps, as wicked white men do, but they meant the same thing, and when this was over they made and set up new images for fresh spirits who might come into the town, and these were kept and tended as before, until the next N’dok ceremony came round.
The reason for the whole thing is this. The wandering spirits are drawn to the images and take refuge among their rags, like earwigs or something similar. The charivari is meant to drive any spirits that might be away from their shelters back into them. The crowd’s shouting is to prevent the spirits from venturing out again while they’re being taken to the river. Throwing the images, rags and all, into the river aims to destroy the spirits or at least send them somewhere else. They didn’t go and pour boiling water on their earwig traps like cruel white men do, but they intended the same outcome. Once this was done, they made and set up new images for any fresh spirits that might come into town, and these were kept and cared for as before, until the next N’dok ceremony came around.
It is owing to the spiritual view which the African takes of existence at large that ceremonial observances form the greater part of even his common-law procedure.
It’s because of the spiritual perspective that Africans have on existence as a whole that ceremonial practices are a significant part of even their everyday legal processes.
There is, both among the Negro and Bantu, a recognised code of law, founded on principles of true but merciless justice. It is not often employed, because of the difficulty and the danger to the individual who appeals to it, should that individual be unbacked by power, but nevertheless the code exists.
There is, both among Black people and the Bantu, an established code of law, based on principles of genuine but harsh justice. It's not used often due to the challenges and risks faced by an individual seeking to utilize it, especially if they lack support from power, but the code does exist.
The African is particularly hard on theft; he by no means “compounds for sins he is inclined to by damning those he has no mind to,” for theft is a thing he revels in.
The African is especially tough on theft; he doesn't “forgive sins he feels guilty about by condemning those he doesn't care about,” because theft is something he takes pleasure in.
Persons are tried for theft on circumstantial evidence, direct testimony, and ordeal. Laws relating to mortgage are practically the same among Negroes and Bantu and Europeans. Torts are not recognised; unless the following case from Cameroon points to a vague realisation of them. A. let his canoe out to B., in good order, so that B. could go up river, and fetch down some trade. B. did not go himself, but let C., who was not his slave, but another free man who also wanted to go up for trade, have the canoe on the understanding that in payment for the loan of the said canoe C. should bring down B’s. trade.
Persons are tried for theft based on circumstantial evidence, direct testimony, and ordeal. Laws about mortgages are largely the same among Black people, Bantu, and Europeans. Torts are not recognized; however, the following case from Cameroon suggests a vague awareness of them. A lent his canoe to B in good condition so that B could go upriver and bring back some goods for trade. Instead of going himself, B lent the canoe to C, who was not his slave but another free man also looking to go upriver for trade, with the understanding that in return for borrowing the canoe, C would bring back B's goods.
A. was not told about this arrangement at all. B. says A. was, only A. was so blind drunk at the time he did not understand. Well, up river C. goes in the canoe, and fetches up on a floating stump in the river, and staves a hole you could put your head in, in the bow of the said canoe. C. returns it to B. in this condition. B. returns it to A. in this condition. A. sues B. before native chief, saying he lent his canoe to B. on the understanding, always implied in African loans, that it was to be returned in the same state as when lent, fair wear and tear alone excepted. B. tries first to get C. to pay for the canoe, and for the rent of the canoe on top, as a compensation for the delay in bringing down his, B’s., trade. C. calls B. the illegitimate offspring of a greenhouse-lizard, and pleads further that the floating log was a force majeure - an act of God, and denies liability on all counts. B. then pleads this as his own defence in the case of A. and B. (authorities cited in support of this view); he also pleads he is not liable, because C. is a free man, and not his slave.
A. wasn't informed about this arrangement at all. B. claims A. was, but A. was so drunk at the time that he didn't understand. Well, up the river C. goes in the canoe and ends up on a floating stump in the river, putting a hole in the bow of the canoe big enough to fit your head in. C. returns it to B. in this condition. B. passes it back to A. in the same damaged state. A. sues B. before the native chief, stating he lent his canoe to B. with the understanding, always implied in African loans, that it was to be returned in the same condition as when lent, except for normal wear and tear. B. first tries to get C. to pay for the canoe and also for the rental on top of that as compensation for the delay it caused in his trade. C. insults B., calling him the illegitimate child of a greenhouse lizard, and further argues that the floating log was a force majeure—an act of God—and denies any liability. B. then uses this as his defense against A. (with supporting authorities cited) and also argues that he is not liable because C. is a free man and not his slave.
The case went on for a week; the judge was drunk for five days in his attempt to get his head clear. The decision finally was that B. was to pay A. full compensation. B. v. C. is still pending.
The case lasted a week; the judge was drunk for five days while trying to clear his mind. The final decision was that B. had to pay A. full compensation. B. v. C. is still pending.
The laws against adultery are, theoretically, exceedingly severe. The punishment is death, and this is sometimes carried out. The other day King Bell in Cameroon flogged one of his wives to death, and the German Government have deposed and deported him, for you cannot do that sort of thing with impunity within a stone’s throw of a Government head-quarters. But as a general rule all along the Coast the death penalty for murder or adultery is commuted to a fine, or you can send a substitute to be killed for you, if you are rich. This is frequently done, because it is cheaper, if you have a seedy slave, to give him to be killed in your stead than to pay a fine which is often enormous.
The laws against adultery are, in theory, very harsh. The punishment is death, and sometimes it's actually carried out. Just the other day, King Bell in Cameroon flogged one of his wives to death, and the German government has removed and exiled him because you can't get away with that kind of thing so close to a government headquarters. However, generally speaking, along the Coast, the death penalty for murder or adultery is usually reduced to a fine, or if you're wealthy, you can send someone else to be killed in your place. This happens often, as it's cheaper to give a worn-out slave to be killed instead of paying a fine that can be quite large.
The adultery itself is often only a matter of laying your hand, even in self-defence from a virago, on a woman - or brushing against her in the path. These accusations of adultery are, next to witchcraft, the great social danger to the West Coast native, and they are often made merely from motives of extortion or spite, and without an atom of truth in them.
The act of adultery can often just involve touching a woman, even if it's in self-defense against an aggressive woman, or simply brushing past her. Accusations of adultery, second only to witchcraft, pose a significant social threat to Pacific Coast natives. These claims are frequently made out of greed or revenge and are often completely unfounded.
It is customary for a chief to put his wives frequently to ordeal on this point, and this is almost always done after there has been a big devil-making, or a dance, which his family have been gracing with their presence. The usual method of applying the ordeal is by boiling palm-oil - a pot is nearly filled with the oil, which is brought to the boil over a fire; when it is seething, the woman to be tried is brought out in front of it. She first dips her hands into water, and then has administered to her the M’biam oath saying or having said for her that long elaborate formula, in a form adjusted to meet the case. Then she plunges her hand into the boiling oil for an instant, and shakes the oil off with all possible rapidity, and the next woman comes forward and goes through the same performance, and so on. Next day, the hands of the women are examined, and those found blistered are adjudged guilty, and punished. In order to escape heavy punishment the woman will accuse some man of having hustled against her, or sat down on a bench beside her, and so on, and the accused man has to pay up. If he does not, in the Calabar district, Egbo will come and “eat the adultery,” and there won’t be much of that man’s earthly goods left. Sometimes the accusation is volunteered by the woman, and frequently the husband and wife conspire together and cook up a case against a man for the sake of getting the damages. There is nothing that ensures a man an unblemished character in West Africa, save the possession of sufficient power to make it risky work for people to cast slurs on it.
It’s common for a chief to frequently put his wives to the test on this issue, usually after a significant ceremony or dance attended by his family. The typical way to conduct the test is through boiling palm oil; a pot is filled nearly to the top with oil and heated over a fire until it bubbles. When it’s boiling, the woman to be tested is brought forward. She first dips her hands in water, then takes the M’biam oath, reciting a long and detailed formula tailored to the situation. Then she quickly plunges her hand into the boiling oil for a moment and shakes off the oil as fast as she can, followed by the next woman doing the same, and so on. The next day, the hands of the women are examined, and those with blisters are deemed guilty and punished. To avoid severe punishment, a woman might accuse a man of improperly touching her or sitting too close, and that man has to pay a fine. If he refuses, in the Calabar district, Egbo will come and “eat the adultery,” leaving that man with very little left. Sometimes the woman volunteers the accusation, and often, the husband and wife conspire to create a case against a man just to collect damages. In West Africa, the only way for a man to maintain a good reputation is to have enough power to deter others from tarnishing it.
The ownership of children is a great source of palaver. The law among Negroes and Bantus is that the children of a free woman belong to her. In the case of tribes believing in the high importance of uncles considerable powers are vested in that relative, while in other tribes certain powers are vested in the father.
The ownership of children is a major topic of discussion. The law among Black people and Bantus states that the children of a free woman belong to her. In tribes that place a high value on uncles, significant authority is given to that relative, while in other tribes, certain powers are held by the father.
The children of slave wives are the only children the father has absolute power over if he is the legal owner of the slave woman. If, as is frequently the case, a free man marries a slave woman who belongs to another man, all her children are the absolute property of her owner, not her husband; and the owner of the woman can take them and sell them, or do whatsoever he chooses with them, unless the free man father redeems them, as he usually does, although the woman may still remain the absolute property of the owner, recallable by him at any time.
The children of slave wives are the only ones the father has complete authority over if he is the legal owner of the slave woman. If, as often happens, a free man marries a slave woman owned by someone else, all her children belong entirely to her owner, not her husband; the owner can take them, sell them, or do whatever he wants with them, unless the free man father pays to redeem them, which he typically does, although the woman may still remain the property of the owner, who can reclaim her at any time.
This law is the cause of the most brain-spraining palavers that come before the white authorities. There is naturally no statute of limitations in West Africa, because the African does not care a row of pins about time. The wily A. will let his slave woman live with B. without claiming the redemption fees as they become due - letting them stand over, as it were, at compound interest. All the male as well as the female children of the first generation are A.’s property, and all the female children of these children are his property even unto the second and third generation and away into eternity. A. may die before he puts in his claim, in which case the ownership passes on into the hands of his heir or assignees, who may foreclose at once, on entering into their heritage, or may again let things accumulate for their heirs. Anyhow, sooner or later the foreclosure comes and then there is trouble. X., Y., Z., etc., free men, have married some of the original A.’s slave woman’s descendants. They have either bought them right out, or kept on conscientiously redeeming children of theirs as they arrived. Of course A., or his heirs, contend that X., Y., Z., etc. have been wasting time and money by so doing, because the people X., Y., Z. have paid the money to had no legal title to the women. Of course X., Y., Z. contend that their particular woman, or her ancestress, was duly redeemed from the legal owner.
This law leads to the most frustrating debates that come before the white authorities. Naturally, there's no statute of limitations in West Africa because Africans don’t think much about time. The clever A. will let his slave woman live with B. without claiming the redemption fees when they are due—essentially allowing them to build up like compound interest. All the male and female children of the first generation belong to A., and all the female children of those children are also his property, extending to the second and third generation and into perpetuity. A. might die before he makes his claim, in which case ownership passes to his heirs or assigns, who may foreclose immediately upon inheriting or may let things pile up for their own heirs. Regardless, sooner or later, foreclosure happens, and that's when the trouble starts. X., Y., Z., and others, free men, have married some descendants of A.'s original slave woman. They either bought them outright or have diligently redeemed their children as they arrived. Naturally, A. or his heirs argue that X., Y., Z., etc. have been wasting time and money because the people they paid had no legal claim to the women. But X., Y., Z. argue that their particular woman, or her ancestor, was rightfully redeemed from the legal owner.
Remember there is no documentary evidence available, and squads of equally reliable and oldest inhabitants are swearing hard - all both ways. Just realise this, and that your Government says that whenever native law is not blood-stained it must be supported, and you may be able to realise the giddy mazes of a native palaver, which if you conscientiously attempt to follow with the determination that justice shall be duly administered, will for certain lay you low with an attack of fever.
Remember, there’s no documentary evidence available, and reliable, long-time residents are swearing passionately on both sides. Just keep this in mind: your government says that whenever local law isn't violent, it should be upheld. Understanding this might help you navigate the confusing twists of a native discussion, which, if you try to follow with a sincere intention to ensure justice is served, will definitely leave you feeling overwhelmed and possibly ill.
The law of ownership is not all in favour of the owner, masters being responsible for damage done by their slaves, and this law falls very heavily and expensively on the owner of a bad slave. Indeed, when one lives out here and sees the surrounding conditions of this state of culture, the conviction grows on you that, morally speaking, the African is far from being the brutal fiend he is often painted, a creature that loves cruelty and blood for their own sake. The African does not; and though his culture does not contain our institutions, lunatic asylums, prisons, workhouses, hospitals, etc., he has to deal with the same classes of people who require these things. So with them he deals by means of his equivalent institutions, slavery, the lash, and death. You have just as much right, my logical friend, to call the West Coast Chief hard names for his habit of using brass bars, heads of tobacco, and so on, in place of sixpenny pieces, as you have to abuse him for clubbing an inveterate thief. It’s deplorably low of him, I own, but by what alternative plan of government his can be replaced I do not quite see, under existing conditions. In religious affairs, the affairs which lead him into the majority of his iniquities, his real sin consists in believing too much. In his witchcraft, the sin is the same. Toleration means indifference, I believe, among all men. The African is not indifferent on the subject of witchcraft, and I do not see how one can expect him to be. Put yourself in his place and imagine you have got hold of a man or woman who has been placing a live crocodile or a catawumpus of some kind into your own or a valued relative’s, or fellow-townsman’s inside, so that it may eat up valuable viscera, and cause you or your friend suffering and death. How would you feel? A little like lynching your captive, I fancy.
The law of ownership isn't entirely in favor of the owner; masters are held accountable for the damage caused by their slaves, and this law can be quite harsh and costly for someone with a troublesome slave. When you live here and observe the local conditions, it becomes clear that, morally speaking, Africans are far from the brutal villains they're often portrayed as—creatures who seek cruelty and violence for their own sake. They don’t. While their culture may lack our institutions like mental hospitals, prisons, workhouses, and clinics, they still have to handle the same kinds of people who need those services. So, they manage their issues through their own systems, such as slavery, punishment, and execution. You have just as much right, my logical friend, to criticize the West Coast Chief for using brass bars, tobacco heads, and other goods instead of sixpenny coins as you have to condemn him for beating an incorrigible thief. It’s undeniably low of him, I agree, but I’m not quite sure what alternative form of government could replace his under the current circumstances. Regarding religious matters, which lead him into most of his wrongdoings, his real fault is believing too much. The same goes for his witchcraft beliefs. I think tolerance often leads to indifference among people. The African isn't indifferent about witchcraft, and I can't see why anyone would expect him to be. Imagine being in his position and finding someone who's been using a live crocodile or some similar creature to harm you or someone you care about, causing pain and potentially death. How would you feel? Probably a lot like wanting to lynch the person responsible, I’d guess.
I confess that the more I know of the West Coast Africans the more I like them. I own I think them fools of the first water for their power of believing in things; but I fancy I have analogous feelings towards even my fellow-countrymen when they go and violently believe in something that I cannot quite swallow.
I admit that the more I learn about West Coast Africans, the more I appreciate them. I honestly believe they're incredibly naive for their ability to believe in things; however, I think I have similar feelings toward my fellow countrymen when they passionately believe in something that I just can't accept.
CHAPTER XV. FETISH - (continued).
In which the Voyager complains of the inconveniences arising from the method of African thought, and discourses on apparitions and Deities.
In which the Voyager talks about the problems caused by the way African thought works, and discusses ghosts and gods.
However much some of the African’s mental attributes get under-rated, I am sure there are others of them for which he gets more credit than he deserves. One of these is his imagination. It strikes the new-comer with awe, and frequently fills him with rage, when he first meets it; but as he matures and gets used to the African, he sees the string. For the African fancy is not the “aërial fancy flying free,” mentioned by our poets, but merely the aërial of the theatre suspended by a wire or cord. The wire that supports the African’s fancy may be a very thin, small fact indeed, or in some cases merely his incapacity to distinguish between animate and inanimate objects, which give rise to his idea that everything is possessed of a soul. Everything has a soul to him, and to make confusion worse confounded, he usually believes in the existence of matter apart from its soul. But there is little he won’t believe in, if it comes to that; and I have a feeling of thankfulness that Buddhism, Theosophy, and above all Atheism, which chases its tail and proves that nothing can be proved, have not yet been given the African to believe in.
No matter how much some of the African's mental qualities are underrated, I know there are others for which he receives more credit than he deserves. One of these is his imagination. It often leaves newcomers in awe and sometimes makes them angry when they first encounter it; but as they spend more time with Africans, they begin to see the underlying reality. The African imagination isn’t the “lofty fantasy soaring freely,” as our poets describe, but rather the theatrical illusion held up by a wire or string. The support for the African imagination might be just a tiny, simple fact, or sometimes it's simply his inability to tell the difference between living and non-living things, leading him to believe that everything has a spirit. To him, everything has a soul, and to complicate things further, he usually believes in the existence of matter separate from its soul. But there’s little he won’t accept if it comes down to it; and I feel grateful that Buddhism, Theosophy, and especially Atheism, which endlessly circles back on itself and proves that nothing can be proven, have not yet been introduced to the African.
The African’s want of making it clear in his language whether he is referring to an animate or inanimate thing, has landed me in many a dilemma, and his foolishness in not having a male and female gender in his languages amounts to a nuisance. For example, I am a most ladylike old person and yet get constantly called “Sir.” The other day, circumstances having got beyond my control during the afternoon, I arrived in the evening in a saturated condition at a white settlement, and wishing to get accommodation for myself and my men, I made my way to the factory of a firm from whose representatives I have always received great and most courteous help. The agent in charge was not at home, and his steward-boy said, “Massa live for Mr. B.’s house.” “Go tell him I live for come from,” etc., said I, and “I fit for want place for my men.” I had nothing to write on, or with, and I thought the steward-boy could carry this little message to its destination without dropping any of it, as Mr. B.’s house was close by; but I was wrong. Off he went, and soon returned with the note I here give a copy of: -
The African's need to clarify in his language whether he's talking about a living thing or an object has put me in many tricky situations, and his lack of male and female gender in his languages is quite annoying. For example, I am a very ladylike old person, yet I constantly get called “Sir.” The other day, things got out of my control in the afternoon, and I arrived in the evening completely soaked at a white settlement. Hoping to find a place to stay for myself and my men, I headed to the factory of a firm whose representatives have always been very helpful and polite. The agent in charge wasn’t home, and his steward-boy said, “Massa live for Mr. B.’s house.” “Go tell him I live for come from,” etc., I replied, “and I need a place for my men.” I had nothing to write on or with, and I thought the steward-boy could deliver this little message without messing it up since Mr. B.’s house was nearby, but I was mistaken. Off he went, and soon came back with the note I’m copying here: -
“DEAR OLD MAN,
“You
must be in a deuce of a mess after the tornado. Just help yourself
to a set of my dry things. The shirts are in the bottom drawer,
the trousers are in the box under the bed, and then come over here to
the sing-song. My leg is dickey or I’d come across. - Yours,”
etc.
“DEAR OLD MAN,
“You must be in quite a jam after the tornado. Just help yourself to some of my dry clothes. The shirts are in the bottom drawer, the pants are in the box under the bed, and then come over here to join the fun. My leg is a bit messed up or I’d come over myself. - Yours,” etc.
Had there been any smelling salts or sal volatile in this subdivision of the Ethiopian region, I should have forthwith fainted on reading this, but I well knew there was not, so I blushed until the steam from my soaking clothes (for I truly was “in a deuce of a mess”) went up in a cloud and then, just as I was, I went “across” and appeared before the author of that awful note. When he came round, he said it had taken seven years’ growth out of him, and was intensely apologetic. I remarked it had very nearly taken thirty years’ growth out of me, and he said the steward-boy had merely informed him that “White man live for come from X,” a place where he knew there was another factory belonging to his firm, and he naturally thought it was the agent from X who had come across.
Had there been any smelling salts or sal volatile in this part of the Ethiopian region, I would have fainted right away after reading this, but I knew there wasn't any, so I blushed until the steam from my wet clothes (because I was truly "in a real mess") rose in a cloud, and then, just as I was, I went "across" and faced the author of that terrible note. When he came around, he said it had taken seven years off his life and was extremely apologetic. I mentioned it had nearly taken thirty years off my life, and he said the steward-boy had only told him that "White man live for come from X," a place where he knew there was another factory belonging to his company, and he naturally assumed it was the agent from X who had come across.
You rarely, indeed I believe never, find an African with a gift for picturesque descriptions of scenery. The nearest approach to it I ever got was from my cook when we were on Mungo mah Lobeh. He proudly boasted he had been on a mountain, up Cameroon River, with a German officer, and on that mountain, “If you fall down one side you die, if you fall down other side you die.”
You rarely, and I actually think never, encounter an African who has a talent for colorful descriptions of landscapes. The closest I ever got to that was from my cook when we were on Mungo mah Lobeh. He proudly claimed that he had been on a mountain along the Cameroon River with a German officer, and on that mountain, "If you fall down one side, you die; if you fall down the other side, you die."
Graphic and vivid descriptions of incidents you often get, but it is not Art. The effect is produced entirely by a bald brutality of statement, the African having no artistic reticence whatsoever. One fine touch, however, which does not come in under this class was told me by my lamented friend Mr. Harris of Calabar. Some years ago he had out a consignment of Dutch clocks with hanging weights, as is natural to the Dutch clock. They were immensely popular among the chiefs, and were soon disposed of save one, which had seen trouble on the voyage out and lost one of its weights. Mr. Harris, who was a man of great energy and resource, melted up some metal spoons and made a new weight and hung it on the clock. The day he finished this a chief came in, anxious for a Dutch clock, and Mr. Harris forthwith sold him the repaired one. About a week elapsed, and then the chief turned up at the factory again with a rueful countenance, followed by a boy carrying something swathed in a cloth. It was the clock.
Graphic and vivid descriptions of incidents you often get, but it’s not Art. The effect is created entirely by a blunt straightforwardness, with the African showing no artistic hesitation at all. One nice detail, however, that doesn’t fit into this category was shared with me by my dear friend Mr. Harris of Calabar. Some years ago, he received a shipment of Dutch clocks with pendulum weights, which is typical for Dutch clocks. They were hugely popular among the chiefs and were quickly sold, except for one that had encountered some trouble on the journey and lost one of its weights. Mr. Harris, who was very energetic and resourceful, melted some metal spoons and made a new weight, hanging it on the clock. The day he finished this, a chief came in, eager for a Dutch clock, and Mr. Harris immediately sold him the repaired one. About a week later, the chief returned to the factory looking quite upset, followed by a boy carrying something wrapped in a cloth. It was the clock.
“You do me bad too much, Mr. Harris,” said the chief. Mr. Harris denied this on the spot with the vehemence of injured innocence. The chief shook his head and spat profusely and sorrowfully.
“You're treating me badly, Mr. Harris,” said the chief. Mr. Harris instantly denied it with the intensity of someone wronged. The chief shook his head and spat abundantly and sadly.
“You no sabe him clock you done sell me?” said he. “When I look him clock it no be to-day, it be to morrow.” Mr. Harris took the clock back, to see what was the cause of this strange state of affairs. Of course it arose from his having been too liberal in the amount of spoon in the weight, and this being altered, the chief was not hurried onward to his grave at such a rattling pace; “but,” said Mr. Harris, “that clock was a flyer to the last.”
“You don’t know what time it is on the clock you sold me?” he said. “When I checked the clock, it wasn’t today; it was tomorrow.” Mr. Harris took the clock back to figure out why it was acting so strangely. Of course, it was because he had been too generous with the weight in the mechanism, and after that was fixed, the clock wasn’t racing toward its end at such a crazy speed; “but,” Mr. Harris said, “that clock was impressive until the end.”
But I will not go into the subject of African languages here, but only remark of them that although they are elaborate enough to produce, for their users, nearly every shade of erroneous statement, they are not, save perhaps M’pongwe, elaborate enough to enable a native to state his exact thought. Some of them are very dependent on gesture. When I was with the Fans they frequently said, “We will go to the fire so that we can see what they say,” when any question had to be decided after dark, and the inhabitants of Fernando Po, the Bubis, are quite unable to converse with each other unless they have sufficient light to see the accompanying gestures of the conversation. In all cases I feel sure the African’s intelligence is far ahead of his language.
But I won’t dive into African languages here, just to point out that while they can express nearly every kind of misunderstanding for their speakers, they generally aren’t, except maybe M’pongwe, detailed enough for a native to convey their exact thoughts. Some of these languages rely heavily on gestures. When I was with the Fans, they often said, “We’ll go to the fire so we can see what they’re saying,” whenever a question needed to be settled after dark. The inhabitants of Fernando Po, the Bubis, can hardly communicate with each other unless there’s enough light to see the gestures that go along with the conversation. In all these cases, I’m convinced that an African’s intelligence far surpasses their language.
The African is usually great at dreams, and has them very noisily; but he does not seem to me to attach immense importance to them, certainly not so much as the Red Indian does. I doubt whether there is much real ground for supposing that from dreams came man’s first conception of the spirit world, and I think the origin of man’s religious belief lies in man’s misfortunes.
The African often has vivid dreams and expresses them loudly; however, they don’t seem to place as much importance on them as the Native American does. I’m not convinced that dreams were the primary source of humanity's early ideas about the spirit world, and I believe the roots of human religious beliefs are more connected to our struggles.
There can be little doubt that the very earliest human beings found, as their descendants still find, their plans frustrated, let them plan ever so wisely and carefully; they must have seen their companions overtaken by death and disaster, arising both from things they could see and from things they could not see. The distinction between these two classes of phenomena is not so definitely recognised by savages or animals as it is by the more cultured races of humanity. I doubt whether a savage depends on his five senses alone to teach him what the world is made of, any more than a Fellow of the Royal Society does. From this method of viewing nature I feel sure that the general idea arose - which you find in all early cultures - that death was always the consequence of the action of some malignant spirit, and that there is no accidental or natural death, as we call it; and death is, after all, the most impressive attribute of life.
There’s little doubt that the very first humans, just like their descendants today, faced frustrations in their plans, no matter how wisely and carefully they made them. They must have witnessed their peers being struck down by death and disaster, caused by both visible and invisible forces. The distinction between these two types of events isn't as clearly recognized by primitive people or animals as it is by more advanced human societies. I doubt that a primitive person relies solely on their five senses to understand what the world is made of, any more than a Fellow of the Royal Society does. From this perspective of observing nature, I’m confident that the widespread belief emerged—found in all early cultures—that death was always a result of some malevolent spirit's actions, and that there is no such thing as an accidental or natural death, as we term it; after all, death is the most striking feature of life.
If a man were knocked on the head with a club, or shot with an arrow, the cause of death is clearly the malignancy of the person using these weapons; and so it is easy to think that a man killed by a fallen tree, or by the upsetting of a canoe in the surf, or in an eddy in the river, is also the victim of some being using these things as weapons.
If a guy got hit on the head with a club or shot with an arrow, it’s obvious that the person wielding those weapons is to blame for the death. Similarly, it’s easy to assume that a person who is killed by a falling tree, capsized in a canoe in the waves, or caught in a river eddy is also a victim of some force using those things as weapons.
A man having thus gained a belief that there are more than human actors in life’s tragedy, the idea that disease is also a manifestation of some invisible being’s wrath and power seems to me natural and easy; and he knows you can get another man for a consideration to kill or harm a third party, and so he thinks that, for a consideration, you can also get one of these superhuman beings, which we call gods or devils, but which the African regards in another light, to do so.
A man who has come to believe that more than just human beings are involved in life’s struggles naturally finds it easy to think that illness could also be a sign of some invisible being’s anger and influence. He understands that you can pay someone to hurt another person, so he thinks that, for a price, you can also get one of these supernatural beings, which we refer to as gods or devils, but that the African sees in a different way, to act similarly.
A certain set of men and women then specialise off to study how these spirits can be managed, and so arises a priesthood; and the priests, or medicine men as they are called in their earliest forms, gradually, for their own ends, elaborate and wrap round their profession with ritual and mystery.
A specific group of men and women then specialize in studying how to manage these spirits, leading to the development of a priesthood. The priests, or medicine men as they were originally called, gradually create elaborate rituals and mysteries around their profession for their own purposes.
The savage is also conscious of another great set of phenomena which, he soon learns, take no interest in human affairs. The sun which rises and sets, the moon which changes, the tides which come and go: - what do they care? Nothing; and what is more, sacrifice to them what you may, you cannot get them to care about you and your affairs, and so the savage turns his attention to those other spirits that do take only too much interest, as is proved by those unexpected catastrophes; and, as their actions show, these spirits are all malignant, so he deals with them just as he would deal with a bad man whom he was desirous of managing. He flatters and fees them, he deprives himself of riches to give to them as sacrifices, believing they will relish it all the more because it gives him pain of some sort to give it to them. He holds that they think it will be advisable for them to encourage him to continue the giving by occasionally doing what he asks them. Naturally he never feels sure of them; he sees that you may sacrifice to a god for years, you may wrap him up - or more properly speaking, the object in which he resides - in your only cloth on chilly nights while you shiver yourself; you and your children, and your mother, and your sister and her children, may go hungry that food may rot upon his shrine; and yet, in some hour of dire necessity, the power will not come and save you - because he has been lured away by some richer gifts than yours.
The primitive person is also aware of another major set of events that he soon realizes have no interest in human matters. The sun that rises and sets, the moon that goes through phases, the tides that come and go—do they care? Not at all; and no matter how much you might sacrifice to them, they won't care about you and your problems. So, the primitive person shifts his focus to other spirits that seem to take too much interest, as shown by unexpected disasters. These spirits are clearly malevolent, so he engages with them the same way he would with a troublesome person he wants to manage. He flatters them and offers them rewards, giving up his own wealth to provide sacrifices, believing they'll appreciate it even more since it causes him some pain to part with it. He thinks they’ll feel motivated to encourage him to keep giving by occasionally granting his requests. Naturally, he never feels certain about them; he sees that you can sacrifice to a god for years, you can wrap him up—or more accurately, the object in which he resides—in your only piece of cloth on cold nights while you suffer; you, your children, your mother, your sister, and her children might go hungry just so food can rot on his altar. And yet, in a moment of dire need, the power won’t come to save you—because it has been tempted away by someone offering richer gifts than yours.
You white men will say, “Why go on believing in him then?” but that is an idea that does not enter the African mind. I might just as well say “Why do you go on believing in the existence of hansom cabs,” because one hansom cab driver malignantly fails to take you where you want to go, or fails to arrive in time to catch a train you wished to catch.
You white men might ask, “Why continue believing in him then?” but that’s not something that crosses the African mind. I could just as easily ask, “Why do you keep believing in the existence of hansom cabs?” just because one hansom cab driver spitefully fails to take you where you want to go or doesn’t show up in time for the train you wanted to catch.
The African fully knows the liability of his fetish to fail, but he equally fully knows its power. One, to me, grandly tragic instance of this I learnt at Opobo. There was a very great Fetish doctor there, universally admired and trusted, who lived out on the land at the mouth of the Great River. One day he himself fell sick, and he made ju-ju against the sickness; but it held on, and he grew worse. He made more ju-ju of greater power, but again in vain, and then he made the greatest ju-ju man can make, and it availed nought, and he knew he was dying; and so, with his remaining strength, he broke up and dishonoured and destroyed all the Fetishes in which the spirits lived, and cast them out into the surf and died like a man.
The African fully understands that his fetish can fail, but he also knows its power. One notably tragic example of this I learned about in Opobo. There was a very renowned and trusted Fetish doctor who lived at the mouth of the Great River. One day, he fell sick himself and performed ju-ju to combat the illness; however, it persisted, and he got worse. He attempted more powerful ju-ju, but it was futile, and then he made the strongest ju-ju possible, which also did not work, and he realized he was dying. So, with his remaining strength, he destroyed and disrespected all the Fetishes that contained the spirits, and he cast them into the waves and died like a man.
Then horror came upon the people when they knew he had done this, and they burnt his house and all things belonging to him, and cried upon the spirits not to forsake them, not to lay this one man’s deadly sin at their doors.
Then fear swept through the people when they realized what he had done, and they burned his house and everything that belonged to him, crying out to the spirits not to abandon them, not to blame them for this one man's deadly sin.
In connection with the gods of West Africa I may remark that in almost all the series of native tradition there, you will find accounts of a time when there was direct intercourse between the gods or spirits that live in the sky, and men. That intercourse is always said to have been cut off by some human error; for example, the Fernando Po people say that once upon a time there was no trouble or serious disturbance upon earth because there was a ladder, made like the one you get palm-nuts with, “only long, long;” and this ladder reached from earth to heaven so the gods could go up and down it and attend personally to mundane affairs. But one day a cripple boy started to go up the ladder, and he had got a long way up when his mother saw him, and went up in pursuit. The gods, horrified at the prospect of having boys and women invading heaven, threw down the ladder, and have since left humanity severely alone. The Timneh people, north-east of Sierra Leone, say that in old times God was very friendly with men, and when He thought a man had lived long enough on earth, He sent a messenger to him telling him to come up into the sky, and stay with Him; but once there was a man who, when the messenger of God came, did not want to leave his wives, his slaves, and his riches, and so the messenger had to go back without him; and God was very cross and sent another messenger for him, who was called Disease, but the man would not come for him either, and so Disease sent back word to God that he must have help to bring the man; and so God sent another messenger whose name was Death; and Disease and Death together got hold of the man, and took him to God; and God said in future He would always send these messengers to fetch men.
In relation to the gods of West Africa, I should note that in nearly all the series of local traditions, there are stories about a time when there was direct communication between the gods or spirits living in the sky and humans. This connection is always said to have been severed due to some human mistake; for instance, the Fernando Po people believe that there was a time when there were no troubles or serious issues on earth because there was a ladder, similar to the one used for gathering palm nuts, “but much longer.” This ladder extended from the earth to the heavens, allowing the gods to come down and attend to earthly matters personally. However, one day a disabled boy began climbing the ladder, and he had made it quite a distance up when his mother saw him and went after him. The gods, alarmed at the thought of boys and women invading heaven, knocked the ladder down, and since then they have kept their distance from humanity. The Timneh people, northeast of Sierra Leone, say that in ancient times, God was very close to humans, and when He thought a person had lived long enough on earth, He would send a messenger to invite them to come up to the sky and stay with Him. But there was once a man who, when God’s messenger came, didn’t want to leave his wives, his slaves, and his wealth, so the messenger had to return without him. God was very angry and sent another messenger named Disease, but the man refused to go with him either. So, Disease sent word back to God that he needed help to bring the man, and God sent another messenger named Death. Together, Disease and Death took hold of the man and brought him to God, who then declared that in the future, He would always send these messengers to collect men.
The Fernando Po legend may be taken as fairly pure African, but the Timneh, I expect, is a transmogrified Arabic story - though I do not know of anything like it among Arabic stories; but they are infinite in quantity, and there is a certain ring about it I recognise, and these Timnehs are much in contact with the Mohammedan, Mandingoes, etc. In none of the African stories is there given anything like the importance to dreams that there is given to attempts to account for accidents and death; and surely it must have been more impressive and important to a man to have got his leg or arm snapped off by a crocodile in the river, or by a shark in the surf, or to have got half killed, or have seen a friend killed by a falling tree in the forest in the day time, than to have experienced the most wonderful of dreams. He sees that however terrific his dream-experiences may have been, he was not much the worse for them. Not so in the other case, a limb gone or a life gone is more impressive, and more necessary to account for.
The Fernando Po legend can be seen as quite authentically African, but I believe the Timneh is a transformed Arabic tale - although I’m not familiar with anything exactly like it in Arabic literature; there are countless stories, and there's a certain familiarity in its tone. The Timnehs interact a lot with the Muslim Mandingoes, etc. In none of the African stories is there anything that gives dreams the same significance as attempts to explain accidents and deaths. Surely, getting an arm or leg bitten off by a crocodile in the river, or a shark in the waves, or being seriously injured, or witnessing a friend die from a falling tree in broad daylight must have felt more impactful than having the most amazing dreams. He realizes that even if his dream experiences were terrifying, they didn’t leave much of a mark on him. In contrast, losing a limb or a life is much more striking and requires greater explanation.
No trace of sun-worship have I ever found. The firmament is, I believe, always the great indifferent and neglected god, the Nyan Kupon of the Tschwi, and the Anzambe, Nzam, etc., of the Bantu races. The African thinks this god has great power if he would only exert it, and when things go very badly with him, when the river rises higher than usual and sweeps away his home and his plantations; when the smallpox stalks through the land, and day and night the corpses float down the river past him, and he finds them jammed among his canoes that are tied to the beach, and choking up his fish traps; and then when at last the death-wail over its victims goes up night and day from his own village, he will rise up and call upon this great god in a terror maddened by despair, that he may hear and restrain the evil workings of these lesser devils; but he evidently finds, as Peer Gynt says, “Nein, er hört nicht. Er ist taub wie gewöhnlich” for there is no organised cult for Anzam.
I’ve never found any evidence of sun-worship. The sky is, I believe, always the great indifferent and overlooked god, the Nyan Kupon of the Tschwi and the Anzambe, Nzam, etc., of the Bantu people. The African believes this god has great power if he would just use it, and when things go really wrong for him—when the river rises higher than usual and washes away his home and crops; when smallpox spreads through the land, and day and night corpses float down the river past him, getting stuck among his tied-up canoes and clogging his fish traps; and then when the wailing for the dead rises up night and day from his own village—he will stand up and call on this great god in a panic fueled by despair, hoping that he will hear and put a stop to the evil deeds of these lesser demons. But he clearly finds, as Peer Gynt says, “No, he doesn’t hear. He is deaf as usual,” for there is no organized cult for Anzam.
Accounts of apparitions abound in all the West Coast districts, and although the African holds them all in high horror and terror, he does not see anything supernatural in his “Duppy.” It is a horrid thing to happen on, but there is nothing strange about it, and he is ten thousand times more frightened than puzzled over the affair. He does not want to “investigate” to see whether there is anything in it. He wants to get clear away, and make ju-ju against it, “one time.”
Accounts of ghost sightings are everywhere in the West Coast regions, and while the African community views them with deep fear and dread, they don’t consider their "Duppy" to be supernatural. It's a terrifying experience, but there's nothing odd about it, and they are far more scared than confused by the situation. They don't feel the need to "investigate" to figure out if it’s real. They just want to escape and protect themselves with ju-ju, "right away."
These apparitions have a great variety of form, for, firstly, there are all the true spirits, nature spirits; secondly, the spirits of human beings - these human spirits are held to exist before as well as during and after bodily life; thirdly, the spirits of things. Probably the most horrid of class one is the Tschwi’s Sasabonsum. Whether Sasabonsum is an individual or a class is not quite clear, but I believe he is a class of spirits, each individual of which has the same characteristics, the same manner of showing anger, the same personal appearance, and the same kind of residence. I am a devoted student of his cult and I am always coming across equivalent forms of him in other tribes as well as the Tschwi, and I think he is very early. As the Tschwi have got their religious notions in a most tidy and definite state, we will take their version of Sasabonsum.
These spirits come in many different forms. First, there are the true spirits, or nature spirits. Second, there are the spirits of humans—these human spirits are believed to exist before, during, and after physical life. Third, there are the spirits of objects. Probably the most terrifying spirit in the first category is the Tschwi’s Sasabonsum. It’s unclear whether Sasabonsum is an individual or a group, but I believe it’s a type of spirit, with each one sharing the same traits, the same way of expressing anger, the same appearance, and the same kind of home. I am a dedicated follower of his cult and often find similar versions of him in other tribes as well as among the Tschwi, and I think he dates back quite far. Since the Tschwi have their religious beliefs well-organized and clearly defined, we will focus on their interpretation of Sasabonsum.
He lives in the forest, in or under those great silk-cotton trees around the roots of which the earth is red. This coloured earth identifies a silk-cotton tree as being the residence of a Sasabonsum, as its colour is held to arise from the blood it whips off him as he goes down to his under-world home after a night’s carnage. All silk-cotton trees are suspected because they are held to be the roosts for Duppies. But the red earth ones are feared with a great fear, and no one makes a path by them, or a camp near them at night.
He lives in the forest, in or under those massive silk-cotton trees, where the ground is red around their roots. This colored earth marks a silk-cotton tree as the home of a Sasabonsum, as it's believed the color comes from the blood it sheds when he goes down to his underworld home after a night of killing. All silk-cotton trees are viewed with suspicion because they're thought to be roosting spots for Duppies. But the ones with red earth are especially feared, and no one walks by them or camps near them at night.
Sasabonsum is a friend of witches. He is of enormous size, and of a red colour. He wears his hair straight and he waylays unprotected wayfarers in the forest at night, and in all districts except that of Apollonia he eats them. Round Apollonia he only sucks their blood. Natives of this district after meeting him have crawled home and given an account of his appearance, and then expired.
Sasabonsum is a friend of witches. He is huge and has red skin. He wears his hair straight, and he ambushes unsuspecting travelers in the forest at night. In all areas except around Apollonia, he eats them. Near Apollonia, he only drinks their blood. Locals who encounter him have crawled home and described what he looks like, only to die shortly after.
Ellis says he is believed to be implacable, and when angered can never be mollified or propitiated, but it is certain that human victims are constantly sacrificed to him in districts beyond white control; in districts under it, the equivalent value of a human sacrifice in sheep and goats is offered to him. In Ashantee he has priests, and of course human sacrifice. Away among the Dahomeyan tribes - where he has kept his habits but got another name, and seems to have crystallised from a class into an individual - the usual way in which a god develops - he has priests and priestesses, and they are holy terrors; but among the Tschwi, Sasabonsum is mainly dealt with by witches, and people desirous of possessing the power of becoming witches. They derive their power from him in a remarkable way. I put myself to great personal inconvenience (fever risk, mosquito certainty, high leopard and snake palaver probability, and grave personal alarm and apprehension) to verify Colonel Ellis’s account of the methods witches employ in this case, to obtain ehsuhman and I find his account correct. {363}
Ellis says people think he is unyielding, and when angered, he can never be calmed or appeased, but it’s clear that human sacrifices are regularly made to him in areas outside of white control; in areas under it, the equivalent value of a human sacrifice in sheep and goats is offered to him. In Ashantee, he has priests, and of course, human sacrifice. Far away among the Dahomeyan tribes—where he has maintained his customs but taken on a different name, and seems to have evolved from a class into an individual—the usual way a god develops—he has priests and priestesses, and they are truly fearsome; however, among the Tschwi, Sasabonsum is mainly dealt with by witches and those wanting to gain the ability to become witches. They gain their power from him in a striking manner. I subjected myself to considerable personal risk (fever, a guarantee of mosquitoes, a high chance of encountering leopards and snakes, and serious personal fear and anxiety) to verify Colonel Ellis’s account of the methods witches use in this context to obtain ehsuhman, and I find his account to be accurate. {363}
The chief use of a suhman is the power it gives its owner to procure the death of other people, not necessarily his own enemies, for he will sell charms made by the agency of his suhman to another person whose nerves have not been equal to facing Sasabonsum on his own account. He can also provide by its agency other charms, such as those that protect houses from fire, and things and individuals from accidents on the road, or in canoes, and the home circle from good-looking but unprincipled young men, and so on.
The main purpose of a suhman is to give its owner the ability to cause the death of other people, not just his own enemies, since he can sell charms created through his suhman to someone else who isn’t brave enough to face Sasabonsum themselves. He can also offer other charms with its help, like those that protect homes from fire, prevent accidents for people traveling on the road or in canoes, and keep attractive but deceitful young men away from his family, among other things.
As a rule the person who has a suhman keeps the fact pretty quiet, for the possession of such an article would lead half the catastrophes in his district, from the decease of pigs, fowls, and babies, to fires, etc., to be accredited to him, which would lead to his neighbours making “witch palaver” over him, and he would have to undergo poison-ordeal and other unpleasantness to clear his character. He, however, always keeps a special day in his suhman’s honour, and should he be powerful, as a king or big chief, he will keep this day openly. King Kwoffi Karri Kari, whom we fought with in 1874, used to make a big day for his suhman, which was kept in a box covered with gold plates, and he sacrificed a human victim to it every Tuesday, with general festivities and dances in its honour.
As a rule, someone who has a suhman tends to keep it a secret, because owning one would lead many of the disasters in his area—like the death of pigs, chickens, and babies, as well as fires, etc.—to be blamed on him. This blame could lead his neighbors to hold “witch meetings” about him, and he would have to go through poison tests and other unpleasant things to clear his name. However, he always sets aside a special day to honor his suhman, and if he is powerful, like a king or a chief, he will celebrate this day publicly. King Kwoffi Karri Kari, whom we fought in 1874, used to throw a big celebration for his suhman, which was kept in a box decorated with gold plates, and he sacrificed a human victim to it every Tuesday, along with general festivities and dances in its honor.
I should remark that Sasabonsum is married. His wife, or more properly speaking his female form, is called Shamantin. She is far less malignant than the male form. Her name comes from Srahman - ghost or spirit; the termination “tin” is an abbreviation of sintstin - tall. She is of immense height, and white; perhaps this idea is derived from the white stem of the silk-cotton trees wherein she invariably abides. Her method of dealing with the solitary wayfarer is no doubt inconvenient to him, but it is kinder than her husband’s ways, for she does not kill and eat him, as Sasabonsum does, but merely detains him some months while she teaches him all about the forest: what herbs are good to eat, or to cure disease; where the game come to drink, and what they say to each other, and so forth. I often wish I knew this lady, for the grim, grand African forests are like a great library, in which, so far, I can do little more than look at the pictures, although I am now busily learning the alphabet of their language, so that I may some day read what these pictures mean.
I should mention that Sasabonsum is married. His wife, or more accurately his female counterpart, is named Shamantin. She is much less harmful than the male version. Her name comes from Srahman - ghost or spirit; the ending “tin” is a shortened form of sintstin - tall. She is extremely tall and white; perhaps this idea comes from the white trunk of the silk-cotton trees where she usually resides. Her way of interacting with a lone traveler might be inconvenient, but it’s kinder than her husband’s approach. Unlike Sasabonsum, who kills and eats travelers, she simply keeps them for several months while she teaches them all about the forest: which herbs are safe to eat or can cure illnesses; where the animals come to drink, and what they say to each other, and so on. I often wish I could meet this woman, as the vast, majestic African forests are like a huge library. So far, I can do little more than look at the pictures, although I am now diligently learning the alphabet of their language, so one day I might be able to understand what these pictures mean.
Do not go away with the idea, I beg, that goddesses as a general rule, are better than gods. They are not. There are stories about them which I could - I mean I could not - tell you. There is one belonging also to the Tschwi. She lives at Moree, a village five miles from Cape Coast. She is, as is usual with deities, human in shape and colossal in size, and as is not usual with deities, she is covered with hair from head to foot, - short white hair like a goat. Her abode is on the path to surf-cursed Anamabu near the sea-beach, and her name is Aynfwa; a worshipper of hers has only got to mention the name of a person he wishes dead when passing her abode and Aynfwa does the rest. She is the goddess of all albinoes, who are said to be more frequent in occurrence round Moree than elsewhere. Ellis says that in 1886, when he was there, they were 1 per cent. of the entire population. These albinoes are, ipso facto, her priests and priestesses, and in old days an albino had only to name anywhere a person Aynfwa wished for, and that person was forthwith killed.
Please don't walk away thinking that goddesses are generally better than gods. They aren't. There are stories about them that I could, well, I couldn’t share with you. One of those stories involves the Tschwi. She lives in Moree, a village five miles from Cape Coast. Like most deities, she appears human and is enormous in size, but unlike most deities, she is covered from head to toe in short white hair like a goat. Her home is along the path to surf-cursed Anamabu near the beach, and her name is Aynfwa; a follower only needs to mention the name of someone they want dead while passing her home, and Aynfwa takes care of the rest. She is the goddess of all albino people, who are said to be more common around Moree than anywhere else. Ellis mentions that in 1886, when he was there, they made up 1 percent of the total population. These albinos are, ipso facto, her priests and priestesses, and in the past, an albino only needed to name anyone that Aynfwa desired, and that person would be killed immediately.
I think I may safely say that every dangerous place in West Africa is regarded as the residence of a god - rocks and whirlpools in the rivers - swamps “no man fit to pass” - and naturally, the surf. Along the Gold Coast, at every place where you have to land through the surf, it fairly swarms with gods. A little experience with the said surf inclines you to think, as the dabblers in spiritualism say “that there is something in it.” I will back this West Coast surf - “the Calemma,” as we call it down South, against any other malevolent abomination, barring only the English climate. Its ways of dealing with human beings are cunning and deceitful. In its most ferocious moods it seizes a boat, straightway swamps it, and feeds its pet sharks with the boat’s occupants. If the surf is merely sky-larking it lets your boat’s nose just smell the sand, and then says “Thought you were all right this time, did you though,” and drags the boat back again under the incoming wave, or catches it under the stern and gaily throws it upside down over you and yours on the beach. Variety, they say, is charming. Let those who say it, and those who believe it, just do a course of surf-work, and I’ll warrant they will change their minds.
I think I can safely say that every dangerous spot in West Africa is seen as the home of a god—like rocks and whirlpools in the rivers, swamps “no man should enter,” and of course, the surf. Along the Gold Coast, at every place where you need to land through the surf, it’s packed with gods. A bit of experience with that surf makes you think, as the spiritualists say, “there’s something to it.” I’ll put this West Coast surf—“the Calemma,” as we call it down South—up against any other malicious hazard, except maybe the English weather. Its ways of handling people are sly and treacherous. In its wildest moods, it grabs a boat, instantly swamps it, and feeds its pet sharks with the people on board. If the surf is just playing around, it lets the nose of your boat barely touch the sand, then teases you by saying, “Thought you were safe this time, did you?” before it drags the boat back under the incoming wave or catches it at the stern and cheerfully flips it upside down over you and yours on the beach. Variety, they say, is charming. Let those who say that, and those who believe it, try their hand at surfing, and I’ll bet they’ll change their minds.
There is one thing about the surf that I do not understand, and that is why witches always walk stark naked along the beach by it at night, and eat sea crabs the while. That such is a confirmed habit of theirs is certain; and they tell me that while doing this the witches emit a bright light, and also that there is a certain medicine, which, if you have it with you, you can throw over the witch, and then he, or she, will remain blazing until morning time, running to and fro, crying out wildly, in front of the white, breaking, thundering surf wall, and when the dawn comes the fire burns the witch right up, leaving only a grey ash - and palaver set in this world and the next for that witch.
There's one thing about the surf that I don't understand, and that's why witches always walk completely naked along the beach at night, eating sea crabs while they do it. It's definitely a routine of theirs; I've been told that while they’re doing this, the witches give off a bright light. There's also a certain medicine that if you have it with you, you can throw it over the witch, and then he or she will stay glowing until morning, running back and forth, shouting wildly in front of the white, crashing, thundering waves. And when dawn comes, the fire burns the witch completely up, leaving only grey ash—which causes trouble for that witch in this world and the next.
A highly-esteemed native minister told me when I was at Cape Coast last, that a fortnight before, he had been away in the Apollonia district on mission work. One evening he and a friend were walking along the beach and the night was dark, so that you could see only the surf. It is never too dark to see that, it seems to have light in itself. They saw a flame coming towards them, and after a moment’s doubt they knew it was a witch, and feeling frightened, hid themselves among the bushes that edge the sandy shore. As they watched, it came straight on and passed them, and they saw it disappear in the distance. My informant laughed at himself, and very wisely said, “One has not got to believe those things here, one has in Apollonia.”
A respected local minister told me when I was in Cape Coast last that two weeks earlier, he had been in the Apollonia district for missionary work. One evening, he and a friend were walking on the beach, and it was so dark that they could only see the surf. It’s never too dark to see that; it seems to have its own light. They saw a flame approaching them, and after a moment of hesitation, they realized it was a witch. Feeling scared, they hid in the bushes along the sandy shore. As they watched, it came right toward them and then passed by, disappearing into the distance. My informant laughed at himself and wisely said, "You don’t have to believe those things here; you do in Apollonia."
To the surf and its spirits the sea-board-dwelling Tschwis bring women who have had children and widows, both after a period of eight days from the birth of the child, or the death of the husband.
To the surf and its spirits, the coastal Tschwis bring women who've given birth and widows, both after eight days from the birth of the child or the death of the husband.
A widow remains in the house until this period has elapsed, neglecting her person, eating little food, and sitting on the bare floor in the attitude of mourning. On the Gold Coast they bury very quickly, as they are always telling you, usually on the day after death, rarely later than the third day, even among the natives; and the spirit, or Srah, of the dead man is supposed to hang about his wives and his house until the ceremony of purification is carried out. This is done, needless to say, with uproar. The relations of each wife go to her house with musical instruments - I mean tom-toms and that sort of thing - and they take a quantity of mint, which grows wild in this country, with them. This mint they burn, some of it in the house, the rest they place upon pans of live coals and carry round the widow as she goes in their midst down to the surf, her relatives singing aloud to the Srah of the departed husband, telling him that now he is dead and has done with the lady he must leave her. This singing serves to warn all the women who are not relations to get out of the way, which of course they always carefully do, because if they were to see the widow their own husbands would die within the year.
A widow stays in the house until this period is over, neglecting herself, eating very little, and sitting on the bare floor in mourning. On the Gold Coast, they bury the dead very quickly, as people often say—usually the day after death, and rarely later than the third day, even among the locals. The spirit, or Srah, of the deceased man is believed to linger around his wives and home until the purification ceremony is performed. This ceremony, of course, is quite loud. The family members of each wife come to her house with musical instruments—like tom-toms and similar things—and they bring a bunch of mint, which grows wild in the area. They burn some of this mint in the house, while the rest is placed on live coals and carried around the widow as she walks down to the surf, with her family singing loudly to the Srah of her deceased husband, telling him that since he is dead and has finished with her, he must leave her be. This singing also serves as a warning for all women who aren’t relatives to clear the way, which they always do, because if they were to see the widow, their own husbands would die within the year.
When the party has arrived at the shore, they strip every rag off the widow, and throw it into the surf; and a thoughtful female relative having brought a suit of dark blue baft with her for the occasion, the widow is clothed in this and returns home, where a suitable festival is held, after which she may marry again; but if she were to marry before this ceremony, the Srah of the husband would play the mischief with husband number two or three, and so on, as the case might be.
When the group gets to the shore, they take off all the widow's clothes and toss them into the waves; a considerate female relative brought a dark blue outfit for the occasion, so the widow puts this on and goes back home, where a proper celebration takes place. After that, she can get married again, but if she marries before this ceremony, the spirit of her first husband would create trouble for her second or third husband, depending on how many she has.
In the inland Gold Coast districts the widows remain in a state of mourning for several months, and a selection of them, a quantity of slaves, and one or two free men are killed to escort the dead man to Srahmandazi; and as well as these, and in order to provide him with merchandise to keep up his house and state in the under-world, quantities of gold dust, rolls of rich velvets, silks, satins, etc., are thrown into the grave.
In the inland districts of the Gold Coast, widows mourn for several months. A selection of them, along with some slaves and a couple of free men, are killed to accompany the deceased to Srahmandazi. Additionally, to provide him with goods for his home and status in the afterlife, large amounts of gold dust, piles of luxurious velvets, silks, satins, and other items are placed in the grave.
Among the dwellers in Cameroon, when you are across the Bantu border-line, velvets, etc., are buried with a big man or woman; but I am told it is only done for the glorification of his living relatives, so that the world may say, “So and so must be rich, look what a lot of trade he threw away at that funeral of his wife,” or his father, or his son, as the case may be; but I doubt whether this is the true explanation. If it is, I should recommend my German friends, if they wish to intervene, to introduce the income tax into Cameroon - that would eliminate this custom.
Among the people in Cameroon, when someone crosses the Bantu border, they bury things like velvet with a prominent man or woman. However, I’ve heard that this is only done to show off the wealth of their living relatives, so the world can say, “That person must be rich; look at all the goods they wasted at their wife’s, father’s, or son’s funeral,” depending on the situation. But I’m not sure that’s the real reason. If it is, I’d suggest my German friends, if they want to help, should implement an income tax in Cameroon—that would put an end to this practice.
The Tschwis hold that there is a definite earthly existence belonging to each soul of a human kind. Let us say, for example, a soul has a thirty years’ bodily existence belonging to it. Well, suppose that soul’s body gets killed off at twenty-five, its remaining five years it has to spend, if it is left alone, in knocking about its old haunts, homes, and wives. In this state it is called a Sisa, and is a nuisance. It will cause sickness. It will throw stones. It will pull off roofs, and it will play the very mischief with its wives’ subsequent husbands, all because, not having reached its full term of life, it has not learnt its way down the dark and difficult path to Srahmandazi, the entrance to which is across the Volta River to the N.E. This knowledge of the path to Srahmandazi is a thing that grows gradually on a man’s immortal soul (the other three souls are not immortal), and naturally not having been allowed to complete his life, his knowledge is imperfect. A man’s soul, however, can be taught the way, if necessary, in the funeral “custom” made by his relatives and the priests; but in a case of an incompletelifeonearthsoul, as a German would say, when it does arrive in the land of Insrah (pl.) it is in a weak and feeble state from the difficulties of its journey, whereas a soul that has lived out its allotted span of life goes straightway off to Srahmandazi as soon as its “custom” or “devil” is made and gives its surviving relatives no further trouble. Still there is great difference of opinion among all the Tschwis and Ga men I have come across on this point, and Ellis likewise remarks on this difference of opinion. Some informants say that a soul that has been sent hence before its time, although it is exhausted by the hardships it has suffered on its journey down, yet recovers health in a month or so; while a soul that has run its allotted span on earth is as feeble as a new-born babe on arriving in Srahmandazi, and takes years to pull round. Other informants say they have no knowledge of these details, and state that all the difference they know of between the souls of men who have been killed and the men who have died, is that the former can always come back, and that really the safest way of disposing of this class of soul is, by suitable spells and incantations, to get it to enter into the body of a new-born baby, where it can live out the remainder of its life.
The Tschwis believe that every human soul has a specific earthly existence. For instance, if a soul is meant to live for thirty years but its body is killed at twenty-five, it will spend the remaining five years wandering around its old places, homes, and partners. In this state, it is referred to as a Sisa, and it becomes a nuisance. It can cause illness, throw stones, tear off roofs, and create trouble for its partner's new spouse, all because it didn't finish its full life and hasn't learned how to navigate the dark, difficult path to Srahmandazi, which is located across the Volta River to the northeast. This knowledge of the path to Srahmandazi gradually develops in a person's immortal soul (the other three souls are not immortal), and since it wasn't allowed to complete its life, its knowledge is incomplete. However, a person's soul can learn the way, if necessary, through the funeral "custom" conducted by its relatives and priests. But in cases of a soul that didn't complete its earthly life, as a German might say, when it arrives in the land of Insrah (plural), it is weak from the challenges of its journey, while a soul that has lived its full life immediately heads to Srahmandazi after its “custom” or “devil” has been performed and causes no further trouble for its surviving family. There’s a lot of disagreement among all the Tschwis and Ga people I’ve encountered regarding this matter, and Ellis notes the same difference of opinion. Some say that a soul that leaves before its time, even if exhausted from its journey, recovers in about a month; meanwhile, a soul that has completed its life on earth arrives in Srahmandazi as weak as a newborn and takes years to regain strength. Other informants claim they don't know the details and only recognize that the main difference between souls of those who were killed and those who died naturally is that the former can always return. They believe the best way to deal with this type of soul is to perform suitable spells and incantations to help it enter the body of a newborn, allowing it to complete its life.
Before closing these observations on Srahmandazi I will give the best account of that land that I am at present able to. Some day perhaps I may share the fate of the Oxford Professor in In the Wrong Paradise and go there myself, but so far my information is second-hand.
Before wrapping up these thoughts on Srahmandazi, I’ll provide the best description of that place that I’m currently able to. One day, maybe I’ll end up like the Oxford Professor in In the Wrong Paradise and visit myself, but for now, my knowledge is based on what others have said.
It is like this world. There are towns and villages, rivers, mountains, bush, plantations, and markets. When the sun rises here it sets in Srahmandazi. It has its pleasures and its pains, not necessarily retributive or rewarding, but dim. All souls in it grow forward or backward into the prime of life and remain there, some informants say; others say that each inhabitant remains there at the same age as he was when he quitted the world above. This latter view is most like the South West one. The former is possibly only an attempt to make Srahmandazi into a heaven in conformation with Christian teaching, which it is not, any more than it is a hell.
It’s like this world. There are towns and villages, rivers, mountains, bushes, plantations, and markets. When the sun rises here, it sets in Srahmandazi. It has its pleasures and its pains, not necessarily as punishments or rewards, but they’re muted. All souls in it move forward or backward into the prime of life and stay there, some say; others claim that each person stays at the age they were when they left the world above. This latter perspective aligns more with the South West view. The former is probably just an attempt to shape Srahmandazi into a heaven in line with Christian teachings, which it isn’t, just as it isn’t a hell.
I have much curious information regarding its flora and fauna. A great deal of both is seemingly indigenous, and then there are the souls of great human beings, the Asrahmanfw, and the souls of all the human beings, animals, and things sent down with them. The ghosts do not seem to leave off their interest in mundane affairs, for they not only have local palavers, but try palavers left over from their earthly existence; and when there is an outbreak of sickness in a Fantee town or village, and several inhabitants die off, the opinion is often held that there is a big palaver going on down in Srahmandazi and that the spirits are sending up on earth for witnesses, subpœnaing them as it were. Medicine men or priests are called in to find out what particular earthly grievance can be the subject of the ghost palaver, and when they have ascertained this, they take the evidence of every one in the town on this affair, as it were on commission, and transmit the information to the court sitting in Srahmandazi. This prevents the living being incommoded by personal journeys down below, and although the priests have their fee, it is cheaper in the end, because the witnesses’ funeral expenses would fall heavier still.
I have a lot of interesting information about its plants and animals. A lot of them seem to be local, and then there are the spirits of great people, the Asrahmanfw, along with the souls of all humans, animals, and objects that came with them. The ghosts appear to still care about everyday matters, as they not only have local meetings but also discuss issues from their past lives; and when there’s an outbreak of illness in a Fantee town or village, and several people die, it’s often believed that a big meeting is happening in Srahmandazi and that the spirits are calling up witnesses from the living. Medicine men or priests are brought in to figure out what specific earthly issue could be the topic of the ghost meeting, and once they find this out, they collect testimonies from everyone in town on the matter, almost like a commission, and send the information to the court in Srahmandazi. This saves the living from having to make personal trips down below, and although the priests charge a fee, it ends up being cheaper since the costs of witnesses’ funerals would be even higher.
Although far more elaborated and thought out than any other African underworld I have ever come across, the Tschwi Srahmandazi may be taken as a type of all the African underworlds. The Bantu’s idea of a future life is a life spent in much such a place. As far as I can make out there is no definite idea of eternity. I have even come across cases in which doubt was thrown on the present existence of the Creating God, but I think this has arisen from attempts having been made to introduce concise conceptions into the African mind, conceptions that are quite foreign to its true nature and which alarm and worry it. You never get the strange idea of the difference between time and eternity - the idea I mean, that they are different things - in the African that one frequently gets in cultured Europeans; and as for the human soul, the African always believes “that still the spirit is whole, and life and death but shadows of the soul.”
Although the Tschwi Srahmandazi is more detailed and thought-out than any other African underworld I've encountered, it can be seen as representative of all African underworlds. The Bantu's view of the afterlife is that it resembles this type of place. From what I understand, there isn't a clear idea of eternity. I've even found instances where people questioned the current existence of a Creating God, but I believe this doubt stems from efforts to impose rigid ideas that don’t fit the African mindset, which can feel foreign and unsettling. Unlike some cultured Europeans who often perceive a distinct difference between time and eternity, this concept doesn’t appear to exist for Africans. When it comes to the human soul, Africans consistently believe “that still the spirit is whole, and life and death but shadows of the soul.”
CHAPTER XVI. FETISH - (concluded).
In which the discourse on apparitions is continued, with some observations on secret societies, both tribal and murder, and the kindred subject of leopards.
In which the discussion about apparitions continues, along with some remarks on secret societies, both tribal and murderous, and the related topic of leopards.
Apparitions are by no means always of human soul origin. All the Tschwi and the Ewe gods, for example, have the habit of appearing pretty regularly to their priests, and occasionally to the laity, like Sasabonsum; but it is only to priests that these appearances are harmless or beneficial. The effect of Sasabonsum’s appearance to the layman I have cited above, and I could give many other examples of the bad effects of those of other gods, but will only now mention Tando, the Hater, the chief god of the Northern Tschwi, the Ashantees, etc. He is terribly malicious, human in shape, and though not quite white, is decidedly lighter in complexion than the chief god of the Southern Tschwi, Bobowissi. His hair is lank, and he carries a native sword and wears a long robe. His well-selected messengers are those awful driver ants (Inkran) which it is not orthodox to molest in Tando’s territories. He uses as his weapons lightning, tempest, and disease, but the last is the most favourite one.
Apparitions aren't always from human souls. For instance, all the Tschwi and Ewe gods frequently show up to their priests, and occasionally to regular people, like Sasabonsum; however, these appearances are only harmless or beneficial to priests. I mentioned earlier the negative effects of Sasabonsum’s appearance on a regular person, and I could share many other examples of the harmful effects from other gods, but I’ll only point out Tando, the Hater, who is the main god of the Northern Tschwi, the Ashantees, and others. He is extremely malicious, appears human, and while he’s not exactly white, he is definitely lighter than the main god of the Southern Tschwi, Bobowissi. His hair is straight, and he carries a traditional sword and wears a long robe. His chosen messengers are those terrifying driver ants (Inkran), which you’re not supposed to disturb in Tando’s territories. He wields lightning, storms, and illness as his weapons, with illness being his favorite.
There is absolutely no trick too mean or venomous for Tando. For example, he has a way of appearing near a village he has a grudge against in the form of a male child, and wanders about crying bitterly, until some kind-hearted, unsuspecting villager comes and takes him in and feeds him. Then he develops a contagious disease that clears that village out.
There’s no scheme too cruel or malicious for Tando. For instance, he has a knack for showing up near a village he dislikes in the guise of a young boy, wandering around and crying pitifully, until some kind-hearted, unsuspecting villager takes him in and feeds him. Then he comes down with a contagious illness that wipes out that village.
This form of appearance and subsequent conduct is, unhappily, not rigidly confined to Tando, but is used by many spirits as a method of collecting arrears in taxes in the way of sacrifices. I have found traces of it among Bantu gods or spirits, and it gives rise to a general hesitation in West Africa to take care of waifs and strays of unexplained origin.
This way of showing up and acting is, unfortunately, not limited to Tando, but is adopted by many spirits as a way to collect unpaid taxes through sacrifices. I've noticed signs of this among Bantu gods or spirits, and it creates a general reluctance in West Africa to care for orphaned or abandoned individuals of unknown origin.
Other things beside gods and human spirits have the habit of becoming incarnate. Once I had to sit waiting a long time at an apparently perfectly clear bush path, because in front of us a spear’s ghost used to fly across the path about that time in the afternoon, and if any one was struck by it they died. A certain spring I know of is haunted by the ghost of a pitcher. Many ladies when they have gone alone to fill their pitchers in the evening time at this forest spring have noticed a very fine pitcher standing there ready filled, and thinking exchange is no robbery, or at any rate they would risk it if it were, have left their own pitcher and taken the better looking one; but always as soon as they have come within sight of the village huts, the new pitcher has crumbled into dust, and the water in it been spilt on the ground; and the worst of it is, when they have returned to fetch their own discarded pitcher, they find it also shattered into pieces.
Other things besides gods and human spirits can become real. Once, I had to sit and wait a long time at what seemed like a perfectly clear bush path because, around that time in the afternoon, a ghostly spear would fly across the path, and if anyone got hit by it, they would die. There's this spring I know that’s haunted by the ghost of a pitcher. Many women, when they’ve gone alone to fill their pitchers in the evening at this forest spring, have seen a very nice pitcher waiting there, already filled. Thinking that taking it wouldn’t hurt, or at least willing to take the risk, they’ve left their own pitcher behind and taken the nicer one; but as soon as they get close to the village huts, the new pitcher crumbles into dust, and the water spills onto the ground. To make it worse, when they go back to get their old pitcher, they find it shattered into pieces too.
There is also another class of apparition, of which I have met with two instances, one among pure Negroes (Okÿon); the other among pure Bantu (Kangwe). I will give the Bantu version of the affair, because at Okÿon the incident had happened a good time before the details were told me, and in the Bantu case they had happened the previous evening. But there was very little difference in the main facts of the case, and it was an important thing because in both cases the underlying idea was sacrificial.
There’s also another type of ghost, which I’ve encountered twice: once among pure Black people (Okÿon) and the other among pure Bantu (Kangwe). I’ll share the Bantu version of the story since the incident at Okÿon occurred a while before I heard the details, and in the Bantu case, it happened the night before. However, there was very little difference in the main facts, and it was significant because in both cases, the underlying theme was sacrificial.
The woman who told me was an exceedingly intelligent, shrewd, reliable person. She had been to the factory with some trade, and had got a good price for it, and so was in a good temper on her return home in the evening. She got out of her canoe and leaving her slave boy to bring up the things, walked to her house, which was the ordinary house of a prosperous Igalwa native, having two distinct rooms in it, and a separate cook-house close by in a clean, sandy yard. She trod on some nastiness in the yard, and going into the cook-house found the slave girls round a very small and inefficient fire, trying to cook the evening meal. She blew them up for not having a proper fire; they said the wood was wet, and would not burn. She said they lied, and she would see to them later, and she went into the chamber she used for a sleeping apartment, and trod on something more on the floor in the dark; those good-for-nothing hussies of slaves had not lit her palm-oil lamp, and mentally forming the opinion that they had been out flirting during her absence, and resolving to teach them well the iniquity of such conduct, she sat down on her bed into a lot of messy stuff of a clammy, damp nature. Now this fairly roused her, for she is a notable housewife, who keeps her house and slaves in exceedingly good order. So dismissing from her mind the commercial consideration she had intended to gloat over when she came into her room, she called Ingremina and others in a tone that brought those young ladies on the spot. She asked them how they dared forget to light her lamp; they said they had not, but the lamp in the room must have gone out like the other lamps had, after burning dim and spluttering. They further said they had not been out, but had been sitting round the fire trying to make it burn properly. She duly whacked and pulled the ears of all within reach. I say within reach for she is not very active, weighing, I am sure, upwards of eighteen stone. Then she went back into her room and got out her beautiful English paraffin lamp, which she keeps in a box, and taking it into the cook-house, picked up a bit of wood from the hissing, spluttering fire, and lit it. When she picked up the wood she noticed that it was covered with the same sticky abomination she had met before that evening, and it smelt of the same faint smell she had noticed as soon as she had reached her house, and by now the whole air seemed oppressive with it.
The woman who told me was very smart, sharp, and trustworthy. She had been to the factory with some goods and got a good price for them, which put her in a good mood on her way home in the evening. She got out of her canoe and left her servant boy to bring up her things, walking to her house, which was a typical home for a successful Igalwa native, featuring two separate rooms and a cookhouse nearby in a clean, sandy yard. She stepped in something unpleasant in the yard and, going into the cookhouse, found the slave girls huddled around a small, ineffective fire, trying to prepare dinner. She scolded them for not having a proper fire; they said the wood was wet and wouldn’t catch. She accused them of lying and said she would deal with them later, then went into the bedroom she used for sleeping, stepping on something else on the dark floor; those lazy slave girls hadn’t lit her palm-oil lamp, and she formed the opinion that they had been out flirting while she was gone, deciding she would teach them a lesson about such behavior. She sat down on her bed and landed in a mess of sticky, damp stuff. This really annoyed her because she was a great housekeeper who kept her home and slaves very organized. So, putting aside the business matters she had planned to think about when she entered the room, she called Ingremina and the others in a tone that summoned them immediately. She asked them how they could forget to light her lamp; they protested that they hadn’t, explaining the lamp in the room must have gone out like the others after burning dim and sputtering. They claimed they hadn’t been out and had only been sitting around the fire trying to get it to burn properly. She proceeded to smack and pull the ears of all within reach. I say "within reach" because she wasn’t very agile, weighing quite a bit over eighteen stone. Then she went back to her room and retrieved her beautiful English paraffin lamp, which she kept in a box, and took it into the cookhouse, picking up a piece of wood from the hissing, sputtering fire to light it. As she picked up the wood, she noticed it was covered in the same sticky mess she had encountered earlier that evening, and it had the same faint smell she had noticed as soon as she arrived home, which by now seemed to saturate the air around her.
As soon as the lamp was alight she saw what the stuff was, namely, blood. Blood was everywhere, the rest of the sticks in the fire had it on them, it sizzled at the burning ends, and ran off the other in rills. There were pools of it about her clean, sandy yard. Her own room was reeking, the bed, the stools, the floor; it trickled down the door-post; coagulated on the lintel. She herself was smeared with it from the things she had come in contact with in the dark, and the slaves seemed to have been sitting in pools of it. The things she picked up off the table and shelf left rims of it behind them; there was more in the skillets, and the oil in the open palm-oil lamps had a film of it floating on the oil. Investigation showed that the whole of the rest of her house was in a similar mess. The good lady gave a complete catalogue of the household furniture and its condition, which I need not give here. The slave girls when the light came were terrified at what they saw, and she called in the aristocracy of the village, and asked them their opinion on the blood palaver. They said they could make nothing of it at first, but subsequently formed the opinion that it meant something was going to happen, and suggested with the kind, helpful cheerfulness of relatives and friends, that they should not wonder if it were a prophecy of her own death. This view irritated the already tried lady, and she sent them about their business, and started the slaves on house-cleaning. The blood cleaned up all right when you were about it, but kept on turning up in other places, and in the one you had just cleaned as soon as you left off and went elsewhere; and the morning came and found things in much the same state until “before suntime,” say about 10 o’clock, when it faded away.
As soon as the lamp was lit, she saw what it was—blood. Blood was everywhere, the other sticks in the fire had it on them, it sizzled at the burning ends, and ran off in streams. There were pools of it scattered around her clean, sandy yard. Her own room reeked of it; the bed, the stools, the floor; it dripped down the doorframe and congealed on the lintel. She herself was smeared with it from the things she had touched in the dark, and the slaves seemed to have been sitting in pools of it. The things she picked up off the table and shelf left rings of it behind; there was more in the skillets, and the oil in the open palm-oil lamps had a film of it floating on top. An investigation revealed that the rest of her house was in a similar mess. The lady made a thorough inventory of the household furniture and its condition, which I won’t recount here. The slave girls were terrified when the light came on, so she called in the village elite and asked them for their opinion on the blood situation. They said they couldn't make sense of it at first, but later concluded that it meant something was going to happen and, with the helpful cheerfulness of relatives and friends, suggested that it might be a prophecy of her own death. This suggestion annoyed the already stressed lady, and she sent them on their way and instructed the slaves to start cleaning the house. The blood cleaned up fine when you were focused, but kept showing up in other places, and even in the ones you had just cleaned as soon as you moved on elsewhere; morning came and found things pretty much the same until “before sunrise,” around 10 o’clock, when it eventually faded away.
I cautiously tried to get my stately, touchy dowager duchess to explain how it was that there was such a lot of blood, and how it was it got into the house. She just said “it had to go somewhere,” and refused to give rational explanations as Chambers’s Journal does after telling a good ghost story. I found afterwards that it was quite decided it was a case of “blood come before,” and at Okÿon, Miss Slessor told me, in regard to the similar case there, that this was the opinion held regarding the phenomenon. It is always held uncanny in Africa if a person dies without shedding blood. You see, the blood is the life, and if you see it come out, you know the going of the thing, as it were. If you do not, it is mysterious. At Okÿon, a few days after the blood appeared, a nephew of the person whose house it came into was killed while felling a tree in the forest; a bough struck him and broke his neck, without shedding a drop of blood, and this bore out the theory, for the blood having “to go somewhere” came before. In the Bantu case I did not hear of such a supporting incident happening.
I cautiously tried to get my stately, sensitive dowager duchess to explain how there was so much blood and how it ended up in the house. She simply said, “it had to go somewhere,” and refused to provide rational explanations like Chambers’s Journal does after a good ghost story. Later, I learned that it was pretty much agreed that it was a case of “blood come before,” and at Okÿon, Miss Slessor told me that this was the prevailing opinion about a similar situation there. It’s always considered uncanny in Africa if someone dies without shedding blood. You see, blood is life, and when you see it come out, you understand the departure, so to speak. If you don’t see it, it’s mysterious. At Okÿon, a few days after the blood appeared, a nephew of the person whose house it entered was killed while cutting down a tree in the forest; a branch struck him and broke his neck without spilling a drop of blood, which supported the theory that the blood, needing to “go somewhere,” came before. In the Bantu case, I didn’t hear of any similar supporting incident happening.
Certain African ideas about blood puzzle me. I was told by a Batanga friend, a resident white trader, that a short time previously a man was convicted of theft by the natives of a village close to him. The hands and feet of the criminal were tied together, and he was flung into the river. He got himself free, and swam to the other bank, and went for bush. He was recaptured, and a stone tied to his neck, and in again he was thrown. The second time he got free and ashore, and was recaptured, and the chief then, most regretfully, ordered that he was to be knocked on the head before being thrown in for a third time. This time palaver set, but the chief knew that he would die himself, by spitting the blood he had spilt, from his own lungs, before the year was out. I inquired about the chief when I passed this place, more than eighteen months after, and learnt from a native that the chief was dead, and that he had died in this way. The objection thus was not to shedding blood in a general way, but to the shedding in the course of judicial execution. There may be some idea of this kind underlying the ingenious and awful ways the negroes have of killing thieves, by tying them to stakes in the rivers, or down on to paths for the driver ants to kill and eat, but this is only conjecture; I have not had a chance yet to work this subject up; and getting reliable information about underlying ideas is very difficult in Africa. The natives will say “Yes” to any mortal thing, if they think you want them to; and the variety of their languages is another great hindrance. Were it not for the prevalence of Kru English or trade English, investigation would be almost impossible; but, fortunately, this quaint language is prevalent, and the natives of different tribes communicate with each other in it, and so round a fire, in the evening, if you listen to the gossip, you can pick up all sorts of strange information, and gain strange and often awful lights on your absent white friends’ characters, and your present companions’ religion. For example, the other day I had a set of porters composed of four Bassa boys, two Wei Weis, one Dualla, and two Yorubas. None of their languages fitted, so they talked trade English, and pretty lively talk some of it was, but of that anon.
Certain African views on blood confuse me. A Batanga friend of mine, a white trader living nearby, told me that not long ago, a man was convicted of theft by the locals in a nearby village. They tied the man's hands and feet together and threw him into the river. He managed to free himself, swam to the other side, and escaped into the bush. He was recaptured, and a stone was tied around his neck before he was tossed in again. This time, he got free and reached the shore, but when he was captured again, the chief sadly ordered that he be killed before being thrown in for a third time. This time, the discussions began, but the chief knew he would die from the blood he had shed from his own lungs within the year. When I asked about the chief over eighteen months later, a local told me he had died, and that was indeed how he passed. The issue wasn’t about shedding blood in general; it was about the blood spilled during a judicial execution. There might be some underlying belief connected to the brutal ways the locals kill thieves, like tying them to stakes in rivers or putting them on paths for driver ants to kill and eat, but that’s purely speculation. I haven’t had the opportunity to explore this idea fully, and getting reliable information about underlying beliefs in Africa is quite challenging. The locals will say “Yes” to anything if they think that’s what you want to hear, and the variety of their languages adds another layer of difficulty. If it weren't for the widespread use of Kru English or trade English, investigation would be nearly impossible. Luckily, this unique language is common enough that natives from different tribes can communicate in it. So, gathered around a fire in the evening, if you listen to the gossip, you can learn all kinds of strange information and gain bizarre and often unsettling insights into the characters of your absent white friends and the beliefs of your current companions. For instance, the other day I had a group of porters made up of four Bassa boys, two Wei Weis, one Dualla, and two Yorubas. Since none of their languages matched, they spoke in trade English, and it was quite lively, but more on that later.
I cannot close this brief notice of native ideas without mentioning the secret societies; but to go fully into this branch of the subject would require volumes, for every tribe has its secret society. The Poorah of Sierra Leone, the Oru of Lagos, the Egbo of Calabar, the Isyogo of the Igalwa, the Ukuku of the Benga, the Okukwe of the M’pongwe, the Ikun of the Bakele, and the Lukuku of the Bachilangi Baluba, are some of the most powerful secret societies on the West African Coast.
I can't wrap up this brief overview of indigenous ideas without mentioning the secret societies, but diving deep into this topic would take many volumes since every tribe has its own secret society. The Poorah of Sierra Leone, the Oru of Lagos, the Egbo of Calabar, the Isyogo of the Igalwa, the Ukuku of the Benga, the Okukwe of the M’pongwe, the Ikun of the Bakele, and the Lukuku of the Bachilangi Baluba are some of the most influential secret societies along the West African Coast.
These secret societies are not essentially religious, their action is mainly judicial, and their particularly presiding spirit is not a god or devil in our sense of the word. The ritual differs for each in its detail, but there are broad lines of agreement between them. There are societies both for men and for women, but mixed societies for both sexes are rare. Those that I have mentioned above are all male, except the Lukuku, and women are utterly forbidden to participate in the rites or become acquainted with their secrets, for one of the chief duties of these societies is to keep the women in order; and besides it is undoubtedly held that women are bad for certain forms of ju-ju, even when these forms are not directly connected, as far as I can find out, with the secret society. For example, the other day a chief up the Mungo River deliberately destroyed his ju-ju by showing it to his women. It was a great ju-ju, but expensive to keep up, requiring sacrifices of slaves and goats, so what with trade being bad, fall in the price of oil and ivory and so on, he felt he could not afford that ju-ju, and so destroyed its power, so as to prevent its harming him when he neglected it.
These secret societies aren't inherently religious; their focus is mainly on justice, and their guiding spirit isn't a god or devil in the way we think of them. Each group has its own rituals, but there are common themes that unify them. There are societies for both men and women, but mixed-gender societies are rare. The ones I've mentioned are all male, except for the Lukuku, and women are completely prohibited from participating in the rituals or learning their secrets. One of the main roles of these societies is to keep women in check, and it's also widely believed that women can negatively affect certain types of ju-ju, even if those types aren't directly related to the secret society. For instance, the other day a chief along the Mungo River intentionally destroyed his ju-ju by revealing it to the women. It was a significant ju-ju, but it was costly to maintain, requiring sacrifices of slaves and goats. Given the bad trade conditions and the drop in oil and ivory prices, he felt he could no longer afford to sustain that ju-ju, so he weakened its power to prevent it from harming him when he neglected it.
The general rule with these secret societies is to admit the young free people at an age of about eight to ten years, the boys entering the male, the girls the female society. Both societies are rigidly kept apart. A man who attempts to penetrate the female mysteries would be as surely killed as a woman who might attempt to investigate the male mysteries; still I came, in 1893, across an amusing case which demonstrates the inextinguishable thirst for knowledge, so long as that knowledge is forbidden, which characterises our sex.
The general rule with these secret societies is to let young free people in around the ages of eight to ten, with boys joining the male society and girls joining the female one. Both societies are strictly separated. A man who tries to uncover the female secrets would be just as likely to be killed as a woman who tries to explore the male secrets; however, in 1893, I encountered an interesting case that illustrates the insatiable curiosity for knowledge, especially when that knowledge is forbidden, that defines our gender.
It was in the district just south of Big Batanga. The male society had been very hard on the ladies for some time, and one day one star-like intellect among the latter told her next-door neighbour, in strict confidence, that she did not believe Ikun was a spirit at all, but only old So-and-so dressed up in leaves. This rank heresy spread rapidly, in strict confidence, among the ladies at large, and they used to assemble together in the house of the foundress of the theory, secretly of course, because husbands down there are hasty with the cutlass and the kassengo, and they talked the matter over. Somehow or other, this came to the ears of the men. Whether the ladies got too emancipated and winked when Ikun was mentioned, or asked how Mr. So-and-so was this morning, in a pointed way, after an Ikun manifestation, I do not know; some people told me this was so, but others, who, I fear, were right, considering the acknowledged slowness of men in putting two and two together, and the treachery of women towards each other, said that a woman had told a man that she had heard some of the other women were going on in this heretical way. Anyhow, the men knew, and were much alarmed; scepticism had spread by now to such an extent that nothing short of burning or drowning all the women could stamp it out and reintroduce the proper sense of awe into the female side of Society, and after a good deal of consideration the men saw, for men are undoubtedly more gifted in foresight than our sex, that it was no particular use reintroducing this awe if there was no female half of Society to be impressed by it. It was a brain-spraining problem for the men all round, for it is clear Society cannot be kept together without some superhuman aid to help to keep the feminine portion of it within bounds.
It was in the area just south of Big Batanga. The men had been really tough on the women for a while, and one day, one bright woman confided in her neighbor that she didn’t think Ikun was a spirit but just old So-and-so dressed in leaves. This shocking idea quickly spread, in strict confidence, among the women, and they would gather secretly in the house of the woman who started the theory, because husbands in that place are quick to anger with their machetes and knives. They discussed the situation together. Somehow, this got back to the men. It’s unclear if the women became too independent and exchanged knowing glances when Ikun was brought up or if they mentioned how Mr. So-and-so was that morning in a pointed way after an Ikun sighting; I heard differing accounts. Some said that, while others, who I believe were correct given how slow men are to connect dots and the betrayal among women, suggested that one woman told a man that she heard some other women were thinking this heretical way. In any case, the men found out and were quite worried; skepticism had spread so much that only burning or drowning all the women could erase it and restore the needed sense of reverence among the women in society. After careful thought, the men realized—because men are clearly better at foresight than we are—that it wouldn’t make sense to restore this reverence if there was no female part of society left to impress. It was a real headache for the men, as everyone knows society can't hold together without some sort of supernatural support to keep the women in check.
Grave councils were held, and it was decided that the woman at whose house these treasonable meetings were held should be sent away early one morning on a trading mission to the nearest factory, a job she readily undertook; and while the other women were away in the plantation or at the spring, certain men entered her house secretly and dug a big chamber out in the floor of the hut, and one of them, dressed as Ikun, and provided with refreshments for the day, got into this chamber, and the whole affair was covered over carefully and the floor re-sanded. That afternoon there was a big manifestation of Ikun. He came in the most terrible form, his howls were awful, and he finally went dancing away into the bush as the night came down. The ladies had just taken the common-sense precaution of removing all goats, sheep, fowls, etc., into enclosed premises, for, like all his kind, he seizes and holds any property he may come across in the street, but there was evidently no emotional thrill in the female mind regarding him, and when the leading lady returned home in the evening the other ladies strolled into their leader’s hut to hear about what new cotton prints, beads, and things Mr.--- had got at his factory by the last steamer from Europe, and interesting kindred subjects bearing on Mr.---. When they had threshed these matters out, the conversation turned on to religion, and what fools those men had been making of themselves all the afternoon with their Ikun. No sooner was his name uttered than a venomous howl, terminating in squeals of rage and impatience, came from the ground beneath them. They stared at each other for one second, and then, feeling that something was tearing its way up through the floor, they left for the interior of Africa with one accord. Ikun gave chase as soon as he got free, but what with being half-stifled and a bit cramped in the legs, and much encumbered with his vegetable decorations, the ladies got clear away and no arrests were made - but Society was saved. Scepticism became in the twinkling of an eye a thing of the past; and, although no names were taken, the men observed that certain ladies were particularly anxious, and regardless of expense, in buying immunity from Ikun, and they fancied that these ladies were probably in that hut on that particular evening, but they took no further action against them, save making Ikun particularly expensive. There ought to be a moral to an improving tale of this order, I know, but the only one I can think of just now is that it takes a priest to get round a woman; and I always feel inclined to jump on to the table myself when I think of those poor dear creatures sitting on the floor and feeling that awful thing clapper-clawing its way up right under them.
Serious meetings were held, and it was decided that the woman whose house hosted these treasonous gatherings should be sent away early one morning on a trading trip to the nearest factory, a task she gladly accepted. While the other women were out in the fields or at the spring, certain men secretly entered her house and dug a large chamber in the floor of the hut. One of them, dressed as Ikun and equipped with refreshments for the day, went into this chamber, and they carefully covered up the whole setup and re-sanded the floor. That afternoon, there was a big showing of Ikun. He appeared in a terrifying form, his howls were dreadful, and he eventually danced away into the bush as night fell. The ladies had wisely moved all goats, sheep, chickens, etc., into enclosed spaces, because like all his kind, he seizes and takes any property he finds in the street. However, it was clear that the women felt no real fear about him, and when the leading lady returned home in the evening, the other ladies gathered in her hut to hear about the new cotton prints, beads, and other items Mr.--- had gotten from his factory via the last steamer from Europe, along with other interesting topics related to Mr.---. After discussing these matters, the conversation shifted to religion and how foolish the men had been all afternoon with their Ikun. No sooner had his name been mentioned than a furious howl erupted from the ground beneath them, ending in enraged squeals. They exchanged glances for just a second, then, sensing something pushing its way up through the floor, they all fled towards the interior of Africa. Ikun pursued them as soon as he was free, but being half-stifled and somewhat cramped, along with being weighed down by his vegetable decorations, the ladies managed to escape, and no arrests were made—Society was saved. Skepticism vanished in an instant, and although no names were taken, the men noticed that certain ladies were particularly eager and willing to spend money on protection from Ikun, and they suspected these women had been in that hut that evening. However, they took no further action against them, aside from making Ikun especially costly. I know there should be a moral to a story like this, but the only one that comes to mind right now is that it takes a priest to handle a woman; and I always feel like jumping on the table myself when I think of those poor ladies sitting on the floor, feeling that horrible thing clawing its way up right beneath them.
Tattooing on the West Coast is comparatively rare, and I think I may say never used with decorative intent only. The skin decorations are either paint or cicatrices - in the former case the pattern is not kept always the same by the individual. A peculiar form of it you find in the Rivers, where a pattern is painted on the skin, and then when the paint is dry, a wash is applied which makes the unpainted skin rise up in between the painted pattern. The cicatrices are sometimes tribal marks, but sometimes decorative. They are made by cutting the skin and then placing in the wound the fluff of the silk cotton tree.
Tattooing on the West Coast is relatively uncommon, and I’d say it’s never done purely for decorative purposes. The skin art consists of either paint or scars - in the case of paint, the design isn’t always kept consistent by the individual. A unique style can be found in the Rivers, where a design is painted on the skin, and then once the paint dries, a wash is applied that causes the unpainted skin to rise between the painted design. The scars can be tribal marks or decorative. They are created by cutting the skin and then placing the fluff from the silk cotton tree into the wound.
The great point of agreement between all these West African secret societies lies in the methods of initiation.
The main point of agreement among all these West African secret societies is in their initiation methods.
The boy, if he belongs to a tribe that goes in for tattooing, is tattooed, and is handed over to instructors in the societies’ secrets and formula. He lives, with the other boys of his tribe undergoing initiation, usually under the rule of several instructors, and for the space of one year. He lives always in the forest, and is naked and smeared with clay.
The boy, if he is part of a tribe that practices tattooing, gets tattooed and is given to teachers of the tribe's secrets and rituals. He spends a year living with other boys from his tribe who are being initiated, typically under the supervision of several educators. He stays in the forest, is naked, and has his body covered in clay.
The boys are exercised so as to become inured to hardship; in some districts, they make raids so as to perfect themselves in this useful accomplishment. They always take a new name, and are supposed by the initiation process to become new beings in the magic wood, and on their return to their village at the end of their course, they pretend to have entirely forgotten their life before they entered the wood; but this pretence is not kept up beyond the period of festivities given to welcome them home. They all learn, to a certain extent, a new language, a secret language only understood by the initiated.
The boys are trained to get used to tough conditions; in some areas, they go on raids to refine this important skill. They always take on a new name and are believed to become new individuals during the initiation process in the magical forest. When they return to their village at the end of their training, they act as if they have completely forgotten their previous lives before entering the forest, but this act doesn’t last beyond the celebrations held to welcome them back. They all learn, to some degree, a new language, a secret language understood only by those who have been initiated.
The same removal from home and instruction from initiated members is also observed with the girls. However, in their case, it is not always a forest-grove they are secluded in, sometimes it is done in huts. Among the Grain Coast tribes however, the girls go into a magic wood until they are married. Should they have to leave the wood for any temporary reason, they must smear themselves with white clay. A similar custom holds good in Okÿon, Calabar district, where, should a girl have to leave the fattening-house, she must be covered with white clay. I believe this fattening-house custom in Calabar is not only for fattening up the women to improve their appearance, but an initiatory custom as well, although the main intention is now, undoubtedly, fattening, and the girl is constantly fed with fat-producing foods, such as fou-fou soaked in palm oil. I am told, but I think wrongly, that the white clay with which a Calabar girl is kept covered while in the fattening-house, putting on an extra coating of it should she come outside, is to assist in the fattening process by preventing perspiration.
The same separation from home and learning from experienced members is also seen with the girls. However, instead of always being secluded in a forest grove, they are sometimes kept in huts. Among the Grain Coast tribes, though, girls go into a magical forest until they get married. If they need to leave the forest for any reason, they have to cover themselves with white clay. A similar tradition exists in Okÿon, Calabar district, where if a girl has to leave the fattening house, she must be covered in white clay. I believe this fattening house custom in Calabar is not just for making the women look better, but also serves as an initiation rite, although the primary goal is definitely to fatten them up. The girls are constantly fed energy-rich foods, like fufu soaked in palm oil. I've heard, but I believe it may be incorrect, that the white clay a Calabar girl is covered with while in the fattening house—and that she adds more of it if she goes outside—is meant to help with the fattening process by reducing sweating.
The duration of the period of seclusion varies somewhat. San Salvador boys are six months in the wood. Cameroon boys are twelve months. In most districts the girls are betrothed in infancy, and they go into the wood or initiatory hut for a few months before marriage. In this case the time seems to vary with the circumstances of the individual; not so with the boys, for whom each tribal society has a duly appointed course terminating at a duly appointed time; but sometimes, as among some of the Yoruba tribes, the boy has to remain under the rule of the presiding elders of the society, painted white, and wearing only a bit of grass cloth, if he wears anything, until he has killed a man. Then he is held to have attained man’s estate by having demonstrated his courage and also by having secured for himself the soul of the man he has killed as a spirit slave.
The length of the seclusion period varies a bit. Boys from San Salvador spend six months in the woods, while boys from Cameroon are there for twelve months. In most areas, girls are engaged when they are very young, and they spend a few months in the woods or an initiation hut before getting married. In this case, the duration seems to depend on individual circumstances; that’s not the case for the boys, who follow a set schedule established by their tribal society that ends at a specific time. However, sometimes, like in certain Yoruba tribes, boys have to stay under the authority of the society's elders, painted white and wearing just a bit of grass cloth, if anything, until they kill someone. Once they do, they're considered to have reached manhood by proving their bravery and claiming the soul of the person they killed as a spirit slave.
The initiation of boys into a few of the elementary dogmas of the secret society by no means composes the entire work of the society. All of them are judicial, and taken on the whole they do an immense amount of good. The methods are frequently a little quaint. Rushing about the streets disguised under masks and drapery, with an imitation tail swinging behind you, while you lash out at every one you meet with a whip or cutlass, is not a European way of keeping the peace, or perhaps I should say maintaining the dignity of the Law. But discipline must be maintained, and this is the West African way of doing it.
The initiation of boys into some of the basic beliefs of the secret society doesn’t cover the whole work of the society. They all play a legal role, and overall they do a significant amount of good. The methods are often a bit old-fashioned. Running around the streets in disguise with masks and costumes, with a fake tail swinging behind you, while you hit everyone you meet with a whip or sword, isn’t a European way of keeping the peace, or maybe I should say upholding the dignity of the law. But discipline has to be enforced, and this is the West African way of doing it.
The Egbo of Calabar is a fine type of the secret society. It is exceedingly well developed in its details, not sketchy like Isyogo, nor so red-handed as Poorah. Unfortunately, however, I cannot speak with the same amount of knowledge of Egbo as I could of Poorah.
The Egbo of Calabar is a great example of a secret society. It's very well developed in its details, not vague like Isyogo, nor as violent as Poorah. Unfortunately, though, I can't speak about Egbo with the same depth of knowledge as I can about Poorah.
Egbo has the most grades of initiation, except perhaps Poorah, and it exercises jurisdiction over all classes of crime except witchcraft. Any Effik man who desires to become an influential person in the tribe must buy himself into as high a grade of Egbo as he can afford, and these grades are expensive, £1,500 or £1,000 English being required for the higher steps, I am informed. But it is worth it to a great trader, as an influential Effik necessarily is, for he can call out his own class of Egbo and send it against those of his debtors who may be of lower grades, and as the Egbo methods of delivering its orders to pay up consist in placing Egbo at a man’s doorway, and until it removes itself from that doorway the man dare not venture outside his house, it is most successful.
Egbo has the highest levels of initiation, except maybe Poorah, and it has authority over all types of crime except witchcraft. Any Effik man who wants to be influential in the tribe must invest in the highest level of Egbo he can afford, and these levels are expensive, with around £1,500 or £1,000 needed for the higher tiers, I've been told. But for a significant trader, which an influential Effik certainly is, it’s worth it because he can summon his own Egbo class to go after his debtors who might be of lower levels. The Egbo's way of enforcing its demands is by placing Egbo at someone's doorstep, and until it’s removed from there, that person can't risk stepping outside their house, making it very effective.
Of course the higher a man is in Egbo rank, the greater his power and security, for lower grades cannot proceed against higher ones. Indeed, when a man meets the paraphernalia of a higher grade of Egbo than that to which he belongs, he has to act as if he were lame, and limp along past it humbly, as if the sight of it had taken all the strength out of him, and, needless to remark, higher grade debtors flip their fingers at lower grade creditors.
Of course, the higher a man is in Egbo rank, the more power and security he has, since lower ranks can’t take action against higher ones. In fact, when a man encounters the symbols of a higher Egbo rank than his own, he has to behave as if he’s disabled, limping past it humbly, as if the sight has drained all his strength. And it goes without saying, higher rank debtors disregard lower rank creditors.
After talking so much about the secret society spirits, it may be as well to say what they are. They are, one and all, a kind of a sort of a something that usually (the exception is Ikun) lives in the bush. Last February I was making my way back toward Duke Town - late, as usual; I was just by a town on the Qwa River. As I was hurrying onward I heard a terrific uproar accompanied by drums in the thick bush into which, after a brief interval of open ground, the path turned. I became cautious and alarmed, and hid in some dense bush as the men making the noise approached. I saw it was some ju-ju affair. They had a sort of box which they carried on poles, and their dresses were peculiar, and abnormally ample over the upper part of their body. They were prancing about in an ecstatic way round the box, which had one end open, beating their drums and shouting. They were fairly close to me, but fortunately turned their attention to another bit of undergrowth, or that evening they would have landed another kind of thing to what they were after. The bushes they selected they surrounded and evidently did their best to induce something to come out of them and go into their box arrangement. I was every bit as anxious as they were that they should succeed, and succeed rapidly, for you know there are a nasty lot of snakes and things in general, not to mention driver ants, about that Calabar bush, that do not make it at all pleasant to go sitting about in. However, presently they got this something into their box and rejoiced exceedingly, and departed staggering under the weight. I gave them a good start, and then made the best of my way home; and all that night Duke Town howled, and sang, and thumped its tom-toms unceasingly; for I was told Egbo had come into the town. Egbo is very coy, even for a secret society spirit, and seems to loathe publicity; but when he is ensconced in this ark he utters sententious observations on the subject of current politics, and his word is law. The voice that comes out of the ark is very strange, and unlike a human voice. I heard it shortly after Egbo had been secured. I expect, from what I saw, that there was some person in that ark all the time, but I do not know. It is more than I can do to understand my ju-ju details at present, let alone explain them on rational lines. I hear that there is a tribe on the slave coast who have been proved to keep a small child in the drum that is the residence of their chief spirit, and that when the child grows too large to go in it is killed, and another one that has in the meantime been trained by the priests takes the place of the dead one, until it, in its turn, grows too big and is killed, and so on. I expect this killing of the children is not sacrificial, but arises entirely from the fact that as ex-kings are dangerous to the body politic, therefore still more dangerous would ex-gods be.
After discussing the spirits of the secret society so much, it’s maybe a good idea to explain what they are. They are, all of them, a kind of being that usually—except for Ikun—lives in the bush. Last February, I was on my way back to Duke Town—late, as usual; I was just by a town on the Qwa River. As I was hurrying along, I heard a huge commotion with drums coming from the thick bush that the path led into after a short stretch of open ground. I became cautious and nervous, so I hid in some dense foliage as the noise-makers approached. I realized it was some kind of ju-ju ceremony. They were carrying a box on poles, and their outfits were unusual, with an excessively large fit over the top part of their bodies. They were dancing around the box, which had one end open, beating their drums and shouting. They were pretty close to me, but luckily, they focused on another area of undergrowth; otherwise, that evening would have turned out very differently for me. The bushes they chose were surrounded, and they were clearly trying to get something to come out and go into their box. I was just as anxious as they were for them to succeed quickly because there are some nasty snakes and other critters in that Calabar bush, not to mention driver ants, which don’t make sitting around very comfortable. Eventually, they managed to get whatever it was into their box and were extremely happy about it, leaving while struggling under the weight. I gave them a good head start before making my way home. All night long, Duke Town howled, sang, and drummed away without stopping because I was told Egbo had come into town. Egbo is very shy, even for a secret society spirit, and seems to hate attention; but when he’s inside this box, he makes wise statements about current politics, and his word is law. The voice that comes from the box is really strange and doesn’t sound human at all. I heard it shortly after Egbo was captured. From what I observed, I suspect there was someone inside that box the whole time, but I’m not sure. I can barely grasp my ju-ju details right now, let alone explain them in any logical way. I heard there’s a tribe on the slave coast that has been proven to keep a small child inside the drum that houses their chief spirit. When the child grows too big, they kill it and replace it with another child trained by the priests until it also grows too large and is killed, and so on. I suspect this killing of the children isn’t sacrificial but is simply due to the fact that ex-kings are dangerous to the body politic, so ex-gods would be even more so.
Very little is known by outsiders regarding Egbo compared to what there must be to be known, owing to a want of interest or to a sense of inability on the part of most white people to make head or tail out of what seems to them a horrid pagan practice or a farrago of nonsense.
Very little is known by outsiders about Egbo compared to what there is to know, due to a lack of interest or a feeling of inability among most white people to understand what appears to them as a terrible pagan practice or a mix of nonsense.
It is still a great power, although its officials in Duke or Creek Town are no longer allowed to go chopping and whipping promiscuous-like, because the Consul-General has a prejudice against this sort of thing, and the Effik is learning that it is nearly as unhealthy to go against his Consul-General as against his ju-ju. So I do not believe you will ever get the truth about it in Duke Town, or Creek Town. If you want to get hold of the underlying idea of these societies you must go round out-of-the-way corners where the natives are not yet afraid of being laughed at or punished.
It’s still a powerful place, but its officials in Duke Town or Creek Town can’t just go around chopping and whipping people randomly anymore, because the Consul-General has a strong bias against that sort of behavior. The Effik people are realizing that going against their Consul-General is almost as risky as going against their ju-ju. So, I don’t think you’ll ever find out the truth in Duke Town or Creek Town. If you want to understand the real dynamics of these societies, you need to visit the less popular spots where the locals aren’t scared of being laughed at or punished.
Of the South-West Coast secret societies the Ukuku seems the most powerful. The Isyogo belonging to those indolent Igalwas, and M’pongwe is now little more than a play. You pretty frequently come upon Isyogo dances just round Libreville. You will see stretched across the little street in a cluster of houses, a line from which branches are suspended, making a sort of screen. The women and children keep one side of this screen, the men dancing on the other side to the peculiar monotonous Isyogo tune. Poorah I have spoken of elsewhere.
Of the secret societies on the South-West Coast, the Ukuku appears to be the most powerful. The Isyogo, associated with the lazy Igalwas, and M’pongwe is now hardly more than a performance. You can often stumble upon Isyogo dances around Libreville. You’ll notice a line across a small street in a cluster of houses from which branches hang, creating a kind of screen. Women and children stay on one side of this screen, while the men dance on the other side to the distinctive, repetitive Isyogo tune. Poorah I have mentioned elsewhere.
I believe that these secret societies are always distinct from the leopard societies. I have pretty nearly enough evidence to prove that it is so in some districts, but not in all. So far my evidence only goes to prove the distinction of the two among the Negroes, not among the Bantu, and in all cases you will find some men belonging to both. Some men, in fact, go in for all the societies in their district, but not all the men; and in all districts, if you look close, you will find several societies apart from the regular youth-initiating one.
I think that these secret societies are always separate from the leopard societies. I have almost enough evidence to show that this is true in some areas, but not in all. So far, my evidence only proves the distinction between the two among the Negroes, not among the Bantu, and in every case, you'll find some men belonging to both. Some men, in fact, participate in all the societies in their area, but not all men do; and in every region, if you look closely, you'll find several societies aside from the regular youth-initiating one.
These other societies are practically murder societies, and their practices usually include cannibalism, which is not an essential part of the rites of the great tribal societies, Isyogo or Egbo. In the Calabar district I was informed by natives that there was a society of which the last entered member has to provide, for the entertainment of the other members, the body of a relative of his own, and sacrificial cannibalism is always breaking out, or perhaps I should say being discovered, by the white authorities in the Niger Delta. There was the great outburst of it at Brass, in 1895, and the one chronicled in the Liverpool Mercury for August 13th, 1895, as occurring at Sierra Leone. This account is worth quoting. It describes the hanging by the Authorities of three murderers, and states the incidents, which took place in the Imperi country behind Free Town.
These other societies are basically kill societies, and their practices often include cannibalism, which isn't a core part of the rituals of the major tribal societies, Isyogo or Egbo. In the Calabar area, locals told me about a society where the most recent member has to provide, for the entertainment of the other members, the body of a relative of theirs, and sacrificial cannibalism keeps being uncovered, or maybe I should say discovered, by the white authorities in the Niger Delta. There was a major incident of it in Brass in 1895, and another reported in the Liverpool Mercury on August 13th, 1895, as happening in Sierra Leone. This account is worth quoting. It details the hanging of three murderers by the authorities and recounts the events that occurred in the Imperi country behind Free Town.
One of the chief murderers was a man named Jowe, who had formerly been a Sunday-school teacher in Sierra Leone. He pleaded in extenuation of his offence that he had been compelled to join the society. The others said they committed the murders in order to obtain certain parts of the body for ju-ju purposes, the leg, the hand, the heart, etc. The Mercury goes on to give the statement of the Reverend Father Bomy of the Roman Catholic Mission. “He said he was at Bromtu, where the St. Joseph Mission has a station, when a man was brought down from the Imperi country in a boat. The poor fellow was in a dreadful state, and was brought to the station for medical treatment. He said he was working on his farm, when he was suddenly pounced upon from behind. A number of sharp instruments were driven into the back of his neck. He presented a fearful sight, having wounds all over his body supposed to have been inflicted by the claws of the leopard, but in reality they were stabs from sharp-pointed knives. The native, who was a powerfully-built man, called out, and his cries attracting the attention of his relations, the leopards made off. The poor fellow died at Bromtu from the injuries. It was only his splendid physique that kept him alive until his arrival at the Mission.” The Mercury goes on to quote from the Pall Mall, and I too go on quoting to show that these things are known and acknowledged to have taken place in a colony like Sierra Leone, which has had unequalled opportunities of becoming christianised for more than one hundred years, and now has more than one hundred and thirty places of Christian worship in it. “Some twenty years ago there was a war between this tribe Taima and the Paramas. The Paramas sent some of their war boys to be ambushed in the intervening country, the Imperi, but the Imperi delivered these war boys to the enemy. In revenge, the Paramas sent the Fetish Boofima into the Imperi country. This Fetish had up to that time been kept active and working by the sacrifice of goats, but the medicine men of the Paramas who introduced it into the Imperi country decreed at the same time that human sacrifices would be required to keep it alive, thereby working their vengeance on the Imperi by leading them to exterminate themselves in sacrifice to the Fetish. The country for years has been terrorised by this secret worship of Boofima and at one time the Imperi started the Tonga dances, at which the medicine men pointed out the supposed worshippers of Boofima - the so-called Human Leopards, because when seizing their victims for sacrifice they covered themselves with leopard skins, and imitating the roars of the leopard, they sprang upon their victim, plunging at the same time two three-pronged forks into each side of the throat. The Government some years ago forbade the Tonga dances, and are now striving to suppress the human leopards. There are also human alligators who, disguised as alligators, swim in the creeks upon the canoes and carry off the crew. Some of them have been brought for trial but no complete case has been made out against them!” In comment upon this account, which is evidently written by some one well versed in the affair, I will only remark that sometimes, instead of the three-pronged forks, there are fixed in the paws of the leopard skin sharp-pointed cutting knives, the skin being made into a sort of glove into which the hand of the human leopard fits. In one skin I saw down south this was most ingeniously done. The knives were shaped like the leopard’s claws, curved, sharp-pointed, and with cutting edges underneath, and I am told the American Mendi Mission, which works in the Sierra Leone districts, have got a similar skin in their possession.
One of the main murderers was a man named Jowe, who had previously been a Sunday-school teacher in Sierra Leone. He claimed to have been forced to join the society as a justification for his actions. The others said they committed the murders to obtain certain body parts for ju-ju rituals, like the leg, the hand, the heart, and so on. The Mercury shares the statement of Reverend Father Bomy from the Roman Catholic Mission. "He said he was at Bromtu, where the St. Joseph Mission has a location, when a man was brought down from the Imperi country by boat. The poor guy was in terrible condition and was taken to the station for medical help. He said he was working on his farm when he was suddenly attacked from behind. Several sharp instruments were driven into the back of his neck. He looked horrifying, with wounds all over his body that were believed to have been caused by leopard claws, but in reality, they were stabs from sharp knives. The native, who was a strong man, cried out, and his screams drew the attention of his relatives, causing the leopards to flee. The poor man died at Bromtu from his injuries. It was only his strong physique that kept him alive until he got to the Mission." The Mercury then quotes from the Pall Mall, and I continue quoting to show that these things are known and acknowledged to have happened in a colony like Sierra Leone, which has had incredible opportunities to become Christianized for over a hundred years and now has over one hundred and thirty Christian worship places. "About twenty years ago, there was a war between the Taima tribe and the Paramas. The Paramas sent some of their warriors to be ambushed in the Imperi territory, but the Imperi handed these warriors over to the enemy. In retaliation, the Paramas sent the Fetish Boofima into the Imperi country. This Fetish had previously been kept active and functioning through goat sacrifices, but the medicine men of the Paramas who brought it into the Imperi country decided that human sacrifices would now be necessary to keep it alive, which meant leading the Imperi to wipe themselves out in sacrifice to the Fetish. The country has been terrorized for years by this secret worship of Boofima, and at one point, the Imperi began the Tonga dances, during which the medicine men identified the supposed worshippers of Boofima—the so-called Human Leopards. When capturing their victims for sacrifice, they covered themselves with leopard skins, imitating leopard roars, and jumped on their victims, driving two three-pronged forks into each side of their throats. The Government banned the Tonga dances some years ago and is now attempting to suppress the human leopards. There are also human alligators who disguise themselves as alligators, swimming in the creeks on canoes and abducting the crew. Some of them have been brought to trial, but no solid case has been made against them!" In response to this account, which seems to be written by someone who understands the situation well, I will only note that sometimes, instead of the three-pronged forks, there are sharp cutting knives fixed in the paws of the leopard skin, which is made into a sort of glove that fits the hand of the human leopard. I saw this done very cleverly with one skin down south. The knives were shaped like leopard claws—curved, sharp-pointed, and with cutting edges underneath—and I’ve been told that the American Mendi Mission, which operates in the Sierra Leone areas, has a similar skin in their possession.
The human alligator mentioned, is our old friend the witch crocodile - the spirit of the man in the crocodile. I never myself came across a case of a man in his corporeal body swimming about in a crocodile skin, and I doubt whether any native would chance himself inside a crocodile skin and swim about in the river among the genuine articles for fear of their penetrating his disguise mentally and physically.
The human alligator mentioned is our old friend, the witch crocodile - the spirit of the man inside the crocodile. I’ve never encountered a case of a man in his physical body swimming around in a crocodile skin, and I doubt any local would risk putting on a crocodile skin and swimming in the river among the real ones, fearing they would see through his disguise both mentally and physically.
In Calabar witch crocodiles are still flourishing. There is an immense old brute that sporting Vice-Consuls periodically go after, which is known to contain the spirit of a Duke Town chief who shall be nameless, because they are getting on at such a pace just round Duke Town that haply I might be had up for libel. When I was in Calabar once, a peculiarly energetic officer had hit that crocodile and the chief was forthwith laid up by a wound in his leg. He said a dog had bit him. They, the chief and the crocodile, are quite well again now, and I will say this in favour of that chief, that nothing on earth would persuade me to believe that he went fooling about in the Calabar River in his corporeal body, either in his own skin or a crocodile’s.
In Calabar, witch crocodiles are still thriving. There's a huge old beast that Vice-Consuls occasionally go after, which is said to hold the spirit of a Duke Town chief who shall remain nameless, since things are getting so intense around Duke Town that I might end up in legal trouble for slander. When I was in Calabar once, a particularly energetic officer managed to hit that crocodile, and the chief was immediately laid up with a wound in his leg. He claimed a dog bit him. Now, both the chief and the crocodile are fine again, and I will say this in favor of that chief: nothing on earth could convince me that he was wandering around in the Calabar River in his physical form, whether in his own skin or that of a crocodile.
The introduction of the Fetish Boofima into the country of the Imperi is an interesting point as it shows that these different tribes have the same big ju-ju. Similarly, Calabar Egbo can go into Okÿon, and will be respected in some of the New Calabar districts, but not at Brass, where the secret society is a distinct cult. Often a neighbouring district will send into Calabar, or Brass, where the big ju-ju is, and ask to have one sent up into their district to keep order, but Egbo will occasionally be sent into a district without that district in the least wanting it; but, as in the Imperi case, when it is there it is supreme. But say, for example, you were to send Egbo round from Calabar to Cameroon. Cameroon might be barely civil to it, but would pay it no homage, for Cameroon has got no end of a ju-ju of its own. It can rise up as high as the Peak, 13,760 feet. I never saw the Cameroon ju-ju do this, but I saw it start up from four feet to quite twelve feet in the twinkling of an eye, and I was assured that it was only modest reticence on its part that made it leave the other 13,748 feet out of the performance.
The introduction of the Fetish Boofima into the country of the Imperi is an interesting point because it shows that these different tribes share the same important ju-ju. Similarly, Calabar Egbo can operate in Okÿon and will be respected in some of the New Calabar districts, but not in Brass, where the secret society is a separate cult. Often, a neighboring district will send a request to Calabar or Brass, where the strong ju-ju is, asking to have one sent to their district to maintain order, but Egbo will sometimes be sent into a district that didn’t even want it; nonetheless, as in the case of the Imperi, when it’s there, it holds ultimate authority. However, say, for example, you were to send Egbo from Calabar to Cameroon. Cameroon might treat it somewhat civilly, but wouldn’t show it any respect, as Cameroon has its own strong ju-ju. It can rise as high as the Peak, 13,760 feet. I never saw the Cameroon ju-ju reach this height, but I did see it jump from four feet to a full twelve feet in the blink of an eye, and I was told that it was just being modest by leaving out the other 13,748 feet from its display.
Doctor Nassau seems to think that the tribal society of the Corisco regions is identical with the leopard societies. He has had considerable experience of the workings of the Ukuku, particularly when he was pioneering in the Benito regions, when it came very near killing him. He says the name signifies a departed spirit. “It is a secret society into which all the males are initiated at puberty, whose procedure may not be seen by females, nor its laws disobeyed by any one under pain of death, a penalty which is sometimes commuted to a fine, a heavy fine. Its discussions are uttered as an oracle from any secluded spot by some man appointed for the purpose.
Doctor Nassau believes that the tribal society of the Corisco regions is the same as the leopard societies. He has a lot of experience with the Ukuku, especially during his time in the Benito regions, where he nearly lost his life. He says the name means a departed spirit. “It’s a secret society where all males are initiated at puberty, and its rituals cannot be seen by females, nor can its rules be broken by anyone, under penalty of death, which can sometimes be reduced to a heavy fine. Its discussions are spoken like an oracle from any hidden place by a man chosen for the task.
“On trivial occasions any initiated man may personate Ukuku or issue commands for the family. On other occasions, as in Shiku, to raise prices, the society lays its commands on foreign traders.”
“On minor occasions, any initiated man can act as Ukuku or give orders for the family. On other occasions, like in Shiku, to increase prices, the society imposes its commands on foreign traders.”
Some cases of Ukuku proceedings against white traders have come under my own observation. A friend of mine, a trader in the Batanga district, in some way incurred the animosity of the society’s local branch. He had, as is usual in the South-West Coast trade several sub-factories in the bush. He found himself boycotted; no native came in to his yard to buy or sell at the store, not even to sell food. He took no notice and awaited developments. One evening when he was sitting on his verandah, smoking and reading, he thought he heard some one singing softly under the house, this, like most European buildings hereabouts, being elevated just above the earth. He was attracted to the song and listened: it was evidently one of the natives singing, not one of his own Kruboys, and so, knowing the language, and having nothing else particular to do, he attended to the affair.
Some cases of Ukuku actions against white traders have come to my attention. A friend of mine, who’s a trader in the Batanga district, somehow got on the bad side of the local branch of the society. Like many traders on the South-West Coast, he had several sub-factories in the bush. He found himself boycotted; no local would come into his yard to buy or sell at the store, not even to sell food. He ignored it and waited for things to unfold. One evening, while he was sitting on his verandah, smoking and reading, he thought he heard someone singing softly underneath the house, which, like most European buildings around here, was raised just above the ground. Intrigued by the song, he listened: it was clearly one of the locals singing, not one of his own Kruboys. So, knowing the language and having nothing better to do, he decided to check it out.
It was the same thing sung softly over and over again, so softly that he could hardly make out the words. But at last, catching his native name among them, he listened more intently than ever, down at a knot-hole in the wooden floor. The song was - “They are going to attack your factory at . . . to-morrow. They are going to attack your factory at . . . to-morrow,” over and over again, until it ceased; and then he thought he saw something darker than the darkness round it creep across the yard and disappear in the bush. Very early in the morning he, with his Kruboys and some guns, went and established themselves in that threatened factory in force. The Ukuku Society turned up in the evening, and reconnoitred the situation, and finding there was more in it than they had expected, withdrew.
It was the same thing sung softly over and over again, so softly that he could barely make out the words. But finally, catching his name among them, he listened more intently than ever, down at a knot-hole in the wooden floor. The song was - “They are going to attack your factory at . . . tomorrow. They are going to attack your factory at . . . tomorrow,” repeated again and again until it stopped; then he thought he saw something darker than the surrounding darkness creep across the yard and disappear into the bushes. Very early in the morning, he, along with his Kruboys and some guns, went and set up in that threatened factory in full force. The Ukuku Society showed up in the evening, scouted the situation, and finding there was more to it than they had expected, withdrew.
In the course of the next twenty-four hours he succeeded in talking the palaver successfully with them. He never knew who his singing friend was, but suspected it was a man whom he had known to be grateful for some kindness he had done him. Indeed there were, and are, many natives who have cause to be grateful to him, for he is deservedly popular among his local tribes, but the man who sang to him that night deserves much honour, for he did it at a terrific risk.
In the next twenty-four hours, he managed to have a successful conversation with them. He never found out who his singing friend was, but he suspected it was someone he had helped in the past. There are many locals who have reasons to be thankful to him, as he is rightly popular among his local tribes, but the man who sang to him that night deserves a lot of respect, as he did it at great risk.
Sometimes representatives of the Ukuku fraternity from several tribes meet together and discuss intertribal difficulties, thereby avoiding war.
Sometimes representatives of the Ukuku brotherhood from different tribes come together to talk about issues between their tribes, helping to prevent conflict.
Dr. Nassau distinctly says that the Bantu region leopard society is identical with the Ukuku, and he says that although the leopards are not very numerous here they are very daring, made so by immunity from punishment by man. “The superstition is that on any man who kills a leopard will fall a curse or evil disease, curable only by ruinously expensive process of three weeks’ duration under the direction of Ukuku. So the natives allow the greatest depredations and ravages until their sheep, goats, and dogs are swept away, and are roused to self-defence only when a human being becomes the victim of the daring beast. With this superstition is united another similar to the werewolf of Germany, viz., a belief in the power of human metamorphosis into a leopard. A person so metamorphosed is called ‘Uvengwa.’ At one time in Benito an intense excitement prevailed in the community. Doors and shutters were rattled at the dead of night, marks of leopard claws were scratched on door-posts. Then tracks lay on every path. Women and children in lonely places saw their flitting forms, or in the dusk were knocked down by their spring, or heard their growl in the thickets. It is difficult to decide in many of these reports whether it is a real leopard or only an Uvengwa - to native fears they are practically the same, - we were certain this time the Uvengwa was the thief disguised in leopard’s skin, as theft is always heard of about such times.”
Dr. Nassau clearly states that the Bantu region's leopard society is the same as the Ukuku, and he notes that although there aren't many leopards in the area, they are quite bold, thanks to their escape from human punishment. “The superstition is that anyone who kills a leopard will be cursed or stricken with an illness that can only be treated through a costly, three-week process overseen by Ukuku. So the locals endure significant losses and destruction until their sheep, goats, and dogs are all gone, and they only become proactive when a person falls victim to the fearless beast. Along with this superstition, there's another belief similar to the werewolf legend in Germany, about the ability of humans to transform into leopards. Someone who undergoes this transformation is called 'Uvengwa.' At one point in Benito, there was a lot of excitement in the community. Doors and shutters were rattled in the dead of night, and scratch marks like leopard claws were found on door frames. Tracks were visible on every path. Women and children in isolated areas reported seeing shadowy figures or were knocked down by them as they sprang out, or they heard their growls in the bushes. It’s hard to tell in many of these accounts whether it’s a real leopard or just an Uvengwa— to the locals, both are practically the same. However, we were sure this time that the Uvengwa was the thief disguised in leopard skin, as theft is often reported during such times.”
When I was in Gaboon in September, 1895, there was great Uvengwa excitement in a district just across the other side of the estuary, mainly at a village that enjoyed the spacious and resounding name of Rumpochembo, from a celebrated chief, and all these phenomena were rife there. Again, when I was in a village up the Calabar there were fourteen goats and five slaves killed in eight days by leopards, the genuine things, I am sure, in this case; but here, as down South, there was a strong objection to proceed against the leopard, and no action was being taken save making the goat-houses stronger. In Okÿon, when a leopard is killed, its body is treated with great respect and brought into the killer’s village. Messages are then sent to the neighbouring villages, and they send representatives to the village and the gall-bladder is most carefully removed from the leopard and burnt coram publico, each person whipping their hands down their arms to disavow any guilt in the affair. This burning of the gall, however, is not ju-ju, it is done merely to destroy it, and to demonstrate to all men that it is destroyed, because it is believed to be a deadly poison, and if any is found in a man’s possession the punishment is death, unless he is a great chief - a few of these are allowed to keep leopards’ gall in their possession. John Bailey tells me that if a great chief commits a great crime, and is adjudged by a conclave of his fellow chiefs to die, it is not considered right he should die in a common way, and he is given leopards’ gall. A precisely similar idea regarding the poisonous quality of crocodiles’ gall holds good down South.
When I was in Gaboon in September 1895, there was a lot of excitement in a district just across the estuary, especially in a village that had the impressive name of Rumpochembo, named after a famous chief. All sorts of things were happening there. Also, when I was in a village up the Calabar, fourteen goats and five slaves were killed by leopards over eight days; they were definitely real leopards in this case. However, just like down South, there was significant resistance to take action against the leopard, and the only response was to reinforce the goat houses. In Okÿon, when a leopard is killed, its body is treated with great respect and brought back to the killer’s village. Messages are sent to nearby villages, and they send representatives to the village. The gall-bladder of the leopard is carefully removed and burned coram publico, with everyone whipping their hands down their arms to show they aren't guilty of anything related. This burning of the gall isn't considered ju-ju; it's done simply to destroy it and make it clear to everyone that it's destroyed because it’s believed to be a lethal poison. If any is found in a person's possession, the punishment is death unless that person is a great chief—only a few of them are allowed to keep leopards' gall. John Bailey tells me that if a great chief commits a serious crime and is judged by a council of fellow chiefs to die, it's seen as inappropriate for him to die in a regular way, so he is given leopards' gall. A similar belief about the toxic nature of crocodile gall is held down South.
The ju-ju parts of the leopard are the whiskers. You cannot get a skin from a native with them on, and gay, reckless young hunters wear them stuck in their hair and swagger tremendously while the Elders shake their heads and keep a keen eye on their subsequent conduct.
The magical parts of the leopard are the whiskers. You can't get a skin from a native with them on, and carefree, daring young hunters wear them in their hair and strut around confidently while the Elders shake their heads and watch closely to see how they behave afterward.
I must say the African leopard is an audacious animal, although it is ungrateful of me to say a word against him, after the way he has let me off personally, and I will speak of his extreme beauty as compensation for my ingratitude. I really think, taken as a whole, he is the most lovely animal I have ever seen; only seeing him, in the one way you can gain a full idea of his beauty, namely in his native forest, is not an unmixed joy to a person, like myself, of a nervous disposition. I may remark that my nervousness regarding the big game of Africa is of a rather peculiar kind. I can confidently say I am not afraid of any wild animal - until I see it - and then - well I will yield to nobody in terror; fortunately as I say my terror is a special variety; fortunately, because no one can manage their own terror. You can suppress alarm, excitement, fear, fright, and all those small-fry emotions, but the real terror is as dependent on the inner make of you as the colour of your eyes, or the shape of your nose; and when terror ascends its throne in my mind I become preternaturally artful, and intelligent to an extent utterly foreign to my true nature, and save, in the case of close quarters with bad big animals, a feeling of rage against some unknown person that such things as leopards, elephants, crocodiles, etc., should be allowed out loose in that disgracefully dangerous way, I do not think much about it at the time. Whenever I have come across an awful animal in the forest and I know it has seen me I take Jerome’s advice, and instead of relying on the power of the human eye rely upon that of the human leg, and effect a masterly retreat in the face of the enemy. If I know it has not seen me I sink in my tracks and keep an eye on it, hoping that it will go away soon. Thus I once came upon a leopard. I had got caught in a tornado in a dense forest. The massive, mighty trees were waving like a wheat-field in an autumn gale in England, and I dare say a field mouse in a wheat-field in a gale would have heard much the same uproar. The tornado shrieked like ten thousand vengeful demons. The great trees creaked and groaned and strained against it and their bush-rope cables groaned and smacked like whips, and ever and anon a thundering crash with snaps like pistol shots told that they and their mighty tree had strained and struggled in vain. The fierce rain came in a roar, tearing to shreds the leaves and blossoms and deluging everything. I was making bad weather of it, and climbing up over a lot of rocks out of a gully bottom where I had been half drowned in a stream, and on getting my head to the level of a block of rock I observed right in front of my eyes, broadside on, maybe a yard off, certainly not more, a big leopard. He was crouching on the ground, with his magnificent head thrown back and his eyes shut. His fore-paws were spread out in front of him and he lashed the ground with his tail, and I grieve to say, in face of that awful danger - I don’t mean me, but the tornado - that depraved creature swore, softly, but repeatedly and profoundly. I did not get all these facts up in one glance, for no sooner did I see him than I ducked under the rocks, and remembered thankfully that leopards are said to have no power of smell. But I heard his observation on the weather, and the flip-flap of his tail on the ground. Every now and then I cautiously took a look at him with one eye round a rock-edge, and he remained in the same position. My feelings tell me he remained there twelve months, but my calmer judgment puts the time down at twenty minutes; and at last, on taking another cautious peep, I saw he was gone. At the time I wished I knew exactly where, but I do not care about that detail now, for I saw no more of him. He had moved off in one of those weird lulls which you get in a tornado, when for a few seconds the wild herd of hurrying winds seem to have lost themselves, and wander round crying and wailing like lost souls, until their common rage seizes them again and they rush back to their work of destruction. It was an immense pleasure to have seen the great creature like that. He was so evidently enraged and baffled by the uproar and dazzled by the floods of lightning that swept down into the deepest recesses of the forest, showing at one second every detail of twig, leaf, branch, and stone round you, and then leaving you in a sort of swirling dark until the next flash came; this, and the great conglomerate roar of the wind, rain and thunder, was enough to bewilder any living thing.
I have to say, the African leopard is a bold animal, though it feels ungrateful of me to criticize him after he’s let me off so easily. I'll talk about his incredible beauty as compensation for my ingratitude. Honestly, I think he’s the most beautiful animal I’ve ever seen; the only way to truly appreciate his beauty is to see him in his natural forest, which isn’t entirely a joyful experience for someone like me who has a nervous disposition. My nervousness around Africa’s big game is pretty unique. I can say for sure I'm not afraid of any wild animal—until I actually see one—at which point I become completely terrified. Thankfully, my kind of terror is special; that’s good because no one can really control their own terror. You can suppress feelings like alarm, excitement, or fear, but true terror is as much a part of you as your eye color or nose shape. When terror takes over my mind, I become unusually clever and resourceful, which is so unlike my true self. Apart from feeling angry about the fact that dangerous creatures like leopards, elephants, and crocodiles are allowed to roam free, I don’t think much about it in the moment. Whenever I encounter a scary animal in the forest and realize it has spotted me, I take Jerome's advice: instead of depending on my eyesight, I rely on my legs and make a strategic retreat instead of facing the enemy. If I know it hasn’t seen me, I freeze in place and watch it, hoping it will leave soon. Once, I came across a leopard while caught in a tornado in a dense forest. The massive trees swayed like wheat fields in an autumn gale in England, and I’m sure a field mouse in a wheat field would have heard a similar racket. The tornado howled like ten thousand angry demons. The large trees creaked and groaned, straining against the wind, their branches whipping like whips, and occasionally a thunderous crash with snaps like gunshots announced that they had given in to the storm. Heavy rain poured down, tearing leaves and flowers apart and drowning everything. I was struggling to climb over rocks out of a gully where I’d been nearly flooded, and when I got my head level with a boulder, I spotted a big leopard right in front of me, no more than a yard away. He was crouched down, his magnificent head tilted back, eyes closed. His front paws were stretched out, and he was lashing his tail against the ground. I regret to say that amidst all that terrifying chaos—not because of me, but because of the tornado—that wicked creature was softly cursing, repeatedly and profoundly. I didn’t take in all those details right away; as soon as I saw him, I ducked behind the rocks and thankfully remembered that leopards are said to have no sense of smell. But I caught the tail end of his comments about the weather and heard the sound of his tail hitting the ground. Every now and then, I cautiously peeked at him from behind the edge of the rock, and he stayed in the same position. My feelings tell me he was there for twelve months, but my clearer thinking suggests it was more like twenty minutes; finally, when I took another careful look, I saw he was gone. At that moment, I wished I knew exactly where he had gone, but I don't care about that detail now because I didn’t see him again. He must have moved during one of those strange lulls that occur in a tornado, when for a few seconds the chaotic winds seem lost and wander around crying like lost souls until their anger rises again, and they resume their destructive path. It was a huge thrill to see such a magnificent creature like that. He was clearly agitated and confused by the noise and dazzled by the lightning flashing into the deepest parts of the forest, illuminating every detail of twig, leaf, branch, and stone, then plunging everything back into swirling darkness until the next flash arrived. The overwhelming roar of the wind, rain, and thunder was enough to bewilder any living thing.
I have never hurt a leopard intentionally; I am habitually kind to animals, and besides I do not think it is ladylike to go shooting things with a gun. Twice, however, I have been in collision with them. On one occasion a big leopard had attacked a dog, who, with her family, was occupying a broken-down hut next to mine. The dog was a half-bred boarhound, and a savage brute on her own account. I, being roused by the uproar, rushed out into the feeble moonlight, thinking she was having one of her habitual turns-up with other dogs, and I saw a whirling mass of animal matter within a yard of me. I fired two mushroom-shaped native stools in rapid succession into the brown of it, and the meeting broke up into a leopard and a dog. The leopard crouched, I think to spring on me. I can see its great, beautiful, lambent eyes still, and I seized an earthen water-cooler and flung it straight at them. It was a noble shot; it burst on the leopard’s head like a shell and the leopard went for bush one time. Twenty minutes after people began to drop in cautiously and inquire if anything was the matter, and I civilly asked them to go and ask the leopard in the bush, but they firmly refused. We found the dog had got her shoulder slit open as if by a blow from a cutlass, and the leopard had evidently seized the dog by the scruff of her neck, but owing to the loose folds of skin no bones were broken and she got round all right after much ointment from me, which she paid me for with several bites. Do not mistake this for a sporting adventure. I no more thought it was a leopard than that it was a lotus when I joined the fight. My other leopard was also after a dog. Leopards always come after dogs, because once upon a time the leopard and the dog were great friends, and the leopard went out one day and left her whelps in charge of the dog, and the dog went out flirting, and a snake came and killed the whelps, so there is ill-feeling to this day between the two. For the benefit of sporting readers whose interest may have been excited by the mention of big game, I may remark that the largest leopard skin I ever measured myself was, tail included, 9 feet 7 inches. It was a dried skin, and every man who saw it said, “It was the largest skin he had ever seen, except one that he had seen somewhere else.”
I’ve never intentionally hurt a leopard; I'm usually kind to animals, and I don’t think it’s lady-like to shoot at things with a gun. However, I’ve had two encounters with them. Once, a big leopard attacked a dog that was living with her family in a dilapidated hut next to mine. The dog was a mixed-breed boarhound and a fierce creature on her own. When I was awakened by the commotion, I rushed out into the weak moonlight, thinking she was just having one of her usual skirmishes with other dogs, and I saw a swirling mass of fur close to me. I fired two nearby native stools at the brown heap, and then it became clear that it was a leopard and a dog. The leopard crouched, probably preparing to pounce on me. I can still picture its stunning, glowing eyes, and I grabbed an earthen water cooler and threw it straight at them. It was a fantastic shot; it shattered on the leopard’s head like a shell, and the leopard bolted into the bushes. Twenty minutes later, people started to approach cautiously to see if everything was okay, and I politely suggested they go ask the leopard in the bushes, but they wouldn’t go. We found that the dog had a gash on her shoulder as if it had been sliced open by a sword. The leopard had clearly grabbed the dog by the scruff of her neck, but thanks to her loose skin, no bones were broken, and she recovered with a lot of ointment from me, though she paid me back with a few bites. Don’t mistake this for a thrilling adventure. I had no idea it was a leopard as I jumped into the fray. My other encounter with a leopard also involved a dog. Leopards always go after dogs because once, a leopard and a dog were good friends. One day, the leopard left her cubs in the dog’s care, but the dog went off to flirt, and a snake came and killed the cubs, leading to bad feelings between them ever since. For those interested in big game, I should mention that the largest leopard skin I ever measured myself was, including the tail, 9 feet 7 inches long. It was a dried skin, and every man who saw it claimed it was the biggest skin he’d ever seen, except for one he had seen somewhere else.
The largest crocodile I ever measured was 22 feet 3 inches, the largest gorilla 5 feet 7 inches. I am assured by the missionaries in Calabar, that there was a python brought into Creek Town in the Rev. Mr. Goldie’s time, that extended the whole length of the Creek Town mission-house verandah and to spare. This python must have been over 40 feet. I have not a shadow of doubt it was. Stay-at-home people will always discredit great measurements, but experienced bushmen do not, and after all, if it amuses the stay-at-homes to do so, by all means let them; they have dull lives of it and it don’t hurt you, for you know how exceedingly difficult it is to preserve really big things to bring home, and how, half the time, they fall into the hands of people who would not bother their heads to preserve them in a rotting climate like West Africa.
The biggest crocodile I ever measured was 22 feet 3 inches, and the biggest gorilla was 5 feet 7 inches. The missionaries in Calabar told me that a python was brought into Creek Town during Rev. Mr. Goldie’s time, and it stretched the entire length of the Creek Town mission-house porch and more. This python must have been over 40 feet. I have no doubt about it. People who stay home will always downplay big measurements, but experienced bushmen don’t, and honestly, if it makes those stay-at-home folks feel better to do so, let them; they live pretty boring lives anyway, and it doesn't hurt you, because you know how incredibly hard it is to preserve really large items to take back home, and how often they end up in the hands of people who wouldn’t bother trying to keep them in a decaying climate like West Africa.
The largest python skin I ever measured was a damaged one, which was 26 feet. There is an immense one hung in front of a house in San Paul de Loanda which you can go and measure yourself with comparative safety any day, and which is, I think, over 20 feet. I never measured this one. The common run of pythons is 10-15 feet, or rather I should say this is about the sized one you find with painful frequency in your chicken-house.
The biggest python skin I ever measured was a damaged one, and it was 26 feet long. There’s a huge one hanging in front of a house in San Paul de Loanda that you can check out yourself safely any day; I think it’s over 20 feet. I never measured this one. Typically, pythons range from 10 to 15 feet, or more accurately, that’s the size you often find with annoying regularity in your chicken coop.
Of the Lubuku secret society I can speak with no personal knowledge. I had a great deal of curious information regarding it from a Bakele woman, who had her information second-hand, but it bears out what Captain Latrobe Bateman says about it in his most excellent book The First Ascent of the Kasai (George Phillip, 1889), and to his account in Note J of the Appendix, I beg to refer the ethnologist. My information also went to show what he calls “a dark inference as to its true nature,” a nature not universally common by any means to the African tribal secret society.
I can't speak about the Lubuku secret society from personal experience. I heard a lot of intriguing details about it from a Bakele woman, who got her information second-hand. However, it supports what Captain Latrobe Bateman writes in his excellent book The First Ascent of the Kasai (George Phillip, 1889). I suggest the ethnologist refer to his account in Note J of the Appendix. My information also indicated what he describes as “a dark inference as to its true nature,” a nature that isn't common to all African tribal secret societies.
In addition to the secret society and the leopard society, there are in the Delta some ju-jus held only by a few great chiefs. The one in Bonny has a complete language to itself, and there is one in Duke Town so powerful that should you desire the death of any person you have only to go and name him before it. “These jujus are very swift and sure.” I would rather drink than fight with any of them - yes, far.
In addition to the secret society and the leopard society, there are in the Delta some ju-jus held only by a few powerful chiefs. The one in Bonny has its own complete language, and there's one in Duke Town so powerful that if you want someone dead, all you have to do is go and name them in front of it. "These jujus are very quick and certain." I'd rather drink than fight any of them—definitely.
CHAPTER XVII. ASCENT OF THE GREAT PEAK OF CAMEROONS.
Setting forth how the Voyager is minded to ascend the mountain called Mungo Mah Lobeh, or the Throne of Thunder, and in due course reaches Buea, situate thereon.
Describing how the Voyager plans to climb the mountain known as Mungo Mah Lobeh, or the Throne of Thunder, and eventually arrives in Buea, located there.
After returning from Corisco I remained a few weeks in Gaboon, and then left on the Niger, commanded by Captain Davies. My regrets, I should say, arose from leaving the charms and interests of Congo Français, and had nothing whatever to do with taking passage on one of the most comfortable ships of all those which call on the Coast.
After returning from Corisco, I spent a few weeks in Gaboon and then boarded the Niger, captained by Captain Davies. I should mention that my regrets came from leaving the attractions and experiences of Congo Français, and had nothing to do with taking a ride on one of the most comfortable ships that travels along the coast.
The Niger was homeward-bound when I joined her, and in due course arrived in Cameroon River, and I was once again under the dominion of Germany. It would be a very interesting thing to compare the various forms of European government in Africa - English, French, German, Portuguese, and Spanish; but to do so with any justice would occupy more space than I have at my disposal, for the subject is extremely intricate. Each of these forms of government have their good points and their bad. Each of them are dealing with bits of Africa differing from each other - in the nature of their inhabitants and their formation, and so on - so I will not enter into any comparison of them here.
The Niger was headed home when I got on board, and eventually reached the Cameroon River, bringing me once again under German control. It would be really interesting to compare the different types of European governments in Africa—British, French, German, Portuguese, and Spanish—but doing so fairly would take more space than I have available because the topic is very complex. Each of these government types has its strengths and weaknesses. They all deal with different parts of Africa, which vary in their people, structure, and more, so I won’t make any comparisons here.
From the deck of the Niger I found myself again confronted with my great temptation - the magnificent Mungo Mah Lobeh - the Throne of Thunder. Now it is none of my business to go up mountains. There’s next to no fish on them in West Africa, and precious little good rank fetish, as the population on them is sparse - the African, like myself, abhorring cool air. Nevertheless, I feel quite sure that no white man has ever looked on the great Peak of Cameroon without a desire arising in his mind to ascend it and know in detail the highest point on the western side of the continent, and indeed one of the highest points in all Africa.
From the deck of the Niger, I found myself once again faced with my great temptation - the stunning Mungo Mah Lobeh - the Throne of Thunder. Now, climbing mountains isn't really my thing. There’s hardly any fish up there in West Africa, and very few good fetishes since the population is thin - just like me, Africans tend to dislike cool air. Still, I’m pretty sure that no white man has ever gazed upon the great Peak of Cameroon without feeling the urge to climb it and explore the highest point on the western side of the continent, and indeed one of the highest points in all of Africa.
So great is the majesty and charm of this mountain that the temptation of it is as great to me to-day as it was on the first day I saw it, when I was feeling my way down the West Coast of Africa on the S.S. Lagos in 1893, and it revealed itself by good chance from its surf-washed plinth to its skyscraping summit. Certainly it is most striking when you see it first, as I first saw it, after coasting for weeks along the low shores and mangrove-fringed rivers of the Niger Delta. Suddenly, right up out of the sea, rises the great mountain to its 13,760 feet, while close at hand, to westward, towers the lovely island mass of Fernando Po to 10,190 feet. But every time you pass it by its beauty grows on you with greater and greater force, though it is never twice the same. Sometimes it is wreathed with indigo-black tornado clouds, sometimes crested with snow, sometimes softly gorgeous with gold, green, and rose-coloured vapours tinted by the setting sun, sometimes completely swathed in dense cloud so that you cannot see it at all; but when you once know it is there it is all the same, and you bow down and worship.
The majesty and beauty of this mountain draw me in just as much today as it did on the first day I saw it, when I was making my way down the West Coast of Africa on the S.S. Lagos in 1893. It appeared unexpectedly, rising dramatically from its surf-washed base to its towering peak. It’s definitely most impressive when you first see it, especially after spending weeks along the flat shores and mangrove-lined rivers of the Niger Delta. Suddenly, right out of the sea, the great mountain rises to 13,760 feet, while nearby to the west, the beautiful island of Fernando Po stands tall at 10,190 feet. Each time you pass it, its beauty captivates you even more, though it’s never quite the same. Sometimes it’s surrounded by deep black storm clouds, at other times topped with snow, or glowing softly in shades of gold, green, and pink from the setting sun. Sometimes it’s completely hidden in thick clouds so you can’t see it at all; but once you know it’s there, it doesn’t matter, and you can’t help but bow down in admiration.
There are only two distinct peaks to this glorious thing that geologists brutally call the volcanic intrusive mass of the Cameroon Mountains, viz., Big Cameroon and Little Cameroon. The latter, Mungo Mah Etindeh, has not yet been scaled, although it is only 5,820 feet. One reason for this is doubtless that the few people in fever-stricken, over-worked West Africa who are able to go up mountains, naturally try for the adjacent Big Cameroon; the other reason is that Mungo Mah Etindeh, to which Burton refers as “the awful form of Little Cameroon,” is mostly sheer cliff, and is from foot to summit clothed in an almost impenetrable forest. Behind these two mountains of volcanic origin, which cover an area on an isolated base of between 700 and 800 square miles in extent, there are distinctly visible from the coast two chains of mountains, or I should think one chain deflected, the so-called Rumby and Omon ranges. These are no relations of Mungo, being of very different structure and conformation; the geological specimens I have brought from them and from the Cameroons being identified by geologists as respectively schistose grit and vesicular lava.
There are only two distinct peaks in this remarkable area that geologists harshly refer to as the volcanic intrusive mass of the Cameroon Mountains: Big Cameroon and Little Cameroon. The latter, Mungo Mah Etindeh, hasn't been climbed yet, despite being only 5,820 feet high. One reason for this is that the few people in the fever-ridden, overworked region of West Africa who have the ability to climb mountains naturally aim for the nearby Big Cameroon; another reason is that Mungo Mah Etindeh, which Burton describes as "the awful form of Little Cameroon," is mainly a sheer cliff and is covered from base to summit by nearly impenetrable forest. Behind these two volcanic mountains, covering an isolated area of between 700 and 800 square miles, there are clearly visible from the coast two mountain ranges, or perhaps one chain that has been deflected, known as the Rumby and Omon ranges. These are not related to Mungo, as they have a very different structure and shape; the geological samples I collected from them and from the Cameroons have been identified by geologists as schistose grit and vesicular lava, respectively.
After spending a few pleasant days in Cameroon River in the society of Frau Plehn, my poor friend Mrs. Duggan having, I regret to say, departed for England on the death of her husband, I went round to Victoria, Ambas Bay, on the Niger, and in spite of being advised solemnly by Captain Davies to “chuck it as it was not a picnic,” I started to attempt the Peak of Cameroons as follows.
After spending a few enjoyable days at Cameroon River with Frau Plehn, my poor friend Mrs. Duggan, sadly, had to leave for England due to her husband's death. I then headed over to Victoria, Ambas Bay, on the Niger, and despite being seriously advised by Captain Davies to “give it up since it wasn't a picnic,” I set out to try to climb the Peak of Cameroons as follows.
September 20th, 1895. - Left Victoria at 7.30, weather fine. Herr von Lucke, though sadly convinced, by a series of experiments he has been carrying on ever since I landed, and I expect before, that you cannot be in three places at one time, is still trying to do so; or more properly speaking he starts an experiment series for four places, man-like, instead of getting ill as I should under the circumstances, and he kindly comes with me as far as the bridge across the lovely cascading Lukole River, and then goes back at about seven miles an hour to look after Victoria and his sick subordinates in detail.
September 20th, 1895. - Departed from Victoria at 7:30 AM, with nice weather. Herr von Lucke, despite being thoroughly convinced by a series of experiments he’s been conducting since I arrived—and probably even before—that you can’t be in three places at once, is still attempting to do just that; or more accurately, he’s starting an experimental series for four locations, like a true man, instead of getting sick as I would under the circumstances. He kindly accompanies me to the bridge over the beautiful cascading Lukole River, and then heads back at about seven miles an hour to take care of Victoria and his unwell subordinates in detail.
I, with my crew, keep on up the grand new road the Government is making, which when finished is to go from Ambas Bay to Buea, 3,000 feet up on the mountain’s side. This road is quite the most magnificent of roads, as regards breadth and general intention, that I have seen anywhere in West Africa, and it runs through a superbly beautiful country. It is, I should say, as broad as Oxford Street; on either side of it are deep drains to carry off the surface waters, with banks of varied beautiful tropical shrubs and ferns, behind which rise, 100 to 200 feet high, walls of grand forest, the column-like tree-stems either hung with flowering, climbing plants and ferns, or showing soft red and soft grey shafts sixty to seventy feet high without an interrupting branch. Behind this again rise the lovely foot hills of Mungo, high up against the sky, coloured the most perfect soft dark blue.
I, along with my team, continue along the impressive new road that the government is building, which will eventually stretch from Ambas Bay to Buea, located 3,000 feet up the mountainside. This road is the most magnificent road I’ve encountered in West Africa in terms of width and overall purpose, and it winds through stunningly beautiful scenery. I would say it’s as wide as Oxford Street; on either side, there are deep drainage ditches to manage surface water, lined with various beautiful tropical plants and ferns. Behind them rise towering forest walls, 100 to 200 feet high, with tall tree trunks that are either draped in flowering vines and ferns or showcase soft red and grey trunks reaching sixty to seventy feet high without any branches interrupting. Further back, the lovely foothills of Mungo rise majestically against the sky, painted in a perfectly soft dark blue.
The whole scheme of colour is indescribably rich and full in tone. The very earth is a velvety red brown, and the butterflies - which abound - show themselves off in the sunlight, in their canary-coloured, crimson, and peacock-blue liveries, to perfection. After five minutes’ experience of the road I envy those butterflies. I do not believe there is a more lovely road in this world, and besides, it’s a noble and enterprising thing of a Government to go and make it, considering the climate and the country; but to get any genuine pleasure out of it, it is requisite to hover in a bird- or butterfly-like way, for of all the truly awful things to walk on, that road, when I was on it, was the worst.
The whole color scheme is incredibly rich and vibrant. The ground is a soft red-brown, and the butterflies—of which there are plenty—display their bright canary yellow, deep crimson, and peacock blue colors perfectly in the sunlight. After just five minutes on the road, I find myself envying those butterflies. I don’t think there’s a more beautiful road in the world, and it’s commendable for a government to build it, considering the climate and the terrain. However, to truly enjoy it, you need to move like a bird or butterfly because, out of all the awful paths to walk on, that road was the worst when I was on it.
Of course this arose from its not being finished, not having its top on in fact: the bit that was finished, and had got its top on, for half a mile beyond the bridge, you could go over in a Bath chair. The rest of it made you fit for one for the rest of your natural life, for it was one mass of broken lava rock, and here and there leviathan tree-stumps that had been partially blown up with gunpowder.
Of course, this was because it wasn't finished, and it didn’t have a top on: the part that was done and had its top in place, for half a mile past the bridge, you could travel in a Bath chair. The rest of it would leave you needing one for the rest of your life, as it was just a jumble of broken lava rocks, with massive tree stumps here and there that had been partially blown up with gunpowder.
When we near the forest end of the road, it comes on to rain heavily, and I see a little house on the left-hand side, and a European engineer superintending a group of very cheerful natives felling timber. He most kindly invites me to take shelter, saying it cannot rain as heavily as this for long. My men also announce a desire for water, and so I sit down and chat with the engineer under the shelter of his verandah, while the men go to the water-hole, some twenty minutes off.
When we get close to the edge of the forest, it starts to rain heavily, and I spot a small house on the left side, where a European engineer is overseeing a bunch of very cheerful locals cutting down trees. He kindly invites me to take cover, saying it can't rain this hard for much longer. My crew also mentions they need water, so I sit down and chat with the engineer under the cover of his porch while the men head to the waterhole, which is about twenty minutes away.
After learning much about the Congo Free State and other matters, I presently see one of my men sitting right in the middle of the road on a rock, totally unsheltered, and a feeling of shame comes over me in the face of this black man’s aquatic courage. Into the rain I go, and off we start. I conscientiously attempt to keep dry, by holding up an umbrella, knowing that though hopeless it is the proper thing to do.
After learning a lot about the Congo Free State and other things, I now see one of my guys sitting right in the middle of the road on a rock, completely exposed, and I feel a sense of shame when I think about this black man’s brave resilience. I head into the rain, and we set off. I try my best to stay dry by holding up an umbrella, even though I know it’s a lost cause; it just feels like the right thing to do.
We leave the road about fifty yards above the hut, turning into the unbroken forest on the right-hand side, and following a narrow, slippery, muddy, root-beset bush-path that was a comfort after the road. Presently we come to a lovely mountain torrent flying down over red-brown rocks in white foam; exquisitely lovely, and only a shade damper than the rest of things. Seeing this I solemnly fold up my umbrella and give it to Kefalla. I then take charge of Fate and wade.
We leave the road about fifty yards above the hut, turning into the dense forest on the right and following a narrow, slippery, muddy path filled with roots, which feels nice after the road. Soon, we come across a beautiful mountain stream rushing over red-brown rocks in white foam; it’s incredibly lovely and just a bit wetter than everything else. Seeing this, I seriously fold up my umbrella and hand it to Kefalla. Then I take charge of Fate and wade through the water.
This particular stream, too, requires careful wading, the rocks over which it flows being arranged in picturesque, but perilous confusion; however all goes well, and getting to the other side I decide to “chuck it,” as Captain Davies would say, as to keeping dry, for the rain comes down heavier than ever.
This stream also demands careful wading, as the rocks it flows over are arranged in a scenic yet dangerous mess. However, everything goes smoothly, and when I reach the other side, I decide to "give up," as Captain Davies would say, on staying dry since the rain is coming down harder than ever.
Now we are evidently dealing with a foot-hillside, but the rain is too thick for one to see two yards in any direction, and we seem to be in a ghost-land forest, for the great palms and red-woods rise up in the mist before us, and fade out in the mist behind, as we pass on. The rocks which edge and strew the path at our feet are covered with exquisite ferns and mosses - all the most delicate shades of green imaginable, and here and there of absolute gold colour, looking as if some ray of sunshine had lingered too long playing on the earth, and had got shut off from heaven by the mist, and so lay nestling among the rocks until it might rejoin the sun.
Now we're clearly on a hillside, but the rain is so heavy that we can't see more than a couple of yards in any direction, and it feels like we're in a ghostly forest. The tall palms and redwoods loom in the mist in front of us and disappear into the fog behind us as we move forward. The rocks lining the path at our feet are covered with beautiful ferns and mosses—all the most delicate shades of green you can imagine, and here and there, spots of bright gold, as if a ray of sunshine got trapped in the mist and is resting among the rocks until it can reunite with the sun.
The path now becomes an absolute torrent, with mud-thickened water, which cascades round one’s ankles in a sportive way, and round one’s knees in the hollows in the path. On we go, the path underneath the water seems a pretty equal mixture of rock and mud, but they are not evenly distributed. Plantations full of weeds show up on either side of us, and we are evidently now on the top of a foot-hill. I suspect a fine view of the sea could be obtained from here, if you have an atmosphere that is less than 99¾ per cent. of water. As it is, a white sheet - or more properly speaking, considering its soft, stuffy woolliness, a white blanket - is stretched across the landscape to the south-west, where the sea would show.
The path is now a raging stream, with muddy water that splashes around our ankles playfully and our knees in the dips of the trail. We continue on, and the surface beneath the water looks like a mix of rock and mud, but it's not evenly spread out. Lush weeds line both sides of us, and we clearly find ourselves on a hillside. I bet there’s a stunning view of the sea from here if the atmosphere were less than 99¾ percent water. As it stands, a white sheet— or rather, a fluffy, heavy blanket— is draped over the landscape to the southwest, where the sea would be visible.
We go down-hill now, the water rushing into the back of my shoes for a change. The path is fringed by high, sugar-cane-like grass which hangs across it in a lackadaisical way, swishing you in the face and cutting like a knife whenever you catch its edge, and pouring continually insidious rills of water down one’s neck. It does not matter. The whole Atlantic could not get more water on to me than I have already got. Ever and again I stop and wring out some of it from my skirts, for it is weighty. One would not imagine that anything could come down in the way of water thicker than the rain, but it can. When one is on the top of the hills, a cold breeze comes through the mist chilling one to the bone, and bending the heads of the palm trees, sends down from them water by the bucketful with a slap; hitting or missing you as the case may be.
We’re heading downhill now, with water rushing into the back of my shoes for a change. The path is lined with tall grass that looks like sugar cane, lazily hanging over it, swatting me in the face and slicing like a knife whenever I brush against it, while constantly dripping insidious streams of water down my neck. It doesn’t matter. The whole Atlantic couldn’t drench me more than I already am. Every now and then, I stop to wring out some water from my skirts because they’re heavy. You wouldn’t think anything could come down thicker than rain, but it can. When you’re on top of the hills, a cold breeze cuts through the mist, chilling you to the bone, and bending the palm trees, which then dump water on you by the bucketful, hitting or missing you as it happens.
Both myself and my men are by now getting anxious for our “chop,” and they tell me, “We look them big hut soon.” Soon we do look them big hut, but with faces of undisguised horror, for the big hut consists of a few charred roof-mats, etc., lying on the ground. There has been a fire in that simple savage home. Our path here is cut by one that goes east and west, and after a consultation between my men and the Bakwiri, we take the path going east, down a steep slope between weedy plantations, and shortly on the left shows a steep little hill-side with a long low hut on the top. We go up to it and I find it is the habitation of a Basel Mission black Bible-reader. He comes out and speaks English well, and I tell him I want a house for myself and my men, and he says we had better come and stay in this one. It is divided into two chambers, one in which the children who attend the mission-school stay, and wherein there is a fire, and one evidently the abode of the teacher. I thank the Bible-reader and say that I will pay him for the house, and I and the men go in streaming, and my teeth chatter with cold as the breeze chills my saturated garment while I give out the rations of beef, rum, blankets, and tobacco to the men. Then I clear my apartment out and attempt to get dry, operations which are interrupted by Kefalla coming for tobacco to buy firewood off the mission teacher to cook our food by.
Both my men and I are getting anxious for our “chop,” and they tell me, “We’ll see the big hut soon.” Soon we do see the big hut, but our faces show clear horror, because the big hut is just a few charred roof-mats and other debris lying on the ground. There’s been a fire in that simple savage home. Our path here intersects with one going east and west, and after talking it over with my men and the Bakwiri, we take the path heading east, down a steep slope between overgrown plantations. Shortly on the left, we spot a steep little hillside with a long low hut on top. We go up to it and I find out it’s where a Basel Mission black Bible-reader lives. He comes out and speaks English well, and I tell him I need a place for myself and my men, and he suggests we stay in this hut. It’s divided into two rooms: one where the children attending the mission school stay, which has a fire, and one that clearly belongs to the teacher. I thank the Bible-reader and say I’ll pay him for the use of the hut, and then my men and I stream inside. My teeth chatter with cold as the breeze chills my soaked clothes while I hand out rations of beef, rum, blankets, and tobacco to the men. Then I clear my space and try to get dry, a task interrupted by Kefalla coming for tobacco to buy firewood from the mission teacher to cook our food.
Presently my excellent little cook brings in my food, and in with it come two mission teachers - our first acquaintance, the one with a white jacket, and another with a blue. They lounge about and spit in all directions, and then chiefs commence to arrive with their families complete, and they sidle into the apartment and ostentatiously ogle the demijohn of rum.
Right now, my great little cook is bringing in my food, and along with it come two mission teachers – our first one, the one in the white jacket, and another in blue. They hang around and spit everywhere, and then the chiefs start to show up with their whole families, slipping into the room and openly staring at the demijohn of rum.
They are, as usual, a nuisance, sitting about on everything. No sooner have I taken an unclean-looking chief off the wood sofa, than I observe another one has silently seated himself in the middle of my open portmanteau. Removing him and shutting it up, I see another one has settled on the men’s beef and rice sack.
They’re, as always, a pain, lounging around on everything. No sooner do I remove an unkempt guy from the wooden sofa than I notice another one has quietly sat down in the middle of my open suitcase. After getting rid of him and closing it up, I see another one has made himself comfortable on the guys' beef and rice sack.
It is now about three o’clock and I am still chilled to the bone in spite of tea. The weather is as bad as ever. The men say that the rest of the road to Buea is far worse than that which we have so far come along, and that we should never get there before dark, and “for sure” should not get there afterwards, because by the time the dark came down we should be in “bad place too much.” Therefore, to their great relief, I say I will stay at this place - Buana - for the night, and go on in the morning time up to Buea; and just for the present I think I will wrap myself up in a blanket and try and get the chill out of me, so I give the chiefs a glass of rum each, plenty of head tobacco, and my best thanks for their kind call, and then turn them all out. I have not been lying down five minutes on the plank that serves for a sofa by day and a bed by night, when Charles comes knocking at the door. He wants tobacco. “Missionary man no fit to let we have firewood unless we buy em.” Give Charles a head and shut him out again, and drop off to sleep again for a quarter of an hour, then am aroused by some enterprising sightseers pushing open the window-shutters; when I look round there are a mass of black heads sticking through the window-hole. I tell them respectfully that the circus is closed for repairs, and fasten up the shutters, but sleep is impossible, so I turn out and go and see what those men of mine are after. They are comfortable enough round their fire, with their clothes suspended on strings in the smoke above them, and I envy them that fire. I then stroll round to see if there is anything to be seen, but the scenery is much like that you would enjoy if you were inside a blanc-mange. So as it is now growing dark I return to my room and light candles, and read Dr. Günther on Fishes. Room becomes full of blacks. Unless you watch the door, you do not see how it is done. You look at a corner one minute and it is empty, and the next time you look that way it is full of rows of white teeth and watching eyes. The two mission teachers come in and make a show of teaching a child to read the Bible. After again clearing out the rank and fashion of Buana, I prepare to try and get a sleep; not an elaborate affair, I assure you, for I only want to wrap myself round in a blanket and lie on that plank, but the rain has got into the blankets and horror! there is no pillow. The mission men have cleared their bed paraphernalia right out. Now you can do without a good many things, but not without a pillow, so hunt round to find something to make one with; find the Bible in English, the Bible in German, and two hymn-books, and a candle-stick. These seem all the small articles in the room - no, there is a parcel behind the books - mission teachers’ Sunday trousers - make delightful arrangement of books bound round with trousers and the whole affair wrapped in one of my towels. Never saw till now advantage of Africans having trousers. Civilisation has its points after all. But it is no use trying to get any sleep until those men are quieter. The partition which separates my apartment from theirs is a bamboo and mat affair, straight at the top so leaving under the roof a triangular space above common to both rooms. Also common to both rooms are the smoke of the fire and the conversation. Kefalla is holding forth in a dogmatic way, and some of the others are snoring. There is a new idea in decoration along the separating wall. Mr. Morris might have made something out of it for a dado. It is composed of an arrangement in line of stretched out singlets. Vaseline the revolver. Wish those men would leave off chattering. Kefalla seems to know the worst about most of the people, black and white, down in Ambas Bay, but I do not believe those last two stories. Evidently great jokes in next room now; Kefalla has thrown himself, still talking, in the dark, on to the top of one of the mission teachers. The women of the village outside have been keeping up, this hour and more, a most melancholy coo-ooing. Those foolish creatures are evidently worrying about their husbands who have gone down to market in Ambas Bay, and who, they think, are lost in the bush. I have not a shadow of a doubt that those husbands who are not home by now are safely drunk in town, or reposing on the grand new road the kindly Government have provided for them, either in one of the side drains, or tucked in among the lava rock.
It’s about three o’clock, and I’m still freezing despite the tea. The weather is terrible as always. The men say the rest of the road to Buea is way worse than what we’ve traveled so far, and they believe we won’t get there before dark—and definitely not after—because by the time it gets dark, we’ll be in a “really bad place.” So, to their great relief, I tell them I’ll stay here at Buana for the night and head to Buea in the morning. Right now, I think I’ll wrap myself in a blanket and try to get warm, so I give the chiefs each a glass of rum, some good tobacco, and my sincere thanks for their kind visit, then send them on their way. I’ve barely been lying down on the plank that serves as a sofa during the day and a bed at night for five minutes when Charles knocks on the door. He wants tobacco. “The missionary won’t let us have firewood unless we buy it.” I give Charles some tobacco and send him away, then drift back to sleep for about fifteen minutes. I’m woken up by some curious onlookers pushing open the window shutters; when I turn around, I see a bunch of black heads peering through the window. I politely tell them that the circus is closed for repairs and secure the shutters again, but sleep isn’t happening now, so I get up to see what my men are up to. They’re quite cozy around their fire, with their clothes hanging on strings in the smoke above them, and I envy that fire. I then wander around to see if there’s anything worth looking at, but the scenery is just like being inside a jelly. As it starts to get dark, I head back to my room, light some candles, and read Dr. Günther on Fishes. The room fills with people. If you don’t keep an eye on the door, you won’t see how they come in. One minute the corner is empty, and the next it’s filled with rows of white teeth and watching eyes. The two missionary teachers come in and pretend to teach a child to read the Bible. After clearing out the crowd from Buana again, I get ready to try to sleep; it's not a big deal, really, since I just want to wrap myself in a blanket and lie on that plank, but the rain has soaked the blankets, and horror! There’s no pillow. The mission men have taken their bedding completely. You can go without a lot of things, but not a pillow, so I search around for something to make one with; I find an English Bible, a German Bible, two hymn books, and a candlestick. That seems to be all the little items in the room—oh wait, there’s a parcel behind the books—mission teachers’ Sunday trousers—so I arrange the books with the trousers around them and wrap the whole thing in one of my towels. I’ve never realized until now that Africans having trousers has its advantages. Civilization does have its perks after all. But there’s no way I can get any sleep until those men quiet down. The divider between my room and theirs is made of bamboo and mats, with a triangular space above it that both rooms share. Also shared are the smoke from the fire and the noise of their conversation. Kefalla is going on about something, and some of the others are snoring. There’s an interesting decoration idea along the separating wall. Mr. Morris could have turned it into a nice dado. It’s a line of stretched-out shirts. Apply Vaseline to the revolver. I wish those men would stop chatting. Kefalla seems to know all the dirt on most people, both black and white, down in Ambas Bay, but I don’t buy those last two stories. Apparently, there are great jokes going on in the next room; Kefalla has flung himself, still talking, into the dark on top of one of the mission teachers. The women of the village outside have been upkeeping this heartbreaking cooing for over an hour. Those silly women are obviously worried about their husbands who’ve gone to market in Ambas Bay, thinking they’re lost in the bush. I’m willing to bet those husbands who aren’t home by now are safely drunk in town or passed out on the nice new road the kind Government has built for them, either in one of the side ditches or curled up among the lava rocks.
September 21st. - Coo-ooing went on all night. I was aroused about 9.30 P.M., by uproar in adjacent hut: one husband had returned in a bellicose condition and whacked his wives, and their squarks and squalls, instead of acting as a warning to the other ladies, stimulate the silly things to go on coo-ooing louder and more entreatingly than ever, so that their husbands might come home and whack them too, I suppose, and whenever the unmitigated hardness of my plank rouses me I hear them still coo-ooing.
September 21st. - There was cooing all night long. I was woken up around 9:30 P.M. by a commotion in the nearby hut; one husband had come home in a confrontational mood and hit his wives, and their cries and screams, instead of warning the other women, actually encouraged them to coo even louder and more desperately than before, probably hoping their husbands would come home and hit them too. And whenever the unforgiving hardness of my plank bed wakes me up, I can still hear them cooing.
No watchman is required to wake you in the morning on the top of a Cameroon foot-hill by 5.30, because about 4 A.M. the dank chill that comes before the dawn does so most effectively. One old chief turned up early out of the mist and dashed me a bottle of palm wine; he says he wants to dash me a fowl, but I decline, and accept two eggs, and give him four heads of tobacco.
No one needs to wake you up at 5:30 in the morning on the hills of Cameroon because around 4 AM, the cold dampness that comes before dawn does the job pretty well. An old chief appeared out of the mist early and gave me a bottle of palm wine; he said he wanted to give me a chicken, but I declined and accepted two eggs instead, giving him four heads of tobacco in return.
The whole place is swathed in thick white mist through which my audience arrive. But I am firm with them, and shut up the doors and windows and disregard their bangings on them while I am dressing, or rather re-dressing. The mission teachers get in with my tea, and sit and smoke and spit while I have my breakfast. Give me cannibal Fans!
The entire place is covered in thick white fog as my audience arrives. But I stand my ground, closing all the doors and windows and ignoring their pounding while I get dressed—or rather, re-dressed. The mission teachers come in with my tea, and they sit around smoking and spitting while I have my breakfast. Bring me cannibal Fans!
It is pouring with rain again now, and we go down the steep hillock to the path we came along yesterday, keep it until we come to where the old path cuts it, and then turn up to the right following the old path’s course and leave Buana without a pang of regret. Our road goes N.E. Oh, the mud of it! Not the clearish cascades of yesterday but sticky, slippery mud, intensely sticky, and intensely slippery. The narrow path which is filled by this, is V-shaped underneath from wear, and I soon find the safest way is right through the deepest mud in the middle.
It’s pouring rain again now, and we head down the steep hill to the path we took yesterday, follow it until we reach where the old path intersects, and then turn right, sticking to the old path's direction, leaving Buana without a second thought. Our route goes northeast. Ugh, the mud! Not the clear streams from yesterday, but thick, slippery mud—really sticky and incredibly slippery. The narrow path, worn down to a V-shape underneath, shows me that the safest way is right through the deepest mud in the middle.
The white mist shuts off all details beyond ten yards in any direction. All we can see, as we first turn up the path, is a patch of kokos of tremendous size on our right. After this comes weedy plantation, and stretches of sword grass hanging across the road. The country is even more unlevel than that we came over yesterday. On we go, patiently doing our mud pulling through the valleys; toiling up a hillside among lumps of rock and stretches of forest, for we are now beyond Buana’s plantations; and skirting the summit of the hill only to descend into another valley. Evidently this is a succession of foot-hills of the great mountain and we are not on its true face yet. As we go on they become more and more abrupt in form, the valleys mere narrow ravines. In the wet season (this is only the tornado season) each of these valleys is occupied by a raging torrent from the look of the confused water-worn boulders. Now among the rocks there are only isolated pools, for the weather for a fortnight before I left Victoria had been fairly dry, and this rich porous soil soaks up an immense amount of water. It strikes me as strange that when we are either going up or down the hills, the ground is less muddy than when we are skirting their summits, but it must be because on the inclines the rush of water clears the soil away down to the bed rock. There is an outcrop of clay down by Buana, but though that was slippery, it is nothing to the slipperiness of this fine, soft, red-brown earth that is the soil higher up, and also round Ambas Bay. This gets churned up into a sort of batter where there is enough water lying on it, and, when there is not, an ice slide is an infant to it.
The white mist obscures everything beyond ten yards in any direction. All we can see as we start up the path is a huge patch of kokos on our right. After that, we encounter overgrown plantations and stretches of sword grass hanging across the road. The terrain is even bumpier than what we crossed yesterday. We continue on, patiently pulling ourselves through the mud in the valleys and laboring up a hillside among rocks and bits of forest, since we're now past Buana’s plantations, only to skirt the top of the hill before descending into another valley. Clearly, this is a series of foothills leading to the great mountain, and we're not facing it directly yet. As we proceed, the hills become steeper, with the valleys appearing as narrow ravines. During the wet season (this is just the tornado season), each of these valleys would be filled with a raging torrent, judging by the jumbled, water-worn boulders. Right now, there are only isolated pools among the rocks because the weather was relatively dry for a fortnight before I left Victoria, and this rich, porous soil absorbs a lot of water. I find it odd that when we are going either up or down the hills, the ground is less muddy than when we walk along the tops, but it must be because the flow of water clears the soil down to the bedrock on the slopes. There's an outcrop of clay near Buana, but although that was slippery, it’s nothing compared to the slickness of this fine, soft, red-brown earth found higher up as well as around Ambas Bay. It turns into a kind of batter when there's enough water on it, and when there isn't, it's like an ice slide in comparison.
My men and I flounder about; thrice one of them, load and all, goes down with a squidge and a crash into the side grass, and says “damn!” with quite the European accent; as a rule, however, we go on in single file, my shoes giving out a mellifluous squidge, and their naked feet a squish, squash. The men take it very good temperedly, and sing in between accidents; I do not feel much like singing myself, particularly at one awful spot, which was the exception to the rule that ground at acute angles forms the best going. This exception was a long slippery slide down into a ravine with a long, perfectly glassy slope up out of it.
My crew and I are stumbling around; three times one of them, with all his gear, goes down with a squish and a crash onto the grass, exclaiming “damn!” in quite a European accent; usually, though, we move in single file, my shoes making a pleasant squish sound, while their bare feet make a squish, squash. The guys take it all in stride and even sing between mishaps; I’m not really in the mood to sing myself, especially at one terrible spot, which was an exception to the rule that ground at sharp angles is usually the easiest to navigate. This exception was a long, slippery slide down into a ravine with a smooth, glassy slope leading back up out of it.
After this we have a stretch of rocky forest, and pass by a widening in the path which I am told is a place where men blow, i.e. rest, and then pass through another a little further on, which is Buea’s bush market. Then through an opening in the great war-hedge of Buea, a growing stockade some fifteen feet high, the lower part of it wattled.
After this, we come to a stretch of rocky forest and pass a widening in the path, which I’m told is a place where people take a break, and then a bit further on, we go through another area that’s Buea’s bush market. Then, we move through an opening in the large war-hedge of Buea, a growing stockade about fifteen feet high, with the lower part woven from branches.
At the sides of the path here grow banks of bergamot and balsam, returning good for evil and smiling sweetly as we crush them. Thank goodness we are in forest now, and we seem to have done with the sword-grass. The rocks are covered with moss and ferns, and the mist curling and wandering about among the stems is very lovely.
At the sides of the path, there are clusters of bergamot and balsam, returning kindness for harm and smiling sweetly as we crush them. Thank goodness we're in the forest now, and it looks like we've left the sword-grass behind. The rocks are covered with moss and ferns, and the mist curling and drifting among the stems is really beautiful.
In our next ravine there is a succession of pools, part of a mountain torrent of greater magnitude evidently than those we have passed, and in these pools there are things swimming. Spend more time catching them, with the assistance of Bum. I do not value Kefalla’s advice, ample though it is, as being of any real value in the affair. Bag some water-spiders and two small fish. The heat is less oppressive than yesterday. All yesterday one was being alternately smothered in the valley and chilled on the hill-tops. To-day it is a more level temperature, about 70°, I fancy.
In the next ravine, there’s a series of pools that are part of a bigger mountain stream than the ones we’ve seen before, and there’s stuff swimming in these pools. Spend more time catching them, with Bum’s help. I don’t think much of Kefalla’s advice, even though he offers a lot; it isn’t really helpful in this situation. Catch some water spiders and two small fish. The heat isn’t as intense as it was yesterday. Yesterday, we were alternately suffocating in the valley and freezing on the hilltops. Today the temperature is more consistent, around 70°, I guess.
The soil up here, about 2,500 feet above sea-level, though rock-laden is exceedingly rich, and the higher we go there is more bergamot, native indigo, with its underleaf dark blue, and lovely coleuses with red markings on their upper leaves, and crimson linings. I, as an ichthyologist, am in the wrong paradise. What a region this would be for a botanist!
The soil up here, about 2,500 feet above sea level, although full of rocks, is incredibly rich. As we go higher, there’s more bergamot, native indigo with its dark blue underside, and beautiful coleuses with red patterns on their top leaves and crimson linings. I, as a fish scientist, feel out of place in this paradise. What an amazing area this would be for a plant scientist!
The country is gloriously lovely if one could only see it for the rain and mist; but one only gets dim hints of its beauty when some cold draughts of wind come down from the great mountains and seem to push open the mist-veil as with spirit hands, and then in a minute let it fall together again. I do not expect to reach Buea within regulation time, but at 11.30 my men say “we close in,” and then, coming along a forested hill and down a ravine, we find ourselves facing a rushing river, wherein a squad of black soldiers are washing clothes, with the assistance of a squad of black ladies, with much uproar and sky-larking. I too think it best to wash here, standing in the river and swishing the mud out of my skirts; and then wading across to the other bank, I wring out my skirts. The ground on the further side of the river is cleared of bush, and only bears a heavy crop of balsam; a few steps onwards bring me in view of a corrugated iron-roofed, plank-sided house, in front of which, towards the great mountain which now towers up into the mist, is a low clearing with a quadrangle of native huts - the barracks.
The country is stunningly beautiful if you can see past the rain and mist; but you only get faint glimpses of its beauty when chilly winds blow down from the towering mountains, briefly pulling aside the mist like it has a life of its own, just to let it settle back again moments later. I don’t expect to reach Buea on schedule, but at 11:30 my crew says, “We’re wrapping up,” and then, as we walk along a forested hill and down a ravine, we find ourselves facing a rushing river where a group of Black soldiers are washing clothes, joined by some Black women, creating a lively scene filled with laughter and fun. I also decide to wash here, standing in the river to rinse the mud out of my skirts; then I wade across to the other side and wring them out. The ground on the far side of the river is cleared of bushes and only has a thick growth of balsam; a few steps further bring me into view of a house with a corrugated iron roof and wooden sides, in front of which, facing the towering mountain now shrouded in mist, is a small clearing with a square of native huts – the barracks.
I receive a most kindly welcome from a fair, grey-eyed German gentleman, only unfortunately I see my efforts to appear before him clean and tidy have been quite unavailing, for he views my appearance with unmixed horror, and suggests an instant hot bath. I decline. Men can be trying! How in the world is any one going to take a bath in a house with no doors, and only very sketchy wooden window-shutters?
I get a warm welcome from a nice, grey-eyed German man, but unfortunately, my attempts to look clean and neat have completely failed, as he looks at me with total horror and suggests I take an immediate hot bath. I decline. Men can be frustrating! How is anyone supposed to take a bath in a house with no doors and only very flimsy wooden window shutters?
The German officer is building the house quickly, as Ollendorff would say, but he has not yet got to such luxuries as doors, and so uses army blankets strung across the doorway; and he has got up temporary wooden shutters to keep the worst of the rain out, and across his own room’s window he has a frame covered with greased paper. Thank goodness he has made a table, and a bench, and a washhand-stand out of planks for his spare room, which he kindly places at my disposal; and the Fatherland has evidently stood him an iron bedstead and a mattress for it. But the Fatherland is not spoiling or cosseting this man to an extent that will enervate him in the least.
The German officer is building the house quickly, as Ollendorff would say, but he hasn’t gotten to the luxury of doors yet, so he uses army blankets strung across the doorway. He’s put together temporary wooden shutters to keep out most of the rain, and in his own room, he has a frame covered with greased paper for the window. Thank goodness he has made a table, a bench, and a washstand out of planks for his spare room, which he generously offers to me. The Fatherland has clearly provided him with an iron bed and a mattress for it. But the Fatherland isn't pampering this man to the extent that it will weaken him in any way.
The mist clears off in the evening about five, and the surrounding scenery is at last visible. Fronting the house there is the cleared quadrangle, facing which on the other three sides are the lines of very dilapidated huts, and behind these the ground rises steeply, the great S.E. face of Mungo Mah Lobeh. It looks awfully steep when you know you have got to go up it. This station at Buea is 3,000 feet above sea-level, which explains the hills we have had to come up. The mountain wall when viewed from Buea is very grand, although it lacks snowcap or glacier, and the highest summits of Mungo are not visible because we are too close under them, but its enormous bulk and its isolation make it highly impressive. The forest runs up it in a great band above Buea, then sends up great tongues into the grass belt above. But what may be above this grass belt I know not yet, for our view ends at the top of the wall of the great S.E. crater. My men say there are devils and gold up beyond, but the German authorities do not support this view. Those Germans are so sceptical. This station is evidently on a ledge, for behind it the ground falls steeply, and you get an uninterrupted panoramic view of the Cameroon estuary and the great stretches of low swamp lands with the Mungo and the Bimbia rivers, and their many creeks and channels, and far away east the strange abrupt forms of the Rumby Mountains. Herr Liebert says you can see Cameroon Government buildings from here, if only the day is clear, though they are some forty miles away. This view of them is, save a missionary of the Basel mission, the only white society available at Buea.
The mist clears around five in the evening, and finally, the scenery becomes visible. In front of the house is the cleared quadrangle, surrounded on three sides by a row of very run-down huts, with a steep rise behind them leading to the massive southeast face of Mungo Mah Lobeh. It looks incredibly steep when you know you have to climb it. This station at Buea sits 3,000 feet above sea level, which explains the hills we had to ascend. The mountain wall from Buea is quite impressive, even though it doesn't have snow or glaciers, and we can't see the highest peaks of Mungo since we're too close, but its massive size and isolation make it really striking. The forest climbs up it in a wide strip above Buea, then sends out large sections into the grass belt above. But I'm not sure what lies above this grass belt yet, as our view stops at the top of the wall of the large southeast crater. My men say there are devils and gold up there, but the German authorities don’t seem to agree. Those Germans are so skeptical. This station is clearly on a ledge, because behind it, the ground drops steeply, giving an uninterrupted panoramic view of the Cameroon estuary and the vast low swamp lands with the Mungo and Bimbia rivers, along with their numerous creeks and channels, and far off to the east, the unusual abrupt shapes of the Rumby Mountains. Herr Liebert says you can see Cameroon government buildings from here if the day is clear, even though they are about forty miles away. This view of them is, apart from a missionary from the Basel mission, the only white presence available in Buea.
I hear more details about the death of poor Freiherr von Gravenreuth, whose fine monument of a seated lion I saw in the Government House grounds in Cameroons the other day. Bush fighting in these West African forests is dreadfully dangerous work. Hemmed in by bush, in a narrow path along which you must pass slowly in single file, you are a target for all and any natives invisibly hidden in the undergrowth; and the war-hedge of Buea must have made an additional danger and difficulty here for the attacking party. The lieutenant and his small band of black soldiers had, after a stiff fight, succeeded in forcing the entrance to this, when their ammunition gave out, and they had to fall back. The Bueans, regarding this as their victory, rallied, and a chance shot killed the lieutenant instantly. A further expedition was promptly sent up from Victoria and it wiped the error out of the Buean mind and several Bueans with it. But it was a very necessary expedition. These natives were a constant source of danger to the more peaceful trading tribes, whom they would not permit to traverse their territory. The Bueans have been dealt with mercifully by the Germans, for their big villages, like Sapa, are still standing, and a continual stream of natives come into the barrack-yard, selling produce, or carrying it on down to Victoria markets, in a perfectly content and cheerful way. I met this morning a big burly chief with his insignia of office - a great stick. He, I am told, is the chief or Sapa whom Herr von Lucke has called to talk some palaver with down in Victoria.
I’ve heard more details about the death of poor Freiherr von Gravenreuth, whose impressive monument of a seated lion I saw in the Government House grounds in Cameroon the other day. Bush fighting in these West African forests is incredibly dangerous work. Surrounded by brush, on a narrow path where you have to proceed slowly in single file, you become a target for any natives hidden in the undergrowth; and the war-hedge of Buea must have added extra danger and difficulty for the attacking party. The lieutenant and his small group of Black soldiers managed to breach this entrance after a tough fight, but when their ammunition ran out, they had to retreat. The Bueans, seeing this as their victory, regrouped, and a random shot killed the lieutenant instantly. A follow-up expedition was quickly sent from Victoria, which corrected the Buean misunderstanding and eliminated several Bueans in the process. However, it was a necessary mission. These natives were a constant threat to the more peaceful trading tribes, whom they wouldn’t allow to pass through their land. The Germans have treated the Bueans with mercy, as their large villages, like Sapa, are still intact, and a steady stream of natives come into the barrack-yard, selling goods or carrying them down to the markets in Victoria, appearing quite content and cheerful. This morning, I met a big, burly chief with his insignia of office—a large stick. I’ve been told that he is the chief of Sapa, whom Herr von Lucke has called to have a discussion with down in Victoria.
At last I leave Herr Liebert, because everything I say to him causes him to hop, flying somewhere to show me something, and I am sure it is bad for his foot. I go and see that my men are safely quartered. Kefalla is laying down the law in a most didactic way to the soldiers. Herr Liebert has christened him “the Professor,” and I adopt the name for him, but I fear “Windbag” would fit him better.
At last, I leave Herr Liebert because everything I say makes him jump up, rushing off to show me something, and I’m sure it’s bad for his foot. I go check that my men are settled in safely. Kefalla is lecturing the soldiers in a very preachy way. Herr Liebert has called him “the Professor,” and I take up that name for him, but I worry “Windbag” would be a better fit.
At 7.30 a heavy tornado comes rolling down upon us. Masses of indigo cloud with livid lightning flashing in the van, roll out from over the wall of the great crater above; then with that malevolence peculiar to the tornado it sees all the soldiers and their wives and children sitting happily in the barrack yard, howling in a minor key and beating their beloved tom-toms, so it comes and sits flump down on them with deluges of water, and sends its lightning running over the ground in livid streams of living death. Oh, they are nice things are tornadoes! I wonder what they will be like when we are up in their home; up atop of that precious wall? I had no idea Mungo was so steep. If I had - well, I am in for it now!
At 7:30, a massive tornado comes rolling toward us. Thick indigo clouds with bright lightning flashing in front sweep in from over the edge of the huge crater above; then, with the kind of malice only a tornado has, it notices all the soldiers and their wives and kids happily sitting in the barrack yard, howling in a sad tune and playing their cherished tom-toms, so it drops down on them with torrents of water and sends its lightning streaming across the ground in vivid flashes of deadly energy. Oh, tornadoes are such delightful things! I wonder what they’ll be like when we’re up in their territory; right on top of that precious wall? I had no idea Mungo was this steep. If I had—well, I’m in for it now!
CHAPTER XVIII. ASCENT OF THE GREAT PEAK OF CAMEROONS - (continued).
Wherein is recounted how the Voyager sets out from Buea, and goes up through the forest belt to the top of the S.E. crater of Mungo Mah Lobeh, with many dilemmas and disasters that befell on the way.
In this section, it talks about how the Voyager leaves Buea and travels through the forest to reach the top of the S.E. crater of Mungo Mah Lobeh, facing many challenges and misfortunes along the way.
September 22nd. - Wake at 5. Fine morning. Fine view towards Cameroon River. The broad stretch of forest below, and the water-eaten mangrove swamps below that, are all a glorious indigo flushed with rose colour from “the death of the night,” as Kiva used to call the dawn. No one stirring till six, when people come out of the huts, and stretch themselves and proceed to begin the day, in the African’s usual perfunctory, listless way.
September 22nd. - Woke up at 5. Beautiful morning. Great view towards Cameroon River. The wide expanse of forest below, along with the eroded mangrove swamps below that, are all a stunning indigo touched with pink from “the death of the night,” as Kiva used to say for dawn. No one was up until six, when people emerged from their huts, stretched, and started the day in the typical casual, half-hearted way of the Africans.
My crew are worse than the rest. I go and hunt cook out. He props open one eye, with difficulty, and yawns a yawn that nearly cuts his head in two. I wake him up with a shock, by saying I mean to go on up to-day, and want my chop, and to start one time. He goes off and announces my horrible intention to the others. Kefalla soon arrives upon the scene full of argument, “You no sabe this be Sunday, Ma?” says he in a tone that tells he considers this settles the matter. I “sabe” unconcernedly; Kefalla scratches his head for other argument, but he has opened with his heavy artillery; which being repulsed throws his rear lines into confusion. Bum, the head man, then turns up, sound asleep inside, but quite ready to come. Bum, I find, is always ready to do what he is told, but has no more original ideas in his head than there are in a chair leg. Kefalla, however, by scratching other parts of his anatomy diligently, has now another argument ready, the two Bakwiris are sick with abdominal trouble, that requires rum and rest, and one of the other boys has hot foot.
My crew is worse than the others. I go hunting for food. He struggles to open one eye and lets out a yawn that almost splits his head in two. I wake him up abruptly by saying I plan to head up today, want my food, and to get going on time. He walks off and tells the others about my terrible plan. Kefalla quickly shows up, full of complaints. “Don’t you know this is Sunday, Ma?” he says, using a tone that suggests he thinks that settles it. I’m unfazed; Kefalla scratches his head for more arguments, but he’s already thrown out his heaviest artillery, which gets pushed back and leaves his backup in disarray. Bum, the main guy, then comes in, sound asleep inside but completely ready to join. I find out that Bum is always willing to do what he’s told but doesn’t have any original thoughts in his head, just like a chair leg. However, Kefalla, by scratching other parts of his body diligently, has another argument ready: the two Bakwiris are sick with stomach issues that need rum and rest, and one of the other guys has a bad foot.
Herr Liebert now appears upon the scene, and says I can have some of his labourers, who are now more or less idle, because he cannot get about much with his bad foot to direct them, so I give the Bakwiris and the two hot foot cases “books” to take down to Herr von Lucke who will pay them off for me, and seeing that they have each a good day’s rations of rice, beef, etc., eliminate them from the party.
Herr Liebert now appears on the scene and says I can have some of his laborers, who are currently more or less idle because he can't get around much with his bad foot to direct them. So, I give the Bakwiris and the two hot foot cases “books” to take down to Herr von Lucke, who will pay them off for me. Since they each have a good day’s rations of rice, beef, etc., I remove them from the party.
In addition to the labourers, I am to have as a guide Sasu, a black sergeant, who went up the Peak with the officers of the Hyæna, and I get my breakfast, and then hang about watching my men getting ready very slowly to start. Off we get about 8, and start with all good wishes, and grim prophecies, from Herr Liebert.
In addition to the workers, I have a guide named Sasu, a Black sergeant who went up the Peak with the officers of the Hyæna. I grab my breakfast and then hang around, watching my guys get ready at a really slow pace to head out. We finally set off around 8, receiving well wishes and grim predictions from Herr Liebert.
Led by Sasu, and accompanied by “To-morrow,” a man who has come to Buea from some interior unknown district, and who speaks no known language, and whose business it is to help to cut a way through the bush, we go down the path we came and cross the river again. This river seems to separate the final mass of the mountain from the foot-hills on this side. Immediately after crossing it we turn up into the forest on the right hand side, and “To-morrow” cuts through an over-grown track for about half-an-hour, and then leaves us.
Led by Sasu, and joined by “To-morrow,” a man who has traveled to Buea from some unknown region and doesn’t speak any recognizable language, we head back down the path we took and cross the river again. This river appears to divide the main part of the mountain from the foothills on this side. Right after we cross, we head into the forest on the right side, and “To-morrow” clears a densely overgrown path for about thirty minutes before leaving us.
Everything is reeking wet, and we swish through thick undergrowth and then enter a darker forest where the earth is rocky and richly decorated with ferns and moss. For the first time in my life I see tree-ferns growing wild in luxuriant profusion. What glorious creations they are! Then we get out into the middle of a koko plantation. Next to sweet-potatoes, the premier abomination to walk through, give me kokos for good all-round tryingness, particularly when they are wet, as is very much the case now. Getting through these we meet the war hedge again, and after a conscientious struggle with various forms of vegetation in a muddled, tangled state, Sasu says, “No good, path done got stopped up,” so we turn and retrace our steps all the way, cross the river, and horrify Herr Liebert by invading his house again. We explain the situation. Grave headshaking between him and Sasu about the practicability of any other route, because there is no other path. I do not like to say “so much the better,” because it would have sounded ungrateful, but I knew from my Ogowé experiences that a forest that looks from afar a dense black mat is all right underneath, and there is a short path recently cut by Herr Liebert that goes straight up towards the forest above us. It had been made to go to a clearing, where ambitious agricultural operations were being inaugurated, when Herr Liebert hurt his foot. Up this we go, it is semi-vertical while it lasts, and it ends in a scrubby patch that is to be a plantation; this crossed we are in the Urwald, and it is more exquisite than words can describe, but not good going, particularly at one spot where a gigantic tree has fallen down across a little rocky ravine, and has to be crawled under. It occurs to me that this is a highly likely place for snakes and an absolutely sure find for scorpions, and when we have passed it three of these latter interesting creatures are observed on the load of blankets which is fastened on to the back of Kefalla. We inform Kefalla of the fact on the spot. A volcanic eruption of entreaty, advice, and admonition results, but we still hesitate. However, the gallant cook tackles them in a sort of tip-cat way with a stick, and we proceed into a patch of long grass, beyond which there is a reach of amomums. The winged amomum I see here in Africa for the first time. Horrid slippery things amomum sticks to walk on, when they are lying on the ground; and there is a lot of my old enemy the calamus about.
Everything is soaked, and we wade through thick underbrush before stepping into a darker forest where the ground is rocky and lush with ferns and moss. For the first time, I see tree-ferns growing wildly in beautiful abundance. They are such amazing creations! Then we find ourselves in the middle of a coconut plantation. Next to sweet potatoes, which are the worst to walk through, give me coconuts for a real challenge, especially when they’re wet, which is definitely the case right now. After struggling through, we come across the thorny hedge again, and after a diligent battle with various tangled plants, Sasu says, “No good, the path is blocked,” so we turn back and retrace our steps all the way, cross the river, and shock Herr Liebert by invading his house once more. We explain what's going on. There’s serious head shaking between him and Sasu about whether any other route is possible because there’s no other way. I don’t want to say “so much the better,” because that would sound ungrateful, but I remember from my experiences in Ogowé that a forest that looks like a dense black mat from a distance is usually fine underneath, and there’s a recently cut path made by Herr Liebert that goes straight up toward the forest above us. It was created for a clearing where ambitious farming was starting when Herr Liebert injured his foot. We go up this path, which is steep while it lasts, and it ends in a scrubby area that is intended to be a plantation; after crossing this, we enter the Urwald, which is more beautiful than words can express, but not easy to navigate, especially at one point where a massive tree has fallen across a rocky ravine that we have to crawl under. I realize this is a prime spot for snakes and a guaranteed find for scorpions, and after we pass, we spot three of those fascinating creatures on the pile of blankets strapped to Kefalla’s back. We inform Kefalla right then and there. There’s a volcanic eruption of pleas, advice, and warnings, but we still hesitate. However, the brave cook tackles them with a stick in a playful manner, and we move into a patch of tall grass, beyond which lies a stretch of amomums. I see the winged amomum here in Africa for the first time. Amomum sticks are incredibly slippery when they’re on the ground, and there’s a lot of my old foe, calamus, around.
On each side are deep forested dells and ravines, and rocks show up through the ground in every direction, and things in general are slippery, and I wonder now and again, as I assume with unnecessary violence a recumbent position, why I came to Africa; but patches of satin-leaved begonias and clumps of lovely tree-ferns reconcile me to my lot. Cook does not feel these forest charms, and gives me notice after an hour’s experience of mountain forest-belt work; what cook would not?
On either side are deep wooded valleys and ravines, with rocks sticking up from the ground all around, making everything pretty slippery. I find myself occasionally wondering, as I awkwardly lie down, why I came to Africa. But the spots of satin-leaved begonias and clusters of beautiful tree ferns make me feel better about it. The cook doesn't appreciate the beauty of the forest and tells me after just an hour of working in the mountain forest that he can't handle it; what cook would?
As we get higher we have to edge and squeeze every few minutes through the aërial roots of some tremendous kind of tree, plentiful hereabouts. One of them we passed through I am sure would have run any Indian banyan hard for extent of ground covered, if it were measured. In the region where these trees are frequent, the undergrowth is less dense than it is lower down.
As we go higher, we have to carefully move through the aerial roots of some massive tree, which are common in this area. One of the trees we passed through could easily compete with any Indian banyan for the amount of ground it covers, if it were measured. In the areas where these trees are common, the undergrowth is less dense compared to lower regions.
Imagine a vast, seemingly limitless cathedral with its countless columns covered, nay, composed of the most exquisite dark-green, large-fronded moss, with here and there a delicate fern embedded in it as an extra decoration. The white, gauze-like mist comes down from the upper mountain towards us: creeping, twining round, and streaming through the moss-covered tree columns - long bands of it reaching along sinuous, but evenly, for fifty and sixty feet or more, and then ending in a puff like the smoke of a gun. Soon, however, all the mist-streams coalesce and make the atmosphere all their own, wrapping us round in a clammy, chill embrace; it is not that wool-blanket, smothering affair that we were wrapped in down by Buana, but exquisitely delicate. The difference it makes to the beauty of the forest is just the same difference you would get if you put a delicate veil over a pretty woman’s face or a sack over her head. In fact, the mist here was exceedingly becoming to the forest’s beauty. Now and again growls of thunder roll out from, and quiver in the earth beneath our feet. Mungo is making a big tornado, and is stirring and simmering it softly so as to make it strong. I only hope he will not overdo it, as he does six times in seven, and make it too heavy to get out on to the Atlantic, where all tornadoes ought to go. If he does the thing will go and burst on us in this forest to-night.
Imagine a huge, seemingly endless cathedral with countless columns covered, or rather, made entirely of the finest dark-green, leafy moss, with delicate ferns scattered throughout as extra decoration. A white, gauzy mist descends from the upper mountain towards us, creeping, twisting around, and flowing through the moss-covered tree columns—long strands reaching out in gentle curves for fifty or sixty feet or more, then ending with a puff like gun smoke. Soon, all the mist streams merge, filling the air with their essence, wrapping us in a damp, chilly embrace; it’s not that heavy, suffocating wool blanket we had down by Buana, but something beautifully delicate. The difference it makes to the beauty of the forest is like the difference between placing a delicate veil over a pretty woman's face or a sack over her head. In fact, the mist here enhances the forest’s beauty remarkably. Every now and then, growls of thunder rumble from, and vibrate through, the earth beneath our feet. Mungo is creating a powerful tornado, gently stirring and simmering it to build strength. I just hope he doesn’t overdo it like he does six times out of seven, making it too heavy to escape to the Atlantic, where all tornadoes should go. If that happens, it will unleash right on us in this forest tonight.
The forest now grows less luxuriant though still close - we have left the begonias and the tree-ferns, and are in another zone. The trees now, instead of being clothed in rich, dark-green moss, are heavily festooned with long, greenish-white lichen. It pours with rain.
The forest is less dense now, but still nearby - we have moved past the begonias and tree ferns, entering a different area. The trees, instead of being covered in lush, dark-green moss, are now draped with long, greenish-white lichen. It's pouring rain.
At last we reach the place where the sergeant says we ought to camp for the night. I have been feeling the time for camping was very ripe for the past hour, and Kefalla openly said as much an hour and a half ago, but he got such scathing things said to him about civilians’ legs by the sergeant that I did not air my own opinion.
At last, we arrive at the spot where the sergeant thinks we should set up camp for the night. I’ve been feeling that it was about time to camp for the past hour, and Kefalla mentioned it too an hour and a half ago, but he got such harsh comments about civilians’ legs from the sergeant that I kept my thoughts to myself.
We are now right at the very edge of the timber belt. My head man and three boys are done to a turn. If I had had a bull behind me or Mr. Fildes in front, I might have done another five or seven miles, but not more.
We are now at the very edge of the forest area. My foreman and three guys are all set. If I had a bull following me or Mr. Fildes ahead, I might have gone another five or seven miles, but not anymore.
The rain comes down with extra virulence as soon as we set to work to start the fire and open the loads. I and Peter have great times getting out the military camp-bed from its tight, bolster-like case, while Kefalla gives advice, until, being irritated by the bed’s behaviour, I blow up Kefalla and send him to chop firewood. However, we get the thing out and put up after cutting a place clear to set it on; owing to the world being on a stiff slant hereabouts, it takes time to make it stand straight. I get four stakes cut, and drive them in at the four corners of the bed, and then stretch over it Herr von Lucke’s waterproof ground-sheet, guy the ends out to pegs with string, feel profoundly grateful to both Herr Liebert for the bed and Herr von Lucke for the sheet, and place the baggage under the protection of the German Government’s two belongings. Then I find the boys have not got a fire with all their fuss, and I have to demonstrate to them the lessons I have learnt among the Fans regarding fire-making. We build a fire-house and then all goes well. I notice they do not make a fire Fan fashion, but build it in a circle.
The rain starts pouring down even harder as soon as we begin setting up the fire and unpacking our gear. Peter and I have a blast trying to get the military camp bed out of its snug, bolster-like case, while Kefalla offers his advice. Eventually, I get frustrated with how the bed is acting, and I snap at Kefalla, sending him to chop firewood instead. We manage to get the bed out and set up after clearing a spot for it; since the ground is on a steep incline here, it takes a while to make it level. I cut four stakes and drive them into the corners of the bed, then throw over it Herr von Lucke’s waterproof ground-sheet, securing the ends with pegs and string. I feel really thankful to both Herr Liebert for the bed and Herr von Lucke for the sheet, and I tuck our gear under the protection of the two German items. Then I realize the guys still haven’t made a fire despite all their fuss, so I have to show them what I learned about fire-making from the Fans. We set up a fire-house, and then everything runs smoothly. I notice they don’t build the fire like the Fans do; instead, they make it in a circle.
Evidently one of the labourers from Buea, named Xenia, is a good man. Equally evidently some of my other men are only fit to carry sandwich-boards for Day and Martin’s blacking. I dine luxuriously off tinned fat pork and hot tea, and then feeling still hungry go on to tinned herring. Excellent thing tinned herring, but I have to hurry because I know I must go up through the edge of the forest on to the grass land, and see how the country is made during the brief period of clearness that almost always comes just before nightfall. So leaving my boys comfortably seated round the fire having their evening chop, I pass up through the heavily lichen-tasselled fringe of the forest-belt into deep jungle grass, and up a steep and slippery mound.
Clearly, one of the workers from Buea, named Xenia, is a great guy. Just as clearly, some of my other crew are only good for holding sandwich boards for Day and Martin’s polish. I enjoy a fancy meal of canned pork and hot tea, and then still feeling hungry, I move on to canned herring. Canned herring is fantastic, but I need to eat quickly because I know I have to head through the edge of the forest to the grasslands and see how the landscape looks during the brief clear period that usually happens just before nightfall. So, leaving my guys comfortably seated around the fire having their evening meal, I make my way through the heavily lichen-covered fringe of the forest into the deep jungle grass, and up a steep and slippery hill.
In front the mountain-face rises like a wall from behind a set of hillocks, similar to the one I am at present on. The face of the wall to the right and left has two dark clefts in it. The peak itself is not visible from where I am; it rises behind and beyond the wall. I stay taking compass bearings and look for an easy way up for to-morrow. My men, by now, have missed their “ma” and are yelling for her dismally, and the night comes down with great rapidity for we are in the shadow of the great mountain mass, so I go back into camp. Alas! how vain are often our most energetic efforts to remove our fellow creatures from temptation. I knew a Sunday down among the soldiers would be bad for my men, and so came up here, and now, if you please, these men have been at the rum, because Bum, the head man, has been too done up to do anything but lie in his blanket and feed. Kefalla is laying down the law with great detail and unction. Cook who has been very low in his mind all day, is now weirdly cheerful, and sings incoherently. The other boys, who want to go to sleep, threaten to “burst him” if he “no finish.” It’s no good - cook carols on, and soon succumbing to the irresistible charm of music, the other men have to join in the choruses. The performance goes on for an hour, growing woollier and woollier in tone, and then dying out in sleep.
In front of me, the mountain face rises like a wall behind a series of hills, similar to the one I'm currently on. The wall's surface to the right and left has two dark gaps. The peak itself isn't visible from my position; it rises behind and above the wall. I take compass readings and look for an easy route up for tomorrow. By now, my men are missing their “ma” and are calling for her dismally, and night falls quickly as we are in the shadow of the massive mountain, so I head back to camp. Alas! How often are our most determined efforts to keep our fellow beings away from temptation in vain. I knew that a Sunday among the soldiers would be bad for my men, so I came up here, and now, would you believe it, these men have been drinking rum because Bum, the leader, is too worn out to do anything but lie in his blanket and eat. Kefalla is laying down the law with great detail and intensity. Cook, who has been feeling really down all day, is now strangely cheerful and sings nonsensically. The other guys, who want to sleep, threaten to “burst him” if he doesn’t “finish.” It’s no use—Cook keeps caroling on, and soon succumbing to the irresistible charm of music, the other men have to join in the choruses. The performance continues for an hour, growing more and more chaotic in tone, and then fades out into sleep.
I write by the light of an insect-haunted lantern, sitting on the bed, which is tucked in among the trees some twenty yards away from the boys’ fire. There is a bird whistling in a deep rich note that I have never heard before.
I’m writing by the light of a lantern swarming with bugs, sitting on the bed nestled among the trees about twenty yards from the boys' fire. There’s a bird singing a deep, rich note that I’ve never heard before.
September 23rd. - Morning gloriously fine. Rout the boys out, and start at seven, with Sasu, Head man, Xenia, Black boy, Kefalla and Cook.
September 23rd. - Beautiful morning. Round up the boys and head out at seven with Sasu, the leader, Xenia, the black boy, Kefalla, and the Cook.
The great south-east wall of the mountain in front of us is quite unflecked by cloud, and in the forest are thousands of bees. We notice that the tongues of forest go up the mountain in some places a hundred yards or more above the true line of the belt. These tongues of forest get more and more heavily hung with lichen, and the trees thinner and more stunted, towards their ends. I think that these tongues are always in places where the wind does not get full play. All those near our camping place on this south-east face are so. It is evidently not a matter of soil, for there is ample soil on this side above where the trees are, and then again on the western side of the mountain - the side facing the sea - the timber line is far higher up than on this. Nor, again, is it a matter of angle that makes the timber line here so low, for those forests on the Sierra del Cristal were growing luxuriantly over far steeper grades. There is some peculiar local condition just here evidently, or the forest would be up to the bottom of the wall of the crater. I am not unreasonable enough to expect it to grow on that, but its conduct in staying where it does requires explanation.
The great southeast wall of the mountain in front of us is completely clear of clouds, and the forest is buzzing with thousands of bees. We notice that the forest extends up the mountain in some areas over a hundred yards or more above the actual tree line. These forest extensions become increasingly draped with lichen, and the trees at their tips grow thinner and more stunted. I believe these extensions are always in spots where the wind isn’t fully able to blow through. All the ones near our campsite on this southeast face fit that description. It's obviously not a soil issue, as there's plenty of soil on this side above where the trees are, and on the western side of the mountain—the side facing the sea—the tree line is much higher than here. Also, it’s not the angle that makes the tree line so low, because those forests on the Sierra del Cristal were thriving over much steeper slopes. There seems to be some unique local condition here, or else the forest would extend right up to the base of the crater wall. I'm not unreasonable enough to expect it to grow on that wall, but the fact that it stays where it does needs an explanation.
We clamber up into the long jungle grass region and go on our way across a series of steep-sided, rounded grass hillocks, each of which is separated from the others by dry, rocky watercourses. The effects produced by the seed-ears of the long grass round us are very beautiful; they look a golden brown, and each ear and leaf is gemmed with dewdrops, and those of the grass on the sides of the hillocks at a little distance off show a soft brown-pink.
We scramble into the tall jungle grass area and continue across a series of steep, rounded grassy hills, with dry, rocky streams separating each one. The effects created by the seed heads of the tall grass around us are stunning; they appear golden brown, and each head and leaf is dotted with dewdrops. From a little distance, the grass on the sides of the hills glows with a soft brown-pink color.
After half an hour’s climb, when we are close at the base of the wall, I observe the men ahead halting, and coming up with them find Monrovia Boy down a hole; a little deep blow-hole, in which, I am informed, water is supposed to be. But Monrovia soon reports “No live.”
After a thirty-minute climb, as we reach the base of the wall, I notice the men in front of me stopping. When I catch up with them, I see Monrovia Boy down a hole—a small, deep blow-hole where, I'm told, water is meant to be. But Monrovia quickly says, “No live.”
I now find we have not a drop of water, either with us or in camp, and now this hole has proved dry. There is, says the sergeant, no chance of getting any more water on this side of the mountain, save down at the river at Buea.
I’ve just realized we don’t have a single drop of water with us or at the camp, and this spot has turned out to be dry. The sergeant says there’s no way to get more water on this side of the mountain, except down at the river in Buea.
This means failure unless tackled, and it is evidently a trick played on me by the boys, who intentionally failed to let me know of this want of water before leaving Buea, where it seems they have all learnt it. I express my opinion of them in four words and send Monrovia Boy, who I know is to be trusted, back to Buea with a scribbled note to Herr Liebert asking him to send me up two demijohns of water. I send cook with him as far as the camp in the forest we have just left with orders to bring up three bottles of soda water I have left there, and to instruct the men there that as soon as the water arrives from Buea they are to bring it on up to the camp I mean to make at the top of the wall.
This means failure unless we address it, and it's clearly a trick the guys played on me by not letting me know about the lack of water before leaving Buea, where it seems they've all learned about this. I sum up my thoughts about them in four words and send Monrovia Boy, who I trust, back to Buea with a quick note to Herr Liebert asking him to send me two demijohns of water. I also send the cook with him as far as the camp in the forest we just left, with instructions to bring back three bottles of soda water I left there, and to tell the men there that as soon as the water arrives from Buea, they should bring it to the camp I plan to set up at the top of the wall.
The men are sulky, and Sasu, Peter, Kefalla, and Head man say they will wait and come on as soon as cook brings the soda water, and I go on, and presently see Xenia and Black boy are following me. We get on to the intervening hillocks and commence to ascend the face of the wall.
The guys are in a bad mood, and Sasu, Peter, Kefalla, and the Head Man say they'll wait until the cook brings the soda water, so I continue on. Soon I notice Xenia and the Black boy are following me. We make our way over the little hills and start climbing up the wall.
The angle of this wall is great, and its appearance from below is impressive from its enormous breadth, and its abrupt rise without bend or droop for a good 2,000 feet into the air. It is covered with short, yellowish grass through which the burnt-up, scoriaceous lava rock protrudes in rough masses.
The angle of this wall is impressive, and its appearance from below is striking due to its huge width and its sudden rise straight up for about 2,000 feet. It’s covered with short, yellowish grass, with rough patches of burned, scoria lava rock sticking out.
I got on up the wall, which when you are on it is not so perpendicular as it looks from below, my desire being to see what sort of country there was on the top of it, between it and the final peak. Sasu had reported to Herr Liebert that it was a wilderness of rock, in which it would be impossible to fix a tent, and spoke vaguely of caves. Here and there on the way up I come to holes, similar to the one my men had been down for water. I suppose these holes have been caused by gases from an under hot layer of lava bursting up through the upper cool layer. As I get higher, the grass becomes shorter and more sparse, and the rocks more ostentatiously displayed. Here and there among them are sadly tried bushes, bearing a beautiful yellow flower, like a large yellow wild rose, only scentless. It is not a rose at all, I may remark. The ground, where there is any basin made by the rocks, grows a great sedum, with a grand head of whity-pink flower, also a tall herb, with soft downy leaves silver grey in colour, and having a very pleasant aromatic scent, and here and there patches of good honest parsley. Bright blue, flannelly-looking flowers stud the grass in sheltered places and a very pretty large green orchid is plentiful. Above us is a bright blue sky with white cloud rushing hurriedly across it to the N.E. and a fierce sun. When I am about half-way up, I think of those boys, and, wanting rest, sit down by an inviting-looking rock grotto, with a patch of the yellow flowered shrub growing on its top. Inside it grow little ferns and mosses, all damp; but alas! no water pool, and very badly I want water by this time.
I climbed up the wall, which isn’t as steep from up here as it seems from below. I wanted to see what kind of terrain was on top, between here and the final peak. Sasu had told Herr Liebert it was a rocky wilderness where it would be impossible to set up a tent, and he mentioned some caves in a vague way. Along the way up, I came across holes similar to the one my team had gone down to get water. I think these holes were caused by gases from a hot layer of lava forcing their way through the cooler upper layer. As I climbed higher, the grass got shorter and more sparse, while the rocks became more prominent. Here and there among the rocks, there were struggling bushes with beautiful yellow flowers that looked like large yellow wild roses, but they had no scent. It’s not a rose at all, I should note. In the areas where the rocks formed little basins, there was a robust sedum with big white-pink flowers, along with a tall herb with soft, downy silver-grey leaves that smelled lovely and aromatic, plus patches of good, honest parsley. Bright blue flowers that looked like soft fabric dotted the grass in sheltered spots, and a pretty large green orchid grew plentifully. Above us was a bright blue sky with white clouds rushing northeast and a blazing sun. When I was about halfway up, I thought about those boys and, needing a break, I sat down by a welcoming rock grotto topped with the yellow-flowered shrub. Inside, little ferns and damp mosses grew, but unfortunately, there was no water pool, and I really needed water by this point.
Below me a belt of white cloud had now formed, so that I could see neither the foot-hillocks nor the forest, and presently out of this mist came Xenia toiling up, carrying my black bag. “Where them Black boy live?” said I. “Black boy say him foot be tire too much,” said Xenia, as he threw himself down in the little shade the rock could give. I took a cupful of sour claret out of the bottle in the bag, and told Xenia to come on up as soon as he was rested, and meanwhile to yell to the others down below and tell them to come on. Xenia did, but sadly observed, “softly softly still hurts the snail,” and I left him and went on up the mountain.
Below me, a thick layer of white cloud had formed, so I couldn't see the foothills or the forest. Soon, out of this mist, Xenia came trudging up, carrying my black bag. “Where does the Black boy live?” I asked. “The Black boy says his feet are too tired,” Xenia replied, as he collapsed in the little shade the rock provided. I poured a cup of sour claret from the bottle in the bag and told Xenia to come up as soon as he felt rested, and in the meantime, to call out to the others down below and tell them to come up. Xenia did, but sadly remarked, “softly softly still hurts the snail,” and I left him and continued up the mountain.
When I had got to the top of the rock under which I had sheltered from the blazing sun, the mist opened a little, and I saw my men looking like so many little dolls. They were still sitting on the hillock where I had left them. Buea showed from this elevation well. The guard house and the mission house, like little houses in a picture, and the make of the ground on which Buea station stands, came out distinctly as a ledge or terrace, extending for miles N.N.E. and S.S.W. This ledge is a strange-looking piece of country, covered with low bush, out of which rise great, isolated, white-stemmed cotton trees. Below, and beyond this is a denser band of high forest, and again below this stretches the vast mangrove-swamp fringing the estuary of the Cameroons, Mungo, and Bimbia rivers. It is a very noble view, giving one an example of the peculiar beauty one oft-times gets in this West African scenery, namely colossal sweeps of colour. The mangrove-swamps looked to-day like a vast damson-coloured carpet threaded with silver where the waterways ran. It reminded me of a scene I saw once near Cabinda, when on climbing to the top of a hill I suddenly found myself looking down on a sheet of violet pink more than a mile long and half a mile wide. This was caused by a climbing plant having taken possession of a valley full of trees, whose tops it had reached and then spread and interlaced itself over them, to burst into profuse glorious laburnum-shaped bunches of flowers.
When I reached the top of the rock where I had taken shelter from the blazing sun, the mist cleared a bit, and I saw my men looking like tiny dolls. They were still sitting on the little hill where I had left them. From this height, Buea was clearly visible. The guardhouse and the mission house looked like small houses in a picture, and the layout of the ground on which Buea station stands stood out as a ledge or terrace extending for miles N.N.E. and S.S.W. This ledge is an unusual piece of land, covered in low bushes, with great, isolated, white-stemmed cotton trees rising out of it. Below and beyond that is a denser band of tall forest, and further down stretches the vast mangrove swamp that edges the estuary of the Cameroons, Mungo, and Bimbia rivers. It’s a very impressive view, showcasing the unique beauty often found in West African scenery, specifically the massive swathes of color. Today, the mangrove swamps looked like an enormous damson-colored carpet threaded with silver where the waterways ran. It reminded me of a scene I once saw near Cabinda, when I climbed to the top of a hill and suddenly found myself looking down at a sheet of violet pink stretching more than a mile long and half a mile wide. This was caused by a climbing plant that had taken over a valley filled with trees, reaching their tops and then spreading and intertwining itself over them, bursting into beautiful, glorious bunches of laburnum-shaped flowers.
After taking some careful compass bearings for future use regarding the Rumby and Omon range of mountains, which were clearly visible and which look fascinatingly like my beloved Sierra del Cristal, I turned my face to the wall of Mungo, and continued the ascent. The sun, which was blazing, was reflected back from the rocks in scorching rays. But it was more bearable now, because its heat was tempered by a bitter wind.
After taking some careful compass readings for future reference concerning the Rumby and Omon mountain range, which were clearly visible and looked remarkably like my beloved Sierra del Cristal, I turned my face toward the wall of Mungo and continued climbing. The blazing sun was reflected off the rocks in intense heat. However, it was more tolerable now because its warmth was softened by a chilly wind.
The slope becoming steeper, I gradually made my way towards the left until I came to a great lane, as neatly walled with rock as if it had been made with human hands. It runs down the mountain face, nearly vertically in places and at stiff angles always, but it was easier going up this lane than on the outside rough rock, because the rocks in it had been smoothed by mountain torrents during thousands of wet seasons, and the walls protected one from the biting wind, a wind that went through me, for I had been stewing for nine months and more in tropic and equatorial swamps.
The slope became steeper, and I slowly made my way to the left until I reached a wide path, neatly lined with rock as if it had been built by human hands. It runs down the mountain face, almost straight down in some spots and at sharp angles most of the time, but it was easier to walk up this path than on the rough rocks outside because the stones had been smoothed by mountain rivers over thousands of rainy seasons, and the walls shielded me from the biting wind, a wind that cut through me after spending more than nine months in tropical and equatorial swamps.
Up this lane I went to the very top of the mountain wall, and then, to my surprise, found myself facing a great, hillocky, rock-encumbered plain, across the other side of which rose the mass of the peak itself, not as a single cone, but as a wall surmounted by several, three being evidently the highest among them.
Up this lane, I made my way to the very top of the mountain wall and, to my surprise, found myself looking at a huge, uneven, rocky plain. On the other side of this plain rose the peak itself, not as a single cone, but as a wall topped by several peaks, with three clearly being the tallest among them.
I started along the ridge of my wall, and went to its highest part, that to the S.W., intending to see what I could of the view towards the sea, and then to choose a place for camping in for the night.
I began walking along the top of my wall, heading to its highest point in the southwest, planning to check out the view of the sea, and then to pick a spot for camping for the night.
When I reached the S.W. end, looking westwards I saw the South Atlantic down below, like a plain of frosted silver. Out of it, barely twenty miles away, rose Fernando Po to its 10,190 feet with that majestic grace peculiar to a volcanic island. Immediately below me, some 10,000 feet or so, lay Victoria with the forested foot-hills of Mungo Mah Lobeh encircling it as a diadem, and Ambas Bay gemmed with rocky islands lying before it. On my left away S.E. was the glorious stretch of the Cameroon estuary, with a line of white cloud lying very neatly along the course of Cameroon River.
When I got to the southwest end and looked west, I saw the South Atlantic below, shining like a flat sheet of frosted silver. Just twenty miles away, Fernando Po rose up to 10,190 feet, showcasing the impressive beauty typical of a volcanic island. Right below me, about 10,000 feet down, was Victoria, surrounded by the forested foothills of Mungo Mah Lobeh like a crown, with Ambas Bay dotted with rocky islands in front of it. To my left, southeast, was the stunning expanse of the Cameroon estuary, with a neat line of white clouds tracing the path of the Cameroon River.
In one of the chasms of the mountain wall that I had come up - in the one furthest to the north - there was a thunderstorm brewing, seemingly hanging on to, or streaming out of the mountain side, a soft billowy mass of dense cream-coloured cloud, with flashes of golden lightnings playing about in it with soft growls of thunder. Surely Mungo Mah Lobeh himself, of all the thousands he annually turns out, never made one more lovely than this. Soon the white mists rose from the mangrove-swamp, and grew rose-colour in the light of the setting sun, as they swept upwards over the now purple high forests. In the heavens, to the north, there was a rainbow, vivid in colour, one arch of it going behind the peak, the other sinking into the mist sea below, and this mist sea rose and rose towards me, turning from pale rose-colour to lavender, and where the shadow of Mungo lay across it, to a dull leaden grey. It was soon at my feet, blotting the under-world out, and soon came flowing over the wall top at its lowest parts, stretching in great spreading rivers over the crater plain, and then these coalescing everything was shut out save the two summits: that of Cameroon close to me, and that of Clarence away on Fernando Po. These two stood out alone, like great island masses made of iron rising from a formless, silken sea.
In one of the gorges of the mountain wall I had climbed—specifically the one farthest north—a thunderstorm was brewing. It seemed to be clinging to or streaming out of the mountainside, a soft, billowy mass of thick cream-colored clouds, with flashes of golden lightning flickering through it accompanied by soft rumbles of thunder. Surely Mungo Mah Lobeh himself, out of all the thousands he produces each year, never created one more beautiful than this. Soon the white mist rose from the mangrove swamp, taking on a rosy hue in the light of the setting sun as it drifted upwards over the now purple forests. In the sky to the north, there was a vividly colored rainbow, with one arc disappearing behind the peak and the other sinking into the misty sea below. This misty sea rose and rose towards me, changing from pale rose to lavender, and where Mungo's shadow fell across it, it turned a dull leaden gray. It quickly spread to my feet, blotting out the world below, and soon began to flow over the wall's lowest points, spreading like great rivers across the crater plain. As they merged, everything was obscured except for the two peaks: Cameroon, close by, and Clarence, far away on Fernando Po. These two stood out alone, like massive iron islands emerging from a formless, silken sea.
The space around seemed boundless, and there was in it neither sound nor colour, nor anything with form, save those two terrific things. It was like a vision, and it held me spell-bound, as I stood shivering on the rocks with the white mist round my knees until into my wool-gathering mind came the memory of those anything but sublime men of mine; and I turned and scuttled off along the rocks like an agitated ant left alone in a dead Universe.
The space around me felt endless, and there was no sound, no color, nor anything with shape, except for those two terrifying things. It was like a dream, holding me transfixed as I stood trembling on the rocks with the white mist swirling around my knees until the memory of my anything but great men popped into my foggy mind. I turned and hurried off along the rocks like a nervous ant stranded in a lifeless Universe.
I soon found the place where I had come up into the crater plain and went down over the wall, descending with twice the rapidity, but ten times the scratches and grazes, of the ascent.
I quickly located the spot where I had climbed into the crater plain and went down over the edge, descending twice as fast but getting ten times more scratches and scrapes than I did on the way up.
I picked up the place where I had left Xenia, but no Xenia was there, nor came there any answer to my bush call for him, so on I went down towards the place where, hours ago, I had left the men. The mist was denser down below, but to my joy it was warmer than on the summit of the wind-swept wall.
I picked up the spot where I had left Xenia, but Xenia was nowhere to be found, and there was no response to my shout for him, so I continued down towards where I had left the guys hours before. The fog was thicker down below, but thankfully it was warmer than at the top of the windy cliff.
I had nearly reached the foot of this wall and made my mind up to turn in for the night under a rock, when I heard a melancholy croak away in the mist to the left. I went towards it and found Xenia lost on his own account, and distinctly quaint in manner, and then I recollected that I had been warned Xenia is slightly crazy. Nice situation this: a madman on a mountain in the mist. Xenia, I found, had no longer got my black bag, but in its place a lid of a saucepan and an empty lantern. To put it mildly, this is not the sort of outfit the R.G.S. Hints to Travellers would recommend for African exploration. Xenia reported that he gave the bag to Black boy, who shortly afterwards disappeared, and that he had neither seen him nor any of the others since, and didn’t expect to this side of Srahmandazi. In a homicidal state of mind, I made tracks for the missing ones followed by Xenia. I thought mayhap they had grown on to the rocks they had sat upon so long, but presently, just before it became quite dark, we picked up the place we had left them in and found there only an empty soda-water bottle. Xenia poured out a muddled mass of observations to the effect that “they got fright too much about them water palaver.”
I had almost reached the bottom of the wall and decided to settle in for the night under a rock when I heard a sad croak coming from the mist to my left. I went toward it and found Xenia lost and acting quite oddly. I remembered that I had been warned Xenia was a bit crazy. What a situation: a madman on a mountain in the mist. I discovered that Xenia no longer had my black bag, but instead was carrying a saucepan lid and an empty lantern. To put it mildly, that’s not the kind of gear the R.G.S. Hints to Travellers would suggest for exploring Africa. Xenia said he gave the bag to Black boy, who disappeared shortly after, and he hadn’t seen him or anyone else since, nor did he expect to before reaching Srahmandazi. In a frustrated state, I headed off to find the missing people, with Xenia following. I wondered if they had somehow gotten stuck to the rocks they had sat on for so long, but soon, just before it got completely dark, we found the spot where we had left them, only to discover an empty soda-water bottle. Xenia rambled on about how “they got too scared about that water business.”
I did not linger to raise a monument to them, but I said I wished they were in a condition to require one, and we went on over our hillocks with more confidence now that we knew we had stuck well to our unmarked track.
I didn’t take the time to build a monument for them, but I mentioned that I wished they were in a position to need one, and we continued over our hills with more confidence now that we knew we had stayed true to our unmarked path.
“The moving Moon went up the
sky,
And nowhere
did abide:
Softly she was going
up,
And a star
or two beside.”
“The moving Moon climbed up the sky,
And nowhere did she stay:
Gently she was rising,
With a star or two nearby.”
Only she was a young and inefficient moon, and although we were below the thickest of the mist band, it was dark. Finding our own particular hole in the forest wall was about as easy as finding “one particular rabbit hole in an unknown hay-field in the dark,” and the attempt to do so afforded us a great deal of varied exercise. I am obliged to be guarded in my language, because my feelings now are only down to one degree below boiling point. The rain now began to fall, thank goodness, and I drew the thick ears of grass through my parched lips as I stumbled along over the rugged lumps of rock hidden under the now waist-high jungle grass.
Only she was a young and ineffective moon, and even though we were beneath the thickest part of the mist, it was still dark. Finding our own specific spot in the forest was about as easy as locating “one particular rabbit hole in an unknown hay-field in the dark,” and trying to do so gave us a lot of different exercises. I have to be careful with my words because my feelings are now just one degree below boiling point. Thankfully, the rain started to fall, and I pulled the thick blades of grass through my dry lips as I stumbled over the rugged rocks hidden under the now waist-high jungle grass.
Our camp hole was pretty easily distinguishable by daylight, for it was on the left-hand side of one of the forest tongues, the grass land running down like a lane between two tongues here, and just over the entrance three conspicuously high trees showed. But we could not see these “picking-up” points in the darkness, so I had to keep getting Xenia to strike matches, and hold them in his hat while I looked at the compass. Presently we came full tilt up against a belt of trees which I knew from these compass observations was our tongue of forest belt, and I fired a couple of revolver shots into it, whereabouts I judged our camp to be.
Our campsite was pretty easy to spot in the daylight because it was on the left side of one of the forested areas, with a grassy path running down like a lane between two sections. Right above the entrance, there were three noticeably tall trees. But we couldn’t see these landmarks in the dark, so I kept asking Xenia to light matches and hold them in his hat while I checked the compass. Eventually, we ran right into a line of trees, which I knew from my compass readings was our forest area, and I fired a couple of shots from my revolver into it, where I thought our campsite would be.
This was instantly answered by a yell from human voices in chorus, and towards that yell in a slightly amiable - a very slightly amiable - state of mind I went.
This was immediately met with a shout from a group of people, and toward that shout, in a somewhat friendly - just a little friendly - frame of mind, I headed.
I will draw a veil over the scene, particularly over my observations to those men. They did not attempt to deny their desertion, but they attempted to explain it, each one saying that it was not he but the other boy who “got fright too much.”
I will cover up the scene, especially what I saw with those guys. They didn’t try to deny that they had deserted, but they did try to explain it, each one saying that it wasn’t him but the other kid who “got scared too much.”
I closed the palaver promptly with a brief but lurid sketch of my opinion on the situation, and ordered food, for not having had a thing save that cup of sour claret since 6.30 A.M., and it being now 11 P.M., I felt sinkings. Then arose another beautiful situation before me. It seems when Cook and Monrovia got back into camp this morning Master Cook was seized with one of those attacks of a desire to manage things that produce such awful results in the African servant, and sent all the beef and rice down to Buea to be cooked, because there was no water here to cook it. Therefore the men have got nothing to eat. I had a few tins of my own food and so gave them some, and they became as happy as kings in a few minutes, listening and shouting over the terrible adventures of Xenia, who is posing as the Hero of the Great Cameroon. I get some soda-water from the two bottles left and some tinned herring, and then write out two notes to Herr Liebert asking him to send me three more demijohns of water, and some beef and rice from the store, promising faithfully to pay for them on my return.
I quickly wrapped up the discussion with a short but intense summary of my thoughts on the situation and ordered some food, since I hadn't eaten anything except for that cup of sour claret since 6:30 A.M., and it was now 11 P.M. I was feeling a bit faint. Then another unfortunate situation came to light. It turns out that when Cook and Monrovia returned to camp this morning, Master Cook had one of those overwhelming urges to take charge, which often leads to terrible outcomes in the African servant, and sent all the beef and rice down to Buea to be cooked, since there was no water here to prepare it. So, the men had nothing to eat. I had a few cans of my own food, so I shared some with them, and they became as happy as kings in no time, listening and cheering about the crazy adventures of Xenia, who's acting like the Hero of the Great Cameroon. I got some soda water from the two bottles I had left and some tinned herring, then I wrote two notes to Herr Liebert asking him to send me three more demijohns of water and some beef and rice from the store, promising to pay for them when I returned.
I would not prevent those men of mine from going up that peak above me after their touching conduct to-day. Oh! no; not for worlds, dear things.
I wouldn't stop my men from climbing that peak above me after how they acted today. Oh no; not for anything, my dear ones.
CHAPTER XIX. THE GREAT PEAK OF CAMEROONS - (continued).
Setting forth how the Voyager for a second time reaches the S.E. crater, with some account of the pleasures incidental to camping out in the said crater.
Describing how the Voyager arrives at the S.E. crater for the second time, along with some details about the fun of camping in that crater.
September 24th. - Lovely morning, the grey-white mist in the forest makes it like a dream of Fairyland, each moss-grown tree stem heavily gemmed with dewdrops. At 5.30 I stir the boys, for Sasu, the sergeant, says he must go back to his military duties. The men think we are all going back with him as he is our only guide, but I send three of them down with orders to go back to Victoria - two being of the original set I started with. They are surprised and disgusted at being sent home, but they have got “hot foot,” and something wrong in the usual seat of African internal disturbances, their “tummicks,” and I am not thinking of starting a sanatorium for abdominally-afflicted Africans in that crater plain above. Black boy is the other boy returned, I do not want another of his attacks.
September 24th. - Beautiful morning, the gray-white mist in the forest makes it feel like a dream from Fairyland, each moss-covered tree trunk adorned with dewdrops. At 5:30, I wake the boys, because Sasu, the sergeant, says he needs to return to his military duties. The men believe we are all going back with him since he is our only guide, but I send three of them back to Victoria with orders—two of them are from the original group I started with. They are surprised and frustrated about being sent home, but they have developed “hot foot” and something off in the usual seat of African internal issues, their “tummy aches,” and I’m not planning to start a clinic for stomach-ailing Africans in that crater plain above. Black boy is the other boy going back; I don’t want another one of his episodes.
They go, and this leaves me in the forest camp with Kefalla, Xenia, and Cook, and we start expecting the water sent for by Monrovia boy yesterday forenoon. There are an abominable lot of bees about; they do not give one a moment’s peace, getting beneath the waterproof sheets over the bed. The ground, bestrewn with leaves and dried wood, is a mass of large flies rather like our common house-fly, but both butterflies and beetles seem scarce; and I confess I do not feel up to hunting much after yesterday’s work, and deem it advisable to rest. My face and particularly my lips are a misery to me, having been blistered all over by yesterday’s sun, and last night I inadvertently whipped the skin all off one cheek with the blanket, and it keeps on bleeding, and, horror of horrors, there is no tea until that water comes. I wish I had got the mountaineering spirit, for then I could say, “I’ll never come to this sort of place again, for you can get all you want in the Alps.” I have been told this by my mountaineering friends - I have never been there - and that you can go and do all sorts of stupendous things all day, and come back in the evening to table d’hôte at an hotel; but as I have not got the mountaineering spirit, I suppose I shall come fooling into some such place as this as soon as I get the next chance.
They leave, and this leaves me at the forest camp with Kefalla, Xenia, and Cook, and we start waiting for the water that the Monrovia guy sent for yesterday morning. There are way too many bees around; they won't give us a moment's peace, getting under the waterproof sheets over the bed. The ground, covered in leaves and dried wood, is swarming with large flies similar to our common housefly, but both butterflies and beetles seem rare; and I have to admit I don't feel like hunting much after yesterday's work, so I think it's best to rest. My face, especially my lips, are in agony, having gotten sunburned all over yesterday, and last night I accidentally scraped all the skin off one cheek with the blanket, and it keeps bleeding, and, horror of horrors, there’s no tea until that water arrives. I wish I had the mountaineering spirit because then I could say, “I’ll never come to a place like this again since you can get everything you need in the Alps.” My mountaineering friends have told me this—I’ve never been there—and said that you can spend the whole day doing amazing things and come back in the evening to a hotel’s table d’hôte; but since I don't have the mountaineering spirit, I guess I’ll end up wandering into some place like this again as soon as I get the next chance.
About 8.30, to our delight, the gallant Monrovia boy comes through the bush with a demijohn of water, and I get my tea, and give the men the only half-pound of rice I have and a tin of meat, and they eat, become merry, and chat over their absent companions in a scornful, scandalous way. Who cares for hotels now? When one is in a delightful place like this, one must work, so off I go to the north into the forest, after giving the rest of the demijohn of water into the Monrovia boy’s charge with strict orders it is not to be opened till my return. Quantities of beetles.
About 8:30, much to our joy, the brave Monrovia boy arrives through the bush with a jug of water. I make myself some tea and give the men the only half-pound of rice I have and a tin of meat. They eat, get cheerful, and gossip about their absent friends in a scornful, scandalous way. Who needs hotels now? When you're in such a lovely place, you have to get to work, so I head north into the forest after giving the remaining jug of water to the Monrovia boy with strict instructions not to open it until I come back. Lots of beetles.
A little after two o’clock I return to camp, after having wandered about in the forest and found three very deep holes, down which I heaved rocks and in no case heard a splash. In one I did not hear the rocks strike, owing to the great depth. I hate holes, and especially do I hate these African ones, for I am frequently falling, more or less, into them, and they will be my end.
A little after two o'clock, I get back to camp after roaming around the forest and finding three really deep holes. I threw rocks into each one, but didn't hear a splash in any of them. In one of them, I couldn't hear the rocks hit the bottom because it was so deep. I really dislike holes, especially these African ones, because I keep falling into them, and I feel like they're going to be the end of me.
The other demijohns of water have not arrived yet, and we are getting anxious again because the men’s food has not come up, and they have been so exceedingly thirsty that they have drunk most of the water - not, however, since it has been in Monrovia’s charge; but at 3.15 another boy comes through the bush with another demijohn of water. We receive him gladly, and ask him about the chop. He knows nothing about it. At 3.45 another boy comes through the bush with another demijohn of water; we receive him kindly; he does not know anything about the chop. At 4.10 another boy comes through the bush with another demijohn of water, and knowing nothing about the chop, we are civil to him, and that’s all.
The other jugs of water still haven’t arrived, and we're getting anxious again because the men’s food hasn’t come up, and they’ve been really thirsty, so they’ve drunk most of the water—not since it’s been under Monrovia’s care, though. At 3:15, another boy comes through the bush with another jug of water. We welcome him happily and ask about the food. He doesn’t know anything about it. At 3:45, another boy comes through the bush with another jug of water; we greet him kindly, but he also doesn’t know anything about the food. At 4:10, another boy comes through the bush with another jug of water, and since he doesn’t know anything about the food either, we’re polite to him, and that’s it.
A terrific tornado which has been lurking growling about then sits down in the forest and bursts, wrapping us up in a lively kind of fog, with its thunder, lightning, and rain. It was impossible to hear, or make one’s self heard at the distance of even a few paces, because of the shrill squeal of the wind, the roar of the thunder, and the rush of the rain on the trees round us. It was not like having a storm burst over you in the least; you felt you were in the middle of its engine-room when it had broken down badly. After half an hour or so the thunder seemed to lift itself off the ground, and the lightning came in sheets, instead of in great forks that flew like flights of spears among the forest trees. The thunder, however, had not settled things amicably with the mountain; it roared its rage at Mungo, and Mungo answered back, quivering with a rage as great, under our feet. One feels here as if one were constantly dropping, unasked and unregarded, among painful and violent discussions between the elemental powers of the Universe. Mungo growls and swears in thunder at the sky, and sulks in white mist all the morning, and then the sky answers back, hurling down lightnings and rivers of water, with total disregard of Mungo’s visitors. The way the water rushes down from the mountain wall through the watercourses in the jungle just above, and then at the edge of the forest spreads out into a sheet of water that is an inch deep, and that flies on past us in miniature cascades, trying the while to put out our fire and so on, is - quite interesting. (I exhausted my vocabulary on those boys yesterday.)
A massive tornado that had been growling around suddenly settled in the forest and exploded, wrapping us in a lively kind of fog, complete with thunder, lightning, and rain. It was impossible to hear or be heard even from just a few steps away due to the shrill whine of the wind, the rumble of the thunder, and the downpour hitting the trees around us. It didn't feel like a storm bursting overhead; it felt as if we were in the engine room of a machine that had broken down badly. After about half an hour, the thunder seemed to lift off the ground, and the lightning came in sheets rather than in the sharp forks that shot like spearheads through the trees. However, the thunder hadn’t made peace with the mountain; it raged at Mungo, who responded with a trembling fury beneath our feet. You get the sense that you’re constantly being dropped, uninvited and unnoticed, into painful and violent arguments between the elemental forces of the Universe. Mungo growls and curses at the sky in thunder, sulking in the white mist all morning, while the sky retaliates, throwing down lightning and torrents of water, completely ignoring Mungo's visitors. Watching the water rush down the mountain wall through the channels in the jungle above, then spread into a sheet an inch deep at the edge of the forest, cascading past us in miniature waterfalls while trying to extinguish our fire and so on, is quite fascinating. (I exhausted my vocabulary on those boys yesterday.)
As soon as we saw what we were in for, we had thrown dry wood on to the fire, and it blazed just as the rain came down, so with our assistance it fought a good fight with its fellow elements, spitting and hissing like a wild cat. It could have managed the water fairly well, but the wind came, very nearly putting an end to it by carrying away its protecting bough house, which settled on “Professor” Kefalla, who burst out in a lecture on the foolishness of mountaineering and the quantity of devils in this region. Just in the midst of these joys another boy came through the bush with another demijohn of water. We did not receive him even civilly; I burst out laughing, and the boys went off in a roar, and we shouted at him, “Where them chop?” “He live for come,” said the boy, and we then gave him a hearty welcome and a tot of rum, and an hour afterwards two more boys appear, one carrying a sack of rice and beef for the men, and the other a box for me from Herr Liebert, containing a luxurious supply of biscuits, candles, tinned meats, and a bottle of wine and one of beer.
As soon as we realized what we were facing, we tossed some dry wood onto the fire, and it flared up just as the rain started to pour down. With our help, it fought off the elements, crackling and popping like a wildcat. It could have handled the water pretty well, but then the wind came, almost snuffing it out by sweeping away its shelter made of branches, which landed on “Professor” Kefalla. He immediately launched into a lecture about the stupidity of mountaineering and the number of demons in this area. Just in the middle of all this, another boy came through the bushes carrying another jug of water. We didn’t greet him nicely at all; I burst out laughing, and the boys joined in with a loud roar, shouting at him, “Where them chop?” “He live for come,” the boy replied, and then we gave him a warm welcome and a shot of rum. An hour later, two more boys showed up, one carrying a sack of rice and beef for the men, and the other a box for me from Herr Liebert, packed with a fancy supply of biscuits, candles, canned meats, and a bottle of wine along with one of beer.
We are now all happy, though exceeding damp, and the boys sit round the fire, with their big iron pot full of beef and rice, busy cooking while they talk. Wonderful accounts of our prodigies of valour I hear given by Xenia, and terrible accounts of what they have lived through from the others, and the men who have brought up the demijohns and the chop recount the last news from Buea. James’s wife has run away again.
We’re all pretty happy now, even though it’s really damp, and the guys are gathered around the fire with their large iron pot full of beef and rice, cooking and chatting. I’m hearing amazing stories of our bravery from Xenia, and the others are sharing some intense tales of what they’ve been through. The men who brought up the demijohns and the chop are sharing the latest news from Buea. James’s wife has run away again.
I have taken possession of two demijohns of water and the rum demijohn, arranging them round the head of my bed. The worst of it is those tiresome bees, as soon as the rain is over, come in hundreds after the rum, and frighten me continually. The worthless wretches get intoxicated on what they can suck from round the cork, and then they stagger about on the ground buzzing malevolently. When the boys have had the chop and a good smoke, we turn to and make up the loads for to-morrow’s start up the mountain, and then, after more hot tea, I turn in on my camp bed - listening to the soft sweet murmur of the trees and the pleasant, laughing chatter of the men.
I’ve taken two big jugs of water and the rum jug, setting them up around the head of my bed. The worst part is those annoying bees; as soon as the rain stops, they swarm in hundreds after the rum and keep scaring me. The useless insects get drunk on what they can suck from around the cork and then stagger around on the ground buzzing angrily. After the guys have had their food and a good smoke, we get to work preparing the loads for tomorrow’s hike up the mountain, and then, after more hot tea, I lie down on my camp bed—listening to the soft, sweet rustle of the trees and the cheerful chatter of the men.
September 25th. - Rolled off the bed twice last night into the bush. The rain has washed the ground away from under its off legs, so that it tilts; and there were quantities of large longicorn beetles about during the night - the sort with spiny backs; they kept on getting themselves hitched on to my blankets and when I wanted civilly to remove them they made a horrid fizzing noise and showed fight - cocking their horns in a defiant way. I awake finally about 5 A.M. soaked through to the skin. The waterproof sheet has had a label sewn to it, so is not waterproof, and it has been raining softly but amply for hours.
September 25th - I rolled off the bed twice last night and fell into the bushes. The rain has washed away the ground under its legs, making it tilt; and there were a bunch of big longhorn beetles around during the night – the kind with spiny backs. They kept getting caught in my blankets, and when I tried to gently remove them, they made a horrible fizzing noise and acted aggressive, raising their horns defiantly. I finally woke up around 5 A.M. completely soaked. The waterproof sheet has a label sewn onto it, so it’s not actually waterproof, and it’s been raining lightly but steadily for hours.
About seven we are off again, with Xenia, Head man, Cook, Monrovia boy and a labourer from Buea - the water-carriers have gone home after having had their morning chop.
About seven, we’re heading out again, with Xenia, the leader, the cook, the boy from Monrovia, and a laborer from Buea - the water carriers have gone home after having their morning meal.
We make for the face of the wall by a route to the left of that I took on Monday, and when we are clambering up it, some 600 feet above the hillocks, swish comes a terrific rain-storm at us accompanied by a squealing, bitter cold wind. We can hear the roar of the rain on the forest below, and hoping to get above it we keep on; hoping, however, is vain. The dense mist that comes with it prevents our seeing more than two yards in front, and we get too far to the left. I am behind the band to-day, severely bringing up the rear, and about 1 o’clock I hear shouts from the vanguard and when I get up to them I find them sitting on the edge of one of the clefts or scars in the mountain face.
We head for the face of the wall by a path to the left of the one I took on Monday, and as we climb up about 600 feet above the hills, a massive rainstorm hits us along with a biting cold wind. We can hear the roar of the rain on the forest below, and hoping to get above it, we keep going; however, hope is in vain. The thick mist that comes with it keeps us from seeing more than two yards ahead, and we drift too far to the left. I'm at the back of the group today, lagging behind, and around 1 o’clock I hear shouts from the front. When I catch up to them, I find them sitting on the edge of one of the clefts or scars in the mountain face.
I do not know how these quarry-like chasms have been formed. They both look alike from below - the mountain wall comes down vertically into them - and the bottom of this one slopes forward, so that if we had had the misfortune when a little lower down to have gone a little further to the left, we should have got on to the bottom of it, and should have found ourselves walled in on three sides, and had to retrace our steps; as it is we have just struck its right-hand edge. And fortunately, the mist, thick as it is, has not been sufficiently thick to lead the men to walk over it; for had they done so they would have got killed, as the cliff arches in under so that we look straight into the bottom of the scar some 200 or 300 feet below, when there is a split in the mist. The sides and bottom are made of, and strewn with, white, moss-grown masses of volcanic cinder rock, and sparsely shrubbed with gnarled trees which have evidently been under fire - one of my boys tells me from the burning of this face of the mountain by “the Major from Calabar” during the previous dry season.
I don't know how these quarry-like chasms were created. They both look similar from below—the mountain wall drops straight down into them—and the bottom of this one slopes forward. If we had been unfortunate enough to move a bit further left when we were a little lower down, we would have ended up at the bottom of it, trapped on three sides and forced to turn back. Luckily, we’ve just hit its right edge. Thankfully, the mist, as thick as it is, hasn’t been thick enough to cause the men to walk right off the edge; if they had, they would have fallen, since the cliff curves inward, allowing us to see straight down to the bottom of the canyon about 200 or 300 feet below when there’s a break in the mist. The sides and bottom are made of white, moss-covered volcanic cinder rock and are sparsely dotted with twisted trees that have clearly been burned—one of my boys tells me this was from the fire set by “the Major from Calabar” during last dry season.
We keep on up a steep grass-covered slope, and finally reach the top of the wall. The immense old crater floor before us is to-day the site of a seething storm, and the peak itself quite invisible. My boys are quite demoralised by the cold. I find most of them have sold the blankets I gave them out at Buana; and those who have not sold them have left them behind at Buea, from laziness perhaps, but more possibly from a confidence in their powers to prevent us getting so far.
We continue up a steep, grassy slope and finally make it to the top of the wall. The massive old crater floor in front of us is now the scene of a raging storm, and the peak itself is completely hidden. My boys are pretty discouraged by the cold. I discover that most of them have sold the blankets I gave them in Buana, and those who haven't sold theirs left them behind in Buea, maybe out of laziness, but more likely out of a belief that we wouldn't make it this far.
I believe if I had collapsed too - the cold tempted me to do so as nothing else can - they would have lain down and died in the cold sleety rain.
I think if I had collapsed too - the cold was more tempting than anything else - they would have just laid down and died in the freezing, pouring rain.
I sight a clump of gnarled sparsely-foliaged trees bedraped heavily with lichen, growing in a hollow among the rocks; thither I urge the men for shelter and they go like storm-bewildered sheep. My bones are shaking in my skin and my teeth in my head, for after the experience I had had of the heat here on Monday I dared not clothe myself heavily.
I see a group of twisted, sparse trees covered in thick lichen, growing in a hollow among the rocks; I lead the men there for shelter, and they follow like lost sheep. My bones are shaking in my skin and my teeth are chattering in my head, because after the heat I experienced here on Monday, I didn't dare to dress too warmly.
The men stand helpless under the trees, and I hastily take the load of blankets Herr Liebert lent us off a boy’s back and undo it, throwing one blanket round each man, and opening my umbrella and spreading it over the other blankets. Then I give them a tot of rum apiece, as they sit huddled in their blankets, and tear up a lot of the brittle, rotten wood from the trees and shrubs, getting horrid thorns into my hands the while, and set to work getting a fire with it and the driest of the moss from beneath the rocks. By the aid of it and Xenia, who soon revived, and a carefully scraped up candle and a box of matches, the fire soon blazes, Xenia holding a blanket to shelter it, while I, with a cutlass, chop stakes to fix the blankets on, so as to make a fire tent.
The men stand helpless under the trees, and I quickly take the load of blankets Herr Liebert lent us off a boy’s back and unwrap it, throwing one blanket around each man and opening my umbrella to shield the other blankets. Then I give them each a shot of rum as they huddle in their blankets, and I start tearing up some brittle, rotten wood from the trees and bushes, getting nasty thorns in my hands along the way, and I work on getting a fire going with it and the driest moss from under the rocks. With the help of that and Xenia, who soon bounced back, along with a carefully salvaged candle and a box of matches, the fire quickly catches. Xenia holds a blanket to protect it, while I use a cutlass to chop stakes to secure the blankets and create a fire tent.
The other boys now revive, and I hustle them about to make more fires, no easy work in the drenching rain, but work that has got to be done. We soon get three well alight, and then I clutch a blanket - a wringing wet blanket, but a comfort - and wrapping myself round in it, issue orders for wood to be gathered and stored round each fire to dry, and then stand over Cook while he makes the men’s already cooked chop hot over our first fire, when this is done getting him to make me tea, or as it more truly should be called, soup, for it contains bits of rice and beef, and the general taste of the affair is wood smoke.
The other boys are waking up now, and I get them moving to start more fires, which isn’t easy in the pouring rain, but it's something that has to get done. We quickly get three fires going, and then I grab a blanket—it's soaking wet, but it still feels comforting. I wrap myself in it and tell everyone to gather and stack wood around each fire to dry. I then keep an eye on Cook while he heats up the already cooked chops over our first fire. Once that’s done, I ask him to make me some tea, or as it would be more accurately called, soup, since it has bits of rice and beef in it, and it mostly tastes like wood smoke.
Kefalla by this time is in lecturing form again, so my mind is relieved about him, although he says, “Oh, ma! It be cold, cold too much. Too much cold kill we black man, all same for one as too much sun kill you white man. Oh, ma!. . .,” etc. I tell him they have only got themselves to blame; if they had come up with me on Monday we should have been hot enough, and missed this storm of rain.
Kefalla is back to lecturing again, which makes me feel better about him, even though he says, “Oh, Mom! It’s so cold, way too cold. Too much cold can kill us Black men, just like too much sun can kill you White men. Oh, Mom!..." and so on. I tell him they have no one to blame but themselves; if they had come with me on Monday, we would have been warm enough and avoided this rainstorm.
When the boys have had their chop, and are curling themselves up comfortably round their now blazing fires Xenia must needs start a theory that there is a better place than this to camp in; he saw it when he was with an unsuccessful expedition that got as far as this. Kefalla is fool enough to go off with him to find this place; but they soon return, chilled through again, and unsuccessful in their quest. I gather that they have been to find caves. I wish they had found caves, for I am not thinking of taking out a patent for our present camp site.
When the boys have finished their meal and are cozily curling up around their now blazing fires, Xenia insists on starting a theory that there’s a better place to camp than this; he saw it when he was part of a failed expedition that got this far. Kefalla is foolish enough to go off with him to find this place, but they soon come back, completely chilled and unsuccessful in their search. I gather that they went looking for caves. I wish they had found caves because I’m definitely not interested in getting a patent for our current campsite.
The bitter wind and swishing rain keep on. We are to a certain extent sheltered from the former, but the latter is of that insinuating sort that nothing but a granite wall would keep off.
The harsh wind and falling rain continue. We're somewhat protected from the wind, but the rain has a sneaky way of getting through that only a solid wall could block.
Just at sundown, however, as is usual in this country, the rain ceases for a while, and I take this opportunity to get out my seaman’s jersey. When I have fought my way into it, I turn to survey our position, and find I have been carrying on my battle on the brink of an abysmal hole whose mouth is concealed among the rocks and scraggly shrubs just above our camp. I heave rocks down it, as we in Fanland would offer rocks to an Ombwiri, and hear them go “knickity-knock, like a pebble in Carisbrook well.” I think I detect a far away splash, but it was an awesome way down. This mountain seems set with these man-traps, and “some day some gentleman’s nigger” will get killed down one.
Just as the sun sets, like it usually does here, the rain stops for a bit, and I take the chance to put on my seaman's sweater. Once I finally get it on, I look around to check our location and realize I've been struggling right at the edge of a deep pit whose entrance is hidden among the rocks and scraggly bushes just above our camp. I toss rocks into it, just like we in Fanland would throw rocks to an Ombwiri, and I hear them land with a "knickity-knock, like a pebble in Carisbrook well." I think I hear a distant splash, but it’s a long way down. This mountain seems to be filled with these deadly traps, and "one day some unfortunate guy will fall into one."
The mist has now cleared away from the peak, but lies all over the lower world, and I take bearings of the three highest cones or peaks carefully. Then I go away over the rocky ground southwards, and as I stand looking round, the mist sea below is cleft in twain for a few minutes by some fierce down-draught of wind from the peak, and I get a strange, clear, sudden view right down to Ambas Bay. It is just like looking down from one world into another. I think how Odin hung and looked down into Nifelheim, and then of how hot, how deliciously hot, it was away down there, and then the mist closes over it. I shiver and go back to camp, for night is coming on, and I know my men will require intellectual support in the matter of procuring firewood.
The mist has now lifted from the peak but covers the lower world, and I carefully take note of the three highest cones or peaks. Then I move south across the rocky terrain, and as I pause to look around, a fierce gust of wind from the peak parts the mist below for a few moments, giving me a strange, clear view all the way down to Ambas Bay. It feels like looking from one world into another. I think of how Odin hung and gazed down into Nifelheim, and then I remember how warm, how wonderfully warm, it was down there, before the mist envelops it again. I shiver and head back to camp, as night is approaching, and I know my men will need some guidance when it comes to gathering firewood.
The men are now quite happy; over each fire they have made a tent with four sticks with a blanket on, a blanket that is too wet to burn, though I have to make them brace the blankets to windward for fear of their scorching.
The men are now pretty happy; over each fire, they've made a tent with four sticks and a blanket on top, a blanket that's too wet to burn, although I have to make them prop the blankets against the wind to avoid them getting scorched.
The wood from the shrubs here is of an aromatic and a resinous nature, which sounds nice, but it isn’t; for the volumes of smoke it gives off when burning are suffocating, and the boys, who sit almost on the fire, are every few moments scrambling to their feet and going apart to cough out smoke, like so many novices in training for the profession of fire-eaters. However, they soon find that if they roll themselves in their blankets, and lie on the ground to windward they escape most of the smoke. They have divided up into three parties: Kefalla and Xenia, who have struck up a great friendship, take the lower, the most exposed fire. Head man, Cook, and Monrovia Boy have the upper fire, and the labourer has the middle one - he being an outcast for medical reasons. They are all steaming away and smoking comfortably.
The wood from the shrubs here has a nice aroma and is resinous, which sounds appealing, but it really isn’t; the amount of smoke it produces when burned is overwhelming, and the boys, who are sitting almost on the fire, constantly scramble to their feet to cough out smoke, like beginners training to be fire-eaters. However, they quickly realize that if they wrap themselves in their blankets and lie on the ground away from the wind, they can avoid most of the smoke. They’ve divided into three groups: Kefalla and Xenia, who have become good friends, are tending the lower, more exposed fire. The leader, Cook, and Monrovia Boy have the upper fire, while the laborer, who is considered an outcast for medical reasons, is managing the middle fire. They are all steaming and smoking comfortably.
I form the noble resolution to keep awake, and rouse up any gentleman who may catch on fire during the night, and see to wood being put on the fires, so elaborately settle myself on my wooden chop-box, wherein I have got all the lucifers which are not in the soap-box. Owing to there not being a piece of ground the size of a sixpenny piece level in this place, the arrangement of my box camp takes time, but at last it is done to my complete satisfaction, close to a tree trunk, and I think, as I wrap myself up in my two wet blankets and lean against my tree, what a good thing it is to know how to make one’s self comfortable in a place like this. This tree stem is perfection, just the right angle to be restful to one’s back, and one can rely all the time on Nature hereabouts not to let one get thoroughly effete from luxurious comfort, so I lazily watch and listen to Xenia and Kefalla at their fire hard by.
I make a solid decision to stay awake and wake up any guy who might catch fire during the night, and I'll make sure to add wood to the fires. So, I get myself all set up on my wooden box, where I have all the matches that aren't in the soapbox. Since there's not a single spot the size of a sixpenny piece that's level here, setting up my box camp takes a while, but eventually, I'm satisfied with where it is, close to a tree trunk. As I wrap myself up in my two wet blankets and lean against the tree, I think about how great it is to know how to get comfortable in a place like this. This tree trunk is perfect, just the right angle for my back, and I know Nature around here won’t let me get too lazy from too much comfort, so I watch and listen to Xenia and Kefalla by their fire nearby.
They begin talking to each other on their different tribal societies; Kefalla is a Vey, Xenia a Liberian, so in the interests of Science I give them two heads of tobacco to stimulate their conversation. They receive them with tragic grief, having no pipe, so in the interests of Science I undo my blankets and give them two out of my portmanteau; then do myself up again and pretend to be asleep. I am rewarded by getting some interesting details, and form the opinion that both these worthies, in their pursuit of their particular ju-jus, have come into contact with white prejudices, and are now fugitives from religious persecution. I also observe they have both their own ideas of happiness. Kefalla holds it lies in a warm shirt, Xenia that it abides in warm trousers; and every half-hour the former takes his shirt off, and holds it in the fire smoke, and then puts it hastily on; and Xenia, who is the one and only trouser wearer in our band, spends fifty per cent. of the night on one leg struggling to get the other in or out of these garments, when they are either coming off to be warmed, or going on after warming.
They start chatting about their different tribal societies; Kefalla is a Vey, and Xenia is a Liberian, so to help the conversation along, I give them two heads of tobacco. They take them with a dramatic sadness since they have no pipe, so to help out, I take off my blankets and give them two from my bag; then I bundle myself back up and pretend to sleep. I’m rewarded with some interesting details and conclude that both of these guys, in their search for their particular beliefs, have come across white prejudices and are now escaping from religious persecution. I also notice they each have their own ideas about happiness. Kefalla thinks it comes from a warm shirt, while Xenia believes it exists in warm trousers; every half hour, the former takes off his shirt and holds it in the smoke from the fire, then quickly puts it back on, and Xenia, who is the only one wearing trousers in our group, spends half the night on one leg trying to get the other one in or out of his pants when they're either coming off to get warmed or going back on after warming.
There seem but few insects here. I have only got two moths to-night - one pretty one with white wings with little red spots on, like an old-fashioned petticoat such as an early Victorian-age lady would have worn - the other a sweet thing in silver.
There seem to be only a few insects here. I’ve only caught two moths tonight – one pretty one with white wings dotted with little red spots, like an old-fashioned petticoat that an early Victorian lady would have worn – and the other a lovely one in silver.
(Later, i.e., 2.15 A.M.). I have been asleep against that abominable vegetable of a tree. It had its trunk covered with a soft cushion of moss, and pretended to be a comfort - a right angle to lean against, and a softly padded protection to the spine from wind, and all that sort of thing; whereas the whole mortal time it was nothing in this wretched world but a water-pipe, to conduct an extra supply of water down my back. The water has simply streamed down it, and formed a nice little pool in a rocky hollow where I keep my feet, and I am chilled to the innermost bone, so have to scramble up and drag my box to the side of Kefalla and Xenia’s fire, feeling sure I have contracted a fatal chill this time. I scrape the ashes out of the fire into a heap, and put my sodden boots into them, and they hiss merrily, and I resolve not to go to sleep again. 5 A.M. - Have been to sleep twice, and have fallen off my box bodily into the fire in my wet blankets, and should for sure have put it out like a bucket of cold water had not Xenia and Kefalla been roused up by the smother I occasioned and rescued me - or the fire. It is not raining now, but it is bitter cold and Cook is getting my tea. I give the boys a lot of hot tea with a big handful of sugar in, and they then get their own food hot.
(Later, i.e., 2:15 A.M.). I’ve been leaning against that awful tree. Its trunk was covered with soft moss, making it seem like a comfy spot—an angle to lean against and a cushioned barrier to protect my back from the wind and all that. But the whole time, it was just a water pipe, channeling a stream of water down my back. The water has dripped off it, creating a little pool in a rocky hollow where my feet are, and I'm freezing all the way to my bones. So I have to get up and drag my box over to Kefalla and Xenia’s fire, convinced that I’ve caught a bad chill this time. I scoop the ashes from the fire into a pile and stick my soaked boots in them, and they sizzle away while I resolve not to fall asleep again. 5 A.M. - I’ve dozed off twice and actually tumbled off my box into the fire while wrapped in my wet blankets, and I definitely would’ve put it out like a bucket of cold water if Xenia and Kefalla hadn’t woken up from the smoke I caused and pulled me—or the fire—out. It’s not raining now, but it’s freezing, and Cook is making my tea. I give the boys a lot of hot tea with a big handful of sugar, and then they heat up their own food.
CHAPTER XX. THE GREAT PEAK OF CAMEROONS - (continued).
Setting forth how the Voyager attains the summit of Mungo Mah Lobeh, and descends therefrom to Victoria, to which is added some remarks on the natural history of the West Coast porter, and the native methods of making fire.
Describing how the Voyager reaches the peak of Mungo Mah Lobeh and then descends to Victoria, along with some observations on the natural history of the West Coast porter and the local ways of making fire.
September 26th. - The weather is undecided and so am I, for I feel doubtful about going on in this weather, but I do not like to give up the peak after going through so much for it. The boys being dry and warm with the fires have forgotten their troubles. However, I settle in my mind to keep on, and ask for volunteers to come with me, and Bum, the head man, and Xenia announce their willingness. I put two tins of meat and a bottle of Herr Liebert’s beer into the little wooden box, and insist on both men taking a blanket apiece, much to their disgust, and before six o’clock we are off over the crater plain. It is a broken bit of country with rock mounds sparsely overgrown with tufts of grass, and here and there are patches of boggy land, not real bog, but damp places where grow little clumps of rushes, and here and there among the rocks sorely-afflicted shrubs of broom, and the yellow-flowered shrub I have mentioned before, and quantities of very sticky heather, feeling when you catch hold of it as if it had been covered with syrup. One might fancy the entire race of shrubs was dying out; for one you see partially alive there are twenty skeletons which fall to pieces as you brush past them.
September 26th. - The weather is uncertain, and so am I, because I'm hesitant about continuing in these conditions, but I really don't want to give up on reaching the peak after everything I’ve put in to get here. The guys, cozy and warm by the fires, have forgotten their worries. Still, I decide to press on and ask for volunteers to join me, and Bum, the leader, and Xenia both step up. I pack two tins of meat and a bottle of Herr Liebert’s beer into the small wooden box and insist that both men take a blanket each, much to their annoyance, and before six o’clock we set off across the crater plain. It’s a rough area with rock mounds sparsely scattered with clumps of grass, and here and there are soggy spots—not real bogs, but wet patches where little groups of rushes grow, along with struggling broom shrubs and the yellow-flowered bush I mentioned before, plus lots of sticky heather that feels like it’s been coated in syrup when you grab hold of it. It seems like the whole area of shrubs is dying out; for every one you see that’s somewhat alive, there are twenty skeletons that crumble apart as you brush past them.
It is downhill the first part of the way, that is to say, the trend of the land is downhill, for be it down or up, the details of it are rugged mounds and masses of burnt-out lava rock. It is evil going, but perhaps not quite so evil as the lower hillocks of the great wall where the rocks are hidden beneath long slippery grass. We wind our way in between the mounds, or clamber over them, or scramble along their sides impartially. The general level is then flat, and then comes a rise towards the peak wall, so we steer N.N.E. until we strike the face of the peak, and then commence a stiff rough climb.
It’s downhill for the first part of the way; the land slopes downward. Whether it's up or down, the terrain is full of rugged mounds and heaps of burnt-out lava rock. It's tough going, but maybe not as bad as the lower hills of the great wall where the rocks are hidden under long, slippery grass. We navigate between the mounds, climb over them, or scramble along their sides without any preference. The ground is generally flat, then there's a rise toward the peak wall, so we head N.N.E. until we reach the face of the peak, and then we start a steep, rough climb.
We keep as straight as we can, but get driven at an angle by the strange ribs of rock which come straight down. These are most tiresome to deal with, getting worse the higher we go, and so rotten and weather-eaten are they that they crumble into dust and fragments under our feet. Head man gets half a dozen falls, and when we are about three parts of the way up Xenia gives in. The cold and the climbing are too much for him, so I make him wrap himself up in his blanket, which he is glad enough of now, and shelter in a depression under one of the many rock ridges, and Head man and I go on. When we are some 600 feet higher the iron-grey mist comes curling and waving round the rocks above us, like some savage monster defending them from intruders, and I again debate whether I was justified in risking the men, for it is a risk for them at this low temperature, with the evil weather I know, and they do not know, is coming on. But still we have food and blankets with us enough for them, and the camp in the plain below they can reach all right, if the worst comes to the worst; and for myself - well - that’s my own affair, and no one will be a ha’porth the worse if I am dead in an hour. So I hitch myself on to the rocks, and take bearings, particularly bearings of Xenia’s position, who, I should say, has got a tin of meat and a flask of rum with him, and then turn and face the threatening mist. It rises and falls, and sends out arm-like streams towards us, and then Bum, the head man, decides to fail for the third time to reach the peak, and I leave him wrapped in his blanket with the bag of provisions, and go on alone into the wild, grey, shifting, whirling mist above, and soon find myself at the head of a rock ridge in a narrowish depression, walled by massive black walls which show fitfully but firmly through the mist.
We try to stay as straight as possible, but the odd rock formations force us to go at an angle. They’re really annoying to deal with, getting worse the higher we climb, and they’re so decayed and weathered that they crumble to dust and bits under our feet. The head man takes a few spills, and when we’re about three-quarters of the way up, Xenia gives up. The cold and the climbing are too much for him, so I have him wrap up in his blanket, which he’s thankful for now, and find shelter in a dip under one of the many rock ridges, while the head man and I continue on. After climbing about 600 more feet, the iron-gray mist starts swirling around the rocks above us, like some wild beast protecting its territory from intruders. I start to question whether I was right to risk the men, as it’s dangerous for them in this cold with the bad weather I know is coming, but they don’t. Still, we have enough food and blankets for them, and they can easily reach the camp in the plain below if things go south; as for me—well—that’s my own concern, and no one else will be any worse off if I’m dead in an hour. So I secure myself to the rocks, take some bearings, especially on Xenia’s location, who I should mention has a tin of meat and a flask of rum with him, and then I turn to face the ominous mist. It rises and falls, sending out tendrils towards us, and then Bum, the head man, decides to try for the peak one more time but fails, so I leave him wrapped in his blanket with the provisions and head alone into the wild, gray, shifting mist above. I quickly find myself at the top of a rock ridge in a narrow depression, surrounded by massive black walls that intermittently appear clearly through the mist.
I can see three distinctly high cones before me, and then the mist, finding it cannot drive me back easily, proceeds to desperate methods, and lashes out with a burst of bitter wind, and a sheet of blinding, stinging rain. I make my way up through it towards a peak which I soon see through a tear in the mist is not the highest, so I angle off and go up the one to the left, and after a desperate fight reach the cairn - only, alas! to find a hurricane raging and a fog in full possession, and not a ten yards’ view to be had in any direction. Near the cairn on the ground are several bottles, some of which the energetic German officers, I suppose, had emptied in honour of their achievement, an achievement I bow down before, for their pluck and strength had taken them here in a shorter time by far than mine. I do not meddle with anything, save to take a few specimens and to put a few more rocks on the cairn, and to put in among them my card, merely as a civility to Mungo, a civility his Majesty will soon turn into pulp. Not that it matters - what is done is done.
I can see three tall cones in front of me, and the mist, realizing it can’t push me back easily, resorts to extreme measures, whipping up a fierce wind and unleashing a torrent of blinding, stinging rain. I push through it towards a peak which, through a break in the mist, I soon realize isn’t the highest, so I change direction and climb the one to the left. After a tough struggle, I finally reach the cairn—only, unfortunately! to discover a hurricane is raging and thick fog has taken over, leaving me with barely ten yards of visibility in any direction. Near the cairn on the ground are some bottles, a few of which the enthusiastic German officers probably emptied to celebrate their success, a feat I respect because their courage and strength brought them here much faster than I arrived. I don’t disturb anything except for taking a few samples, adding a few more rocks to the cairn, and slipping my card among them as a polite gesture to Mungo, a courtesy that his Majesty will soon dismantle. Not that it matters—what's done is done.
The weather grows worse every minute, and no sign of any clearing shows in the indigo sky or the wind-reft mist. The rain lashes so fiercely I cannot turn my face to it and breathe, the wind is all I can do to stand up against.
The weather gets worse by the minute, and there's no sign of clearing in the dark blue sky or the swirling mist. The rain hits so hard that I can't face it to breathe; all I can do is brace myself against the wind.
Verily I am no mountaineer, for there is in me no exultation, but only a deep disgust because the weather has robbed me of my main object in coming here, namely to get a good view and an idea of the way the unexplored mountain range behind Calabar trends. I took my chance and it failed, so there’s nothing to complain about.
Honestly, I'm not a mountaineer; I feel no excitement, just a deep disappointment because the weather has kept me from my main purpose for being here, which was to see and understand how the unexplored mountain range behind Calabar stretches. I took my shot, and it didn't work out, so there's nothing to really complain about.
Comforting myself with these reflections, I start down to find Bum, and do so neatly, and then together we scramble down carefully among the rotten black rocks, intent on finding Xenia. The scene is very grand. At one minute we can see nothing save the black rocks and cinders under foot; the next the wind-torn mist separates now in one direction, now in another, showing us always the same wild scene of great black cliffs, rising in jagged peaks and walls around and above us. I think this walled cauldron we had just left is really the highest crater on Mungo. {439}
Comforting myself with these thoughts, I head down to find Bum, doing so carefully, and together we carefully scramble down among the decaying black rocks, focused on finding Xenia. The view is amazing. One moment we can see nothing but the black rocks and ashes beneath us; the next, the wind-torn mist parts in one direction and then another, revealing the same wild scene of towering black cliffs that rise in jagged peaks and walls around and above us. I believe this walled basin we just left is actually the highest crater on Mungo. {439}
We soon become anxious about Xenia, for this is a fearfully easy place to lose a man in such weather, but just as we get below the thickest part of the pall of mist, I observe a doll-sized figure, standing on one leg taking on or off its trousers - our lost Xenia, beyond a shadow of a doubt, and we go down direct to him.
We quickly start to worry about Xenia, because it's really easy to lose someone in this kind of weather. Just as we get below the thickest part of the fog, I spot a tiny figure, standing on one leg, putting its pants on or taking them off – it's definitely our lost Xenia, and we head straight towards him.
When we reach him we halt, and I give the two men one of the tins of meat, and take another and the bottle of beer myself, and then make a hasty sketch of the great crater plain below us. At the further edge of the plain a great white cloud is coming up from below, which argues badly for our trip down the great wall to the forest camp, which I am anxious to reach before nightfall after our experience of the accommodation afforded by our camp in the crater plain last night.
When we finally get to him, we stop, and I hand one of the cans of meat to the two men while grabbing another can and a bottle of beer for myself. Then, I quickly sketch the massive crater plain below us. At the far edge of the plain, a big white cloud is rising, which doesn’t bode well for our descent down the great wall to the forest camp. I really want to get there before nightfall after our experience with the accommodations at our camp in the crater plain last night.
While I am sitting waiting for the men to finish their meal, I feel a chill at my back, as if some cold thing had settled there, and turning round, see the mist from the summit above coming in a wall down towards us. These mists up here, as far as my experience goes, are always preceded by a strange breath of ice-cold air - not necessarily a wind.
While I'm sitting here waiting for the men to finish their meal, I feel a chill on my back, like something cold has settled there. When I turn around, I see the mist from the summit above rolling down towards us. In my experience, these mists up here are always preceded by a strange rush of ice-cold air - not exactly a wind.
Bum then draws my attention to a strange funnel-shaped thing coming down from the clouds to the north. A big waterspout, I presume: it seems to be moving rapidly N.E., and I profoundly hope it will hold that course, for we have quite as much as we can manage with the ordinary rain-water supply on this mountain, without having waterspouts to deal with.
Bum then directs my attention to a weird funnel-shaped thing coming down from the clouds to the north. A big waterspout, I assume: it looks like it's moving quickly northeast, and I really hope it stays on that path because we already have more than enough to handle with the usual rainwater on this mountain, without having to deal with waterspouts.
We start off down the mountain as rapidly as we can. Xenia is very done up, and Head man comes perilously near breaking his neck by frequent falls among the rocks; my unlucky boots are cut through and through by the latter. When we get down towards the big crater plain, it is a race between us and the pursuing mist as to who shall reach the camp first, and the mist wins, but we have just time to make out the camp’s exact position before it closes round us, so we reach it without any real difficulty. When we get there, about one o’clock, I find the men have kept the fires alight and Cook is asleep before one of them with another conflagration smouldering in his hair. I get him to make me tea, while the others pack up as quickly as possible, and by two we are all off on our way down to the forest camp.
We start heading down the mountain as fast as we can. Xenia is all dressed up, and the leader comes dangerously close to tripping and falling on the rocks; my unfortunate boots are getting worn out by that. As we approach the large crater plain, it's a race between us and the incoming mist to see who gets to the camp first, and the mist wins, but we manage to figure out the camp’s exact location just before it surrounds us, so we get there without too much trouble. When we arrive around one o'clock, I see that the men have kept the fires going, and Cook is asleep in front of one of them, with another blaze smoldering in his hair. I ask him to make me some tea while the others pack up as quickly as they can, and by two, we’re all headed down to the forest camp.
The boys are nervous in their way of going down over the mountain wall. The misadventures of Cook alone would fill volumes. Monrovia boy is out and away the best man at this work. Just as we reach the high jungle grass, down comes the rain and up comes the mist, and we have the worst time we have had during our whole trip, in our endeavours to find the hole in the forest that leads to our old camp.
The boys are anxious as they make their way down the mountain. The mishaps of Cook alone could fill books. The Monrovia boy is by far the best at this task. Just as we reach the tall jungle grass, the rain starts pouring down and the mist rolls in, making it the hardest time we’ve had on the whole trip as we try to find the opening in the forest that leads to our old camp.
Unfortunately, I must needs go in for acrobatic performances on the top of one of the highest, rockiest hillocks. Poising myself on one leg I take a rapid slide sideways, ending in a very showy leap backwards which lands me on the top of the lantern I am carrying to-day, among miscellaneous rocks. There being fifteen feet or so of jungle grass above me, all the dash and beauty of my performance are as much thrown away as I am, for my boys are too busy on their own accounts in the mist to miss me. After resting some little time as I fell, and making and unmaking the idea in my mind that I am killed, I get up, clamber elaborately to the top of the next hillock, and shout for the boys, and “Ma,” “ma,” comes back from my flock from various points out of the fog. I find Bum and Monrovia boy, and learn that during my absence Xenia, who always fancies himself as a path-finder, has taken the lead, and gone off somewhere with the rest. We shout and the others answer, and we join them, and it soon becomes evident to the meanest intelligence that Xenia had better have spent his time attending to those things of his instead of going in for guiding, for we are now right off the track we made through the grass on our up journey, and we proceed to have a cheerful hour or so in the wet jungle, ploughing hither and thither, trying to find our way.
Unfortunately, I have to do acrobatic stunts on top of one of the highest, rockiest hills. Balancing on one leg, I take a quick slide sideways, ending with a flashy leap backward that lands me right on top of the lantern I'm carrying today, amid some random rocks. With about fifteen feet of jungle grass above me, all the flair and beauty of my performance are completely wasted, just like I am, because my boys are too busy with their own stuff in the mist to notice me. After resting for a bit after my fall and reconsidering whether I'm actually dead, I get up, carefully climb to the top of the next hill, and call out for the boys. “Ma,” “ma,” comes the response from my flock from various places in the fog. I find Bum and Monrovia boy and learn that while I was gone, Xenia, who always thinks of himself as a pathfinder, took the lead and wandered off somewhere with the rest. We shout, and the others answer, and it quickly becomes clear to even the simplest minds that Xenia should have spent his time managing his own things instead of trying to guide, because now we’re completely off the path we made on our way up, and we’re about to have a fun hour or so in the wet jungle, wandering around, trying to find our way.
At last we pick up the top of a tongue of forest that we all feel is ours, but we - that is to say, Xenia and I, for the others go like lambs to the slaughter wherever they are led - disagree as to the path. He wants to go down one side of the tongue, I to go down the other, and I have my way, and we wade along, skirting the bushes that fringe it, trying to find our hole. I own I soon begin to feel shaky about having been right in the affair, but soon Xenia, who is leading, shouts he has got it, and we limp in, our feet sore with rugged rocks, and everything we have on, or in the loads, wringing wet, save the matches, which providentially I had put into my soap-box.
At last, we reach the edge of a forest that we all feel is ours, but we—me and Xenia, since the others follow blindly wherever they're taken—disagree on the path. He wants to go down one side of the forest, while I want to take the other, and I end up getting my way. We wade along, avoiding the bushes along the sides, trying to find our spot. I'll admit I start to doubt whether I was right about this, but soon Xenia, who’s leading, shouts that he found it, and we shuffle in, our feet sore from the rough rocks, and everything we’re wearing or carrying is soaked, except for the matches, which luckily I had put in my soap box.
Anything more dismal than the look of that desired camp when we reach it, I never saw. Pools of water everywhere. The fire-house a limp ruin, the camp bed I have been thinking fondly of for the past hour a water cistern. I tilt the water out of it, and say a few words to it regarding its hide-bound idiocy in obeying its military instructions to be waterproof; and then, while the others are putting up the fire-house, Head man and I get out the hidden demijohn of rum, and the beef and rice, and I serve out a tot of rum each to the boys, who are shivering dreadfully, waiting for Cook to get the fire. He soon does this, and then I have my hot tea and the men their hot food, for now we have returned to the luxury of two cooking pots.
Anything more depressing than the sight of that camp we were looking forward to when we finally arrived, I’ve never seen. There were puddles everywhere. The firehouse was a sad wreck, and the camp bed I had been dreaming about for the past hour was just a water tank. I tipped the water out of it and said a few words about its ridiculous failure to follow orders to be waterproof; meanwhile, while the others set up the firehouse, the Head man and I pulled out the hidden jug of rum, along with the beef and rice, and I served each of the guys a shot of rum, who were shivering like crazy, waiting for the Cook to get the fire going. He quickly got it going, and then I had my hot tea, and the men had their hot food, because we had returned to the luxury of two cooking pots.
Their education in bush is evidently progressing, for they make themselves a big screen with boughs and spare blankets, between the wind and the fire-house, and I get Xenia to cut some branches, and place them on the top of my waterproof sheet shelter, and we are fairly comfortable again, and the boys quite merry and very well satisfied with themselves.
Their skills in the wild are clearly improving, as they create a large screen using branches and spare blankets to shield themselves from the wind and the firehouse. I have Xenia cut some branches and put them on top of my waterproof sheet shelter, and we are pretty comfortable once more, while the boys are quite happy and very pleased with themselves.
Unfortunately the subject of their nightly debating society is human conduct, a subject ever fraught with dangerous elements of differences of opinion. They are busy discussing, with their mouths full of rice and beef, the conduct of an absent friend, who it seems is generally regarded by them as a spendthrift. “He gets plenty money, but he no have none no time.” “He go frow it away - on woman, and drink.” “He no buy clothes.” This last is evidently a very heavy accusation, but Kefalla says, “What can a man buy with money better than them thing he like best?”
Unfortunately, the topic of their nightly debate is human behavior, a subject always filled with the risk of differing opinions. They're busy discussing, with their mouths full of rice and beef, the behavior of a friend who's not there, who they seem to generally view as a spender. “He makes plenty of money, but he never has any.” “He throws it away on women and drinks.” “He doesn’t buy clothes.” This last point is clearly a serious accusation, but Kefalla says, “What can a man buy with money that’s better than the things he likes most?”
There is a very peculiar look on the rotten wood on the ground round here; to-night it has patches and flecks of iridescence like one sees on herrings or mackerel that have been kept too long. The appearance of this strange eerie light in among the bush is very weird and charming. I have seen it before in dark forests at night, but never so much of it.
There’s a really unusual look to the decaying wood on the ground around here; tonight it has spots and flecks of shimmer, like what you see on herring or mackerel that have been stored too long. The sight of this odd, haunting light among the bushes is both strange and beautiful. I’ve seen it before in dark forests at night, but never quite like this.
September 27th. - Fine morning. It’s a blessing my Pappenheimers have not recognised what this means for the afternoon. We take things very leisurely. I know it’s no good hurrying, we are dead sure of getting a ducking before we reach Buea anyhow, so we may as well enjoy ourselves while we can.
September 27th. - Nice morning. It’s a blessing my buddies haven’t figured out what this means for the afternoon. We’re taking it easy. I know there’s no point in rushing; we’re definitely going to get soaked before we reach Buea anyway, so we might as well enjoy ourselves while we can.
I ask my boys how they would “make fire suppose no matches live.” Not one of them thinks it possible to do so, “it pass man to do them thing suppose he no got live stick or matches.” They are coast boys, all of them, and therefore used to luxury, but it is really remarkable how widely diffused matches are inland, and how very dependent on them these natives are. When I have been away in districts where they have not penetrated, it is exceedingly rarely that the making of fire has to be resorted to. I think I may say that in most African villages it has not had to be done for years and years, because when a woman’s fire has gone out, owing to her having been out at work all day, she just runs into some neighbour’s hut where there is a fire burning, and gives compliments, and picks up a burning stick from the fire and runs home. From this comes the compliment, equivalent to our “Oh! don’t go away yet,” of “You come to fetch fire.” This will be said to you all the way from Sierra Leone to Loanda, as far as I know, if you have been making yourself agreeable in an African home, even if the process may have extended over a day or so. The hunters, like the Fans, have to make fire, and do it now with a flint and steel; but in districts where their tutor in this method - the flint-lock gun - is not available, they will do it with two sticks, not always like the American Indians’ fire-sticks. One stick is placed horizontally on the ground and the other twirled rapidly between the palms of the hands, but sometimes two bits of palm stick are worked in a hole in a bigger bit of wood, the hole stuffed round with the pith of a tree or with silk cotton fluff, and the two sticks rotated vigorously. Again, on one occasion I saw a Bakele woman make fire by means of a slip of rafia palm drawn very rapidly, to and fro, across a notch in another piece of rafia wood. In most domesticated tribes, like the Effiks or the Igalwa, if they are going out to their plantation, they will enclose a live stick in a hollow piece of a certain sort of wood, which has a lining of its interior pith left in it, and they will carry this “fire box” with them. Or if they are going on a long canoe journey, there is always the fire in the bow of the canoe put into a calabash full of sand, or failing that, into a bed of clay with a sand rim round it.
I ask my boys how they would “make fire if there were no matches.” Not one of them thinks it’s possible, saying, “it’s beyond a man to do that if he doesn't have a live stick or matches.” They’re all from the coast and used to luxury, but it’s really surprising how common matches are inland and how reliant these people are on them. When I’ve been in areas where matches don’t exist, it’s very rare that someone has to make fire. I would say that in most African villages, it hasn’t been necessary for years, because when a woman’s fire goes out after she’s been working all day, she simply runs to a neighbor's hut where there’s a fire burning, compliments them, and takes a burning stick back home. This leads to a compliment similar to our “Oh! don’t go away yet,” which is “You come to fetch fire.” You’ll hear this from Sierra Leone to Loanda, as far as I know, if you’ve been enjoyable to be around in an African home, even if that’s been over a day or so. The hunters, like the Fans, have to make fire, and now they do it with flint and steel; but in areas where their teacher for this method - the flint-lock gun - isn’t available, they will do it with two sticks, not always like the fire-sticks used by American Indians. One stick is laid horizontally on the ground while the other is twirled quickly between the palms, but sometimes two pieces of palm stick are worked in a hole in a larger piece of wood, the hole packed with tree pith or silk cotton fluff, and the two sticks are rotated vigorously. Once, I saw a Bakele woman make fire using a strip of rafia palm rubbed rapidly back and forth across a notch in another piece of rafia wood. In most settled tribes, like the Effiks or the Igalwa, if they’re heading to their plantation, they’ll enclose a live stick in a hollow piece of a specific kind of wood, with its pith still inside, and carry this “fire box” with them. Or if they’re going on a long canoe trip, there’s always fire kept in the bow of the canoe, stored in a calabash full of sand, or if that’s not available, in a bed of clay with a rim of sand around it.
By 10 o’clock we are off down to Buea. At 10.15 it pours as it can here; by 10.17 we are all in our normal condition of bedraggled saturation, and plodding down carefully and cheerfully among the rocks and roots of the forest, following the path we have beaten and cut for ourselves on our way up. It is dangerously slippery, particularly that part of it through the amomums, and stumps of the cut amomums are very likely to spike your legs badly - and, my friend, never, never, step on one of the amomum stems lying straight in front of you, particularly when they are soaking wet. Ice slides are nothing to them, and when you fall, as you inevitably must, because all the things you grab hold of are either rotten, or as brittle as Salviati glass-ware vases, you hurt yourself in no end of places, on those aforesaid cut amomum stumps. I am speaking from sad experiences of my own, amplified by observations on the experiences of my men.
By 10 o’clock, we set off for Buea. At 10:15, it starts pouring, as it often does here; by 10:17, we’re all drenched and struggling along the rocky, root-filled path we've carved out on our way up. It's really slippery, especially the section through the amomums, and the stumps of the cut amomums can easily jab your legs. And trust me, never, ever step on one of the amomum stems lying right in front of you, especially when they’re soaking wet. Ice slides have nothing on them, and when you fall—as you inevitably will—because everything you try to grab is either rotten or as fragile as Salviati glass vases, you’ll hurt yourself in so many places on those cut amomum stumps. I'm speaking from painful experience, backed by what I've seen happen to my team.
The path, when we get down again into the tree-fern region, is inches deep in mud and water, and several places where we have a drop of five feet or so over lumps of rock are worse work going down than we found them going up, especially when we have to drop down on to amomum stems. One abominable place, a V-shaped hollow, mud-lined, and with an immense tree right across it - a tree one of our tornadoes has thrown down since we passed - bothers the men badly, as they slip and scramble down, and then crawl under the tree and slip and scramble up with their loads. I say nothing about myself. I just take a flying slide of twenty feet or so and shoot flump under the tree on my back, and then deliberate whether it is worth while getting up again to go on with such a world; but vanity forbids my dying like a dog in a ditch, and I scramble up, rejoining the others where they are standing on a cross-path: our path going S.E. by E., the other S.S.W. Two men have already gone down the S.W. one, which I feel sure is the upper end of the path Sasu had led us to and wasted time on our first day’s march; the middle regions of which were, as we had found from its lower end, impassable with vegetation. So after futile attempts to call the other two back, we go on down the S.E. one, and get shortly into a plantation of giant kokos mid-leg deep in most excellent fine mould - the sort of stuff you pay 6 shillings a load for in England to start a conservatory bed with. Upon my word, the quantities of things there are left loose in Africa, that ought to be kept in menageries and greenhouses and not let go wild about the country, are enough to try a Saint.
The path, when we get back into the tree-fern area, is inches deep in mud and water. In several spots where we have a drop of about five feet over rocks, it’s harder going down than it was coming up, especially when we have to land on amomum stems. One particularly awful spot, a V-shaped hollow lined with mud and an enormous tree that one of our tornadoes has knocked down since we passed, makes it tough for the guys as they slip and scramble down, then crawl under the tree and struggle to climb back up with their loads. I don’t mention myself. I just take a flying slide of about twenty feet and crash down under the tree on my back, then I pause to consider if it’s worth getting up again to continue in such a world; but pride stops me from dying like a dog in a ditch, so I scramble up and rejoin the others where they’re standing at a cross-path: our path heading S.E. by E., the other one S.S.W. Two men have already gone down the S.W. path, which I’m pretty sure is the upper end of the trail Sasu had led us to and wasted our time on during the first day’s march; the middle parts of which we found from the lower end were impassable due to vegetation. So after unsuccessful attempts to call the other two back, we continue down the S.E. path and soon find ourselves in a plantation of giant kokos, standing mid-leg deep in some incredibly good fine soil—the kind of stuff you pay six shillings a load for in England to start a conservatory bed. Honestly, the amount of things left loose in Africa that should be kept in menageries and greenhouses instead of running wild in the countryside is enough to challenge even a saint.
We then pass through a clump of those lovely great tree-ferns. The way their young fronds come up with a graceful curl, like the top of a bishop’s staff, is a poem; but being at present fractious, I will observe that they are covered with horrid spines, as most young vegetables are in Africa. But talking about spines, I should remark that nothing save that precious climbing palm - I never like to say what I feel about climbing palms, because one once saved my life - equals the strong bush rope which abounds here. It is covered with short, strong, curved thorns. It creeps along concealed by decorative vegetation, and you get your legs twined in it, and of course injured. It festoons itself from tree to tree, and when your mind is set on other things, catches you under the chin, and gives you the appearance of having made a determined but ineffectual attempt to cut your throat with a saw. It whisks your hat off and grabs your clothes, and commits other iniquities too numerous to catalogue here. Years and years that bush rope will wait for a man’s blood, and when he comes within reach it will have it.
We then move through a cluster of those beautiful large tree-ferns. The way their young fronds emerge with a graceful curl, like the top of a bishop’s staff, is like poetry; but since I'm feeling irritable right now, I’ll point out that they are covered with nasty spines, like most young plants in Africa. Speaking of spines, I must mention that nothing, except for that precious climbing palm—I never like to express my feelings about climbing palms because one once saved my life—comes close to matching the strong bush rope that’s all over the place here. It’s covered with short, sturdy, curved thorns. It sneaks along, hidden by decorative plants, and you end up getting your legs tangled in it, which obviously leads to injuries. It drapes itself from tree to tree, and when your mind is occupied with other things, it catches you under the chin, making it look like you’ve made an awkward but ineffective attempt to cut your throat with a saw. It snatches your hat off and grabs your clothes, and commits countless other misdeeds. For years, that bush rope will wait for a person’s blood, and when he gets within reach, it will take it.
We are well down now among the tree-stems grown over with rich soft green moss and delicate filmy-ferns. I should think that for a botanist these south-eastern slopes of Mungo Mah Lobeh would be the happiest hunting grounds in all West Africa.
We are now deep among the tree trunks covered in lush, soft green moss and delicate, feathery ferns. I would say that for a botanist, these southeastern slopes of Mungo Mah Lobeh would be the best collecting spot in all of West Africa.
The vegetation here is at the point of its supreme luxuriance, owing to the richness of the soil; the leaves of trees and plants I recognise as having seen elsewhere are here far larger, and the undergrowth particularly is more rich and varied, far and away. Ferns seem to find here a veritable paradise. Everything, in fact, is growing at its best.
The vegetation here is at its peak, thanks to the rich soil; the leaves of the trees and plants I recognize from other places are much larger here, and the undergrowth is especially dense and diverse. Ferns really thrive in this environment. Everything, in fact, is growing at its absolute best.
We come to another fallen tree over another hole; this tree we recognise as an old acquaintance near Buea, and I feel disgusted, for I had put on a clean blouse, and washed my hands in a tea-cupful of water in a cooking pot before leaving the forest camp, so as to look presentable on reaching Buea, and not give Herr Liebert the same trouble he had to recognise the white from the black members of the party that he said he had with the members of the first expedition to the peak; and all I have got to show for my exertion that is clean or anything like dry is one cuff over which I have been carrying a shawl.
We arrive at another fallen tree over a hole; this tree is a familiar sight near Buea, and I feel frustrated because I put on a clean blouse and washed my hands in a cup of water from a cooking pot before leaving the forest camp, wanting to look decent when I got to Buea. I didn't want to make Herr Liebert go through the same trouble he had to when he tried to distinguish the white from the black members of the group, just like he did with the first expedition to the peak. And now, the only thing I have to show for my efforts that is clean or even somewhat dry is one cuff that I've been carrying a shawl over.
We double round a corner by the stockade of the station’s plantation, and are at the top of the mud glissade - the new Government path, I should say - that leads down into the barrack-yard.
We quickly turn a corner by the stockade of the station’s plantation, and find ourselves at the top of the muddy slide—the new Government path, I should mention—that leads down into the barrack yard.
Our arrival brings Herr Liebert promptly on the scene, as kindly helpful and energetic as ever, and again anxious for me to have a bath. The men bring our saturated loads into my room, and after giving them their food and plenty of tobacco, I get my hot tea and change into the clothes I had left behind at Buea, and feeling once more fit for polite society, go out and find his Imperial and Royal Majesty’s representative making a door, tightening the boards up with wedges in a very artful and professional way. We discourse on things in general and the mountain in particular. The great south-east face is now showing clear before us, the clearness that usually comes before night-fall. It looks again a vast wall, and I wish I were going up it again to-morrow. When “the Calabar major” set it on fire in the dry season it must have been a noble sight.
Our arrival brings Herr Liebert right to us, as friendly, helpful, and energetic as always, and he’s eager for me to take a bath. The men carry our soaked gear into my room, and after I feed them and give them plenty of tobacco, I have my hot tea and change into the clothes I left behind in Buea. Feeling ready for polite society again, I head out and find his Imperial and Royal Majesty’s representative crafting a door, expertly tightening the boards with wedges. We chat about various things and specifically about the mountain. The massive southeast face is clearly visible now, the clarity that usually comes just before nightfall. It looks like a giant wall, and I wish I could climb it again tomorrow. When “the Calabar major” set it on fire during the dry season, it must have been an impressive sight.
The north-eastern edge of the slope of the mountain seems to me unbroken up to the peak. The great crater we went and camped in must be a very early one in the history of the mountain, and out of it the present summit seems to have been thrown up. From the sea face, the western, I am told the slope is continuous on the whole, although there are several craters on that side; seventy craters all told are so far known on Mungo.
The northeast side of the mountain’s slope looks unbroken all the way to the peak. The large crater where we camped must be one of the earliest in the mountain's history, and it seems like the current summit was formed from it. From the sea side, which is the west, I’ve heard the slope is mostly consistent, although there are a few craters on that side; there are currently seventy craters known on Mungo.
The last reported eruption was in 1852, when signs of volcanic activity were observed by a captain who was passing at sea. The lava from this eruption must have gone down the western side, for I have come across no fresh lava beds in my wanderings on the other face. Herr Liebert has no confidence in the mountain whatsoever, and announces his intention of leaving Buea with the army on the first symptom of renewed volcanic activity. I attempt to discourage him from this energetic plan, pointing out to him the beauty of that Roman soldier at Pompeii who was found, centuries after that eruption, still at his post; and if he regards that as merely mechanical virtue, why not pursue the plan of the elder Pliny? Herr Liebert planes away at his door, and says it’s not in his orders to make scientific observations on volcanoes in a state of eruption. When it is he’ll do so - until it is, he most decidedly will not. He adds Pliny was an admiral and sailors are always as curious as cats.
The last reported eruption was in 1852, when a captain passing by at sea noticed signs of volcanic activity. The lava from that eruption probably flowed down the western side because I haven’t seen any fresh lava beds during my explorations on the other side. Herr Liebert has no faith in the mountain at all and says he plans to leave Buea with the army at the first sign of renewed volcanic activity. I try to talk him out of this drastic plan, pointing out the story of a Roman soldier in Pompeii who was found, centuries after that eruption, still at his post. And if he thinks that’s just mechanical virtue, why not follow the example of the elder Pliny? Herr Liebert keeps working on his door and says it’s not part of his orders to make scientific observations on volcanoes while they’re erupting. Once it’s safe, he will; until then, he definitely won’t. He adds that Pliny was an admiral and sailors are always as curious as cats.
Buea seems a sporting place for weather even without volcanic eruptions, during the whole tornado season (there are two a year), over-charged tornadoes burst in the barrack yard. From the 14th of June till the 27th of August you never see the sun, because of the terrific and continuous wet season downpour. At the beginning and end of this cheerful period occurs a month’s tornado season, and the rest of the year is dry, hot by day and cold by night.
Buea feels like a sports venue for weather even without volcanic eruptions. During the whole tornado season (which happens twice a year), intense tornadoes hit the barrack yard. From June 14th to August 27th, you hardly ever see the sun because of the heavy and constant rain during the wet season. At the start and end of this lively time, there’s a month of tornadoes, and the rest of the year is dry, hot during the day, and cold at night.
They are talking of making Buea into a sanatorium for the fever-stricken. I do not fancy somehow that it’s a suitable place for a man who has got all the skin off his nerves with fever and quinine, and is very liable to chill; but all Governments on the Coast, English, German, or French, are stark mad on the subject of sanatoriums in high places, though the experience they have had of them has clearly pointed out that they are valueless in West Africa, and a man’s one chance is to get out to sea on a ship that will take him outside the three-mile-deep fever-belt of the coast.
They’re talking about turning Buea into a sanatorium for people suffering from fever. I don’t really think it’s a good spot for someone who’s already had all their nerves exposed from fever and quinine, and who is very prone to getting cold. But all the governments along the coast—English, German, or French—are completely obsessed with the idea of sanatoriums in high places, even though their experiences have clearly shown that they’re useless in West Africa. A person’s best chance is to get out to sea on a ship that can take them beyond the three-mile-deep fever zone of the coast.
Herr Liebert gives me some interesting details about the first establishment of the station here and a bother he had with the plantations. Only a short time ago the soldiers brought him in some black wood spikes, which they had found with their feet, set into the path leading to the station’s koko plantations, to the end of laming the men. On further investigation there were also found pits, carefully concealed with sticks and leaves, and the bottoms lined with bad thorns, also with malicious intent. The local Bakwiri chiefs were called in and asked to explain these phenomena existing in a country where peace had been concluded, and the chiefs said it was quite a mistake, those things had not been put there to kill soldiers, but only to attract their attention, to kill and injure their own fellow-tribesmen who had been stealing from plantations latterly. That’s the West African’s way entirely all along the Coast; the “child-like” native will turn out and shoot you with a gun to attract your attention to the fact that a tribe you never heard of has been and stolen one of his ladies, whom you never saw. It’s the sweet infant’s way of “rousing up popular opinion,” but I do not admire or approve of it. If I am to be shot for a crime, for goodness sake let me commit the crime first.
Herr Liebert shares some intriguing details about the initial setup of the station here and a trouble he faced with the plantations. Not long ago, the soldiers found some black wood spikes while walking, stuck in the path leading to the station’s koko plantations, which ended up injuring the men. Further investigation revealed concealed pits, carefully hidden with sticks and leaves, with the bottoms lined with nasty thorns, clearly with harmful intent. The local Bakwiri chiefs were brought in to explain these occurrences in a region where peace had been established, and the chiefs insisted it was a misunderstanding; those traps weren't meant to harm soldiers but to draw attention to the fact that their own tribesmen had been stealing from the plantations recently. That’s the way of the West African all along the Coast; the “child-like” native will take a shot at you just to make you aware that a tribe you’ve never heard of has stolen one of his women, whom you’ve never seen. It’s the sweet infant’s method of “raising public awareness,” but I don’t admire or condone it. If I’m going to be shot for a crime, for goodness’ sake, let me at least commit the crime first.
September 28th. - Down to Victoria in one day, having no desire to renew and amplify my acquaintance with the mission station at Buana. It poured torrentially all the day through. The old chief at Buana was very nice to-day when we were coming through his territory. He came out to meet us with some of his wives. Both men and women among these Bakwiri are tattooed, and also painted, on the body, face and arms, but as far as I have seen not on the legs. The patterns are handsome, and more elaborate than any such that I have seen. One man who came with the party had two figures of men tattooed on the region where his waistcoat should have been. I gave the chief some tobacco though he never begged for anything. He accepted it thankfully, and handing it to his wives preceded us on our path for about a mile and a half and then having reached the end of his district, we shook hands and parted.
September 28th. - I went down to Victoria in one day, not wanting to reconnect or expand my acquaintance with the mission station at Buana. It rained heavily all day. The old chief at Buana was really nice today as we passed through his territory. He came out to greet us with some of his wives. Both men and women among these Bakwiri have tattoos and paint on their bodies, faces, and arms, but as far as I've seen, not on their legs. The designs are beautiful and more detailed than any I've seen before. One man in the group had two figures of men tattooed where his waistcoat would have been. I gave the chief some tobacco, even though he didn't ask for anything. He accepted it gratefully and handed it to his wives, leading us along our path for about a mile and a half. Once we reached the end of his district, we shook hands and parted ways.
After all the rain we have had, the road was of course worse than ever, and as we were going through the forest towards the war hedge, I noticed a strange sound, a dull roar which made the light friable earth quiver under our feet, and I remembered with alarm the accounts Herr Liebert has given me of the strange ways of rivers on this mountain; how by Buea, about 200 metres below where you cross it, the river goes bodily down a hole. How there is a waterfall on the south face of the mountain that falls right into another hole, and is never seen again, any more than the Buea River is. How there are in certain places underground rivers, which though never seen can be heard roaring, and felt in the quivering earth under foot in the wet season, and so on. So I judged our present roar arose from some such phenomenon, and with feminine nervousness began to fear that the rotten water-logged earth we were on might give way, and engulf the whole of us, and we should never be seen again. But when we got down into our next ravine, the one where I got the fish and water-spiders on our way up, things explained themselves. The bed of this ravine was occupied by a raging torrent of great beauty, but alarming appearance to a person desirous of getting across to the other side of it. On our right hand was a waterfall of tons of water thirty feet high or so. The brown water wreathed with foam dashed down into the swirling pool we faced, and at the other edge of the pool, striking a ridge of higher rock, it flew up in a lovely flange some twelve feet or so high, before making another and a deeper spring to form a second waterfall. My men shouted to me above the roar that it was “a bad place.” They never give me half the credit I deserve for seeing danger, and they said, “Water all go for hole down there, we fit to go too suppose we fall.” “Don’t fall,” I yelled which was the only good advice I could think of to give them just then.
After all the rain we've had, the road was worse than ever, and as we passed through the forest toward the war hedge, I heard a strange sound, a dull roar that made the loose earth tremble beneath our feet. I recalled with worry the stories Herr Liebert had shared about the odd behavior of rivers on this mountain; how near Buea, about 200 meters below the crossing point, the river just drops into a hole. How there's a waterfall on the south side of the mountain that plunges directly into another hole, never to be seen again, just like the Buea River. How in some spots there are underground rivers that, although invisible, can be heard roaring and felt in the shaking ground beneath us during the wet season, and so on. So I figured the roar we were hearing came from something like that, and with a bit of nervousness, I started to worry that the rotten, waterlogged ground we were on might give way and swallow us all up, and we'd be lost forever. But when we got down into the next ravine—the one where I caught the fish and water spiders on our way up—the situation became clear. The bottom of this ravine was occupied by a beautiful yet frightening torrent, making it daunting for anyone wanting to cross to the other side. To our right was a waterfall, about thirty feet high, cascading tons of water. The brown water, frothy with foam, rushed down into the swirling pool in front of us, and at the other edge, it hit a ridge of rock and shot up in a beautiful spray about twelve feet high before falling again to create a second, deeper waterfall. My men shouted to me over the noise that it was “a bad place.” They never give me enough credit for spotting danger, and they said, “Water all go for hole down there, we fit to go too suppose we fall.” “Don’t fall,” I yelled, which was all the good advice I could think of to give them at the moment.
Each small load had to be carried across by two men along a submerged ridge in the pool, where the water was only breast high. I had all I could do to get through it, though assisted by my invaluable Bakwiri staff. But no harm befell. Indeed we were all the better for it, or at all events cleaner. We met five torrents that had to be waded during the day; none so bad as the first but all superbly beautiful.
Each small load had to be carried across by two men along a submerged ridge in the pool, where the water was only waist deep. I had all I could do to get through it, even with the help of my invaluable Bakwiri staff. But nothing went wrong. In fact, we were all the better for it, or at least cleaner. We encountered five streams that we had to wade through during the day; none were as challenging as the first but all were incredibly beautiful.
When we turned our faces westwards just above the wood we had to pass through before getting into the great road, the view of Victoria, among its hills, and fronted by its bay, was divinely lovely and glorious with colour. I left the boys here, as they wanted to rest, and to hunt up water, etc., among the little cluster of huts that are here on the right-hand side of the path, and I went on alone down through the wood, and out on to the road, where I found my friend, the Alsatian engineer, still flourishing and busy with his cheery gang of woodcutters. I made a brief halt here, getting some soda water. I was not anxious to reach Victoria before nightfall, but yet to reach it before dinner, and while I was chatting, my boys came through the wood and the engineer most kindly gave them a tot of brandy apiece, to which I owe their arrival in Victoria. I left them again resting, fearing I had overdone my arrangements for arriving just after nightfall and went on down that road which was more terrible than ever now to my bruised, weary feet, but even more lovely than ever in the dying light of the crimson sunset, with all its dark shadows among the trees begemmed with countless fire-flies - and so safe into Victoria - sneaking up the Government House hill by the private path through the Botanical Gardens.
When we turned our faces westward just above the woods we had to cross before hitting the main road, the view of Victoria, nestled among its hills and framed by its bay, was breathtakingly beautiful and vibrant with color. I left the boys here since they wanted to take a break and look for water among the small cluster of huts on the right side of the path, while I continued alone through the woods and onto the road, where I found my friend, the Alsatian engineer, still going strong and busy with his cheerful group of woodcutters. I made a quick stop here to grab some soda water. I wasn’t in a rush to get to Victoria before nightfall, but I wanted to arrive before dinner. While I was chatting, my boys came through the woods, and the engineer kindly gave them each a shot of brandy, which helped them arrive in Victoria. I left them resting again, worried I had pushed my timing to arrive just after sunset, and continued down that road which felt more painful than ever to my sore, tired feet, but even more beautiful in the fading light of the crimson sunset, with dark shadows among the trees lit up by countless fireflies – and safely into Victoria – sneaking up the Government House hill via the private path through the Botanical Gardens.
Idabea, the steward, turned up, and I asked him to let me have some tea and bread and butter, for I was dreadfully hungry. He rushed off, and I heard tremendous operations going on in the room above. In a few seconds water poured freely down through the dining-room ceiling. It was bath palaver again. The excellent Idabea evidently thought it was severely wanted, more wanted than such vanities as tea. Fortunately, Herr von Lucke was away down in town, looking after duty as usual, so I was tidy before he returned to dinner. When he returned he had the satisfaction a prophet should feel. I had got half-drowned, and I had got an awful cold, the most awful cold in the head of modern times, I believe, but he was not artistically exultant over my afflictions.
Idabea, the steward, showed up, and I asked him for some tea and bread and butter because I was really hungry. He rushed off, and I could hear a lot of commotion happening in the room above. In just a few seconds, water started pouring down through the dining room ceiling. It was bath drama again. Idabea clearly thought it was much more necessary than something trivial like tea. Luckily, Herr von Lucke was in town, taking care of business as usual, so I was cleaned up before he got back for dinner. When he returned, he felt a satisfaction like that of a prophet. I had gotten half-drowned and caught a terrible cold—the worst cold in modern history, I think—but he didn’t seem artistically pleased about my troubles.
My men having all reported themselves safe I went to my comfortable rooms, but could not turn in, so fascinating was the warmth and beauty down here; and as I sat on the verandah overlooking Victoria and the sea, in the dim soft light of the stars, with the fire-flies round me, and the lights of Victoria away below, and heard the soft rush of the Lukola River, and the sound of the sea-surf on the rocks, and the tom-tomming and singing of the natives, all matching and mingling together, “Why did I come to Africa?” thought I. Why! who would not come to its twin brother hell itself for all the beauty and the charm of it!
My team all reported that they were safe, so I headed to my cozy room, but I couldn’t sleep because the warmth and beauty down here were so captivating. As I sat on the porch overlooking Victoria and the sea in the soft, dim light of the stars, surrounded by fireflies and watching the lights of Victoria below, I could hear the gentle rush of the Lukola River, the sound of the surf crashing against the rocks, and the drumming and singing of the locals, all blending together. “Why did I come to Africa?” I wondered. Well, who wouldn’t come to what might as well be hell itself for all its beauty and charm!
CHAPTER XXI. TRADE AND LABOUR IN WEST AFRICA.
As I am under the impression that the trade of the West African Coast is its most important attribute, I hope I may be pardoned for entering into this subject. My chief excuse for so doing lies in the fact that independent travellers are rare in the Bights. The last one I remember hearing of was that unfortunate gentleman who went to the Coast for pleasure and lost a leg on Lagos Bar. Now I have not lost any portion of my anatomy anywhere on the Coast, and therefore have no personal prejudice against the place. I hold a brief for no party, and I beg the more experienced old coaster to remember that “a looker on sees the most of the game.”
As I believe that trade along the West African Coast is its most significant feature, I hope you’ll forgive me for discussing this topic. My main reason for doing so is that independent travelers are rare in the Bights. The last one I recall hearing about was that unfortunate man who visited the Coast for leisure and ended up losing a leg at Lagos Bar. Unlike him, I haven’t lost any part of my body anywhere on the Coast, so I don’t have any personal bias against the place. I’m not advocating for any side, and I ask the more seasoned veterans of the Coast to remember that “a bystander sees the most of the game.”
First of all it should be remembered that Africa does not possess ready-made riches to the extent it is in many quarters regarded as possessing. It is not an India filled with the accumulated riches of ages, waiting for the adventurer to enter and shake the pagoda tree. The pagoda tree in Africa only grows over stores of buried ivory, and even then it is a stunted specimen to that which grew over the treasure-houses of Delhi, Seringapatam, and hundreds of others as rich as they in gems and gold. Africa has lots of stuff in it; structurally more than any other continent in the world, but it is very much in the structure, and it requires hard work to get it out, particularly out of one of its richest regions, the West Coast, where the gold, silver, copper, lead, and petroleum lie protected against the miner by African fever in its deadliest form, and the produce prepared by the natives for the trader is equally fever-guarded, and requires white men of a particular type to work and export it successfully - men endowed with great luck, pluck, patience, and tact.
First of all, it should be noted that Africa doesn't have the instant wealth that many people think it does. It's not like India, filled with treasures collected over the ages, just waiting for an adventurer to come and shake the pagoda tree. The pagoda tree in Africa only grows over buried ivory, and even then, it's a stunted version compared to those that grew over the treasure houses of Delhi, Seringapatam, and many others rich in gems and gold. Africa is full of resources—more than any other continent in the world—but they require a lot of effort to extract, especially from one of its richest areas, the West Coast, where gold, silver, copper, lead, and petroleum are safeguarded by deadly diseases. The products prepared by the locals for trade are also protected by these illnesses and need a specific kind of white men to work with and export them successfully—men who are lucky, brave, patient, and skilled.
The first things to be considered are the natural resources of the country. This subject may be divided into two sub-sections - (1) The means of working these resources as they at present stand; (2) The question of the possibility of increasing them by introducing new materials of trade-value in the shape of tea, coffee, cocoa, etc.
The first things to consider are the country’s natural resources. This topic can be divided into two sub-sections - (1) The methods of utilizing these resources as they currently exist; (2) The question of whether it's possible to increase them by introducing new trade-value materials like tea, coffee, cocoa, etc.
With regard to the first sub-division the most cheerful things that there are to say on the West Coast trade can be said; the means of transport being ahead of the trade in all districts save the Gold Coast. I know this is heresy, so I will attempt to explain the matter. First, as regards communication to Europe by sea, the West Coast is extremely well off, the two English lines of steamers managed by Messrs. Elder Dempster, the British African, and the Royal African, are most enterprisingly conducted, and their devotion to trade is absolutely pathetic. Let there be but the least vague rumour (sometimes I have thought they have not waited for the rumour, but “gone in” as an experiment) of a puncheon of oil, or a log of timber waiting for shipment at an out-of-the-world, one house port, one of these vessels will bear down on that port, and have that cargo. In addition to the English lines there is the Woermann line, equally devoted to cargo, I may almost say even more so, for it is currently reported that Woermann liners will lie off and wait for the stuff to grow. This I will not vouch for, but I know the time allowed to a Woermann captain by his owners between Cameroons and Big Batanga just round the corner is eight days.
Regarding the first sub-division, there are plenty of positive things to say about the West Coast trade; the transportation options are ahead of the trade development in all areas except the Gold Coast. I know this might seem controversial, so I’ll try to explain. First, in terms of sea communication with Europe, the West Coast is in a great position. The two English steamship lines managed by Messrs. Elder Dempster, the British African, and the Royal African, operate very efficiently, and their commitment to trade is genuinely impressive. If there's even the slightest hint (sometimes I think they don’t even wait for the hint but just "test the waters") of a puncheon of oil or a log of timber waiting to be shipped at some remote small port, one of these ships will rush to that location and pick up the cargo. Alongside the English lines, there’s the Woermann line, which is equally committed to freight—if not more so—because it's said that Woermann liners will hang around and wait for cargo to come in. I can’t confirm that, but I know the timeframe given to a Woermann captain by his owners for the trip between Cameroons and Big Batanga, just around the corner, is eight days.
These English and German lines, having come to a friendly understanding regarding freights, work the Bights of Benin, Biafra, and Panavia, without any rivals, save now and again the vessels chartered by the African Association to bring out a big cargo, and the four sailing vessels belonging to the Association which give an eighteenth-century look to the Rivers, and have great adventures on the bars of Opobo and Bonny. {455} The Bristol ships on the Half Jack Coast are not rivals, but a sort of floating factories, shipping their stuff home and getting it out by the regular lines of steamers. The English and German liners therefore carry the bulk of the trade from the whole Coast. Their services are complicated and frequent, but perfectly simple when you have grasped the fact that the English lines may be divided into two sub-divisions - Liverpool boats and Hamburg boats, either of which are liable when occasion demands to call at Havre. The Liverpool line is the mail line to the more important ports, the Hamburg line being almost entirely composed of cargo vessels calling at the smaller ports as well as the larger.
These English and German ships have come to a friendly agreement about freight rates and operate in the Bights of Benin, Biafra, and Panavia without any competitors, except occasionally for the vessels hired by the African Association to bring in large cargoes, and the four sailing ships owned by the Association that give the Rivers an old-fashioned, eighteenth-century vibe and have exciting adventures on the bars of Opobo and Bonny. {455} The Bristol ships along the Half Jack Coast aren’t competitors; they’re more like floating factories, shipping their goods back home through the regular steamer lines. So, the English and German liners handle the majority of trade from the entire Coast. Their services are complex and frequent, but they become straightforward once you understand that the English lines split into two categories - Liverpool boats and Hamburg boats, both of which may occasionally stop at Havre if needed. The Liverpool line serves as the mail line to the more significant ports, while the Hamburg line mainly consists of cargo ships visiting both smaller and larger ports.
There is another classification that must be grasped. The English boats being divided into, firstly, a line having its terminus at Sierra Leone and calling at the Isles do Los; secondly, a line having its terminus at Akassa; thirdly, a line having its terminus at Old Calabar; fourthly, a line having its terminus at San Paul de Loanda, and in addition, a direct line from Antwerp to the Congo, chartered by the Congo Free State Government. Division 4, the South-westers, are the quickest vessels as far as Lagos, for they only call at the Canaries, Sierra Leone, off the Kru Coast, at Accra, and off Lagos; then they run straight from Lagos into Cameroons, without touching the Rivers, reaching Cameroons in twenty-seven days from Liverpool. After Cameroons they cross to Fernando Po and run into Victoria, and then work their way steadily down coast to their destination. Thence up again, doing all they know to extract cargo, but never succeeding as they would wish, and so being hungry in the hold when they get back to the Bight of Benin, they are liable to smell cargo and go in after it, and therefore are not necessarily the quickest boats home.
There’s another classification to understand. The English ships are divided into, first, a route that starts in Sierra Leone and stops at the Isle of Los; second, a route that starts in Akassa; third, a route that starts in Old Calabar; fourth, a route that starts in San Paul de Loanda, plus a direct line from Antwerp to the Congo, chartered by the Congo Free State Government. The South-western Division are the fastest vessels to Lagos, as they only stop at the Canaries, Sierra Leone, off the Kru Coast, Accra, and Lagos; then they go straight from Lagos to the Cameroons, without stopping at the Rivers, reaching Cameroons in twenty-seven days from Liverpool. After Cameroons, they cross to Fernando Po and head into Victoria, and then steadily work their way down the coast to their destination. From there, they go back up, doing everything they can to load cargo but never quite succeeding as much as they’d like, which means they usually have empty holds when they return to the Bight of Benin, making them tempted to sniff out cargo and divert for it, so they aren't necessarily the fastest boats home.
Two French companies run to the French possessions, subsidised by their Government (as the German line is, and as our lines are not) - the Chargeurs Réunis and the Fraissinet. The South-west Coast liners of these companies run to Gaboon and then to Koutonu, up near Lagos, then back to Gaboon, and down as far as Loango, calling on their way home at the other ports in Congo Français. They are mainly carriers of import goods, because they run to time, and on the South-west Coast unless Time has an ameliorating touch of Eternity in it you cannot get export goods off.
Two French companies operate in the French territories, supported by their government (like the German line is, and unlike ours) - the Chargeurs Réunis and the Fraissinet. The Southwest Coast liners from these companies go to Gaboon, then to Koutounou, which is near Lagos, and then back to Gaboon, traveling down to Loango and stopping at other ports in Congo Français on their way back. They primarily transport import goods because they stick to their schedules, and on the Southwest Coast, if Time doesn’t resemble a little bit of Eternity, you can’t export goods at all.
Below the Congo the rivals of the English and German lines are the vessels of the Portuguese line, Empreza Naçional. These run from Lisbon to the Cape Verde Islands, thence to San Thomé and Principe, then to the ports of Angola (Loanda, Benguella, Mossamedes, Ambrizette, etc.), and they carry the bulk of the Angola trade at present, because of the preferential dues on goods shipped in Portuguese bottoms.
Below the Congo, the competitors of the English and German lines are the ships of the Portuguese line, Empreza Naçional. They operate from Lisbon to the Cape Verde Islands, then to San Thomé and Principe, and on to the ports of Angola (Loanda, Benguella, Mossamedes, Ambrizette, etc.). They currently handle most of the Angola trade due to the lower fees on goods shipped in Portuguese vessels.
The service of English vessels to the West Coast is weekly; to the Rivers fortnightly; to the South-west Coast monthly; and it is the chief thing in West Coast trade enterprise that England has to be proud of.
The service of English ships to the West Coast is weekly; to the Rivers it’s every two weeks; to the Southwest Coast it’s monthly; and this is the main aspect of West Coast trade that England can take pride in.
Any one of the English boats will go anywhere that mortal boat can go; and their captains’ local knowledge is a thing England at large should be proud of and the rest of the civilised world regard with awe-stricken admiration. That they leave no room for further development of ocean carriage has been several times demonstrated by the collapse of lines that have attempted to rival them - the Prince line and more recently the General Steam Navigation.
Any of the English boats can go anywhere that any boat can go, and their captains’ local knowledge is something all of England should be proud of and that the rest of the civilized world should admire in awe. The fact that they leave no room for further development in ocean transportation has been shown multiple times by the failure of companies that tried to compete with them, like the Prince line and, more recently, General Steam Navigation.
But although the West Coast trader has at his disposal these vessels, he has by no means an easy time, or cheap methods, of getting his stuff on board, save at Sierra Leone and in the Oil Rivers. Of the Gold Coast surf, and Lagos bar I have already spoken, and the Calemma as we call the South-west Coast surf is nearly, if not quite as bad as that on the Gold Coast. Indeed I hold it is worse, but then I have had more experience of it, and it has frequently to be worked in native dugouts, and not in the well-made surf boats used on the Gold Coast. But although these surf-boats are more safe they are also more expensive than canoes, as a fine £40 or £60 surf-boat’s average duration of life is only two years in the Gold Coast surf, so there is little to choose from a commercial standpoint between the two surfs when all is done.
But even though the West Coast trader has these ships available, getting his goods on board isn’t easy or cheap, except in Sierra Leone and the Oil Rivers. I've already talked about the Gold Coast surf and Lagos bar, and the Calemma, as we call the southwest coast surf, is nearly as bad as that on the Gold Coast, if not worse. In fact, I think it’s worse because I have more experience with it, and it often has to be navigated in native dugouts instead of the well-made surf boats used on the Gold Coast. While these surf boats are safer, they are also more expensive than canoes, as a decent £40 or £60 surf boat typically only lasts two years in the Gold Coast surf, so there's not much difference from a commercial perspective between the two surf areas when all is considered.
As regards interior transport, the difficulty is greater, but in the majority of the West Coast possessions of European powers there exist great facilities for transport in the network of waterways near the coast and the great rivers running far into the interior.
In terms of internal transport, the challenge is more significant, but in most of the West Coast territories held by European powers, there are excellent transport facilities available through the network of waterways close to the coast and the large rivers that extend deep into the interior.
These waterways are utilised by the natives, being virtually roads; in many districts practically the only roads existing for the transport of goods in bulk, or in the present state of the trade required to exist. But there is room for more white enterprise in the matter of river navigation; and my own opinion is that if English capital were to be employed in the direction of small suitably-built river steamers, it would be found more repaying than lines of railway. Waterways that might be developed in this manner exist in the Cross River, the Volta, and the Ancobra. I do not say that there will be any immediate dividend on these river steamboat lines, but I do not think that there will be any dividend, immediate or remote, on railways in West Africa. This question of transport is at present regarded as a burning one throughout the Continent; and for the well-being of certain parts of the West Coast railways are essential, such as at Lagos, and on the Gold Coast. Of Lagos I do not pretend to speak. I have never been ashore there. Of the Gold Coast I have seen a little, and heard a great deal more, and I think I may safely say that railway making would not be difficult on it, for it is good hard land, not stretches of rotten swamp. The great difficulty in making railroads here will consist in landing the material through the surf. This difficulty cannot be got over, except at enormous expense, by making piers, but it might be surmounted by sending the plant ashore on small bar boats that could get up the Volta or Ancobra. When up the Volta it may be said, “it would be nowhere when any one wanted it,” but the cast-iron idea that goods must go ashore at places where there are Government headquarters like Accra and Cape Coast, places where the surf is about at its worst, seems to me an erroneous one. The landing place at Cape Coast might be made safe and easy by the expenditure of a few thousands in “developing” that rock which at present gives shelter when you get round the lee side of it, but this would only make things safer for surf-boats. No other craft could work this bit of beach; and there is plenty of room for developing the Volta, as it is a waterway which a vessel drawing six feet can ascend fifty miles from July till November, and thirty miles during the rest of the year. The worst point about the Volta is the badness of its bar - a great semicircular sweep with heavy breakers - too bad a bar for boats to cross; but a steamer on the Lagos bar boat plan might manage it, as the Bull Frog reported in 1884 nineteen to twenty-one feet on it, one hour before high water. The absence of this bar boat, and the impossibility of sending goods out in surf-boats across the bar, causes the goods from Adda (Riverside), the chief town on the Volta, situated about six miles up the river from its mouth, to be carried across the spit of land to Beach Town, and then brought out through the shore surf - the worst bit of surf on the whole Gold Coast. The Ancobra is a river which penetrates the interior, through a district very rich in gold and timber and more than suspected of containing petroleum. It is from eighty to one hundred yards wide up as far as Akanko, and during the rains carries three and a half to four and a half fathoms, and boats are taken up to Tomento about forty miles from its mouth with goods to the Wassaw gold mines. But the bar of the Ancobra is shallow, only giving six feet, although it is firm and settled, not like that of the Volta and Lagos; and the Portuguese, in the sixteenth century, used to get up this river, and work the country to a better profit than we do nowadays.
These waterways are used by the locals, essentially acting as roads; in many areas, they are practically the only routes available for transporting goods in bulk, or for the current state of trade that is needed. However, there's potential for more white investment in river navigation; I believe that if English capital were put into building small, well-designed river steamers, it would turn out to be more profitable than railway lines. Waterways that could be developed in this way exist in the Cross River, the Volta, and the Ancobra. I'm not saying that there will be any quick profits from these river steamship routes, but I also don't think there will be any profits—immediate or in the future—from railways in West Africa. The issue of transportation is currently viewed as an urgent matter across the continent; for the well-being of certain parts of the West Coast, railways are essential, especially in places like Lagos and the Gold Coast. I don’t claim to speak for Lagos, as I’ve never been there. I have seen a bit of the Gold Coast and heard a lot more, and I can confidently say that building a railway there wouldn’t be difficult, since the land is solid and not just endless swamps. The biggest challenge in constructing railways would be getting the materials ashore through the surf. This challenge can't be easily overcome without hefty expenses for building piers, but it could be addressed by using small barges to transport the equipment up the Volta or Ancobra. Once you reach the Volta, people might say, “it wouldn't be accessible when needed,” but the fixed idea that goods must be unloaded at government centers like Accra and Cape Coast—where the surf is often at its worst—seems mistaken to me. The landing spot at Cape Coast could be made safe and easy with a few thousand dollars spent on “developing” the rock that currently provides shelter if you can get around to the backside, but this would only improve conditions for surf boats. No other vessels could operate on that stretch of beach, and there’s plenty of potential for developing the Volta, as it’s a waterway that a vessel drawing six feet can navigate up to fifty miles from July to November, and thirty miles during the rest of the year. The main issue with the Volta is its poor bar—a large semicircular area with heavy waves—too treacherous for boats to cross; however, a steamer designed like the Lagos barge might manage it, as the Bull Frog reported nineteen to twenty-one feet there one hour before high tide in 1884. The lack of this barge and the inability to send goods across the bar in surf boats means that goods from Adda (Riverside), the main town on the Volta which is about six miles up the river from its mouth, have to be transported overland to Beach Town and then brought out through the surf—the worst surf on the entire Gold Coast. The Ancobra is a river that goes into the interior, through an area very rich in gold and timber, and suspected to contain petroleum. It’s about eighty to one hundred yards wide up to Akanko, and during the rainy season, it carries three and a half to four and a half fathoms, allowing boats to go up to Tomento roughly forty miles from its mouth with goods to the Wassaw gold mines. However, the Ancobra’s bar is shallow, providing only six feet, though it’s solid and stable, unlike that of the Volta and Lagos; the Portuguese, in the sixteenth century, were able to navigate this river and profit more from the area than we do today.
The other chief Gold Coast river, the Bosum Prah, that enters the sea at Chama, is no use for navigation from the sea, being obstructed with rock and rapids, and its bar only carrying two feet; but whether these rivers are used or not for the landing of railroad plant, it is certain that that plant must be landed, and the railways made, for if ever a district required them the Gold Coast does. It is to be hoped it will soon enter into the phase of construction, for it is a return to the trade (from which it draws its entire revenue) that the local government owes, and owes heavily; and if our new acquisition of Ashantee is to be developed, it must have a railway bringing it in touch with the Coast trade, not necessarily running into Coomassie, but near enough to Coomassie to enable goods to be sold there at but a small advance on Coast prices.
The other main river in the Gold Coast, the Bosum Prah, which flows into the sea at Chama, isn't navigable from the ocean due to rocks and rapids, and its bar is only two feet deep. But whether these rivers are used for unloading railway equipment or not, it's clear that the equipment needs to be landed, and the railways must be built because the Gold Coast desperately needs them. We hope construction will start soon, as the local government is heavily reliant on returning to the trade that supplies its entire revenue. If we're going to develop our new acquisition of Ashantee, it needs a railway connecting it to the coastal trade—not necessarily running into Coomassie, but close enough so goods can be sold there with only a small markup on coastal prices.
It is an error, easily fallen into, to imagine that the natives in the interior are willing to give much higher prices than the sea-coast natives for goods. Be it granted that they are compelled now to give say on an average seventy-five per cent. higher prices to the sea-coast natives who at present act as middlemen between them and the white trader, but if the white trader goes into the interior, he has to face, first, the difficulty of getting his goods there safely; secondly, the opposition of the native traders who can, and will drive him out of the market, unless he is backed by easy and cheap means of transport. Take the case of Coomassie now. A merchant, let us say, wants to take up from the Coast to Coomassie £3,000 worth of goods to trade with. To transport this he has to employ 1,300 carriers at one shilling and three pence per day a head. The time taken is eight days there, and eight days back, = sixteen days, which figures out at £1,300, without allowing for loss and damage. In order to buy produce with these goods that will cover this, and all shipping expenses, etc., he would have to sell at a far higher figure in Coomassie than he would on the sea-coast, and the native traders would easily oust him from the market. Moreover so long as a district is in the hands of native traders there is no advance made, and no development goes forward; and it would be a grave error to allow this to take place at Coomassie, now that we have at last done what we should have done in 1874 and taken actual possession, for Coomassie is a grand position that, if properly managed for a few years, will become a great interior market, attracting to itself the routes of interior trade. It is not now a great centre; because of the oppression and usury which the Kings of Ashantee have inflicted on all in their power, and which have caused Coomassie mainly to attract one form of trade, viz., slaves; who were used in their constant human sacrifices, and for whom a higher price was procurable here than from the Mohammedan tribes to the north under French sway. And as for the other trade stuffs, they have naturally for years drained into the markets of the French Soudan; instead of through such a country as Ashantee, into the markets of the English Gold Coast; and so unless we run a railroad up to encourage the white traders to go inland, and make a market that will attract these trade routes into Coomassie, we shall be a few years hence singing out “What’s the good of Ashantee?” and so forth, as is our foolish wont, never realising that the West Coast is not good unless it is made so by white effort.
It’s a common mistake to think that the people in the interior are willing to pay a lot more than those on the coast for goods. Sure, they currently have to pay about seventy-five percent more to the coastal traders acting as middlemen with the white trader. However, if the white trader goes into the interior, he faces two major challenges: first, getting his goods there safely, and second, competition from local traders who can easily push him out of the market unless he has affordable and reliable transportation. Take Coomassie, for example. Let’s say a merchant wants to transport £3,000 worth of goods from the coast to Coomassie for trading. To do this, he needs to hire 1,300 carriers at one shilling and three pence per day each. The journey takes eight days one way and another eight days back, totaling sixteen days, which adds up to £1,300, not counting losses or damages. To recoup these costs and any shipping expenses, he would need to sell at a much higher price in Coomassie than on the coast, and local traders could easily push him out of the market. Furthermore, as long as local traders control a district, there won’t be any progress or development. Allowing this to happen in Coomassie, especially now that we’ve finally taken possession like we should have done in 1874, would be a serious mistake. Coomassie has great potential to develop into a major market for interior trade if managed well for a few years. It’s not a major center right now due to the oppression and exploitation imposed by the Ashanti kings, which has primarily made Coomassie a hub for one type of trade: slaves, who were used in their frequent human sacrifices and for whom a higher price could be obtained here compared to the Mohammedan tribes to the north under French control. As for other trade goods, they have long flowed into the French Sudan markets instead of going through Ashantee to the English Gold Coast markets. Unless we build a railroad to encourage white traders to move inland and create a market that attracts these trade routes to Coomassie, we’ll be asking ourselves in a few years, “What’s the point of Ashantee?” without realizing that the West Coast won’t thrive unless it’s actively developed by white efforts.
The new régime on the Gold Coast is undoubtedly more active than the old - more alive to the importance of pushing inland and so forth - and a road is going to be made twenty-five feet wide all the way to Coomassie, and then beyond it, which is an excellent thing in its way. But it will not do much for trade, because the pacification of the country, and the greater security of personal property to the native, which our rule will afford will aid him in bringing his goods to the coast, but not so greatly aid our taking our goods inland, for the carriers will require just as much for carrying goods along a road, as they do for carrying goods along a bush path, and rightly too, for it is quite as heavy work for them, and heavier, as I know from my experience of the governmental road in Cameroon. In such a country as West Africa there can be no doubt that a soft bush path with a thick coating of moss and leaves on it, and shaded from the sun above by the interlacing branches, is far and away better going than a hard, sunny wide road. This road will be valuable for military expeditions possibly, but military expeditions are not everyday affairs on the Gold Coast; and it cannot be of use for draught animals, because of the horse-sickness and tsetse fly which occur as soon as you get into the forest behind the littoral region: so it must not be regarded as an equivalent for steam transport, as it will only serve to bring down the little trickle of native trade, and possibly not increase that trickle much.
The new régime on the Gold Coast is definitely more active than the old one—more aware of the need to expand inland and so on. A road that's going to be twenty-five feet wide will be built all the way to Coomassie, and even beyond, which is a great development in its own right. However, it won't do much for trade because while our rule will ensure more safety for the locals and help them bring their goods to the coast, it won't significantly help us take our goods inland. Carriers will still demand just as much for transporting goods along this new road as they do for the bush paths, and rightly so, because it’s just as hard for them, or even harder, as I've experienced with the government road in Cameroon. In a place like West Africa, there's no doubt that a soft bush path covered in moss and leaves, shaded by overhead branches, is far better to walk on than a hard, sunny wide road. This road might be useful for military expeditions, but those aren't everyday occurrences on the Gold Coast. It also can't be used for draft animals because of horse-sickness and tsetse fly, which appear as soon as you enter the forests behind the coastal area. So, it shouldn't be seen as a substitute for steam transport; it will likely only help bring in a small amount of native trade and probably won't increase that much either.
The question of transport of course is not confined to the Gold Coast. Below Lagos there is the great river system, towards which the trade slowly drains through native hands to the white man’s factories on the river banks, but this trade being in the hands of native traders is not a fraction of what it would become in the hands of white men; and any mineral wealth there may be in the heavily-forested stretches of country remains unworked and unknown. The difficulty of transport here greatly hampers the exploitation of the timber wealth, it being utterly useless for the natives to fell even a fine tree, unless it is so close to a waterway that it can be floated down to the factory. This it is which causes the ebony, bar, and cam wood to be cut up by them into small billets which a man can carry. The French and Germans are both now following the plan of getting as far as possible into the interior by the waterways, and then constructing railways. The construction of these railways is fairly easy, as regards gradients, and absence of dense forest, when your waterway takes you up to the great park-like plateau lands which extend, as a general rule, behind the forest belt, and the inevitable mountain range. The most important of these railways will be that of M. de Brazza up the Sanga valley in the direction of the Chad. When this railway is constructed, it will be the death of the Cameroon and Oil River trade, more particularly of the latter, for in the Cameroons the Germans have broken down the monopoly of the coast tribes, which we in our possessions under the Niger Coast Protectorate have not. The Niger Company has broken through, and taken full possession of a great interior, doing a bit of work of which every Englishman should feel proud, for it is the only thing in West Africa that places us on a level with the French and Germans in courage and enterprise in penetrating the interior, and fortunately the regions taken over by the Company are rich and not like the Senegal “made of sand and savage savages.” Where in West Africa outside the Company will you find men worthy as explorers to be named in the same breath with de Brazza, Captain Binger, and Zintgraff?
The issue of transportation isn't just a problem for the Gold Coast. Below Lagos, there's a vast river system that gradually channels trade through local hands to the white-owned factories along the riverbanks. However, this trade, controlled by local traders, is a tiny fraction of what it could be under white management; any mineral resources in the heavily forested areas remain untapped and unknown. The transportation challenges here severely limit the ability to exploit the timber resources, as it's completely useless for locals to cut down even a good tree unless it's close enough to a waterway to float it down to the factory. This leads them to cut ebony, bar, and cam wood into small pieces that one person can carry. The French and Germans are now both trying to penetrate as far as possible into the interior by using the waterways and then building railways. Building these railways is relatively straightforward due to gentle slopes and the absence of dense forest, especially when your waterway takes you up to the expansive park-like plateau lands that typically lie behind the forest belt and the inevitable mountain range. The most significant of these railways will be M. de Brazza’s route up the Sanga valley towards Chad. Once this railway is built, it will bring an end to the trade along the Cameroon and Oil Rivers, especially the latter, since the Germans have broken the monopoly of the coastal tribes in the Cameroons—something we in the Niger Coast Protectorate have not achieved. The Niger Company has successfully established dominance over a large interior area, doing work that every Englishman should take pride in, as it's the only endeavor in West Africa that elevates us to the same level of courage and initiative in exploring the interior as the French and Germans. Fortunately, the regions acquired by the Company are rich and not like Senegal, which is “made of sand and savage savages.” Outside of the Company in West Africa, where else can you find explorers deserving to be mentioned alongside de Brazza, Captain Binger, and Zintgraff?
Some day, I fear when it will be too late, we shall realise the foolishness of sticking down on the sea coast, tidying up our settlements, establishing schools, and drains, and we shall find our possessions in the Rivers and along the Gold Coast valueless, particularly in the Rivers, for the trade will surely drain towards the markets along the line of the French railroad behind them, for the middlemen tribe that we foster exact a toll of seventy-five per cent. on the trade that comes through their hands, and the English Government is showing great signs of an inclination to impose such duties on the only stuff the native cares much for - alcohol - that he will take his goods to the market where he can get his alcohol; even if he pays a toll to these markets of fifty per cent. But of this I will speak later, and we will return to the question of transport. Mr. Scott Elliot, {463} speaking on this subject as regarding East African regions, has given us a most interesting contribution based on his personal experience, and official figures. As many of his observations and figures are equally applicable to the West Coast, I hope I may be forgiven for quoting him. His criticism is in favour of the utilisation of every mile of waterway available. He says, regarding the Victoria Nyanza, that “it is possible to place on it a steamer at the cost of £12,677. Taking the cost of maintenance, fuel and working expenses at £1,200 a year (a large estimate) a capital expenditure of £53,000, (£13,000 for the steamer and £40,000 to yield three per cent. interest) would enable this steamer to convey, say thirty tons at the rate of five to ten miles an hour for £1,600 a year. This makes it possible to convey a ton at the rate of a halfpenny a mile, while it would require about £53,000 to build a railway only eighteen miles long.”
Some day, I worry that when it’s too late, we’ll realize how foolish it is to settle on the coast, tidy up our communities, establish schools, and build drains. We’ll find our possessions in the Rivers and along the Gold Coast worthless, especially in the Rivers, because trade will definitely shift towards the markets along the French railroad behind them. The middlemen tribe that we support takes a seventy-five percent cut of the trade that passes through them, and the English Government is showing a strong tendency to impose taxes on the one thing the locals really care about—alcohol—so they’ll take their goods to the market where they can get their alcohol, even if they have to pay a fifty percent toll to these markets. But I’ll discuss this later; let’s return to the issue of transport. Mr. Scott Elliot, {463} with insights on this matter related to East Africa, has provided a fascinating perspective based on his personal experience and official data. Many of his observations and figures are just as relevant to the West Coast, so I hope I can be excused for quoting him. His criticism supports making the most of every mile of available waterway. He mentions the Victoria Nyanza, saying, “it’s possible to place a steamer on it at the cost of £12,677. If we estimate maintenance, fuel, and operating costs at £1,200 a year (which is a high estimate), a total investment of £53,000 (£13,000 for the steamer and £40,000 to generate three percent interest) would allow this steamer to transport about thirty tons at five to ten miles an hour for £1,600 a year. This means it’s feasible to move a ton for just half a penny a mile, while building a railway that’s only eighteen miles long would require around £53,000.”
The Congo Free State railway I am informed, has cost, at a rate per mile, something like eight times this. Further on Mr. Elliot says: “In America the surplus population of Europe, and the markets in the Eastern States have made railway development profitable on the whole, but in Africa, until pioneer work has been done, and the prospects of colonisation and plantation are sufficiently definite and settled to induce colonists to go out in considerable numbers, it will be ruinous to build a long railway line.”
The Congo Free State railway, I'm told, has cost about eight times that amount per mile. Later, Mr. Elliot mentions: “In America, the surplus population from Europe and the markets in the Eastern States have made railway development generally profitable. However, in Africa, until initial groundwork has been completed and the prospects for colonization and plantation are clear and established enough to encourage a significant number of settlers to move there, building a long railway line would be financially disastrous.”
I do not quote these figures to discourage the West Coaster from his railway, but only to induce him to get his Government to make it in the proper direction, namely, into the interior, where further development of trade is possible. Judging from other things in English colonies, I should expect, if left to the spirit of English (West Coast) enterprise, it would run in a line that would enable the engine drivers to keep an eye on the Atlantic Ocean instead of the direction in which it is high time our eyes should be turned. I confess I am not an enthusiast on civilising the African. My idea is that the French method of dealing with Africa is the best at present. Get as much of the continent as possible down on the map as yours, make your flag wherever you go a sacred thing to the native - a thing he dare not attack. Then, when you have done this, you may abandon the French plan, and gradually develop the trade in an English manner, but not in the English manner à la Sierra Leone. But do your pioneer work first. There is a very excellent substratum for English pioneer work on our Coasts in the trading community, for trade is the great key to the African’s heart, and everywhere the English trader and his goods stand high in West African esteem. This pioneer work must be undertaken, or subsidised by the Government as it has been in the French possessions, for the West Coast does not offer those inducements to the ordinary traveller that, let us say, East Africa with its magnificent herds of big game, or the northern frontier of India, with its mountains and its interesting forms, relics, and monuments of a high culture, offer. Travel in West Africa is very hard work, and very unhealthy. There are many men who would not hesitate for a moment to go there, were the dangers of the native savagery the chief drawback; but they hesitate before a trip which means, in all probability, month after month of tramping through wet gloomy forests with a swamp here and there for a change, {465} and which will, the chances are 100 to 1, end in their dying ignominiously of fever in some wretched squalid village.
I’m not sharing these numbers to discourage anyone on the West Coast from building their railway, but to encourage them to persuade their government to direct it inland, where there’s more potential for trade development. Based on what I've seen in other English colonies, I would expect that if we leave it to the entrepreneurial spirit of the English West Coast, the train route would likely be laid out so that the engineers can gaze at the Atlantic Ocean instead of focusing on the areas that need our attention. I have to admit, I’m not a big fan of the idea of civilizing Africans. I think the French approach to dealing with Africa is currently the best one. Claim as much of the continent as you can on a map, and make your flag a respected symbol for the locals—something they wouldn't dare to challenge. Once you establish that, you can move away from the French strategy and gradually develop trade in a more English way, but not in the Sierra Leone style. Do your groundwork first. There’s a strong foundation for English pioneering work on our coasts within the trading community because trade is a vital way to connect with the African people, and the British trader and his products are held in high regard across West Africa. This pioneering work needs to be initiated or supported by the government, as it has been in French territories, because the West Coast doesn’t attract the same appeal for travelers as, say, East Africa with its impressive wildlife, or northern India, with its mountains and remnants of advanced cultures. Traveling in West Africa is very challenging and unhealthy. Many would leap at the chance to go there if the main drawback was the danger from the natives; however, they hesitate at the thought of a journey likely to involve months of hiking through damp, dark forests, with swamps popping up for a change of scenery, {465} and which is almost guaranteed to end with them dying in misery from fever in a filthy little village.
Reckless expenditure of money in attempts to open up the country is to be deprecated, for this hampers its future terribly, even if attended with partial success, the mortgage being too heavy for the estate, as the Congo Free State finances show; and if it is attended with failure it discourages further efforts. What we want at present in West Africa are three or four Bingers and Zintgraffs to extend our possessions northwards, eastwards, and south-eastwards, until they command the interior trade routes. And there is no reason that these men should enter from the West Coast, getting themselves killed, or half killed, with fever, before they reach their work. Uganda, if half one hears of it is true, would be a very suitable base for them to start from, and then travelling west they might come down to the present limit of our West Coast possessions. This belt of territory across the continent would give us control of, and place us in touch with, the whole of the interior trade. A belt from north to south in Africa - thanks to our supineness and folly - we can now never have.
Reckless spending of money in attempts to expand the country is something we should discourage, as it severely limits future progress. Even if there’s some short-term success, the financial burden is too heavy, as seen in the Congo Free State's finances. If these efforts fail, it sours any chance of future attempts. Right now, what we need in West Africa are three or four individuals like Binger and Zintgraff to expand our territories north, east, and southeast, so we can control the interior trade routes. There’s no reason for these people to come from the West Coast and risk getting sick or dying from fever before they even start their work. If even half of what I've heard about Uganda is true, it would be an excellent starting point for them. Then, traveling west, they could reach our existing territories along the West Coast. This corridor of land across the continent would give us control over and connect us with the entire interior trade. A north-to-south corridor in Africa—thanks to our laziness and mistakes—we can now never achieve.
I will now briefly deal with the second sub-division I spoke of some pages back - the possibility of introducing new trade exports by means of cultivating plantations. The soil of West Africa is extremely rich in places, but by no means so in all, for vast tracts of it are mangrove swamps, and other vast tracts of it are miserably poor, sour, sandy clay. It is impossible in the space at my disposal to enter into a full description of the localities where these unprofitable districts occur, but you will find them here and there all along the Coast after leaving Sierra Leone. The sour clay seems to be new soil recently promoted into the mainland from dried-up mangrove swamps, and a good rough rule is, do not start a plantation on soil that is not growing hard-wood forest. Considerable areas on the Gold Coast, even though the soil is good, are now useless for cultivation, on account of their having been deforested by the natives’ wasteful way of making their farms, coupled with the harmattan and the long dry season.
I will now briefly discuss the second point I mentioned a few pages back - the possibility of introducing new trade exports by cultivating plantations. The soil in West Africa is extremely fertile in some areas, but not everywhere. Large sections consist of mangrove swamps, while other areas are poorly drained, sour, and sandy clay. It’s impossible to provide a detailed description of these unprofitable regions in this limited space, but you’ll find them scattered along the Coast after leaving Sierra Leone. The sour clay seems to be newly formed soil that emerged from dried-up mangrove swamps, and a good rule of thumb is not to start a plantation on soil that isn’t already growing hardwood forest. Significant areas on the Gold Coast, even though they have good soil, are now useless for farming due to deforestation caused by the natives’ wasteful farming practices, combined with the harmattan and the long dry season.
The regions of richest soil are not in our possessions, but in those of Germany, France, Spain, and Portugal, namely, the Cameroons and its volcanic island series, Fernando Po, Principe, and San Thomé.
The areas with the best soil aren't in our hands, but rather in Germany, France, Spain, and Portugal, specifically the Cameroons and its volcanic islands: Fernando Po, Principe, and San Thomé.
The rich volcanic earths of these places will enable them to compete in the matter of plantations with any part of the known world. Cameroons is undoubtedly the best of these, because of its superior river supply, and although not in the region of the double seasons it is just on the northern limit of them, and the height of the Peak - 13,760 feet - condenses the water-laden air from its surrounding swamps and the Atlantic, so that rain is pretty frequent throughout the year. When within the region of the double seasons just south of Cameroons you have a rainfall no heavier than that of the Rivers, yet better distributed, an essential point for the prosperity of such plantations as those of tea and tobacco, which require showers once a month. To the north of Cameroons there is no prospect of either of these well-paying articles being produced in a quantity, or quality, that would compete with South America, India, or the Malayan regions, and they will have to depend in the matter of plantations on coffee and cacao. Below Cameroons, Congo Français possesses the richest soil and an excellently arranged climate. The lower Congo soil is bad and poor close to the river. Kacongo, the bit of Portuguese territory to the north of the Congo banks, and that part of Angola as far as the River Bingo, are pretty much the same make of country as Congo Français, only less heavily forested. The whole of Angola is an immensely rich region, save just round Loanda where the land is sand-logged for about fifty square miles, and those regions to the extreme south and south-east, which are in the Kalahari desert regions.
The rich volcanic soils of these areas will allow them to compete with any other part of the world in terms of plantations. Cameroon is definitely the best of these, thanks to its superior river resources. Although it isn’t in the region of the double seasons, it's right on the northern edge of them, and the height of the peak—13,760 feet—condenses the moisture-laden air from the surrounding wetlands and the Atlantic Ocean, so rain is pretty frequent throughout the year. Just south of Cameroon, where the double seasons occur, rainfall is no heavier than that of the Rivers but is better distributed, which is crucial for the success of plantations like tea and tobacco that require rainfall at least once a month. To the north of Cameroon, there’s little chance of producing either of these profitable crops in a quantity or quality that could compete with South America, India, or the Malayan regions, meaning they will have to rely on coffee and cacao for plantations. Below Cameroon, French Congo has the richest soil and a well-structured climate. The lower Congo area has poor and bad soil near the river. Kacongo, a piece of Portuguese territory north of the Congo River, and that part of Angola up to the River Bingo, have a similar landscape to French Congo, just less heavily forested. The entire region of Angola is incredibly rich, except for the area around Luanda, which has about fifty square miles of sandy soil, and the far southern and southeastern regions, which are part of the Kalahari Desert.
Coffee grows wild throughout Angola in those districts removed from the dry coast-lands - in the districts of Golongo Alto and Cassengo in great profusion, and you can go through utterly uncultivated stretches of it, thirty miles of it at a time. The natives, now the merchants have taught them its value, are collecting this wild berry and bringing it in in quantities, and in addition the English firm of Newton and Carnegie have started plantations up at Cassengo. The greater part of these plantations consist of clearing and taking care of the wild coffee, but in addition regularly planting and cultivating young trees, as it is found that the yield per tree is immensely increased by cultivation.
Coffee grows naturally all over Angola in areas away from the dry coastal regions—specifically in Golongo Alto and Cassengo, where it thrives abundantly. You can walk through vast stretches of wild coffee for thirty miles without encountering any cultivation. The locals, now that merchants have shown them its value, are gathering this wild berry and bringing it in large amounts. Additionally, the English company Newton and Carnegie has set up plantations in Cassengo. Most of these plantations involve clearing and caring for the wild coffee, but they also regularly plant and cultivate young trees, as it's been found that cultivation significantly increases the yield per tree.
Six hundred to eight hundred bags a month were shipped from Ambrizette alone when I was there in 1893, and the amount has since increased and will still further increase when that leisurely, but very worthy little railroad line, which proudly calls itself the Royal Trans-African, shall have got its sections made up into the coffee district. It was about thirty miles off at Ambaca when I was in Angola, but by now it may have got further. However, I do not think it is very likely to have gone far, and I have a persuasion that that railroad will not become trans-African in my day; still it has an “immediate future” compared with that which any other West Coast railway can expect; for besides the coffee, Angola is rich in malachite and gum of high quality, and its superior government will attract the rubber from the Kassai region of the Congo Free State.
Six hundred to eight hundred bags a month were shipped from Ambrizette alone when I was there in 1893, and that number has since increased and will keep rising when the slow but very impressive little railroad line, which proudly calls itself the Royal Trans-African, connects to the coffee district. It was about thirty miles away in Ambaca when I was in Angola, but it may have moved further since then. However, I don’t think it’s very likely to have progressed much, and I have a feeling that railroad won’t become truly trans-African in my lifetime; still, it has a better “immediate future” compared to what any other West Coast railway can expect. Apart from coffee, Angola is rich in malachite and high-quality gum, and its strong government will attract rubber from the Kassai region of the Congo Free State.
In our own possessions the making of plantations is being carried on with much energy by Messrs. Miller Brothers on the Gold Coast, {468} by several private capitalists, including Mr. A. L. Jones of Liverpool, at Lagos; by the Royal Niger Company in their territory, and by several head Agents in the Niger Coast Protectorate. Sir Claude MacDonald offered every inducement to this trade development, and gave great material help by founding a botanical station at Old Calabar, where plants could be obtained. He did his utmost to try and get the natives to embark on plantation-making, ably seconded by Mr. Billington, the botanist in charge of the botanical station, who wrote an essay in Effik on coffee growing and cultivation at large for their special help and guidance. A few chiefs, to oblige, took coffee plants, but they are not enthusiastic, for the slaves that would be required to tend coffee and keep it clean, in this vigorous forest region, are more profitably employed now in preparing palm oil.
In our own holdings, the establishment of plantations is actively being pursued by Miller Brothers on the Gold Coast, {468} by several private investors, including Mr. A. L. Jones from Liverpool, in Lagos; by the Royal Niger Company in their area, and by various head Agents in the Niger Coast Protectorate. Sir Claude MacDonald encouraged the growth of this trade and provided significant support by setting up a botanical station at Old Calabar, where plants could be sourced. He worked hard to motivate the locals to get involved in plantation agriculture, with the strong support of Mr. Billington, the botanist overseeing the botanical station, who wrote an essay in Effik on coffee growing and general cultivation for their specific assistance and guidance. A few chiefs, out of goodwill, took coffee plants, but they aren’t very enthusiastic, as the labor that would be needed to care for the coffee and keep it free of weeds in this dense forest region is currently more profitably spent on producing palm oil.
Of the coffee plantation at Man o’ War Bay I have already spoken, and of those in Congo Français, which, although not at present shipping like the German plantation, will soon be doing so. In addition to coffee and cacao attempts are being made in Congo Français to introduce the Para rubber tree, a large plantation of which I frequently visited near Libreville, and found to be doing well. This would be an excellent tree to plant in among coffee, for it is very clean and tidy, and seems as if it would take to West Africa like a duck to water, but it is not a quick cropper, and I am informed must be left at least three or four years before it is tapped at all, so, as the gardening books would say, it should be planted early.
I've already mentioned the coffee plantation at Man o’ War Bay and those in Congo Français, which, although they're not currently shipping like the German plantation, will start soon. Besides coffee and cacao, efforts are being made in Congo Français to introduce the Para rubber tree, a large plantation of which I often visited near Libreville, and found to be thriving. This would be a great tree to plant alongside coffee because it looks neat and clean, and it seems like it would adapt to West Africa easily. However, it doesn't produce quickly, and I've been told it needs to be left for at least three or four years before it can be tapped, so, as gardening books would advise, it should be planted early.
It is very possible many other trees producing tropical products valuable in commerce might be introduced successfully into West Africa. The cultivation of cloves and nutmegs would repay here well, for allied species of trees and shrubs are indigenous, but the first of these trees takes a long time before coming into bearing and the cultivation of the second is a speculative affair. Allspice I have found growing wild in several districts, but in no large quantity. Cotton with a fine long staple grows wild in quantities wherever there is open ground, but it is not cultivated by the natives; and when attempts have been made to get them to collect it they do so, but bring it in very dirty, and the traders having no machinery to compress it like that used in America, it does not pay to ship. Indigo is common everywhere along the Coast and used by the natives for dyeing, as is also a teazle, which gives a very fine permanent maroon; and besides these there are many other dyes and drugs used by them - colocynth, datura soap bark, cardamom, ginger, peppers, strophanthus, nux vomica, etc., etc., but the difficulty of getting these things brought in to the traders in sufficient quantities prevents their being exported to any considerable extent. Tea has not been tried, and is barely worth trying, though there is little doubt it would grow in Cameroons and Congo Français where it would have an excellent climate and pretty nearly any elevation it liked. But I believe tea has of late years been discovered to be like coffee, not such a stickler for elevation as it used to be thought, merely requiring not to have its roots in standing water.
It’s very likely that many other trees that produce commercially valuable tropical products could be successfully introduced to West Africa. Growing cloves and nutmegs would be rewarding here since related species of trees and shrubs are native to the area. However, the first of these trees takes a long time to start producing, and growing the second is a bit of a gamble. I’ve found allspice growing wild in several regions, but not in large amounts. Cotton with a fine long staple grows wild in abundance wherever there’s open land, but the locals don’t cultivate it. Even when they’ve been asked to collect it, they do so but bring it in very dirty; and since the traders lack machinery to compress it like what’s used in America, it’s not worth shipping. Indigo is common all along the coast and is used by the locals for dyeing, along with teasel, which provides a very fine, permanent maroon. In addition to these, there are many other dyes and medicinal plants they use, such as colocynth, datura, soap bark, cardamom, ginger, peppers, strophanthus, nux vomica, etc., but the challenge of getting these items to the traders in sufficient quantities prevents them from being exported in any significant amount. Tea hasn't been tried yet and isn’t really worth trying, although it’s likely to thrive in the Cameroons and Congo Français, where it would have a great climate and nearly any elevation it prefers. However, I believe tea has recently been found out to be less picky about elevation than previously thought, needing only to ensure its roots aren’t in standing water.
Vanilla grows with great luxuriance in Cameroons. In Victoria a grove of gigantic cacao trees is heavily overgrown with this lovely orchid in a most perfect way. It does not seem to injure the cacaos in the least, and there are other kinds of trees it will take equally well to. I saw it growing happily and luxuriantly under the direction of the Roman Catholic Mission at Landana; but it requires a continuously damp climate. Vanilla when once started gives little or no trouble, and its pods do not require any very careful manipulation before sending to Europe, and this is a very important point, for a great hindrance - the great hindrance to plantation enterprise on the Coast - is the difficulty of getting neat-handed labourers. I had once the pleasure of meeting a Dutch gentleman - a plantation expert, who had been sent down the West Coast by a firm trading there, and also in the Malay Archipelago - prospecting, at a heavy fee, to see whether it would pay the firm to open up plantations there better than in Malaysia. I believe his final judgment was adverse to the West African plan, because of the difficulty of getting skilful natives to tend young plants, and prepare the products. Tea he regarded as quite hopeless from this difficulty, and he said he did not think you would ever get Africans at as cheap a rate, or so deftly fingered to roll tea, as you can get Asiatics. No one knows until they have tried it the trouble it is to get an African to do things carefully; but it is a trouble, not an impossibility. If you don’t go off with fever from sheer worry and vexation the thing can be done, but in the meantime he is maddening. I have had many a day’s work on plantations instructing cheerful, willing, apparently intelligent Ethiopians of various sexes and sizes on the mortal crime of hoeing up young coffee plants. They have quite seen it. “Oh, Lor! massa, I no fit to do dem thing.” Aren’t they! You go along to-morrow morning, and you’ll find your most promising pupils laying around them with their hoes, talking about the disgraceful way their dearest friends go on, and destroying young coffee right and left. They are just as bad, if not slightly worse, particularly the ladies, when it comes to picking coffee. As soon as your eye is off them, the bough is off the tree. I know one planter who leads the life of the Surprise Captain in W. H. S. Gilbert’s ballad, lurking among his groves, and suddenly appearing among his pickers. This, he says, has given them a feeling of uncertainty as to when and where he may appear, kassengo and all, that has done much to preserve his plantation; but it is a wearying life, not what he expected from his book on coffee-plantations, which had a frontispiece depicting a planter seated in his verandah, with a tumblerful of something cool at his right hand, and a pipe in his mouth, contemplating a large plantation full of industrious natives picking berries into baskets on all sides.
Vanilla grows incredibly well in Cameroon. In Victoria, there’s a grove of huge cacao trees that’s beautifully covered with this lovely orchid. It doesn’t seem to harm the cacao trees at all, and it thrives just as well on other types of trees. I saw it growing happily and lushly under the care of the Roman Catholic Mission in Landana; however, it needs a consistently damp climate. Once established, vanilla requires little maintenance, and its pods don’t need a lot of careful handling before being shipped to Europe, which is crucial since a major hurdle for plantation ventures on the Coast is finding skilled workers. I once met a Dutch gentleman—an expert in plantations—who had been sent down the West Coast by a trading firm, also working in the Malay Archipelago, to see if it would be more profitable to start plantations there instead of in Malaysia. I believe his final opinion was against the West African plan, due to the challenges of finding skilled locals to care for young plants and process the products. He thought tea was a lost cause because of this issue, and he doubted that you could ever get Africans to roll tea as cheaply or as skillfully as you can get Asiatics. No one realizes until they’ve done it how hard it is to get an African to work carefully; but it’s a challenge, not an impossibility. If you don’t catch a fever from sheer worry and frustration, it can be managed, but in the meantime, it’s maddening. I’ve spent many days on plantations teaching cheerful, willing, seemingly intelligent Ethiopians of various ages and sizes about the serious offense of hoeing up young coffee plants. They seem to get it. “Oh, Lord! Master, I can’t do that.” But guess what? You’ll find your most promising students lounging around with their hoes tomorrow morning, gossiping about the disgraceful behavior of their closest friends and destroying young coffee plants left and right. They’re just as bad, if not slightly worse—especially the women—when it comes to picking coffee. As soon as you look away, branches start coming off the trees. I know one planter who lives like the Surprise Captain in W. H. S. Gilbert’s ballad, hiding among his groves and suddenly appearing among his pickers. He says this has created a sense of uncertainty about when and where he might show up, which has helped keep his plantation intact. But it’s a tiring life, not at all what he expected from his coffee plantation book that showed a planter sitting on his porch, enjoying a cold drink with a pipe in his mouth, surrounded by a large plantation full of hard-working locals picking berries.
LABOUR. - The labour problem is one that must be studied and solved before West Africa can advance much further than its present culture condition, because the climate is such that the country cannot be worked by white labourers; and that this state of affairs will remain as it is until some true specific is discovered for malaria, something important happens to the angle of the earth’s axis, or some radical change takes place in the nature of the sun, is the opinion of all acquainted with the region. The West African climate shows no signs of improving whatsoever. If it shows any sign of alteration it is for the worse, for of late years two extremely deadly forms of fever have come into notice here, malarial typhoid and blackwater. The malarial typhoid seems confined to districts where a good deal of European attention has been given to drainage systems, which is in itself discouraging.
LABOUR. - The labor issue is one that needs to be examined and resolved before West Africa can progress significantly beyond its current cultural state, because the climate is such that the country cannot be worked by white laborers; and this situation will persist until a real cure for malaria is discovered, something significant happens to the angle of the earth’s axis, or a major change occurs in the nature of the sun, according to everyone familiar with the area. The West African climate shows no signs of improvement at all. Any signs of change seem to be for the worse, as in recent years two extremely deadly forms of fever have been noticed here, malarial typhoid and blackwater. The malarial typhoid appears to be limited to areas where significant European efforts have been made on drainage systems, which is discouraging in itself.
The labour problem has been imported with European civilisation. The civilisation has not got on to any considerable extent, but the labour problem has; for, being a malignant nuisance, it has taken to West Africa as a duck to water, and it is now flourishing. It has not yet, however, attained its zenith; it is just waiting for the abolition of domestic slavery for that - and then! Meanwhile it grows with the demand for hands to carry on plantation work, and public works. On the West Coast - that is to say, from Sierra Leone to Cameroon - it is worse than on the South West Coast from Cameroon to Benguella.
The labor issue has come along with European civilization. The civilization hasn't progressed much, but the labor issue has thrived; being a harmful problem, it has adapted to West Africa effortlessly and is now thriving. It hasn't yet reached its peak; it's just waiting for the end of domestic slavery for that — and then! In the meantime, it continues to grow with the rising demand for workers to support plantation and public works. On the West Coast — that is, from Sierra Leone to Cameroon — it's worse than on the South West Coast from Cameroon to Benguella.
The Kruman, the Accra, and the Sierra Leonian are at present on the West Coast the only solution available. The first is as fine a ship-and-beach-man as you could reasonably wish for, but no good for plantation work. The second is, thanks to the practical training he has received from the Basel Mission, a very fair artisan, cook, or clerk, but also no good for plantation work, except as an overseer. The third is a poor artisan, an excellent clerk, or subordinate official, but so unreliable in the matter of honesty as to be nearly reliable to swindle any employer. Lagos turns out a large quantity of educated natives, but owing to the growing prosperity of the colony, these are nearly all engaged in Lagos itself.
The Kruman, the Accra, and the Sierra Leonian are currently the only available solutions on the West Coast. The Kruman is an excellent ship and beach worker, but not suited for plantation work. The Accra, thanks to the practical training from the Basel Mission, is a decent artisan, cook, or clerk, but also not ideal for plantation work, except in an overseer role. The Sierra Leonian is a poor artisan, a great clerk, or subordinate worker, but is so unreliable when it comes to honesty that they are almost likely to cheat any employer. Lagos produces a large number of educated locals, but due to the increasing prosperity of the colony, most of them are employed in Lagos itself.
An important but somewhat neglected factor in the problem is the nature of the West African native, and as I think a calm and unbiassed study of this factor would give us the satisfactory solution to the problem, I venture to give my own observations on it.
An important but somewhat overlooked factor in the issue is the nature of the West African native, and I believe that a calm and unbiased examination of this factor would provide us with a satisfactory solution to the problem, so I’ll share my own observations on it.
The Kruboys, as the natives of the Grain Coast are called, irrespective of the age of the individual, by the white men - the Menekussi as the Effiks call them - are the most important people of West Africa; for without their help the working of the Coast would cost more lives than it already does, and would be in fact practically impossible. Ever since vessels have regularly frequented the Bights, the Kruman has had the helpful habit of shipping himself off on board, and doing all the heavy work. Their first tutors were the slavers, who initiated them into the habit, and instructed them in ship’s work, that they might have the benefit of their services in working their vessels along the Slave Coast. And in order to prevent any Kruboy being carried off as a slave by mistake, which would have prejudiced these useful allies, the slavers persuaded them always to tattoo a band of basket-work pattern down their foreheads and out on to the tip of their broad noses: this is the most extensive bit of real tattoo that I know of in West Africa, and the Kruboys still keep the fashion. Their next tutors were the traders, who have taught and still teach them beach work; how to handle cargo, try oil, and make themselves generally useful in a factory, - “learn sense,” as the Kruboy himself puts it. To religious teaching the Kruboy seems for an African singularly impervious, but the two lessons he has learnt - ship and shore work - are the best that the white has so far taught the black, because unattended with the evil consequences that have followed the other lessons. Unfortunately, the Kruman of the Grain Coast and the Cabinda of the South West Coast, are the only two tribes that have had the benefit of this kind of education, but there are many other tribes who, had circumstances led the trader and the slaver to turn their attention to them, would have done their tutors quite as much credit. But circumstances did not, and so nowadays, just as a hundred years ago, you must get the Kruboy to help you if you are going to do any work, missionary or mercantile, from Sierra Leone to Cameroon. Below Cameroon the Kruboy does not like to go, except to the beach of an English or German house, for he has suffered much from the Congo Free State, and from Spaniards and Portuguese, who have not respected his feelings in the matter of wanting to return every year, or every two years at the most, to his own country, and his rooted aversion to agricultural work and carrying loads about the bush.
The Kruboys, the natives of the Grain Coast, are referred to as such by white men, while the Effiks call them Menekussi. They are the most significant people in West Africa; without their assistance, working on the Coast would cost even more lives than it already does and would be nearly impossible. Since ships have been regularly visiting the Bights, the Kruman have taken the initiative to board these vessels and do all the heavy work. Their first teachers were the slavers, who introduced them to this practice and trained them in ship-related tasks to benefit from their help while navigating their vessels along the Slave Coast. To prevent any Kruboy from being mistakenly captured as a slave, which would have harmed these valuable allies, the slavers encouraged them to tattoo a band of basket-weave patterns down their foreheads and onto the tips of their broad noses. This is the most significant example of real tattooing that I know of in West Africa, and the Kruboys still maintain this tradition. Their next mentors were the traders, who have taught and continue to teach them about beach work, such as handling cargo, testing oil, and generally being useful in factories—what the Kruboy himself calls "learning sense." Surprisingly, the Kruboy seems to be quite resistant to religious instruction, but the two lessons he has learned—ship and shore work—are the best things that whites have taught blacks so far, without the harmful consequences that have come with other lessons. Unfortunately, the Kruman of the Grain Coast and the Cabinda of the Southwest Coast are the only two tribes that have benefited from this kind of education, although there are many other tribes that, had the trader or slaver focused on them, would have made equally good students. But circumstances did not allow for this, and today, just like a hundred years ago, you need the Kruboy’s help if you want to carry out any work, whether missionary or commercial, from Sierra Leone to Cameroon. Below Cameroon, the Kruboy is reluctant to go, except to the beach of an English or German establishment. He has suffered greatly from the Congo Free State, as well as from Spaniards and Portuguese, who haven't respected his desire to return to his homeland every year, or at most every two years, and his deep dislike for agricultural work and carrying heavy loads through the bush.
The pay of the Kruboy averages £1 a month. There are modifications in the way in which this sum is reached; for example, some missionaries pay each man £20 a year, but then he has to find his own chop. Some South-West Coast traders pay £8 a year, but they find their boys entirely, and well, in food, and give them a cloth a week. English men-of-war on the West African Station have, like other vessels to take them on to save the white crew, and they pay the Kruboys the same as they pay the white men, i.e., £4.10s. a month with rations. Needless to say, men-of-war are popular, although service on board them cuts our friend off from almost every chance of stealing chickens and other things of which I may not speak, as Herodotus would say. I do not know the manner in which men-of-war pay off the Kruboy, but I think in hard cash. In the circles of society I most mix with on the Coast - the mercantile marine and the trading - he is always paid in goods, in cloth, gin, guns, tobacco, gunpowder, etc., with little concessions to his individual fancy in the matter, for each of these articles has a known value, and just as one of our coins can be changed, so you can get here change for a gun or any other trade article.
The average pay for the Kruboy is £1 a month. There are different ways this amount is calculated; for instance, some missionaries pay each man £20 a year, but the man has to provide his own food. Some traders from the South-West Coast pay £8 a year, but they cover all expenses for their workers, providing food and giving them a cloth each week. British warships stationed in West Africa, like other vessels, need to bring them on board to help the white crew, and they pay the Kruboys the same as they pay the white crew, which is £4.10s. a month along with rations. Unsurprisingly, sailors prefer this option, even though serving on these ships cuts them off from nearly all opportunities to steal chickens and other items I won’t mention, as Herodotus would say. I’m not sure how the warships ultimately settle payments to the Kruboy, but I believe it's in cash. In the social circles I usually associate with on the Coast—among the mercantile marine and traders—he is typically compensated in goods like cloth, gin, guns, tobacco, gunpowder, etc., with few adjustments for personal preference since each item has an established value, and just like exchanging coins, you can also trade a gun or other items for something else.
The Kruboy much prefers being paid off in goods. I well remember an exquisite scene between Captain --- and King Koffee of the Kru Coast when the subject of engaging boys was being shouted over one voyage out. The Captain at that time thought I was a W.W.T.A.A. and ostentatiously wanted Koffee to let him pay off the boys he was engaging to work the ship in money, and not in gin and gunpowder. King Koffee’s face was a study. If Captain ---, whom he knew of old, had stood on his head and turned bright blue all over with yellow spots, before his eyes, it would not have been anything like such a shock to his Majesty. “What for good him ting, Cappy?” he said, interrogation and astonishment ringing in every word. “What for good him ting for We country, Cappy? I suppose you gib gin, tobacco, gun he be fit for trade, but money - ” Here his Majesty’s feelings flew ahead of the Royal command of language, great as that was, and he expectorated with profound feeling and expression. Captain ---’s expressive countenance was the battle ground of despair and grief at being thus forced to have anything to do with a traffic unpopular in missionary circles. He however controlled his feelings sufficiently to carefully arrange the due amount of each article to be paid, and the affair was settled.
The Kruboy definitely prefers to be paid in goods. I clearly remember an intense moment between Captain --- and King Koffee of the Kru Coast when they were discussing hiring crew during one voyage. At that time, the Captain thought I was a W.W.T.A.A. and made a show of wanting Koffee to allow him to pay the boys he was hiring to work on the ship in cash, rather than with gin and gunpowder. King Koffee’s expression was unforgettable. If Captain ---, whom he had known for years, had stood on his head and turned bright blue with yellow spots right in front of him, it wouldn’t have shocked his Majesty as much. “What good is that, Cappy?” he asked, confusion and surprise echoing in every word. “What good is that for our country, Cappy? I guess you can give gin, tobacco, and guns for trade, but money - ” At this point, Koffee's emotions surged ahead of his Royal command of language, impressive as it was, and he spat in disbelief and frustration. Captain ---'s face was a battleground of despair and grief at being forced to engage in a trade that wasn't popular in missionary circles. However, he managed to control his emotions enough to carefully calculate the value of each item to be traded, and the matter was settled.
The somewhat cumbrous wage the Kruboy gets at the end of his term of service, minus those things he has had on account and plus those things he has “found,” is certainly a source of great worry to our friend. He obtains a box from the carpenter of the factory, or buys a tin one, and puts therein his tobacco and small things, and then he buys a padlock and locks his box of treasure up, hanging the key with his other ju-jus round his neck, and then he has peace regarding this section of his belongings. Peace at present, for the day must some time dawn when an experimental genius shall arise among his fellow countrymen, who will try and see if one key will not open two locks. When this possibility becomes known I can foresee nothing for the Kruboy but nervous breakdown; for even now, with his mind at rest regarding the things in his box, he lives in a state of constant anxiety about those out of it, which have to lie on the deck during the return voyage to his home. He has to keep a vigilant eye on them by day, and sleep spread out over them by night, for fear of his companions stealing them. Why he should take all this trouble about his things on his voyage home I can’t make out, if what is currently reported is true, that all the wages earned by the working boys become the property of the Elders of his tribe when he returns to them. I myself rather doubt if this is the case, but expect there is a very heavy tax levied on them, for your Kruboy is very much a married man, and the Elders of his tribe have to support and protect his wives and families when he is away at work, and I should not wonder if the law was that these said wives and families “revert to the State” if the boy fails to return within something like his appointed time. There must be something besides nostalgia to account for the dreadful worry and apprehension shown by a detained Kruboy. I am sure the tax is heavily taken in cloth, for the boys told me that if it were made up into garments for themselves they did not have to part with it on their return. Needless to say, this makes our friend turn his attention to needlework during his return voyage and many a time I have seen the main deck looking as if it had been taken possession of by a demoniacal Dorcas working party.
The somewhat clumsy wage the Kruboy gets at the end of his service, minus what he has already spent and plus what he has "found," is definitely a big source of worry for him. He grabs a box from the factory carpenter or buys a tin one, puts his tobacco and small items inside, and then buys a padlock to secure his treasure, hanging the key with his other charms around his neck. This gives him peace of mind about this part of his belongings. Peace for now, because eventually there will come a day when an experimental genius among his fellow countrymen will try to see if one key can unlock two locks. When that happens, I can only predict chaos for the Kruboy; even now, with his mind at ease about his box, he's constantly anxious about the items outside of it, which have to sit on the deck during the trip home. He has to keep a close watch on them by day and sleep over them by night, fearing his companions might steal them. I can’t understand why he goes to so much trouble for his belongings on his way home if what’s commonly said is true—that all wages earned by the working boys belong to the Elders of his tribe when he returns. I have my doubts about this, but I suspect there’s a hefty tax on them because the Kruboy is very much a married man, and the Elders have to support and protect his wives and families while he's away working. I wouldn’t be surprised if the law states those wives and families "revert to the State" if he doesn't come back within a set time. There must be more than nostalgia driving the intense worry and dread shown by a Kruboy who's been held back. I'm sure the tax is heavily taken in cloth, since the boys told me that if they made it into clothes for themselves, they wouldn't have to give it up when they return. Unsurprisingly, this leads our friend to focus on sewing during his trip home, and many times I’ve seen the main deck looking as if it had been taken over by a crazy Dorcas sewing group.
Strangely little is known of the laws and language of these Krumen, considering how close the association is between them and the whites. This arises, I think, not from the difficulty of learning their language, but from the ease and fluency with which they speak their version of our own - Kru-English, or “trade English,” as it is called, and it is therefore unnecessary for a hot and wearied white man to learn “Kru mouth.” What particularly makes me think this is the case is, that I have picked up a little of it, and I found that I could make a Kruman understand what I was driving at with this and my small stock of Bassa mouth and Timneh, on occasions when I wished to say something to him I did not want generally understood. But the main points regarding Krumen are well enough known by old Coasters - their willingness to work if well fed, and their habit of engaging for twelve-month terms of work and then returning to “We country.” A trader who is satisfied with a boy gives him, when he leaves, a bit of paper telling the captain of any vessel that he will pay the boy’s passage to his factory again, when he is willing to come. The period that a boy remains in his beloved “We country” seems to be until his allowance of his own earnings is expended. One can picture to one’s self some sad partings in that far-away dark land. “My loves,” says the Kruboy to his families, his voice heavy with tears, “I must go. There is no more cloth, I have nothing between me and an easily shocked world but this decayed filament of cotton.” And then his families weep with him, or, what is more likely, but not so literary, expectorate with emotion, and he tears himself away from them and comes on board the passing steamer in the uniform of Gunga Din - “nothing much before and rather less than half of that behind,” and goes down Coast on the strength of the little bit of paper from his white master which he has carefully treasured, and works like a nigger in the good sense of the term for another spell, to earn more goods for his home-folk.
Strangely little is known about the laws and language of these Krumen, considering how closely they are associated with white people. I think this is not due to the difficulty of learning their language, but rather because they easily and fluently speak their version of our own—Kru-English, or “trade English,” as it's called. Therefore, it’s unnecessary for a hot and tired white man to learn “Kru mouth.” What particularly makes me believe this is true is that I've picked up a bit of it myself, and I found that I could communicate my thoughts to a Kruman with this, plus my small amount of Bassa and Timneh, whenever I wanted to say something that I didn't want anyone else to understand. However, the main points about Krumen are well-known to old Coasters—they're willing to work if they’re well-fed, and they tend to sign up for yearlong contracts before returning to “We country.” A trader who is happy with a worker will give him a piece of paper when he leaves, informing the captain of any ship that he will cover the boy’s fare back to his factory when he’s ready to return. The time a boy spends in his beloved “We country” seems to last until he runs out of his earnings. One can imagine some sad goodbyes in that distant, dark land. “My loves,” says the Kruboy to his family, his voice heavy with tears, “I must go. There’s no more cloth, and I have nothing to shield me from a world that easily gets shocked but this tattered piece of cotton.” Then his family weeps with him, or more likely, expresses their emotions in a less literary way, and he tears himself away from them and boards the passing steamer in the uniform of Gunga Din—“nothing much in front and even less behind”—and heads down the Coast, relying on the little piece of paper from his white master that he’s carefully saved, and works hard in the positive sense of the term to earn more goods for his family back home.
Those boys who are first starting on travelling to work, and those without books, have no difficulty in getting passages on the steamers, for a captain is glad to get as many on board as he can, being sure to get their passage money and a premium for them, so great is the demand for Kru labour. But even this help to working the West Coast has been much interfered with of late years by the action of the French Government in imposing a tax per head on all labourers leaving their ports on the Ivory Coast. This tax, I believe, is now removed or much reduced; but as for the Liberian Republic, it simply gets its revenue in an utterly unjustifiable way out of taxing the Krumen who ship as labourers. The Krumen are no property of theirs, and they dare not interfere with them on shore; but owing to that little transaction in the celebrated Rubber Monopoly, the Liberians became possessed of some ready cash, which, with great foresight, they invested in two little gun-boats which enabled them to enforce their tax on the Krumen in their small canoes. I do not feel so sympathetic with the Krumen or their employers in this matter as I should, for the Krumen are silly hens not to go and wipe out Liberia on shore, and the white men are silly hens not to - but I had better leave that opinion unexpressed.
Those guys who are just starting to travel for work, and those without books, have no trouble getting spots on the steamers, because a captain is happy to get as many people on board as possible, knowing he will receive their fare and an extra fee for them due to the high demand for Kru labor. However, this assistance for working on the West Coast has been significantly affected in recent years by the French Government imposing a tax on all workers leaving their ports on the Ivory Coast. I believe this tax is now either removed or greatly reduced; as for the Liberian Republic, it simply extracts revenue in a completely unjustifiable manner by taxing the Krumen who serve as laborers. The Krumen aren't their property, and they can’t interfere with them onshore; but due to that little deal in the famous Rubber Monopoly, the Liberians ended up with some cash, which they wisely invested in two small gunboats, allowing them to enforce their tax on the Krumen in their small canoes. I don't feel as sympathetic toward the Krumen or their employers in this situation as I probably should, because the Krumen are foolish not to go and take down Liberia onshore, and the white men are foolish too—not that I should express that opinion.
The power of managing Kruboys is a great accomplishment for any one working the West Coast. One man will get 20 per cent. more work out of his staff, and always have them cheerful, fit, and ready; while another will get very little out of the same set of men except vexation to himself, and accidents to his goods; but this very necessary and important factor in trade is not to be taught with ink. Some men fall into the proper way of managing the boys very quickly, others may have years of experience and yet fail to learn it. The rule is, make them respect you, and make them like you, and then the thing is done; but first dealing with the Kruboy, with all his good points, is very trying work, and they give the new hand an awful time of it while they are experimenting on him to see how far they can do him. They do this very cleverly, but shortsightedly, more Africano, for they spoil the tempers of half the white men whom they have to deal with. It is not necessary to treat them brutally, in fact it does not pay to do so, but it is necessary to treat them severely, to keep a steady hand over them. Never let them become familiar, never let them see you have made a mistake. When you make a mistake in giving them an order let it be understood that that way of doing a thing is a peculiarly artful dodge of your own, and if it fails, that it is their fault. They will quite realise this if it is properly managed. I speak from experience; for example, once, owing to the superior sex being on its back with fever and sending its temperature up with worrying about getting some ebony logs off to a bothering wretch of a river steamer that must needs come yelling along for cargo just then, I said, “You leave it to me, I’ll get it shipped all right,” and proceeded, with the help of three Kruboys, to raft that ebony off. I saw as soon as I had embarked on the affair, from the Kruboys’ manner, I was down the wrong path, but how, or why, I did not see until a neat arrangement of ebony billets tied together with tie-tie was in the water. Then I saw that I had constructed an excellent sounding apparatus for finding out the depth of water in the river; and that ebony had an affinity for the bottom of water, not for the top. The situation was a trying one and the way the captain of the vessel kept dancing about his deck saying things in a foreign tongue, but quite comprehensible, was distracting; but I did not devote myself to giving him the information he asked for, as to what particular kind of idiot I was, because he was neither a mad doctor nor an ethnologist and had no right to the information; but I put a raft on the line of a very light wood we had a big store of, and this held up the ebony, and the current carried it down to the steamer all right. Then we hauled the line home and sent him some more on the patent plan, but, just to hurry up, you understand, and not delay the ship, a deadly crime, some of that ebony went off in a canoe and all ended happily, and the Kruboys regarded themselves as having been the spectators of another manifestation of white intelligence. In defence of the captain’s observations, I must say he could not see me because I was deploying behind a woodstack; nevertheless, I do not mean to say this method of shipping ebony is a good one. I shall not try it again in a hurry, and the situation cannot be pulled through unless you have, as Allah gave me, a very swift current; and although, when the thing went well, I did say things from behind the woodstack to the captain, I did not feel justified in accepting his apologetic invitation to come on board and have a drink.
The skill of managing Kruboys is a significant achievement for anyone working on the West Coast. One person can get 20 percent more work out of his team, keeping them cheerful, fit, and ready, while another will struggle to get much from the same group, resulting in frustration and damage to his goods. However, this crucial aspect of trade can’t be learned just by reading. Some people quickly figure out how to manage the boys, while others may have years of experience but still fail to grasp it. The key is to make them respect you and like you, and then you’re set. However, working with a Kruboy, despite their positive traits, can be really challenging. They will put the newcomer through a tough time to see how much they can get away with. They do this very cleverly, but short-sightedly, more like an amateur, because they ruin the tempers of half the white men they interact with. It’s unnecessary to treat them harshly; in fact, it doesn’t pay off, but you do need to be firm to maintain control. Never let them get too comfortable, and don’t let them see when you make a mistake. If you mess up an order, make it seem like that’s just your unique way of doing things, and if it goes wrong, it’s their fault. They’ll understand if you handle it correctly. I speak from experience; for example, once when everyone was sick with fever and worried about loading some ebony logs onto a river steamer that had to come screaming in for cargo right then, I said, “Leave it to me, I’ll get it shipped,” and went ahead with three Kruboys to raft the ebony off. I quickly realized, based on their reactions, that I was making a mistake, but I didn’t see how or why until I had a neat arrangement of ebony logs tied together in the water. Then I figured out I had built a great device for measuring the river's depth; ebony sinks, not floats. It was a tough situation, and the captain kept pacing on his deck, saying things in a foreign language that I understood, which was distracting. However, I didn’t feel the need to tell him what a specific idiot I was because he wasn’t a doctor or an expert in my culture, so he didn’t deserve the information. Instead, I set up a raft made of a very light wood we had plenty of, which kept the ebony afloat, and the current carried it down to the steamer just fine. Then we pulled the raft back and sent him more using the same clever plan, but just to speed things up and not delay the ship—a serious offense—some of that ebony went off in a canoe, and everything ended well, with the Kruboys seeing yet another example of white ingenuity. In defense of the captain’s comments, I must say he couldn’t see me because I was hiding behind a pile of wood; however, I don’t claim that my method of shipping ebony was a good one. I won’t try it again anytime soon, and it won’t work unless you have, like I did, a very fast current. And while things went smoothly, I did talk to the captain from behind the woodpile, but I didn’t feel right accepting his invitation to come on board for a drink.
My experiences with Kruboys would, if written in full, make an excellent manual for a new-comer, but they are too lengthy for this chapter. My first experience with them on a small bush journey aged me very much; and ever since I have shirked chaperoning Kruboys about the West African bush among ticklish-tempered native gentlemen and their forward hussies of wives.
My experiences with Kruboys would, if written in full, make an excellent manual for a newcomer, but they are too lengthy for this chapter. My first experience with them on a small bush journey aged me a lot; and ever since, I have avoided chaperoning Kruboys through the West African bush among sensitive native gentlemen and their bold wives.
I have always admired men for their strength, their courage, their enterprise, their unceasing struggle for the beyond - the something else, but not until I had to deal with Krumen did I realise the vastness to which this latter characteristic of theirs could attain. One might have been excused for thinking that a man without rates and taxes, without pockets, and without the manifold, want-creating culture of modern European civilisation and education would necessarily have been bounded, to some extent, in his desires. But one would have been wrong, profoundly wrong, in so thinking, for the Kruman yearns after, and duns for, as many things for his body as the lamented Faustus did for his soul, and away among the apes this interesting creature would have to go, at once, if the wanting of little were a crucial test for the determination of the family termed by the scientific world the Hominidæ. Later, when I got to know the Krumen well, I learnt that they desired not only the vast majority of the articles that they saw, but did more - obtained them - at all events some of them, without asking me for them; such commodities, for example, as fowls, palm wine, old tins and bottles, and other gentlemen’s wives were never safe. One of that first gang of boys showed self-help to such a remarkable degree that I christened him Smiles. His name - You-be-d--d - being both protracted and improper, called for change of some sort, but even this brought no comfort to one still hampered with conventional ideas regarding property, and frequent roll-calls were found necessary, so that the crimes of my friend Smiles and his fellows might not accumulate to an unmanageable extent.
I have always admired men for their strength, courage, and determination, for their constant pursuit of something greater. However, it wasn't until I encountered the Krumen that I truly grasped how far this last quality could reach. One might think a man without taxes, without pockets, and without the complex, need-creating culture of modern European civilization would have limited desires. But that would be a serious misconception. The Krumen crave as many things for their bodies as the tragic Faustus did for his soul. If wanting little were a key test for membership in the family known scientifically as Hominidæ, they would be better off mingling with apes. Later, as I got to know the Krumen better, I discovered they not only wanted many of the items they saw but also took some of them without asking me; things like chickens, palm wine, old cans and bottles, and even other men’s wives were never safe. One boy from that initial group demonstrated such resourcefulness that I named him Smiles. His real name, You-be-d--d, was lengthy and inappropriate, so a name change was necessary, yet this didn’t relieve me of my ingrained views on property. As a result, frequent roll calls were needed to prevent the misdeeds of my friend Smiles and his companions from piling up beyond control.
This used to be the sort of thing - “Where them Nettlerash lib?” “He lib for drunk, Massa.” “Where them Smiles?” “He lib for town, for steal, Massa.” “Where them Black Man Misery?” But I draw a veil over the confessional, for there is simply no artistic reticence about your Kruman when he is telling the truth, or otherwise, regarding a fellow creature.
This used to be the kind of thing - “Where’s Nettlerash?” “He’s off getting drunk, Boss.” “Where’s Smiles?” “He’s in town stealing, Boss.” “Where’s Black Man Misery?” But I won’t go into details about the confessional, because there’s no holding back for your Kruman when he’s speaking the truth, or not, about another person.
After accumulating with this gang enough experience to fill a hat (remembering always “one of the worst things you can do in West Africa is to worry yourself”) I bethought me of the advice I had received from my cousin Rose Kingsley, who had successfully ridden through Mexico when Mexico was having a rather worse revolution than usual, “to always preserve a firm manner.” I thought I would try this on those Kruboys and said “NO” in place of “I wish you would not do that, please.” I can’t say it was an immediate success. During this period we came across a trader’s lonely store wherein he had a consignment of red parasols. After these appalling objects the souls of my Krumen hungered with a great desire. “NO,” said I, in my severest tone, and after buying other things, we passed on. Imagine my horror, therefore, hours afterwards and miles away, to find my precious crew had got a red parasol apiece. Previous experience quite justified me in thinking that these had been stolen; and I pictured to myself my Portuguese friends, whose territory I was then in, commenting upon the incident, and reviling me as another instance of how the brutal English go looting through the land. I found, however, I was wrong, for the parasols had been “dashed” my rapacious rascals “for top,” and the last one connected with the affair who deserved pity was the trader from whom I had believed them stolen. It was I, not he, who suffered, for it was the wet season in West Africa and those red parasols ran. To this day my scientific soul has never been able to account for the vast body of crimson dye those miserable cotton things poured out, plentifully drenching myself and their owners, the Kruboys, and everything we associated with that day. I am quite prepared to hear that some subsequent wanderer has found a red trail in Africa itself like that one so often sees upon the maps. When they do, I hereby claim that real red trail as mine.
After gaining enough experience with this gang to fill a hat (always remembering that “one of the worst things you can do in West Africa is to worry yourself”), I recalled the advice from my cousin Rose Kingsley, who had successfully navigated through Mexico during a particularly bad revolution, “to always maintain a firm demeanor.” I decided to try this with the Kruboys and said “NO” instead of “I wish you wouldn’t do that, please.” I can’t say it worked right away. During this time, we stumbled upon a trader’s lonely store where he had a shipment of red parasols. The sight of those awful things ignited a strong desire in my Krumen. “NO,” I said in my sternest voice, and after buying other items, we moved on. Imagine my horror, then, hours later and miles away, to discover my crew each had a red parasol. Given my previous experiences, I assumed they had stolen them, and I envisioned my Portuguese friends, whose territory I was in, commenting on the situation and criticizing me as another example of how the brutal English loot the land. However, I found out I was wrong; the parasols had been given to my greedy rascals “for top,” and the real victim was the trader from whom I thought they had been stolen. It was I, not him, who suffered, as it was the rainy season in West Africa and those red parasols bled dye. To this day, my scientific mind has never been able to explain the vast amount of crimson dye those miserable cotton things released, thoroughly soaking me and their owners, the Kruboys, along with everything we touched that day. I’m fully prepared to hear that some future traveler has discovered a red trail in Africa akin to the ones often seen on maps. When they do, I claim that real red trail as mine.
I confess I like the African on the whole, a thing I never expected to do when I went to the Coast with the idea that he was a degraded, savage, cruel brute; but that is a trifling error you soon get rid of when you know him. The Kruboy is decidedly the most likeable of all Africans that I know. Wherein his charm lies is difficult to describe, and you certainly want the patience of Job, and a conscience made of stretching leather to deal with the Kruboy in the African climate, and live. In his better manifestations he reminds me of that charming personality, the Irish peasant, for though he lacks the sparkle, he is full of humour, and is the laziest and the most industrious of mankind. He lies and tells the truth in such a hopelessly uncertain manner that you cannot rely on him for either. He is ungrateful and faithful to the death, honest and thievish, all in one and the same specimen of him.
I admit that I generally like Africans, which is something I never thought I would say when I first went to the Coast believing they were degraded, savage, and cruel. But that's a small misconception that fades away once you really get to know them. The Kruboy is definitely the most likable African I know. It's hard to pin down exactly what his charm is, and you definitely need the patience of Job and a conscience that can stretch to deal with the Kruboy in the African climate and survive. In his better moments, he reminds me of the charming Irish peasant; though he may not have the same sparkle, he’s full of humor and is both the laziest and the most hardworking person you’ll ever meet. He lies and tells the truth in such an uncertain way that you can’t rely on him for either. He can be ungrateful yet loyal to the end, honest yet thieving, all in one complex package.
Ingratitude is a crime laid very frequently to the score of all Africans, but I think unfairly; certainly I have never had to complain of it, and the Krumen often show gratitude for good treatment in a grand way. The way those Kruboys of gallant Captain Lane helped him work Lagos Bar and save lives by the dozen from the stranded ships on it and hauled their “Massa” out from among the sharkey foam every time he went into it, on the lifeboat upsetting, would have done credit to Deal or Norfolk lifeboat men, but the secret of their devotion is their personal attachment. They do not save people out of surf on abstract moral principles. The African at large is not an enthusiast on moral principles, and one and all they’ll let nature take its course if they don’t feel keen on a man surviving.
Ingratitude is often unfairly attributed to all Africans, but in my experience, that’s simply not true; I've never had a reason to complain about it. The Krumen often express their gratitude in remarkable ways. The way those Kruboys under Captain Lane's leadership helped him navigate the Lagos Bar and saved countless lives from stranded ships was impressive. They pulled their "Massa" from the treacherous waves every time his lifeboat capsized, showing skills that would impress anyone from Deal or Norfolk's lifeboat crews. Their commitment comes from a personal connection, not from abstract moral beliefs. Generally speaking, Africans aren't particularly driven by moral principles, and if they don't feel strongly about someone's survival, they'll just let nature run its course.
Half the African’s ingratitude, although it may look very bad on paper, is really not so very bad; for half the time you have been asking him to be grateful to you for doing to, or giving him things he does not care a row of pins about. I have quite his feelings, for example, for half the things in civilised countries I am expected to be glad to get. “Oh, how nice it must be to be able to get about in cars, omnibuses and railway trains again!” Is it? Well I don’t think so, and I do not feel glad over it. Similarly, we will take an African case of ingratitude. A white friend of mine put himself to an awful lot of trouble to save the life of one of his sub-traders who had had an accident, and succeeded. It had been the custom of the man’s wife to bring the trader little presents of fowls, etc., from time to time, and some time after the accident he met the lady and told her he had noticed a falling off in her offerings and he thought her very ungrateful after what he had done for her husband. She grunted and the next morning she brings in as a present the most forlorn, skinny, one-and-a-half-feathered chicken you ever laid eye on, and in answer to the trader’s comments she said: “Massa, fo sure them der chicken no be ’ticularly good chicken, but fo sure dem der man no be ’ticularly good man. They go” (they match each other).
Half the African's ingratitude, while it may look bad on paper, isn’t really that terrible; often, you’re asking him to be thankful for things he doesn’t care about at all. I relate to his feelings; for many things in civilized countries, I’m expected to be happy to receive. “Oh, how nice it must be to get around in cars, buses, and trains again!” Is it? Well, I don’t think so, and I don’t feel happy about it. Similarly, let’s look at an African example of ingratitude. A white friend of mine went through a lot of trouble to save the life of one of his sub-traders who had an accident, and he succeeded. The man’s wife used to bring little gifts of chickens and other things from time to time, and after some time had passed since the accident, he met her and mentioned that he had noticed a decline in her gifts, thinking she was ungrateful after all he had done for her husband. She grunted, and the next morning she brought him the saddest, skinniest, one-and-a-half-feathered chicken you’ve ever seen. In response to his comments, she said: “Massa, for sure that chicken isn’t particularly good, but for sure that man isn’t particularly good either. They go” (they match each other).
I have referred at great length to the Krumen because of their importance, and also because they are the natives the white men have more to do with as servants than any other; but methods of getting on with them are not necessarily applicable to dealing with other forms of African labourers, such as plantation hands in the Congo Français, Angola, and Cameroon. In Cameroon the Germans are now using largely the Batanga natives on the plantations; the Duallas, the great trading tribe in Cameroon River, being too lazy to do any heavy work; and they have also tried to import labourers from Togo Land, but this attempt was not a success, ending in the revolt of 1894, which lost several white lives. The public work is carried on, as it is in our own colonies, by the criminals in the chain-gang. The Germans have had many accusations hurled against them by people of their own nationality, but on the whole these “atrocities” have been much exaggerated and only half understood; and certainly have not amounted to anything like the things that have gone on in the “philanthropic” Congo Free State. The food given out by the German Government is the best Government rations given on the whole West Coast. When they have allowed me to have some of their native employés, as when I was up Cameroon Mountain, for example, I bought rations from the Government stores for them, and was much struck by the soundness and good quality of both rice and beef, and the rations they gave out to those Dahomeyans or Togolanders who revolted was so much more than they could, or cared to eat, that they used to sell much of it to the Duallas in Bell Town. This is not open to the criticism that the stuff was too bad for the Togolanders to eat, as was once said to me by a philanthropic German who had never been to the Coast, because the Duallas are a rich tribe, perfectly free traders in the matter, able to go to the river factories and buy provisions there had they wished to, and so would not have bought the Government rations unless they were worth having. The great point that has brought the Germans into disrepute with the natives employed by them is their military spirit, which gives rise to a desire to regulate everything; and that other attribute of the military spirit, nagging. You should never nag an African, it only makes him bothered and then sulky, and when he’s sulky he’ll lie down and die to spite you. But in spite of the Germans being over-given to this unpleasant habit of military regularity and so on, the natives from the Kru Coast and from Bassa and the French Ivory Coast return to them time after time for spells of work, so there must be grave exaggeration regarding their bad treatment, for these natives are perfectly free in the matter.
I’ve talked a lot about the Krumen because they’re important and because they’re the natives that white people interact with the most as workers. However, the ways to get along with them don’t necessarily apply to other African laborers, like plantation workers in the Congo Français, Angola, and Cameroon. In Cameroon, the Germans mostly use the Batanga natives on the plantations, while the Duallas, who are the major trading tribe along the Cameroon River, are considered too lazy for heavy work. The Germans also tried to bring in workers from Togo, but this didn’t work out, leading to the revolt of 1894, which resulted in several white deaths. Public work is done, just like in our own colonies, by criminals in chain gangs. The Germans have faced many accusations from their own people, but overall, these “atrocities” have been greatly exaggerated and only partly understood; they certainly weren’t as bad as what happened in the so-called “philanthropic” Congo Free State. The food provided by the German government is the best government rations available along the West Coast. When they allowed me to have some of their native workers, like when I was up Cameroon Mountain, I bought rations from government stores and was really impressed by the quality of both rice and beef. The rations given to the Dahomeyans or Togolanders who revolted were so much more than they could or wanted to eat that they often sold a lot of it to the Duallas in Bell Town. This isn’t open to criticism that the food was too bad for the Togolanders to eat, as a well-meaning German once claimed without having visited the Coast, because the Duallas are a wealthy tribe, completely free to trade, and they could easily go to the river factories to buy their own food if they wanted, so they wouldn’t have bought the government rations if they weren’t worthwhile. The main reason the Germans have gotten a bad reputation among the natives they employ is their military attitude, which leads to a need to control everything, as well as the annoying habit of nagging. You should never nag an African; it just frustrates him and makes him sulky, and when he’s sulky, he’ll lie down and die just to spite you. But despite the Germans’ tendency to be overly strict and nagging, the natives from the Kru Coast and from Bassa and the French Ivory Coast keep returning to them for work, so there must be a significant exaggeration regarding the bad treatment because these natives are completely free to choose.
The French use Loango boys for factory hands, and these people are very bright and intelligent, but as a M’pongwe, who knew them well, said: “They are much too likely to be devils to be good too much” and are undoubtedly given to poisoning, which is an unpleasant habit in a house servant. Their military force are composed of Senegalese Laptot, very fine, fierce fellows, superior, I believe, as fighting men to our Hausas, and very devoted to, and well treated by, their French officers.
The French use Loango boys as factory workers, and these individuals are very bright and intelligent. However, as a M’pongwe who knows them well said, “They are often too tricky to be entirely good” and are definitely prone to poisoning, which is an unpleasant trait in a domestic servant. Their military force consists of Senegalese Laptot, who are tough, fierce guys and, I believe, are better fighters than our Hausas. They are also very loyal and well treated by their French officers.
That the Frenchman does not know how to push trade in his possessions, the trade returns, with the balance all on the wrong side, clearly show; still he does know how to get possession of Africa better than we do, and this means he knows how to deal with the natives. The building up of Congo Français, for example, has not cost one-third of the human lives, black or white, that an equivalent quantity of Congo Belge has, nor one-third of the expense of Uganda or Sierra Leone. It is customary in England to dwell on the commercial failure, and deduce from it the erroneous conclusion that France will soon leave it off when she finds it does not pay. This is an error, because commercial success - the making the thing pay - is not the French ideal in the affair. It is our own, and I am the last person to say our ideal is wrong; but it is not the French ideal, and I am the last person to say France is wrong either. There may exist half a hundred or more right reasons for doing anything, and the reasons France has for her energetic policy in Africa are sound ones; for they are the employment of her martial spirits where their activity will not endanger the State, the stowing of these spirits in Paris having been found to be about as advisable as stowing over-proof spirits and gunpowder in a living-room with plenty of lighted lucifers blazing round; and her other reason is the opportunity African enterprise affords for sound military training. You will often hear in England regarding French annexation in Africa, “Oh! let her have the deadly hole, and much good may it do her.” France knows very well what good it will do her, and she will cheerfully take all she is allowed to get quietly, as a sop for her quietness regarding Egypt, and she will cheerfully fight you for the rest - small blame to her. She knows Africa is a superb training ground for her officers. Sham fights and autumn manoeuvres have a certain value in the formation of a fighting army, but the whole of these parlour-games, put together in a ten-year lump, are not to be compared to one month’s work at real war, to fit an army for its real work, and France knows well the real work will come again some day - not far off - for her army. How soon it comes she little cares, for she has no ideal of Peace before her, never has had, never will have, and the next time she tries conclusions with one of us Teutonic nations, she will be armed with men who have learned their trade well on the burning sands of Senegal, and they will take a lot of beating. We do not require Africa as a training ground for our army; India is as magnificent a military academy as any nation requires; but we do require all the Africa we can get, West, East, and South, for a market, and it is here we clash with France; for France not only does not develop the trade of her colonies for her own profit, but stamps trade at large out by her preferential tariffs, etc.; so that we cannot go into her colonies and trade freely as she and Germany can come into ours. We can go into her colonies and do business with French goods, and this is done; but French goods are not so suitable, from their make, nor capable of being sold at a sufficient profit to make a big trade. But France throws few obstacles, if any, in the matter of plantation enterprise. Still this enterprise being so hampered by the dearth of good labour is not at the present time highly remunerative in Africa.
That the Frenchman doesn’t know how to boost trade in his territories is clear from the trade returns, which show a significant imbalance; however, he does know how to acquire land in Africa better than we do, which means he understands how to interact with the locals. The establishment of Congo Français, for example, hasn’t cost a third of the lives—black or white—that the same area under Congo Belge has, nor a third of the expenses of Uganda or Sierra Leone. In England, it’s common to focus on the commercial failures and wrongly conclude that France will give up once it realizes it’s not profitable. This is mistaken because commercial success—making it financially viable—is not the French goal in this context. It is ours, and I won’t argue that our ideal is wrong; but it’s not the French ideal, and I won’t claim that France is wrong either. There could be numerous valid reasons for doing anything, and the reasons France has for her proactive policies in Africa are legitimate: they provide a use for her military personnel where their activity won’t threaten the state, as keeping these individuals in Paris has proven nearly as practical as storing high-proof spirits and gunpowder in a living room surrounded by lit matches; her other reason is the chance African ventures offer for valuable military training. In England, you might often hear remarks about French annexation in Africa like, “Oh! Let her have the barren land; may it serve her well.” France understands exactly what benefits it will gain, and she will gladly accept all that she can quietly acquire as compensation for her restraint concerning Egypt, and she will readily fight for the remainder—who could blame her? She knows Africa is an excellent training ground for her officers. Simulated battles and autumn drills have some value in creating a competent army, but all those practice sessions combined over a decade can’t compare to one month of real warfare when it comes to preparing an army for its actual tasks, and France knows that real work will return someday—not too far in the future—for her forces. How soon it comes doesn’t concern her much; she has never held a vision of Peace and never will, and the next time she competes with one of our Teutonic nations, she will be backed by soldiers who have honed their skills on the scorching sands of Senegal, and they will be tough to defeat. We don’t need Africa as a training ground for our military; India serves as an exceptional military academy for any nation’s needs; instead, we need as much of Africa as we can get—West, East, and South—as a market, and this is where we clash with France. France not only fails to develop trade in her colonies for her gain but also restricts broader trade opportunities through her preferential tariffs, making it difficult for us to trade freely in her colonies the way she and Germany do in ours. We can enter her colonies and do business with French goods, and that happens, but French products aren’t as fitting due to their design, nor can they be sold at a profit substantial enough for significant trade. Nonetheless, France imposes few obstacles, if any, on plantation ventures. However, this enterprise is currently hindered by a lack of quality labor and isn’t very profitable in Africa right now.
FOREIGN LABOUR. - Several important authorities have advocated the importation of foreign labour into Africa. This seems to me to be a fatal error, for several reasons. For one thing, experience has by now fully demonstrated that the West Coast climate is bad for men not native to it, whether those men be white, black, or yellow. The United Presbyterian Mission who work in Old Calabar was founded with the intention of inaugurating a mission which, after the white men had established it, was to be carried on by educated Christian blacks from Jamaica, where this mission had long been established and flourished. But it was found that these men, although primarily Africans, had by their deportation from Africa in the course, in some cases, of only one generation, lost the power of resistance to the deadly malarial climate their forefathers possessed, and so the mission is now carried on by whites; not that these good people have a greater resistance to the fever than the Jamaica Christians, but because they are more devoted to the evangelisation of the African; and what black assistance they receive comes, with the exception of Mrs. Fuller, from a few educated Effiks of Calabar.
FOREIGN LABOUR. - Several key authorities have supported bringing foreign labor into Africa. I believe this is a major mistake for several reasons. First, experience has shown that the West Coast climate is harsh for anyone not native to it, regardless of whether they are white, black, or Asian. The United Presbyterian Mission, which operates in Old Calabar, was originally established with the plan that after the white founders set it up, educated Christian blacks from Jamaica—where this mission had been well established—would take over. However, it was discovered that these men, although originally African, had lost the ability to withstand the deadly malarial climate that their ancestors could endure, often in just one generation. As a result, the mission is now run by white individuals; this isn't because they resist the fever better than the Jamaican Christians, but because they are more dedicated to evangelizing in Africa. The black support they receive mainly comes, with the exception of Mrs. Fuller, from a few educated Effiks of Calabar.
The Congo Free State have imported as labourers both West Indian negroes - principally Barbadians - and Chinamen. In both cases the mortality has been terrible - more than the white mortality, which competent authorities put down for the Congo at 77 per cent., and the experiment has therefore failed. It may be said that much of this mortality has arisen from the way in which these labourers have been treated in the Free State, but that this is not entirely the case is demonstrated by the case of the Annamese in Congo Français, who are well treated. These Annamese are the political prisoners arising from the French occupation of Tong-kin; and the mortality among one gang of 100 of them who were employed to make the path through swampy ground from Glass to Libreville - a distance of two and a half miles - was seventy, and this although the swamp was nothing particularly bad as swamps go, and was swept by sea-air the whole way.
The Congo Free State has brought in laborers from both the West Indies—mainly Barbadians—and Chinese workers. In both groups, the death rate has been horrific, even higher than the white mortality rate, which experts estimate at 77 percent for the Congo, leading to the conclusion that this experiment has failed. While it's true that much of this death toll is due to the way these laborers have been treated in the Free State, it's also shown that this isn’t the whole story. For instance, the Annamese workers in Congo Français, who are treated well, demonstrate this point. These Annamese are political prisoners from the French occupation of Tonkin; among one group of 100 employed to clear a path through swampy land from Glass to Libreville—a distance of two and a half miles—70 died. This is despite the swamp not being particularly severe as swamps go, and being exposed to sea air the entire route.
Even had the experiment of imported labour been successful for the time being, I hold it would be a grave error to import labour into Africa. For this reason, that Africa possesses in herself the most magnificent mass of labour material in the whole world, and surely if her children could build up, as they have, the prosperity and trade of the Americas, she should, under proper guidance and good management, be able to build up her own. But good guidance and proper management are the things that are wanted - and are wanting. It is impossible to go into this complicated question fully here, and I will merely ask unprejudiced people who do not agree with me, whether they do not think that as so much has been done with one African tribe, the Krumen - a tribe possessing no material difference in make of mind or body from hundreds of other tribes, but which have merely been trained by white men in a different way from other tribes - that there is room for great hope in the native labour supply? And would not a very hopeful outlook for West Africa regarding the labour question be possible, if a régime of common sense were substituted for our present one?
Even if the experiment of bringing in foreign workers had been successful for a while, I believe it would be a serious mistake to import labor into Africa. The reason is that Africa has the most incredible labor potential in the world, and surely if its people could create the prosperity and trade seen in the Americas, they should be able to develop their own under the right guidance and good management. But what we need are good guidance and proper management - and those are lacking. It’s impossible to fully discuss this complex issue here, so I will just ask open-minded people who disagree with me if they don’t think that since so much has been achieved with one African tribe, the Krumen - a tribe that is no different in mental or physical makeup from many others, but has simply been trained differently by white people - there is reason for great hope in the local labor supply? Wouldn’t a very optimistic outlook for West Africa regarding the labor issue be possible if we replaced our current system with a common-sense approach?
This is of course the missionary question - a question which I feel it is hopeless to attempt to speak of without being gravely misunderstood, and which I therefore would willingly shirk mentioning, but I am convinced that the future of Africa is not to be dissociated from the future of its natives by the importation of yellow races or Hindoos; and the missionary question is not to be dissociated from the future of the African natives; and so the subject must be touched on; and I preface my remarks by stating that I have a profound personal esteem for several missionaries, naturally, for it is impossible to know such men and women as Mr. and Mrs. Dennis Kemp, of the Gold Coast, Mme. and M. Jacot, and Mme. and M. Forget, and M. Gacon, and Dr. Nassau, of Gaboon, and many others without recognising at once the beauty of their natures, and the nobility of their intentions. Indeed, taken as a whole, the missionaries must be regarded as superbly brave, noble-minded men who go and risk their own lives, and often those of their wives and children, and definitely sacrifice their personal comfort and safety to do what, from their point of view, is their simple duty; but it is their methods of working that have produced in West Africa the results which all truly interested in West Africa must deplore; and one is bound to make an admission that goes against one’s insular prejudice - that the Protestant English missionaries have had most to do with rendering the African useless.
This is obviously the missionary question - a topic that I feel is nearly impossible to discuss without being seriously misunderstood, and so I would prefer not to bring it up. However, I truly believe that the future of Africa cannot be separated from the future of its native people by bringing in other races or Hindoos; and the missionary question cannot be separated from the future of the African natives, so it has to be addressed. I want to start my comments by saying that I have a deep personal respect for several missionaries, naturally, because it's hard to know people like Mr. and Mrs. Dennis Kemp from the Gold Coast, Mme. and M. Jacot, Mme. and M. Forget, M. Gacon, and Dr. Nassau from Gaboon, along with many others, without recognizing their admirable qualities and noble intentions. In fact, when looking at the bigger picture, missionaries should be seen as incredibly brave, noble-minded individuals who risk their own lives, and often those of their wives and children, sacrificing their comfort and safety to fulfill what they believe is their simple duty. But it’s their methods that have led to the troubling results in West Africa that anyone genuinely interested in the region must lament; and we must admit, counter to our own biases, that Protestant English missionaries have played a significant role in making the African natives less capable.
The bad effects that have arisen from their teaching have come primarily from the failure of the missionary to recognise the difference between the African and themselves as being a difference not of degree but of kind. I am aware that they are supported in this idea by several eminent ethnologists; but still there are a large number of anatomical facts that point the other way, and a far larger number still relating to mental attributes, and I feel certain that a black man is no more an undeveloped white man than a rabbit is an undeveloped hare; and the mental difference between the two races is very similar to that between men and women among ourselves. A great woman, either mentally or physically, will excel an indifferent man, but no woman ever equals a really great man. The missionary to the African has done what my father found them doing to the Polynesians - “regarding the native minds as so many jugs only requiring to be emptied of the stuff which is in them and refilled with the particular form of dogma he is engaged in teaching, in order to make them the equals of the white races.” This form of procedure works in very various ways. It eliminates those parts of the native fetish that were a wholesome restraint on the African. The children in the mission school are, be it granted, better than the children outside it in some ways; they display great aptitude for learning anything that comes in their way - but there is a great difference between white and black children. The black child is a very solemn thing. It comes into the world in large quantities and looks upon it with its great sad eyes as if it were weighing carefully the question whether or no it is a fit place for a respectable soul to abide in. Four times in ten it decides that it is not, and dies. If, however, it decides to stay, it passes between two and three years in a grim and profound study - occasionally emitting howls which end suddenly in a sob - whine it never does. At the end of this period it takes to spoon food, walks about and makes itself handy to its mother or goes into the mission school. If it remains in the native state it has no toys of a frivolous nature, a little hoe or a little calabash are considered better training; if it goes into the school, it picks up, with astonishing rapidity, the lessons taught it there - giving rise to hopes for its future which are only too frequently disappointed in a few years’ time. It is not until he reaches years of indiscretion that the African becomes joyful; but, when he attains this age he always does cheer up considerably, and then, whatever his previous training may have been, he takes to what Mr. Kipling calls “boot” with great avidity - and of this he consumes an enormous quantity. For the next sixteen years, barring accidents, he “rips”; he rips carefully, terrified by his many fetish restrictions, if he is a pagan; but if he is in that partially converted state you usually find him in when trouble has been taken with his soul - then he rips unrestrained.
The negative effects that have come from their teaching mostly stem from the missionary's failure to recognize that the differences between Africans and themselves are not just variations in degree but entirely different kinds. I know that several prominent ethnologists support this view, but there are a lot of anatomical facts that suggest otherwise, along with an even greater number related to mental traits. I'm convinced that a Black man is no more an undeveloped White man than a rabbit is an undeveloped hare; the mental differences between the two races are very similar to those between men and women among ourselves. A great woman, whether mentally or physically, can outshine an average man, but no woman ever matches a truly great man. The missionary to the African has done what my father observed happening with the Polynesians—viewing the native minds as merely empty vessels that need to be filled with the specific dogma he is teaching to make them the equals of White races. This approach works in various ways. It removes those aspects of the native beliefs that served as a beneficial restraint on the African. The children in the mission school, it must be acknowledged, are better than those outside in some respects; they show a strong ability to learn whatever comes their way—but there is a significant difference between White and Black children. The Black child is a serious being. It enters the world in large numbers and looks at it with big, sad eyes, as if carefully considering whether or not it’s a suitable place for a respectable soul to inhabit. Four times out of ten, it decides it isn’t and dies. If, however, it chooses to stay, it spends two to three years in a deep and somber contemplation—occasionally bursting into howls that suddenly turn into sobs; it never whines. After this period, it begins to eat solid food, walks around, and either helps its mother or goes to the mission school. If it remains in its native environment, it has no frivolous toys; a small hoe or a little calabash is seen as better training. If it goes to school, it quickly picks up the lessons taught there, leading to hopes for its future that are often dashed a few years later. It’s not until reaching the age of recklessness that the African becomes joyful; but when he reaches that age, he definitely cheers up and, regardless of his previous training, takes to what Mr. Kipling calls “boot” with great enthusiasm—and consumes a significant amount of it. For the next sixteen years, barring any accidents, he “rips.” He rips carefully, anxious due to his many cultural restrictions if he’s a pagan; but if he’s in the somewhat converted state that you often find him in when efforts have been made to save his soul—then he rips without restraint.
It is most unfair to describe Africans in this state as “converted,” either in missionary reports or in attacks on them. They are not converted in the least. A really converted African is a very beautiful form of Christian; but those Africans who are the chief mainstay of missionary reports and who afford such material for the scoffer thereat, have merely had the restraint of fear removed from their minds in the mission schools without the greater restraint of love being put in its place.
It’s really unfair to label Africans in this situation as “converted,” whether in missionary reports or criticisms of them. They are not converted at all. A truly converted African is a wonderfully genuine type of Christian; however, those Africans who primarily support missionary reports and provide material for critics have simply had their fear taken away in mission schools, without any deeper sense of love replacing it.
The missionary-made man is the curse of the Coast, and you find him in European clothes and without, all the way down from Sierra Leone to Loanda. The pagans despise him, the whites hate him, still he thinks enough of himself to keep him comfortable. His conceit is marvellous, nothing equals it except perhaps that of the individual rife among us which the Saturday Review once aptly described as “the suburban agnostic”; and the “missionary man” is very much like the suburban agnostic in his religious method. After a period of mission-school life he returns to his country-fashion, and deals with the fetish connected with it very much in the same way as the suburban agnostic deals with his religion, i.e. he removes from it all the inconvenient portions. “Shouldn’t wonder if there might be something in the idea of the immortality of the soul, and a future Heaven, you know - but as for Hell, my dear sir, that’s rank superstition, no one believes in it now, and as for Sabbath-keeping and food-restrictions - what utter rubbish for enlightened people!” So the backsliding African deals with his country-fashion ideas: he eliminates from them the idea of immediate retribution, etc., and keeps the polygamy and the dances, and all the lazy, hazy-minded native ways. The education he has received at the mission school in reading and writing fits him for a commercial career, and as every African is a born trader he embarks on it, and there are pretty goings on! On the West Coast he frequently sets up in business for himself; on the South-West Coast he usually becomes a sub-trader to one of the great English, French, or German firms. On both Coasts he gets himself disliked, and brings down opprobrium on all black traders, expressed in language more powerful than select. This wholesale denunciation of black traders is unfair, because there are many perfectly straight trading natives; still the majority are recruited from missionary school failures, and are utterly bad.
The man created by the missionary is a problem for the Coast, and you can find him wearing both European clothes and traditional outfits, all the way from Sierra Leone to Luanda. The locals look down on him, the white people despise him, yet he has enough self-esteem to keep himself comfortable. His arrogance is astounding, and nothing matches it except, perhaps, that of the "suburban agnostic," which the Saturday Review aptly described. The “missionary man” is quite similar to the suburban agnostic in his approach to religion. After spending time in mission school, he returns to his traditional ways and engages with the associated beliefs much like the suburban agnostic interacts with his faith, that is to say, he discards all the inconvenient aspects. “I wouldn’t be surprised if there’s something to the idea of the immortality of the soul and a future Heaven, you know – but as for Hell, my dear sir, that’s just superstition; no one believes in that anymore, and as for keeping the Sabbath and dietary restrictions – what nonsense for educated people!” The African who has strayed from his roots approaches his traditional beliefs similarly: he removes the idea of immediate punishment, etc., while retaining polygamy, dances, and all those laid-back, vague native customs. The education he receives at mission school in reading and writing enables him for a commercial career, and since every African is a natural trader, he dives into it, leading to some questionable practices! On the West Coast, he often starts his own business; on the South-West Coast, he usually becomes a sub-trader for one of the big English, French, or German companies. On both coasts, he manages to be disliked and brings shame onto all black traders, expressed in terms stronger than selective critique. This broad condemnation of black traders is unjust since there are many honest native traders; however, the majority come from missionary school dropouts and are utterly dishonest.
“Post hoc non propter hoc” is an excellent maxim, but one that never seems to enter the missionary head down here. Highly disgusted and pained at his pupils’ goings-on, but absolutely convinced of the excellence of his own methods of instruction, and the spiritual equality, irrespective of colour, of Christians; the missionary rises up, and says things one can understand him saying about the bad influence of the white traders; stating that they lure the pupils from the fold to destruction. These things are nevertheless not true. Then the white trader hears them, and gets his back up and says things about the effect of missionary training on the African, which are true, but harsh, because it is not the missionaries’ intent to turn out skilful forgers, and unmitigated liars, although they practically do so. My share when I drop in on this state of mutual recrimination is to get myself into hot water with both parties. The missionary thinks me misguided for regarding the African’s goings-on as part of the make of the man, and the trader regards me as a soft-headed idiot when I state that it is not the missionary’s individual blame that a lamb recently acquired from the fold has gone down the primrose path with the trust, or the rum. Shade of Sir John Falstaff! what a life this is!
“Post hoc non propter hoc” is a great saying, but it never seems to register with the missionaries down here. Frustrated and hurt by what his students are up to, yet completely convinced that his teaching methods are the best and that all Christians are spiritually equal, regardless of skin color, the missionary stands up and makes comments about the negative influence of the white traders; he claims they lead the students away from their path to ruin. However, these claims aren't true. Then the white trader hears these comments, gets defensive, and talks about how missionary training impacts Africans, which is accurate but harsh, because the missionaries don’t intend to turn people into skilled forgers or outright liars, even though that’s what often happens. When I find myself in the middle of this blame game, I end up in hot water with both sides. The missionary thinks I'm misguided for viewing the African behavior as part of who they are, and the trader sees me as a naive fool when I point out that it’s not solely the missionary’s fault if a recently acquired student strays off course because of trust or alcohol. Good grief, what a life this is!
The two things to which the missionary himself ascribes his want of success are polygamy and the liquor traffic. Now polygamy is, like most other subjects, a difficult thing to form a just opinion on, if before forming the opinion you make a careful study of the facts bearing on the case. It is therefore advisable, if you wish to produce an opinion generally acceptable in civilised circles, to follow the usual recipe for making opinions - just take a prejudice of your own, and fix it up with the so-called opinion of that class of people who go in for that sort of prejudice too. I have got myself so entangled with facts that I cannot follow this plan, and therefore am compelled to think polygamy for the African is not an unmixed evil; and that at the present culture-level of the African it is not to be eradicated. This arises from two reasons; the first is that it is perfectly impossible for one African woman to do the work of the house, prepare the food, fetch water, cultivate the plantations, and look after the children attributive to one man. She might do it if she had the work in her of an English or Irish charwoman, but she has not, and a whole villageful of African women do not do the work in a week that one of these will do in a day. Then, too, the African lady is quite indifferent as to what extent her good man may flirt with other ladies so long only as he does not go and give them more cloth and beads than he gives her; and the second reason for polygamy lies in the custom well-known to ethnologists, and so widely diffused that one might say it was constant throughout all African tribes, only there are so many of them whose domestic relationships have not been carefully observed.
The two things the missionary blames for his lack of success are polygamy and the liquor trade. Polygamy, like many other topics, is tough to form a fair opinion on if you don't carefully study the relevant facts beforehand. So, if you want to create an opinion that is widely accepted in civilized circles, it's best to stick to the usual method for forming opinions—just pick a prejudice you already have and align it with the so-called opinion of those who share that same bias. I've gotten so caught up in the facts that I can't follow this approach, and so I have to believe that polygamy is not entirely bad for Africans; at the current cultural level of Africans, it can't be simply eliminated. This belief is due to two reasons. First, it's entirely impractical for one African woman to handle all the household duties, prepare meals, fetch water, farm the land, and care for the children for one man. She might be able to manage it if she had the work ethic of an English or Irish housekeeper, but she doesn't, and a whole village of African women won't accomplish in a week what one of those women can do in a day. Additionally, the African woman is pretty indifferent to how much her partner may flirt with other women, as long as he doesn’t give them more cloth and beads than he gives her. The second reason for polygamy comes from a custom that is well-known to anthropologists and is so widespread that one could argue it’s consistent throughout all African tribes, even though many of their domestic arrangements have not been closely studied.
As regards the drink traffic - no one seems inclined to speak the truth about it in West Africa; and what I say I must be understood to say only about West Africa, because I do not like to form opinions without having had opportunities for personal observation, and the only part of Africa I have had these opportunities in has been from Sierra Leone to Angola; and the reports from South Africa show that an entirely different, and a most unhealthy state of affairs exists there from its invasion by mixed European nationalities, with individuals of a low type, greedy for wealth. West African conditions are no more like South African conditions than they are like Indian. The missionary party on the whole have gravely exaggerated both the evil and the extent of the liquor traffic in West Africa. I make an exception in favour of the late superintendent of the Wesleyan mission on the Gold Coast, the Rev. Dennis Kemp, who had enough courage and truth in him to stand up at a public meeting in Liverpool, on July 2nd, 1896, and record it as his opinion that, “the natives of the Gold Coast were remarkably abstemious; but spirits were, ‘he believed,’ of no benefit to the natives, and they would be better without them.” I have quoted the whole of the remark, as it is never fair to quote half a man says on any subject, but I do not agree with the latter half of it, and the Gold Coast natives are not any more abstemious, if so much so, as other tribes on the Coast. I have elsewhere {493} attempted to show that the drink-traffic is by no means the most important factor in the mission failure on the West Coast, but that it has been used in an unjustifiable way by the missionary party, because they know the cry against alcohol is at present a popular one in England, and it has also the advantage of making the subscribers at home regard the African as an innocent creature who is led away by bad white men, and therefore still more interesting and more worthy, and in more need of subscriptions than ever. I should rather like to see the African lady or gentleman who could be “led away” - all the leading away I have seen on the Coast has been the other way about.
As for the drinking issue, nobody seems willing to tell the truth about it in West Africa. What I'm saying applies only to West Africa because I don't like to make judgments without having had the chance to observe things myself. The only part of Africa where I've had this opportunity is from Sierra Leone to Angola. Reports from South Africa reveal a completely different and much more concerning situation, impacted by mixed European groups and individuals who are low in character and motivated by greed. West African circumstances are as different from South African circumstances as they are from Indian ones. Overall, missionary groups have significantly exaggerated both the severity and the reach of the liquor trade in West Africa. I do want to acknowledge the late superintendent of the Wesleyan mission on the Gold Coast, Rev. Dennis Kemp, who had the courage to say at a public meeting in Liverpool on July 2, 1896, that “the natives of the Gold Coast were remarkably abstemious; but spirits were, ‘he believed,’ of no benefit to the natives, and they would be better without them.” I’ve quoted his entire statement because it’s unfair to take only part of what someone says on any topic, but I don’t agree with the latter half of it. The natives of the Gold Coast aren’t any more abstemious, if at all, than other tribes along the coast. In another piece {493}, I’ve tried to show that the liquor trade is by no means the main reason for mission failures on the West Coast. Instead, the missionaries have unjustifiably used this issue because they know that the anti-alcohol message is currently popular in England. This strategy makes the subscribers back home see the African as an innocent individual led astray by bad white men, making their cause seem even more compelling and deserving of support. I'd really like to meet an African lady or gentleman who could be “led away”—all the instances of leading I’ve witnessed along the coast have gone in the opposite direction.
I do not say every missionary on the West Coast who makes untrue statements on this subject is an original liar; he is usually only following his leaders and repeating their observations without going into the evidence around him; and the missionary public in England and Scotland are largely to blame for their perpetual thirst for thrilling details of the amount of Baptisms and Experiences among the people they pay other people to risk their lives to convert, or for thrilling details of the difficulties these said emissaries have to contend with. As for the general public who swallow the statements, I think they are prone, from the evidence of the evils they see round them directly arising from drink, to accept as true - without bothering themselves with calm investigation - statements of a like effect regarding other people. I have no hesitation in saying that in the whole of West Africa, in one week, there is not one-quarter the amount of drunkenness you can see any Saturday night you choose in a couple of hours in the Vauxhall Road; and you will not find in a whole year’s investigation on the Coast, one-seventieth part of the evil, degradation, and premature decay you can see any afternoon you choose to take a walk in the more densely-populated parts of any of our own towns. I own the whole affair is no business of mine; for I have no financial interest in the liquor traffic whatsoever. But I hate the preying upon emotional sympathy by misrepresentation, and I grieve to see thousands of pounds wasted that are bitterly needed by our own cold, starving poor. I do not regard the money as wasted because it goes to the African, but because such an immense percentage of it does no good and much harm to him.
I’m not saying that every missionary on the West Coast who makes false statements about this is a liar; they usually just follow their leaders and repeat what they hear without checking the evidence around them. The missionary community in England and Scotland bears a lot of the blame for their constant craving for exciting details about the number of baptisms and experiences among the people they pay others to risk their lives to convert, or about the difficulties those emissaries face. As for the general public who believe these claims, they tend to accept as true—without doing any careful investigation—similar statements about others, especially given the visible issues caused by alcohol. I have no doubt that in the entire West Africa, within a week, there’s not even a quarter of the drunkenness you can witness on any Saturday night in just a few hours on Vauxhall Road; and you wouldn’t find in a whole year of research on the Coast one-seventieth of the harm, degradation, and premature decline you can see any afternoon while walking in the more densely populated areas of our own towns. I admit this whole situation isn’t my concern, since I have no financial stake in the liquor trade at all. But I dislike the exploitation of emotional sympathy through misrepresentation, and it pains me to see thousands of pounds wasted that are desperately needed by our own cold, starving poor. I don’t see that money as wasted just because it goes to Africa, but because such a huge percentage of it does no good and causes much harm to the people there.
It is customary to refer to the spirit sent out to West Africa as “poisonous” and as raw alcohol. It is neither. I give an analysis of a bottle of Van Hoytima’s trade-gin, which I obtained to satisfy my own curiosity on the point.
It’s common to call the spirit sent to West Africa “poisonous” and raw alcohol. It’s neither. I provide an analysis of a bottle of Van Hoytima’s trade gin, which I got to satisfy my own curiosity on the matter.
“ANALYSIS OF SAMPLE OF TRADE-GIN.
"Analysis of Trade Gin Sample."
“With reference to the bottle of the above I have the honour to report as follows: -
“With regard to the bottle mentioned above, I’m pleased to report the following: -”
It contains - Per cent.
Absolute alcohol . . . . . 39.35
Acidity expressed as acetic acid . 0.0068
Ethers expressed as acetic acid . 0.021
Aldehydes. . . . Present in small quantity.
Furfural . . . . Ditto ditto
Higher alcohols . . Ditto ditto
It contains - Percentage.
Absolute alcohol . . . . 39.35
Acidity expressed as acetic acid . 0.0068
Ethers expressed as acetic acid . 0.021
Aldehydes . . . Present in small amounts.
Furfural . . . Same same
Higher alcohols . . Same same
“The only alcohol that can be estimated quantitatively is Ethyl Alcohol.
“The only alcohol that can be measured accurately is Ethyl Alcohol.”
“There is no methyl, and the higher alcohols, as shown by Savalie’s method, only exist in traces. The spirit is flavoured by more than one essential oil, and apparently oil of juniper is one of these oils.
“There is no methyl, and the higher alcohols, as shown by Savalie’s method, only exist in traces. The spirit is flavored by more than one essential oil, and it seems that oil of juniper is one of these oils."
“The liquid contains no sugar, and leaves but a small extract. In my opinion the liquid essentially consists of a pure distilled spirit flavoured with essential oils.
“The liquid has no sugar and only leaves a small amount of extract. In my view, the liquid is mainly a pure distilled spirit flavored with essential oils."
“Of course no attempt to identify these oils in the quantity sent, viz., 632 c.c. (one bottle) was made. The ethers are returned as ethyl acetate, but from fractional distillation amyl acetate was found to be present.
“Of course, no effort was made to identify these oils in the amount sent, which was 632 c.c. (one bottle). The ethers are reported as ethyl acetate, but from fractional distillation, amyl acetate was found to be present.”
“I
have the honour to be, etc.,
(Signed)
“G. H. ROBERTSON.
“Fellow
of the Chemical Society,
“Associate
of the Institute of Chemistry.”
“I
am honored to be, etc.,
(Signed)
“G. H. ROBERTSON.
“Member
of the Chemical Society,
“Associate
of the Institute of Chemistry.”
In a subsequent letter Mr. Robertson observed that he had been “assisted in making the above analysis by an expert in the chemistry of alcohols, who said that the present sample differed in no material particulars from, and was neither more nor less deleterious to health than, gin purchased in different parts of London and submitted to analysis.”
In a later letter, Mr. Robertson noted that he had been “helped in making the analysis above by an expert in alcohol chemistry, who stated that the current sample was not significantly different from, and was neither more nor less harmful to health than, gin bought in various parts of London and analyzed.”
In addition to this analysis I have also one of Messrs. Peters’ gin, equally satisfactory, and as Van Hoytima and Peters are the two great suppliers of the gin that goes to West Africa, I think the above is an answer to the “poison” statements, and should be sufficient evidence against it for all people who are not themselves absolute teetotalers. Absolute teetotalers are definite-minded people, and one respects them more than one does those who do not hold with teetotalism for themselves, but think it a good thing for other people, and moreover it is of no use arguing with them because they say all alcohol is poison, and won’t appreciate any evidence to the contrary, so “palaver done set”; but a large majority of those who attack, or believe in the rectitude of the attack on, the African liquor traffic are not teetotalers and so should be capable of forming a just opinion.
Along with this analysis, I also have a sample of Messrs. Peters’ gin, which is equally satisfactory. Since Van Hoytima and Peters are the two major suppliers of gin that goes to West Africa, I believe this addresses the “poison” claims and should provide enough evidence against them for everyone who isn't a strict teetotaler. Strict teetotalers are firm in their beliefs, and I respect them more than those who don’t practice teetotalism themselves but think it’s a good thing for others. Additionally, it’s pointless to argue with them because they insist that all alcohol is poison and won’t consider any evidence to the contrary, so “palaver done set.” However, a large majority of those who criticize or support the critique of the African liquor trade are not teetotalers and should be able to form a fair opinion.
My personal knowledge of the district where most of the liquor goes in - the Oil Rivers - has been gained in Duke Town, Old Calabar. I have been there four separate times, and last year stayed there continuously for some months during a period in which if Duke Town had felt inclined to go on the bust, it certainly could have done so; for the police and most of the Government officials were away at Brass in consequence of the Akassa palaver, and those few who were left behind and the white traders were down with an epidemic of malarial typhoid. But Duke Town did nothing of the kind. I used to be down in the heart of the town, at Eyambas market by Prince Archebongs’s house, night after night alone, watching the devil-makings that were going on there, and the amount of drunkenness I saw was exceedingly small. I did the same thing at the adjacent town of Qwa. My knowledge of Bonny, Bell, and Akkwa towns, Libreville, Lembarene, Kabinda, Boma, Banana, Nkoi, Loanda, etc., is extensive and peculiar, and I have spent hours in them when the whole of the missionary and Government people have been safe in their distant houses; so had the evils of the liquor traffic been anything like half what it is made out to be I must have come across it in appalling forms, and I have not.
My personal understanding of the district where most of the liquor goes— the Oil Rivers— comes from my time in Duke Town, Old Calabar. I’ve been there four times, and last year I stayed for several months during a time when, if Duke Town had wanted to get wild, it definitely had the chance. Most of the police and Government officials were away at Brass because of the Akassa conflict, and the few who remained, along with the white traders, were battling an outbreak of malarial typhoid. But Duke Town didn’t go off the rails like that. I used to spend my nights right in the center of town, at Eyamba’s market next to Prince Archebong’s house, alone, watching the chaos happening around me, and the amount of drunkenness I witnessed was very minimal. I observed the same situation in the nearby town of Qwa. My knowledge of Bonny, Bell, Akkwa towns, Libreville, Lembarene, Kabinda, Boma, Banana, Nkoi, Loanda, and others is extensive and unique, and I’ve spent hours in those places while all the missionaries and Government officials stayed safe in their distant homes; if the issues with the liquor trade were even close to what people claim they are, I would have certainly encountered them in disturbing ways, but I haven’t.
The figures of the case I will not here quote because they are easily obtainable from Government reports by any one interested in the matter. I regard their value as being small unless combined with a knowledge of the West Coast trade. The liquor goes in at a few ports on the West Coast, and into the hands of those tribes who act as middlemen between the white trader and the interior trade-stuff-producing tribes; and is thereby diffused over an enormous extent of thickly inhabited country. We English are directly in touch with none of the interior trade - save in the territory of the Royal Niger Company, and the Delta tribes with whom we deal in the Oil Rivers subsist on this trade between the interior and the Coast, and they prefer to use spirits as a buying medium because they get the highest percentage of profit from it, and the lowest percentage of loss by damage when dealing with it. It does not get spoilt by damp, like tobacco and cloth do; indeed, in addition to the amount of moisture supplied by their reeking climate, they superadd a large quantity of river water to the spirit before it leaves their hands, while with the other articles of trade it is one perpetual grind to keep them free from moisture and mildew. In their Coast towns there are immense stores of gin in cases, which they would as soon think of drinking themselves as we, if we were butchers, would think of eating up the stock in the shop. A certain percentage of spirit is consumed in the Delta, and if spirits are wanted anywhere they are wanted in the Niger Delta region; and about one-eighth part of that used here is used for fetish-worship, poured out on the ground and mixed with other things to hang in bottles over fish-traps, and so on to make residences for guardian spirits who are expected to come and take up their abode in them. Spirits to the spirits, on the sweets to the sweet principle is universal in West Africa; and those photographs you are often shown of dead chiefs’ graves with bottles on them merely demonstrate that the deceased was taking down with him a little liquor for his own use in the under-world - which he holds to be possessed of a chilly and damp climate - and a little over to give a propitiatory peg to one of the ruling authorities there - or any old friend he may come across in the Elysian fields. This is possibly a misguided heathen thing of him to do, and it is generally held in European circles that the under-world such an individual as he will go to is neither damp, nor chilly. But granting this, no one can contest but that the world he spends his life here in is damp, and that the natives of the Niger Delta live in a saturated forest swamp region that reeks with malaria. Their damp mud-walled houses frequently flooded, they themselves spend the greater part of their time dabbling about in the stinking mangrove swamps, and then, for five months in the year, they are wrapped in the almost continuous torrential downpour of the West African wet season, followed in the Delta by the so-called “dry” season, with its thick morning and evening mists, and the air rarely above dew-point. Then their food is of poor quality and insufficient quantity, and in districts near the coast noticeably deficient in meat of any kind. I think the desire for spirits and tobacco, given these conditions, is quite reasonable, and that when they are taken in moderation, as they usually are, they are anything but deleterious. The African himself has not a shadow of a doubt on the point, and some form of alcohol he will have. When he cannot get white man’s spirit - min makara, as he calls it in Calabar - he takes black man’s spirit min effik. This is palm wine, and although it has escaped the abuse heaped on rum and gin, it is worse for the native than either of the others, for he has to drink a disgusting quantity of it, because from the palm wine he does not get the stimulating effect quickly as from gin or rum, and the enormous quantity consumed at one sitting will distribute its effects over a week. You can always tell whether a native has had a glass too much rum, or half a gallon or so too much palm wine; the first he soon recovers from, while the palm wine keeps him a disgusting nuisance for days, and the constitutional effects of it are worse, for it produces a definite type of renal disease which, if it does not cut short the life of the sufferer in a paroxysm, kills him gradually with dropsy. There is another native drink which works a bitter woe on the African in the form of intoxication combined with a brilliant bilious attack. It is made from honey flavoured with the bark of a certain tree, and as it is very popular I had better not spread it further by giving the recipe. The imported gin keeps the African off these abominations which he has to derange his internal works with before he gets the stimulus that enables him to resist this vile climate; particularly will it keep him from his worst intoxicant lhiamba (Cannabis sativa), a plant which grows wild on the South-West Coast and on the West for all I know, as well as the African or bowstring hemp (Sanseviera guiniensis). The plant that produces the lhiamba is a nettle-like plant growing six to ten feet high, and the natives collect the tops of the stems, with the seed on, in little bundles and dry them. It is evidently the seeds which are regarded by them as being the important part, although they do not collect these separately; but you hear great rows among them when buying and selling a little bundle, on the point of the seeds being shaken out, “Chi! Chi! Chi!” says A., “this is worthless, there are no seeds.” “Ai, Ai,” says B., “never were there so many seeds in a bunch of lhiamba,” etc. It is used smoked, like the ganja of India, not like the preparation bhang, and the way the Africans in the Congo used it was a very quaint one. They would hollow out a little hole in the ground, making a little dome over it; then in went a few hemp-tops; and on to them a few stones made red hot in a fire. Then the dome was closed up and a reed stuck through it. Then one man after another would go and draw up into his lungs as much smoke as he could with one prolonged deep inspiration; and then go apart and cough in a hard, hacking distressing way for ten minutes at a time, and then back to the reed for another pull. In addition to the worry of hearing their coughs, the lhiamba gives you trouble with the men, for it spoils their tempers, making them moody and fractious, and prone to quarrel with each other; and when they get an excessive dose of it their society is more terrifying than tolerable. I once came across three men who had got into this state and a fourth man who had not, but was of the party. They fought with him, and broke his head, and then we proceeded on our way, one gentleman taking flying leaps at some places, climbing up trees now and again, and embedding himself in the bush alongside the path “because of the pools of moving blood on it.” (“If they had not kept moving,” he said as he sat where he fell - “he could have managed it”) - the others having grand times with various creatures, which, judging from their description of them, I was truly thankful were not there. The men’s state of mind, however, soon cleared; and I must say this was the only time I came across this lhiamba giving such strong effects; usually the men just cough with that racking cough that lets you know what they have been up to, and quarrel for a short time. When, however, a whiff of lhiamba is taken by them in the morning before starting on a march, the effect seems to be good, enabling them to get over the ground easily and to endure a long march without being exhausted. But a small tot of rum is better for them by far. Many other intoxicants made from bush are known to and used by the witch doctors.
The details of the case aren't quoted here because anyone interested can easily find them in government reports. I think their value is low unless you also understand the West Coast trade. Liquor comes in at a few ports on the West Coast and ends up with tribes acting as middlemen between white traders and the tribes producing goods in the interior; from there, it spreads across a vast, densely populated area. We English are not directly connected to any of the interior trade - except in the territory of the Royal Niger Company. The Delta tribes we interact with in the Oil Rivers rely on trade between the interior and the Coast, and they prefer to use spirits as currency because they yield the highest profits and the least loss from damage. Spirits are not spoiled by moisture, unlike tobacco and cloth; in fact, in addition to the moisture from their humid climate, they add a significant amount of river water to the spirits before selling them. With other trade items, it’s a constant struggle to keep them free from moisture and mildew. In their coastal towns, there are huge stores of gin in cases, which they would think of drink as little as butchers would consider consuming their own stock. A certain amount of spirits is consumed in the Delta, and if spirits are desired anywhere, it's in the Niger Delta region. About one-eighth of that consumed here is used for fetish-worship, poured out on the ground and mixed with other items to hang in bottles over fish traps, creating homes for guardian spirits expected to inhabit them. The idea of 'spirits for the spirits,' as the saying goes, is prevalent in West Africa. Those photographs frequently shown of dead chiefs' graves adorned with bottles suggest that the deceased took some liquor with them for personal use in the afterlife, as they believe it to be a cold and damp place, and perhaps a little extra to offer to a ruling entity or an old friend in the afterlife. This may be seen as a misguided thing to do, and many Europeans believe the realm he is going to is neither damp nor chilly. However, it's undeniable that the world he inhabits is humid, and the inhabitants of the Niger Delta live in a saturated swamp forest full of malaria. Their mud-walled houses often flood, and they spend most of their time in the foul mangrove swamps. For five months a year, they endure almost continuous heavy rain during West Africa's wet season, followed by the so-called "dry" season, marked by dense morning and evening mist, with humidity rarely dropping below the dew point. Their diet is often of poor quality and insufficient quantity, particularly near the coast where meat is scarce. Given these conditions, the craving for spirits and tobacco seems understandable, and when consumed in moderation, as it usually is, they are not harmful. The African has no doubt about this and will seek some form of alcohol. If he can't find white man’s spirit - min makara, as he calls it in Calabar - he resorts to black man’s spirit min effik. This is palm wine; while it has avoided the negative reputation associated with rum and gin, it's worse for the native in the long run. He has to consume a large amount because palm wine doesn't provide the same quick stimulation as gin or rum, causing the effects to linger for days. You can tell if a native has overindulged in rum or had too much palm wine; he will soon recover from the first but remain a nuisance for days after the second. The long-term effects can lead to a particular type of kidney disease, either killing the individual outright or gradually through dropsy. There's another native drink that brings a tough combination of intoxication and a bad bile attack. It's made from honey infused with the bark of a certain tree, and since it’s popular, I won’t spread the recipe. The imported gin keeps Africans away from these toxic substances they must endure before getting the needed stimulation to withstand this harsh climate. It also helps prevent them from seeking the worst intoxicant, lhiamba (Cannabis sativa), which grows wild along the South-West Coast and possibly the West Coast as well, as does African or bowstring hemp (Sanseviera guiniensis). Lhiamba is a nettle-like plant that can grow six to ten feet high. Natives gather the flowering tops in small bundles and dry them. It’s evident they consider the seeds essential, even if they don’t collect them separately. When negotiating the price of lhiamba, there’s often much debate over whether seeds are included: “Chi! Chi! Chi!” says A., “this is worthless; there are no seeds.” “Ai, Ai,” says B., “never were there so many seeds in a bunch of lhiamba,” and so on. The plant is smoked like India’s ganja but not like the preparation called bhang. In the Congo, they had a quirky way of using it. They would dig a small hole in the ground, forming a dome over it, then add some hemp tops and hot stones. They’d cover it up and insert a reed. One by one, they would take a long deep breath from the reed, hold it, and then cough violently for ten minutes before returning to take another pull. Besides the irritation of hearing their coughs, lhiamba can cause issues among them, as it makes them moody and irritable, often leading to quarrels. When they’ve had too much, their company becomes more frightening than enjoyable. I once encountered three men in that state and a fourth who hadn't drunk but was part of the group. They ended up fighting him, injuring him, and as we continued on our way, one guy was leaping around madly, climbing trees now and then, getting stuck in bushes alongside the path because of the "moving pools of blood on it." (“If they hadn’t kept moving,” he said while resting where he fell, “he could have managed it”)—the others were having wild experiences with various creatures, which, judging by their descriptions, I was relieved weren’t present. However, the men’s mental state soon recovered, and I must say this was the only time I witnessed lhiamba causing such strong effects; typically, they just cough with that tell-tale noise that reveals what they've been up to and quarrel briefly. When they take a puff of lhiamba in the morning before a march, however, it seems to enhance their performance, helping them cover ground easily and endure long marches without tiring. But a small drink of rum is definitely far better for them. Many other intoxicants made from local plants are known to and used by witch doctors.
You may say: - Well! if it is not the polygamy and not the drink that makes the West African as useless as he now is as a developer, or a means of developing the country, what is it? In my opinion, it is the sort of instruction he has received, not that this instruction is necessarily bad in itself, but bad from being unsuited to the sort of man to whom it has been given. It has the tendency to develop his emotionalism, his sloth, and his vanity, and it has no tendency to develop those parts of his character which are in a rudimentary state and much want it; thereby throwing the whole character of the man out of gear.
You might say: "Well, if it's not polygamy or drinking that's making West Africans so ineffective as developers or at improving the country, then what is it?" In my view, it's the kind of education they've received. This education isn't necessarily bad on its own, but it's inappropriate for the kind of individuals it's aimed at. It tends to enhance their emotionality, laziness, and ego, while failing to develop the aspects of their character that are still very basic and in need of growth, throwing their whole character out of balance.
The great inferiority of the African to the European lies in the matter of mechanical idea. I own I regard not only the African, but all coloured races, as inferior - inferior in kind not in degree - to the white races, although I know it is unscientific to lump all Africans together and then generalise over them, because the difference between various tribes is very great. But nevertheless there are certain constant quantities in their character, let the tribe be what it may, that enable us to do this for practical purposes, making merely the distinction between Negroes and Bantu, and on the subject of this division I may remark that the Negro is superior to the Bantu. He is both physically and intellectually the more powerful man, and although he does not christianise well, he does often civilise well. The native officials cited by Mr. Hodgson in his letter to the Times of January 4, 1895, as having satisfactorily carried on all the postal and the governmental printing work of the Gold Coast Colony, as well as all the subordinate custom-house officials in the Niger Coast Protectorate - in fact I may say all of them in the whole of the British possessions on the West Coast - are educated Negroes. I am aware that all sea-captains regard this latter class as poisonous nuisances, but then every properly constituted sea-captain regards custom-house officials, let their colour be what it may, as poisonous nuisances anywhere. In addition to these, you will find, notably in Lagos, excellent pure-blooded Negroes in European clothes, and with European culture. The best men among these are lawyers, doctors, and merchants, and I have known many ladies of Africa who have risen to an equal culture level with their lords. On the West African seaboard you do not find the Bantu equally advanced, except among the M’pongwe, and I am persuaded that this tribe is not pure Bantu but of Negro origin. The educated blacks that are not M’pongwe on the Bantu coast (from Cameroons to Benguela), you will find are Negroes, who have gone down there to make money, but this class of African is the clerk class, and we are now concerned with the labourer. The African’s own way of doing anything mechanical is the simplest way, not the easiest, certainly not the quickest: he has all the chuckle-headedness of that overrated creature the ant, for his head never saves his heels. Watch a gang of boat-boys getting a surf boat down a sandy beach. They turn it broadside on to the direction in which they wish it to go, and then turn it bodily over and over, with structure-straining bumps to the boat, and any amount of advice and recriminatory observations to each other. Unless under white direction they will not make a slip, nor will they put rollers under her. Watch again a gang of natives trying to get a log of timber down into the river from the bank, and you will see the same sort of thing - no idea of a lever, or any thing of that sort - and remember that, unless under white direction, the African has never made an even fourteenth-rate piece of cloth or pottery, or a machine, tool, picture, sculpture, and that he has never even risen to the level of picture-writing. I am aware of his ingenious devices for transmitting messages, such as the cowrie shells, strung diversely on strings, in use among the Yoruba, but even these do not equal the picture-writing of the South American Indians, nor the picture the Red Indian does on a raw elk hide; they are far and away inferior to the graphic sporting sketches left us of mammoth hunts by the prehistoric cave men.
The significant difference between Africans and Europeans lies in mechanical thinking. I admit I see not just Africans, but all people of color, as inferior—not in degree, but in kind—to white races, though I understand it’s unscientific to generalize all Africans since there are huge differences between various tribes. Still, there are certain consistent traits in their character, regardless of the tribe, that allow us to categorize them for practical reasons, distinguishing mainly between Negroes and Bantu. Regarding this distinction, I can say that the Negro is superior to the Bantu. He is physically and intellectually stronger, and while he doesn't adapt to Christianity well, he often does a good job of civilizing. The native officials mentioned by Mr. Hodgson in his letter to the Times on January 4, 1895, who successfully handled all postal and governmental printing for the Gold Coast Colony, as well as all subordinate customs officials in the Niger Coast Protectorate—in fact, I could say all of them across the British possessions on the West Coast—are educated Negroes. I'm aware that all sea captains consider this group a nuisance, but any proper sea captain views customs officials, regardless of their race, as a nuisance anywhere. Additionally, you'll find excellent pure-blooded Negroes in Lagos, dressed in European clothing and adopting European culture. The best among them are lawyers, doctors, and merchants, and I've known many African women who have achieved an educational level equal to that of their husbands. On the West African coast, Bantu people aren't as advanced, except among the M’pongwe, and I'm convinced this tribe is not purely Bantu but has Negro origins. The educated blacks who aren't M’pongwe along the Bantu coast (from Cameroon to Benguela) are Negroes who have moved there to earn money, but this group tends to be clerks, and we're focusing on laborers. The African's way of doing anything mechanical is the simplest, but not necessarily the easiest or the quickest; he embodies the cluelessness of that overvalued creature, the ant, where his head doesn't save his feet. Watch a group of boat boys moving a surf boat down a sandy beach. They turn it sideways in the direction they want to go, then flip it over repeatedly, causing stress to the boat and exchanging plenty of advice and complaints among themselves. Without white supervision, they won’t make a move, nor will they place rollers under it. Again, observe a group of locals trying to get a log of timber into the river from the bank, and you’ll see the same behavior—no concept of using a lever or anything similar. And remember, unless supervised by whites, Africans have never made even a mediocre piece of cloth or pottery, nor have they created a machine, tool, picture, or sculpture, and they haven't even achieved picture-writing. I'm aware of their clever methods for sending messages, such as cowrie shells strung in various ways by the Yoruba, but even those don’t measure up to the picture-writing of South American Indians, or the artwork created by Native Americans on raw elk hides; they are far inferior to the graphic drawings left to us by prehistoric cave dwellers depicting mammoth hunts.
This absence of mechanical aptitude is very interesting, though it most likely has the very simple underlying reason that the conditions under which the African has been living have been such as to make no call for a higher mechanical culture. In his native state he does not want to get heavy surf-boats into the sea; his own light dug-out is easily slid down, he does not want to cut down heavy timber trees, and get them into the river, and so on; but this state is now getting disturbed by the influx of white enterprise, and not only disturbed, but destroyed, and so he must alter his ways or there will be grave trouble; but it is encouraging to remark that the African is almost as teachable and as willing to learn handicrafts as he is to assimilate other things, provided his mind has not been poisoned by fallacious ideas, and the results already obtained from the Krumen and the Accras are good. The Accras are not such good workmen as they might be, because they are to a certain extent spoilt by getting, owing to the dearth of labour, higher wages and more toleration for indifferent bits of work than they deserve, or their work is worth; but they have not yet fallen under that deadly spell worked by so many of the white men on so many of the black - the idea that it is the correct and proper thing not to work with your own hands but to get some underling to do all that sort of thing for you, while you read and write. This false ideal formed by the native from his empirical observations of some of the white men around him, has been the cause of great mischief. He sees the white man is his ruling man, rich, powerful, and honoured, and so he imitates him, and goes to the mission-school classes to read and write, and as soon as an African learns to read and write he turns into a clerk. Now there is no immediate use for clerks in Africa, certainly no room for further development in this line of goods. What Africa wants at present, and will want for the next 200 years at least, are workers, planters, plantation hands, miners, and seamen; and there are no schools in Africa to teach these things or the doctrine of the nobility of labour save the technical mission-schools. Almost every mission on the Coast has now a technical school just started or having collections made at home to start one; but in the majority of these crafts such as bookbinding, printing, tailoring, etc., are being taught which are not at present wanted. Still any technical school is better than none, and apart from lay considerations, is of great religious value to the mission indirectly, for there are many instances in mission annals of a missionary receiving great encouragement from the natives when he first starts in a district. At first the converts flock in, get baptised in batches, go to church, attend school, and adopt European clothes with an alacrity and enthusiasm that frequently turns their devoted pastor’s head, but after the lapse of a few months their conduct is enough to break his heart. Dressing up in European clothes amuses the ladies and some of the young men for a long time, in some cases permanently, but the older men and the bolder youths soon get bored, and when an African is bored - and he easily is so - he goes utterly to the bad. It is in these places that an industrial mission would be so valuable to the spiritual cause, for by employing and amusing the largely preponderating lower faculties of the African’s mind, it would give the higher faculties time to develop. I have frequently been told when advocating technical instruction, that there are objections against it from spiritual standpoints, which, as my own views do not enable me to understand them, I will not enter into. Also several authorities, not mission authorities alone, state with ethnologists that the African is incapable of learning, except during the period of childhood.
This lack of mechanical skills is quite interesting, but it probably stems from the simple fact that the conditions in which Africans have lived haven’t required a more advanced mechanical culture. In their native environment, they don’t have a need for heavy surf boats; a simple dugout canoe is enough. They don't need to cut down heavy trees and get them into the river, and so on. However, this situation is now changing due to the arrival of white entrepreneurs, which is not only disrupting but also destroying their way of life. They will have to adapt, or there will be serious consequences. It’s encouraging to note that Africans are nearly as teachable and eager to learn trades as they are to pick up other skills, as long as their minds haven’t been poisoned by false ideas. The results from the Krumen and the Accras have been positive. The Accras aren’t the best workers they could be, since they have gained higher wages and more leniency for mediocre work due to a labor shortage. However, they haven't fully succumbed to the damaging belief propagated by many white men that it’s proper to avoid manual labor and instead have someone else do all that work while they read and write. This misguided ideal, shaped by their observations of some white men, has led to significant problems. They see that the white man is in charge, wealthy, powerful, and respected, so they try to mimic him, going to mission schools to learn reading and writing. Once an African learns these skills, he often becomes a clerk. But there is no immediate need for clerks in Africa, and there's certainly no further development possible in this area. What Africa currently needs—and will need for at least the next 200 years—are workers, planters, farmhands, miners, and sailors. Unfortunately, there are no schools in Africa teaching these skills or promoting the value of labor, except for a few technical mission schools. Almost every mission along the coast now has a technical school that has either just started or is in the process of being established through fundraising. However, most of these schools teach trades like bookbinding, printing, and tailoring, which aren't in demand right now. Still, any technical school is better than none, and beyond practical considerations, they hold great religious value for the mission. There are countless examples in mission history where a missionary receives strong support from locals when starting in a new area. Initially, converts rush in, get baptized in groups, attend church, and go to school, eagerly adopting European clothes, which often leaves their devoted pastor amazed. However, after a few months, their behavior can be quite disheartening. Dressing in European clothes entertains the women and some of the young men for a while, and in some cases, it lasts. But older men and bolder youths quickly become bored, and when an African gets bored—and they can easily become bored—they can end up in a downward spiral. In these situations, an industrial mission could greatly benefit the spiritual cause because by engaging and entertaining the mostly underdeveloped lower faculties of the African mind, it allows the higher faculties the opportunity to grow. I’ve often been told when promoting technical education that there are spiritual objections to it, but since I don’t personally understand these views, I won’t delve into them. Additionally, several experts, not just mission authorities, assert along with ethnologists that Africans can only learn effectively during childhood.
Prof A. H. Keane says - “their inherent mental inferiority, almost more marked than their physical characters, depends on physiological causes by which the intellectual faculties seem to be arrested before attaining their normal development”; and further on, “We must necessarily infer that the development of the negro and white proceeds on different lines. While with the latter the volume of the brain grows with the expansion of the brain-pan; in the former the growth of the brain is on the contrary arrested by the premature closing of the cranial sutures, and lateral pressure of the frontal bone.” {504} You will frequently meet with the statement that the negro child is as intelligent, or more so, than the white child, but that as soon as it passes beyond childhood it makes no further mental advance. Burton says: “His mental development is arrested, and thenceforth he grows backwards instead of forwards.” Now it is nervous work contradicting these statements, but with all due respect to the makers of them I must do so, and I have the comfort of knowing that many men with a larger personal experience of the African than these authorities have, agree with me, although at the same time we utterly disclaim holding the opinion that the African is a man and a brother. A man he is, but not of the same species; and his cranial sutures do, I agree, close early; indeed I have seen them almost obliterated in skulls of men who have died quite young; but I think most anthropologists are nowadays beginning to see that the immense value they a few years since set upon skull measurements and cranial capacity, etc., has been excessive and not to have so great a bearing on the intelligence as they thought. There has been an enormous amount of material carefully collected, mainly by Frenchmen, on craniology, which is exceedingly interesting, but full of difficulty, and giving very diverse indications. Take the weights of brain given by Topinard: -
Prof A. H. Keane says - “their inherent mental inferiority, which is even more noticeable than their physical traits, relies on physiological factors that seem to halt the intellectual development before it reaches its normal level”; and later adds, “We must conclude that the development of Black people and White people follows different paths. While in White people the volume of the brain increases with the expansion of the skull, in Black people the growth of the brain is hindered by the early closing of the cranial sutures and the lateral pressure of the frontal bone.” {504} You will often encounter the claim that the Black child is just as intelligent, or even more so, than the White child, but that once they move beyond childhood, their mental progress halts. Burton states: “His mental development is stopped, and from then on, he regresses instead of progressing.” It’s challenging to contradict these statements, but with all due respect to those who make them, I must disagree, and I find comfort in knowing that many individuals with more personal experience of Africans than these authorities possess agree with me, though we completely reject the idea that Africans are “men and brothers.” A man he is, but not of the same species; and I do agree that his cranial sutures close early; in fact, I have seen them nearly non-existent in the skulls of men who died quite young; however, I believe most anthropologists today are starting to realize that the immense value placed on skull measurements and cranial capacity, etc., a few years back has been overestimated and doesn’t relate to intelligence as profoundly as they once thought. A vast amount of carefully collected material, mainly by French researchers, exists on craniology, which is very interesting but also complex, yielding various insights. Consider the brain weights provided by Topinard: -
1 Annamite . . . . 1233 grammes
7 African negroes . . 1238 “
8 African negroes . . 1289 “
1 Hottentot . . . . 1417 “
1 Annamite . . . . 1233 grams
7 African individuals . . 1238 “
8 African individuals . . 1289 “
1 Hottentot . . . . 1417 “
and I think you will see for practical purposes such considerations as weight of brain, or closure of sutures, etc., are negligible, and so we need not get paralysed with respect for “physiological causes.” Moreover I may remark that the top-weight, the Hottentot, was a lady, and that M. Broca weighed one negro’s brain which scaled 1,500 grammes, while 105 English and Scotchmen only gave an average of 1,427.
and I think you'll find that for practical reasons, things like brain weight or the closure of sutures are insignificant, so we don't need to be overly cautious about "physiological causes." Also, I should point out that the heaviest brain recorded belonged to a woman from the Hottentot people, and M. Broca measured one Black man's brain that weighed 1,500 grams, while 105 English and Scottish men averaged only 1,427 grams.
So I think we may make our minds easy on the safety of sticking to outside facts, and say that after all it does not much affect the question of capacity for industrial training in the African if he does choose to close up the top of his head early, and that the whole attempt to make out that the African is a child-form, “an arrested development,” is - well, not supported by facts. The very comparison between white and black children’s intelligence to the disadvantage of the former is all wrong. The white child is not his inferior; he is not so quick in picking up parlour tricks; but then where are either of the children at that alongside a French poodle? What happens to the African from my observations is just what happens to the European, namely, when he passes out of childhood, he goes into a period of hobbledehoyhood. During this period, his skull might just as well be filled inside with wool as covered outside with it. But after a time, during which he has succeeded in distracting and discouraging the white men who hoped so much of him when he was a child, his mind clears up again and goes ahead all right. It is utter rubbish to say “You cannot teach an adult African,” and that “he grows backwards”; for even without white interference he gets more and more cunning as the time goes on. Does any one who knows them feel inclined to tell me that those old palm-oil chiefs have not learnt a thing or two during their lives? or that a well-matured bush trader has not? Go down to West Africa yourself, if you doubt this, and carry on a series of experiments with them in subjects they know of - trade subjects - try and get the best of a whole series of matured adults, male or female, and I can promise you you will return a wiser and a poorer man, but with a joyful heart regarding the capacity of the African to grow up. Whether he does this by adding convolutions or piling on his gray matter we will leave for the present. All that I wish to urge regarding the African at large is that he has been mismanaged of late years by the white races. The study of this question is a very interesting one, but I have no space to enter into it here in detail. In my opinion - I say my own, I beg you to remark, only when I am uttering heresy - this mismanagement has been a by-product of the wave of hysterical emotionalism that has run through white culture and for which I have an instinctive hatred.
So I think we can rest easy about the safety of relying on external facts and say that, after all, it doesn’t really affect the question of whether Africans have the ability for industrial training if they decide to close off their minds early. The whole idea that Africans are in a "child-like" state or have "arrested development" is simply not backed by evidence. The comparison of intelligence between white and black children, which favors the former, is completely off. The white child isn't superior; he may not pick up social skills as quickly, but then, how do either of them compare to a French poodle when it comes to that? Based on my observations, what happens to Africans is similar to what happens to Europeans: when they transition out of childhood, they enter a phase of awkward adolescence. During this time, their heads might as well be stuffed with wool for all the good it does them. But eventually, after a period of confusing and disappointing the white men who had high hopes for them as children, their minds clear up and they move forward just fine. It’s absolute nonsense to say, "You can't teach an adult African," or that "he regresses"; even without white interference, he becomes more astute as time passes. Does anyone who knows them really believe that those old palm-oil chiefs haven’t learned a thing or two in their lives? Or that a seasoned bush trader hasn’t? Go to West Africa yourself if you doubt this, and conduct a series of experiments in their familiar areas—trade topics—try to outsmart a group of matured adults, male or female, and I promise you’ll come back wiser and poorer, but with a joyful heart regarding the capacity of Africans to grow up. Whether this happens by adding wrinkles in their brains or accumulating more gray matter, we can leave that aside for now. All I want to emphasize about Africans in general is that they have been poorly managed in recent years by white cultures. The study of this issue is really fascinating, but I don’t have the space to dive into it here. In my opinion—please note this is just my own view, which may be considered controversial—this mismanagement has stemmed from a wave of hysterical emotionalism in white culture that I have an instinctive aversion to.
I have briefly pointed out the evil worked by misdirected missionary effort on the native mind, but it is not the missionary alone that is doing harm. The Government does nearly as much. Whether it does this because of the fear of Exeter Hall as representing a big voting interest, or whether just from the tendency to get everything into the hands of a Council, or an Office, to be everlastingly nagging and legislating and inspecting, matters little; the result is bad, and it fills me with the greatest admiration for my country to see how in spite of this she keeps the lead. That she will always keep it I believe, because I believe that it is impossible that this phase of emotionalism - no, it is not hypocrisy, my French friends, it is only a sort of fit - will last, and we shall soon be back in our clear senses again and say to the world, “We do this thing because we think it is right; because we think it is best for those we do it to and for ourselves, not because of the wickedness of war, the brotherhood of man, or any other notion bred of fear.”
I have briefly mentioned the harm caused by misguided missionary efforts on the local mindset, but it’s not just the missionaries who are causing issues. The Government is just as responsible. Whether it’s due to fear of Exeter Hall representing a significant voting bloc, or simply the trend of putting everything into the hands of a Council or an Office, constantly nagging, legislating, and inspecting, it doesn’t really matter; the outcome is negative. It fills me with great admiration for my country to see how, despite this, it remains in the lead. I believe it will always stay ahead because I think it’s impossible for this phase of emotionalism—it's not hypocrisy, my French friends, it's just a kind of frenzy—to last. Soon we will regain our clarity and tell the world, “We do this because we believe it’s right; because we think it’s best for those we are doing it for and for ourselves, not because of the evils of war, the brotherhood of man, or any other idea born of fear.”
The way in which the present ideas acting through the Government do harm in Africa are many. English Government officials have very little and very poor encouragement given them if they push inland and attempt to enlarge the sphere of influence, which their knowledge of local conditions teaches them requires enlarging, because the authorities at home are afraid other nations will say we are rapacious landgrabbers. Well, we always have been, and they will say it anyhow; and where after all is the harm in it? We have acted in unison with the nations who for good sound reasons of their own have cut down Portuguese possessions in Africa because we were afraid of being thought to support a nation who went in for slavery. I always admire a good move in a game or a brilliant bit of strategy, and that was a beauty; and on our head now lie the affairs of the Congo Free State, while France and Germany smile sweetly, knowing that these affairs will soon be such that they will be able to step in and divide that territory up between themselves without a stain on their character - in the interests of humanity - the whole of that rich region, which by the name of Livingstone, Speke, Grant, Burton, and Cameron, should now be ours.
The way the current ideas being pushed by the Government harm Africa is numerous. English Government officials receive minimal and inadequate support if they venture inland and try to expand the influence they know needs to grow because authorities back home worry about being labeled as greedy land-grabbers. Well, we’ve always had that reputation, and others will say it anyway; so what’s the real harm? We’ve acted alongside nations that have reduced Portuguese territories in Africa for their own good reasons because we were scared of being seen as backing a country involved in slavery. I always appreciate a smart move in a game or a clever strategy, and that was a brilliant move; now, the issues of the Congo Free State weigh on us, while France and Germany watch knowingly, aware that soon they’ll be able to swoop in and divide that land amongst themselves without tarnishing their reputation - all in the name of humanity - when this entire rich region, tied to the names Livingstone, Speke, Grant, Burton, and Cameron, should rightfully belong to us.
Then again in commercial competition our attitude seems to me very lacking in dignity. We are now just beginning to know it is a fight, and this commercial war has been going on since 1880 - since, in fact, France and Germany have recovered from their war of 1870.
Then again, in commercial competition, our attitude feels pretty lacking in dignity. We’re just starting to realize it’s a fight, and this commercial battle has been happening since 1880—ever since France and Germany bounced back from their war in 1870.
And if we are to carry on this commercial war with any hope of success, we must abandon our “Oh! that’s not fair; I won’t play” attitude - and above all we must have no more Government restrictions on our foreign trade. In West Africa governmental restriction settles, like dew in autumn, on the liquor traffic. It is a case of give a dog a bad name and hang him. Moreover, raising the import dues on liquor may bring into the Government a good revenue; but it is a short-sighted policy - for the liquor is the thing there is the best market for in West Africa. The natives have no enthusiasm about cotton-goods, as they seem from some accounts to have in East Central, and the supply of them they now get, and get cheap and good, is as much as they require. And if the question of the abstract morality of introducing clothes, or introducing liquor, to native races, were fairly gone into, the results would be interesting - for clothing native races in European clothes works badly for them and kills them off. Indeed the whole of this question of trade with the lower races is full of curious and unexpected points. Speaking at large, the introduction of European culture - governmental, religious, or mercantile - has a destructive action on all the lower races; many of them the governmental and religious sections have stamped right out; but trade has never stamped a race out when dissociated from the other two, and it certainly has had no bad effect in tropical Africa. With regard to the liquor traffic, try and put yourself in the West African’s place. Imagine, for example, that you want a pair of boots. You go into a shop, prepared to pay for them, but the man who keeps the shop says, “My good friend, you must not have boots, they are immoral. You can have a tin of sardines, or a pocket-handkerchief, they are much better for you.” Would you take the sardines or the pocket-handkerchiefs? more particularly would you feel inclined to take them instead of your desired boots if you knew there was a shop in a neighbouring street where boots are to be had? And there is a neighbouring shop-street to all our West Coast possessions which is in the hands of either France or Germany.
And if we want to continue this trade war with any chance of success, we need to ditch the “Oh! That’s not fair; I won’t play” mindset. Most importantly, we need to lift all government restrictions on our foreign trade. In West Africa, government restrictions settle over the liquor trade like autumn dew. It's a classic case of giving a dog a bad name and hanging him. Plus, raising import taxes on liquor might boost government revenue, but it's a short-sighted strategy because liquor is the most sought-after item in West Africa. The locals aren't as excited about cotton goods as they seem to be in East Central, and the supply they currently get is cheap and good enough for their needs. If we were to seriously examine the morality of introducing clothing or liquor to indigenous people, the findings would be interesting—dressing native populations in European clothes doesn’t benefit them and often leads to harm. In fact, the whole topic of trade with indigenous groups is filled with surprising and unexpected aspects. Overall, the introduction of European culture—whether governmental, religious, or commercial—has a damaging effect on all lower races; many of those impacted by governmental and religious interventions have been eliminated entirely, but trade alone has never wiped out a race when kept separate from the other two, and it definitely hasn’t had negative consequences in tropical Africa. Regarding the liquor trade, try to see it from a West African perspective. Imagine you want a pair of boots. You walk into a store ready to pay for them, but the shopkeeper tells you, “My good friend, you can't have boots; they are immoral. You can have a tin of sardines or a pocket-handkerchief instead, they're much better for you.” Would you take the sardines or the handkerchiefs? Especially if you knew there was a store down the street that sells boots? And there is indeed a neighboring street in all our West Coast possessions controlled by either France or Germany.
I do not for a moment deny that the liquor traffic requires regulation, but it requires more regulation in Europe than it does in Africa, because Europe is more given to intoxication. In Africa all that is wanted is that the spirit sent in should be wholesome, and not sold at a strength over 45° below proof. These requirements are fairly well fulfilled already on the West Coast, and I can see no reason for any further restriction or additional impost. If further restrictions in the sale of it are wanted, it is not for interior trade where the natives are not given to excess, but in the larger Coast towns, where there is a body of natives who are the débris of the disintegrating process of white culture. But even in those towns like Sierra Leone and Lagos these men are a very small percentage of the population. {508} If things are even made no worse for him than they are at present, the English trader may be trusted to hold the greater part of the trade of West Africa for the benefit of the English manufacturers; if he is more heavily hampered, the English trade will die out, the English trader remain, because he is the best trader with the natives; but it will be small profit to the English manufacturers because the trader will be dealing in foreign-made stuff, as he is now in the possessions of France and Germany. English manufacturers, I may remark, have succeeded in turning out the cloth goods best suited for the African markets, but there has of late years been an increase in the quantity of other goods made by foreigners used in the West Coast trade. The imports from France and Germany and the United States to the Gold Coast for 1894 (published 1896) were £217,388 0s. 1d., the exports £212,320 1s. 3d.; and the Consular Report (158) for the Gold Coast says that while the trade with the United Kingdom has increased from £1,054,336 17s. 6d. in 1893 to £1,190,532 1s. 3d in 1894, or roughly 13 per cent., the trade with foreign countries has increased upwards of 22 per cent., namely, from £350,387 3s. 5d to £429,708 1s. 4d. In the Lagos Consular Report (No. 150) similar comparative statistics are not given, but the increase at that place is probably greater than on the Gold Coast, as a heavy percentage of the Lagos trade goes through the hands of two German firms; but this increase in foreign trade in our colonies seems to be even greater in other parts of Africa, for in a Foreign Office Report from Mozambique it is stated, regarding Cape Colony, that “while British imports show an otherwise satisfactory increase, German trade has more than trebled.” {509}
I don’t deny that the liquor trade needs regulation, but it needs more regulation in Europe than in Africa since Europe is more prone to intoxication. In Africa, all that’s needed is for the spirits sent in to be safe and not sold at more than 45° below proof. These requirements are mostly being met on the West Coast already, and I see no reason for further restrictions or extra taxes. If additional restrictions on sales are needed, they should focus on the larger coastal towns where there are natives who are influenced by the decline of white culture, rather than on the internal trade where the locals aren’t prone to excess. Even in towns like Sierra Leone and Lagos, those influenced individuals make up a very small percentage of the population. {508} As long as the situation doesn’t worsen for him, the English trader can be trusted to handle most of the trade in West Africa for the benefit of English manufacturers. If he faces more heavy restrictions, English trade will diminish, but the English trader will still be there since he’s the best at dealing with the locals. However, his profits will be minimal for English manufacturers because he’ll be trading in foreign-made goods, just as he does now in French and German territories. I should note that English manufacturers have successfully produced the cloth goods that are best suited for the African markets, but recently there’s been an increase in the amount of foreign-made goods used in West Coast trade. The imports from France, Germany, and the United States to the Gold Coast in 1894 (published 1896) amounted to £217,388 0s. 1d., while exports were £212,320 1s. 3d.; the Consular Report (158) for the Gold Coast states that while trade with the UK grew from £1,054,336 17s. 6d. in 1893 to £1,190,532 1s. 3d in 1894, which is about a 13 percent increase, trade with foreign countries increased by over 22 percent, from £350,387 3s. 5d. to £429,708 1s. 4d. In the Lagos Consular Report (No. 150), similar comparative statistics aren’t provided, but the growth there is likely greater than on the Gold Coast, as a significant portion of Lagos trade goes through two German firms; this increase in foreign trade in our colonies seems to be even greater elsewhere in Africa, as a Foreign Office Report from Mozambique notes regarding Cape Colony that “while British imports show an otherwise satisfactory increase, German trade has more than trebled.” {509}
There is a certain school of philanthropists in Europe who say that it is not advisable to spread white trade in Africa, that the native is provided by the Bountiful Earth with all that he really requires, and that therefore he should be allowed to live his simple life, and not be compelled or urged to work for the white man’s gain. I have a sneaking sympathy with these good people, because I like the African in his bush state best; and one can understand any truly human being being horrified at the extinction of native races in the Polynesian, Melanesian, and American regions. But still their view is full of error as regards Africa, for one thing I am glad to say the African does not die off as do those weaker races under white control, but increases; and herein lies the impossibility of accepting this plan as within the sphere of practical politics, most certainly in regard to all districts under white control, for the Bountiful Earth does not amount to much in Africa with native methods of agriculture. It sufficed when a percentage of the population were shipped to America as slaves; now it suffices only to help to keep the natives in their low state of culture - a state that is only kept up even to its present level by trade. The condition of the African native will be a very dreadful one if this trade is not maintained; indeed, I may say if it is not increased proportionately to the increase of white Government control - for this governmental control does many things that are good in themselves, and glorious on paper. It prevents the export slave trade; it suppresses human sacrifice; it stops internecine war among the natives - in short, it does everything save suppress the terrible infant mortality (why it does not do this I need not discuss) to increase the native population, without in itself doing anything to increase the means of supporting this population; nay, it even wants to decrease these by importing Asiatics to do its work, in making roads, etc.
There’s a group of philanthropists in Europe who argue that it’s unwise to promote white trade in Africa. They believe that the land provides the locals with everything they truly need, so they should be allowed to live their simple lives without being pressured to work for the benefit of white people. I have a certain sympathy for these well-meaning individuals because I prefer the African in his natural state; it’s easy to understand how anyone humane would be horrified by the disappearance of native races in Polynesia, Melanesia, and the Americas. However, their perspective is misguided when it comes to Africa. For one thing, thankfully, Africans do not decline in numbers like those other weaker races under white control; instead, they are increasing. This fact makes it impractical to adopt their plan, especially in areas under white governance, because the Bountiful Earth in Africa doesn’t provide much using traditional agricultural methods. It was sufficient when a portion of the population was taken as slaves to America; now, it only helps maintain the natives’ low cultural status—a status that persists only due to trade. The situation of the African native would be dire if this trade were not sustained; in fact, if it doesn’t grow alongside the expansion of white government control, it could lead to worse conditions. This government control does a lot of things that sound good in theory, like preventing the export slave trade, stopping human sacrifices, and curbing wars among the natives. However, it fails to address the alarming infant mortality rates (and I won’t delve into why that is), contributing to a growing native population without improving the resources available to support that population. In fact, it even aims to reduce those resources by bringing in Asians to handle tasks like road construction.
It may be said there is no fear of the trade, which keeps the native, disappearing from the West Coast, but it is well to remember that the stuff that this trade is dependent on, the stuff brought into the traders’ factory by the native, is mainly - indeed, save for the South-West Coast coffee and cacao, we may say, entirely - bush stuff, uncultivated, merely collected and roughly prepared, and it is so wastefully collected by the native that it cannot last indefinitely. Take rubber, for example, one of the main exports. Owing to the wasteful methods employed in its collection it gets stamped out of districts. The trade in it starts on a bit of coast; for some years so rich is the supply, that it can be collected almost at the native’s back door, but owing to his cutting down the vine, he clears it off, and every year he has to go further and further afield for a load. But his ability to go further than a certain point is prevented by the savage interior tribes not under white control; and also on its paying him to go on these long journeys, for the price at home takes little notice of his difficulties because of the more carefully collected supply of rubber sent into the home markets by South America and India; therefore the native loses, and when he has cleared the districts reachable by him, the trade is finished there, and he has no longer the wherewithal to buy those things which in the days of his prosperity he has acquired a taste for. The Oil Rivers, which send out the greatest quantity of trade on the West Coast possessions, subsist entirely on palm oil for it. Were anything to happen to the oil palms in the way of blight, or were a cheap substitute to be found for palm oil at home, the population of the Oil Rivers, even at its present density, would starve. The development of trade is a necessary condition for the existence of the natives, and the discovery of products in the forests that will be marketable in Europe, and the making of plantations whose products will help to take the place of those he so recklessly now destroys, will give him a safer future than can any amount of abolitions of domestic slavery, or institutions of trial by jury, etc. If white control advances and plantations are not made and trade with the interior is not expanded, the condition of the West African will be a very wretched one, far worse than it was before the export slave-trade was suppressed. In the more healthy districts the population will increase to a state of congestion and will starve. The Coast region’s malaria will always keep the black, as well as the white, population thinned down, but if deserted by the trader, and left to the Government official and the missionary, without any longer the incentive of trade to make the native exert himself, or the resulting comforts which assist him in resisting the climate, which the trade now enables him to procure, the Coast native will sink, viâ vice and degradation, to extinction, and most likely have this process made all the more rapid and unpleasant for him by incursions of the wild tribes from the congested interior.
It may be said that there's no fear of the trade that keeps the native from disappearing from the West Coast, but it’s important to remember that the products this trade relies on, brought into the traders’ factories by the native, are mainly—except for the coffee and cacao from the South-West Coast—wild produce, uncultivated, just collected and roughly processed. The way the native collects it is so wasteful that it can't last forever. Take rubber, for example, one of the main exports. Because of the wasteful collection methods, it's getting depleted in certain areas. The trade starts on a stretch of coast; for a few years, the supply is so abundant that it can be collected almost at the native’s doorstep, but as he cuts down the vine, he clears it out, and every year he has to travel further for a load. However, he can only go so far because of the hostile tribes in the interior who aren’t under white control; plus, it’s not worth it for him to make these long trips, since the market price at home doesn't consider his challenges due to the more carefully collected rubber from South America and India. As a result, the native loses out, and once he depletes the accessible areas, the trade in that region is over, leaving him unable to purchase the items he had developed a taste for during his prosperous times. The Oil Rivers, which generate a huge portion of the trade on the West Coast, rely entirely on palm oil for this. If anything were to happen to the oil palms, like a blight, or if a cheap substitute for palm oil were found back home, the population of the Oil Rivers, even at its current size, would starve. The growth of trade is crucial for the natives' survival. Discovering marketable products in the forests and establishing plantations with goods that can replace what he foolishly depletes now will secure a better future for him than any amount of abolishing domestic slavery or introducing trial by jury can. If white control progresses without establishing plantations and expanding trade with the interior, conditions for West Africans will be miserable, far worse than before the export slave trade was abolished. In healthier areas, the population will grow to a point of congestion and starvation. Malaria in the coastal region will always keep both the black and white populations reduced, but if the trader abandoned the area, leaving only government officials and missionaries without the incentive of trade to motivate the native, or the comforts provided by trade that help him withstand the climate, the coastal native will decline, via vice and degradation, towards extinction, possibly hastened by incursions from the wild tribes in the overcrowded interior.
I do not cite this as an immediate future for the West African, but “a little more and how much it is, a little less and how far away.” Remember human beings are under the same rule as other creatures; if you destroy the things that prey on them, they are liable to overswarm the food-producing power of their locality. It may be said this is not the case; look at the Polynesians, the South American Indians, and so on. You may look at them as much as you choose, but what you see there will not enable you to judge the African. The African does not fade away like a flower before the white man - not in the least. Look at the increase of the native in the Cape territory; look at what he has stood on the West Coast. Christopher Columbus visited him before he discovered the American Indians. Whaling captains, and seamen of all sorts and nationalities have dropped in on him “frequent and free.” He has absorbed all sorts of doctrine from religious sects; cotton goods, patent medicines, foreign spirits, and - as the man who draws up the Lagos Annual Colonial Report poetically observes - twine, whisky, wine, and woollen goods. Yet the West Coast African is here with us by the million - playing on his tom-tom, paddling his dug-out canoe, living in his palm leaf or mud hut, ready and able to stand more “white man stuff.” Save for an occasional habit of going raving or melancholy mad when educated for the ministry, and dying when he, and more particularly she, is shut up in the broiling hot, corrugated-iron school-room with too many clothes on, and too much headwork to do, he survives in a way which I think you will own is interesting, and which commands my admiration and respect. But there is nowadays a new factor in his relationship with the white races - the factor of domestic control. I do not think the African will survive this and flourish, if it is to be of the nature that the present white ideas aim to make it. But, on the other hand, I do not believe that he will be called upon to try, for under the present conditions white control will not become very thorough; and in the event of an European war, governmental attention will be distracted from West Africa, and the African will then do what he has done several times before when the white eye has been off him for a decade or so, - sink back to his old level as he has in Congo after the Jesuits tidied him up, and as he must have done after his intercourse with the Phoenicians and Egyptians. The travellers of a remote future will find him, I think, still with his tom-tom and his dug-out canoe - just as willing to sell as “big curios” the débris of our importations to his ancestors at a high price. Exactly how much he will ask for a Devos patent paraffin oil tin or a Morton’s tin, I cannot imagine, but it will be something stiff - such as he asks nowadays for the Phoenician “Aggry” beads. There will be then as there is now, and as there was in the past, individual Africans who will rise to a high level of culture, but that will be all for a very long period. To say that the African race will never advance beyond its present culture-level, is saying too much, in spite of the mass of evidence supporting this view, but I am certain they will never advance above it in the line of European culture. The country he lives in is unfitted for it, and the nature of the man himself is all against it - the truth is the West Coast mind has got a great deal too much superstition about it, and too little of anything else. Our own methods of instruction have not been of any real help to the African, because what he wants teaching is how to work. Bishop Ingram would have been able to write a more cheerful and hopeful book than his Sierra Leone after 100 Years, if the Sierra Leonians had had a thorough grounding in technical culture, suited to the requirements of their country, instead of the ruinous instruction they have been given, at the cost of millions of money, and hundreds of good, if ill-advised, white men’s lives. For it is possible for a West African native to be made by European culture into a very good sort of man, not the same sort of man that a white man is, but a man a white man can shake hands with and associate with without any loss of self-respect. It is by no means necessary, however, that the African should have any white culture at all to become a decent member of society at large. Quite the other way about, for the percentage of honourable and reliable men among the bushmen is higher than among the educated men.
I’m not saying this is the immediate future for West Africa, but “a little more and how much it is, a little less and how far away.” Remember, humans follow the same rules as other creatures; if you wipe out the things that prey on them, they’re likely to overpopulate and drain the resources of their area. Some might argue this isn’t the case—just look at the Polynesians, the South American Indians, and so on. You can look at them as much as you want, but what you see there won't help you understand the African. The African doesn’t just fade away like a flower when faced with the white man—far from it. Check out the growth of the natives in the Cape territory; consider how they’ve thrived along the West Coast. Christopher Columbus encountered them before he found the American Indians. Whalers and sailors of all kinds and backgrounds have visited them “frequently and freely.” They've absorbed various beliefs from religious groups, along with cotton goods, patent medicines, foreign spirits, and— as the writer of the Lagos Annual Colonial Report poetically notes—twine, whisky, wine, and woolen goods. Yet, the West Coast African is still here by the millions—playing on his tom-tom, paddling his dug-out canoe, living in his palm leaf or mud hut, ready and willing to handle more “white man stuff.” Aside from an occasional tendency to go crazy or become despondent when educated for the ministry, and to fall ill when confined to a hot, corrugated-iron classroom, wearing too many clothes and taking on too much academic work, he survives in a way that I think you’ll agree is interesting and deserves my admiration and respect. However, there’s a new factor in his relationship with white people now—domestic control. I don’t believe the African will thrive and survive if it’s shaped by the current white ideas. Still, I also don’t think he will be tested because, under current conditions, white control won’t be very complete; during a European war, governmental interest will shift away from West Africa, and then the African will likely revert to his previous state, just as he has done before when white attention was off him for a decade or so—regressing like he did in the Congo after the Jesuits left him in better shape, and as he probably did following his interactions with the Phoenicians and Egyptians. Future travelers will likely find him, I think, still with his tom-tom and dug-out canoe—just as willing to sell the remnants of our imports to his ancestors at a high price. I can’t say how much he’ll ask for a Devos patent paraffin oil tin or a Morton’s tin, but it will be something steep—similar to what he asks nowadays for the Phoenician “Aggry” beads. There will still be, as there is now, and as there was in the past, individual Africans who rise to a high level of culture, but that will be it for a long time. To claim that the African race will never progress beyond its current cultural level is saying too much, despite the overwhelming evidence for this view, yet I’m certain they won’t surpass it in terms of European culture. The land they inhabit doesn’t suit it, and the nature of the man himself works against it—the fact is, the West Coast mind is burdened with excessive superstition and lacking in other attributes. Our teaching methods haven’t really helped the African, because what he needs to learn is how to work. Bishop Ingram could have written a more positive and hopeful book than his *Sierra Leone after 100 Years* if the Sierra Leonians had received proper training in technical skills suited to their needs, rather than the ineffective education that has cost millions of dollars and the lives of many well-meaning yet misguided white men. It's possible for a West African native to be shaped by European culture into a decent type of man—not the same as a white man, but a person a white man can shake hands with and associate with without feeling diminished. However, it’s not necessary for the African to adopt any white culture at all to become a respectable member of society. In fact, the proportion of honorable and dependable individuals among the bushmen is higher than among the educated men.
I do not believe that the white race will ever drag the black up to their own particular summit in the mountain range of civilisation. Both polygamy and slavery {514} are, for divers reasons, essential to the well-being of Africa - at any rate for those vast regions of it which are agricultural, and these two institutions will necessitate the African having a summit to himself. Only - alas! for the energetic reformer - the African is not keen on mountaineering in the civilisation range. He prefers remaining down below and being comfortable. He is not conceited about this; he admires the higher culture very much, and the people who inconvenience themselves by going in for it - but do it himself? NO. And if he is dragged up into the higher regions of a self-abnegatory religion, six times in ten he falls back damaged, a morally maimed man, into his old swampy country fashion valley.
I don't think the white race will ever pull the black race up to their own specific peak in the mountain range of civilization. Both polygamy and slavery {514} are, for various reasons, crucial to the well-being of Africa—at least in those vast agricultural regions. These two institutions will mean that Africans will have their own peak. Only—sadly for the enthusiastic reformer—the African isn’t really interested in climbing the civilization mountain. He prefers to stay down below and be comfortable. He isn't arrogant about it; he admires the higher culture a lot and the people who go through the trouble to pursue it—but do it himself? No. And if he is forced into the higher realms of a self-denying religion, six times out of ten he ends up back in his old, swampy valley, damaged and morally wounded.
CHAPTER XXII. DISEASE IN WEST AFRICA.
Great as is the delay and difficulty placed in the way of the development of the immense natural resources of West Africa by the labour problem, there is another cause of delay to this development greater and more terrible by far - namely, the deadliness of the climate. “Nothing hinders a man, Miss Kingsley, half so much as dying,” a friend said to me the other day, after nearly putting his opinion to a practical test. Other parts of the world have more sensational outbreaks of death from epidemics of yellow fever and cholera, but there is no other region in the world that can match West Africa for the steady kill, kill, kill that its malaria works on the white men who come under its influence.
As much as the labor issue hinders the development of West Africa's vast natural resources, there is an even greater and more serious barrier - the harshness of the climate. “Nothing holds a person back, Miss Kingsley, quite like dying,” a friend told me recently, after almost proving his point firsthand. Other parts of the world may experience dramatic outbreaks of diseases like yellow fever and cholera, but no other place can compete with West Africa for the relentless toll that malaria takes on the white individuals who fall victim to it.
Malaria you will hear glibly talked of; but what malaria means and consists of you will find few men ready to attempt to tell you, and these few by no means of a tale. It is very strange that this terrible form of disease has not attracted more scientific investigators, considering the enormous mortality it causes throughout the tropics and sub-tropics. A few years since, when the peculiar microbes of everything from measles to miracles were being “isolated,” several bacteriologists isolated the malarial microbe, only unfortunately they did not all isolate the same one. A résumé of the various claims of these microbes is impossible here, and whether one of them was the true cause, or whether they all have an equal claim to this position, is not yet clear; for malaria, as far as I have seen or read of it seems to be not so much one distinct form of fever as a group of fevers - a genus, not a species. Many things point to this being the case; particularly the different forms so called malarial poisoning takes in different localities. This subject may be also subdivided and complicated by going into the controversy as to whether yellow fever is endemic on the West Coast or not. That it has occurred there from time to time there can be no question: at Fernando Po in 1862 and 1866, in Senegal pretty frequently; and at least one epidemic at Bonny was true yellow fever. But in the case of each of these outbreaks it is said to have been imported from South America, into Fernando Po, by ships from Havana, and into Bonny by a ship which had on her previous run been down the South American ports with a cargo of mules. The litter belonging to this mule cargo was not cleared out of her until she got into Bonny, when it was thrown overside into the river, and then the yellow fever broke out. But, on the other hand, South America taxes West Africa - the Guinea Coast - with having first sent out yellow fever in the cargoes of slaves. This certainly is a strange statement, because the African native rarely has malarial fever severely - he has it, and you are often informed So-and-so has got yellow fever, but he does not often die of it, merely is truly wretched and sick for a day or so, and then recovers. {516}
Malaria is often talked about casually, but very few people can actually explain what it really is or what it involves, and those who can don't have a simple story. It's surprising that such a terrible disease hasn't drawn more scientific research, given the high death toll it causes in tropical and subtropical regions. A few years ago, when researchers were isolating the unique microbes responsible for everything from measles to miracles, some bacteriologists managed to isolate the malaria microbe, but unfortunately, they didn't all agree on which one it was. A summary of the different claims about these microbes is too complicated to tackle here, and it's still unclear whether one of them is the real cause or if they all have a valid claim. From what I've seen and read, malaria seems less like a single type of fever and more like a group of fevers—a genus rather than a species. There are many indications that this is true, especially considering the different forms that so-called malarial poisoning takes in various areas. This topic could also get more complex when discussing the debate over whether yellow fever is endemic to the West Coast. There’s no doubt that it has appeared there occasionally: in Fernando Po in 1862 and 1866, in Senegal quite often, and at least one outbreak in Bonny was definitely yellow fever. However, it's said that each of these outbreaks was imported from South America—into Fernando Po by ships from Havana and into Bonny by a ship that previously visited South American ports carrying a load of mules. The waste from this mule cargo wasn't cleared out until the ship reached Bonny, where it was dumped into the river, and then yellow fever broke out. On the flip side, South America blames West Africa—the Guinea Coast—for initially introducing yellow fever through slave cargoes. This is certainly a puzzling claim because African natives rarely suffer severe cases of malarial fever—they may have it, and you might hear someone mention that So-and-so has yellow fever, but they generally don't die from it; they just feel really awful and sick for a day or so before recovering. {516}
Regarding the hæmaturia there is also controversy. A very experienced and excellent authority doubts whether this is entirely a malarial fever, or whether it is not, in some cases at any rate, brought on by over-doses of quinine, and Dr. Plehn asserts, and his assertions are heavily backed up by his great success in treating this fever, that quinine has a very bad influence when the characteristic symptoms have declared themselves, and that it should not be given. I hesitate to advise this, because I fear to induce any one to abandon quinine, which is the great weapon against malaria, and not from any want of faith in Dr. Plehn, for he has studied malarial fevers in Cameroon with the greatest energy and devotion, bringing to bear on the subject a sound German mind trained in a German way, and than this, for such subjects, no better thing exists. His brother, also a doctor, was stationed in Cameroon before him, and is now in the German East African possessions, similarly working hard, and when these two shall publish the result of their conjoint investigations, we shall have the most important contribution to our knowledge of malaria that has ever appeared. It is impossible to over-rate the importance of such work as this to West Africa, for the man who will make West Africa pay will be the scientific man who gives us something more powerful against malaria than quinine. It is too much to hope that medical men out at work on the Coast, doctoring day and night, and not only obliged to doctor, but to nurse their white patients, with the balance of their time taken up by giving bills of health to steamers, wrestling with the varied and awful sanitary problems presented by the native town, etc., can have sufficient time or life left in them to carry on series of experiments and of cultures; but they can and do supply to the man in the laboratory at home grand material for him to carry the thing through; meanwhile we wait for that man and do the best we can.
Regarding the hematuria, there is still debate. A very experienced and knowledgeable expert questions whether it is entirely caused by malaria or if, in some cases, it is triggered by excessive doses of quinine. Dr. Plehn asserts—his claims are strongly supported by his significant success in treating this fever—that quinine has a harmful effect once the characteristic symptoms appear and should not be administered. I am hesitant to recommend this because I worry it might lead someone to forsake quinine, which is the primary tool against malaria. This hesitation isn't due to a lack of faith in Dr. Plehn; he has studied malaria fevers in Cameroon with immense energy and dedication, applying a solid German intellect trained in a rigorous German manner, and for such topics, nothing is better. His brother, also a doctor, was stationed in Cameroon before him and is now in the German East African territories, similarly working hard. When these two publish the results of their joint research, we will receive the most significant contribution to our understanding of malaria that has ever been presented. The importance of this work for West Africa cannot be overstated, as the individual who will succeed in making West Africa thrive will be the scientist who provides us with something more effective against malaria than quinine. It is unrealistic to expect that medical professionals working tirelessly on the Coast, treating patients around the clock while nursing their white patients and handling the time-consuming task of issuing health certificates to steamers along with tackling the complex and terrible sanitary issues presented by the local towns, can find enough time or energy to conduct extensive experiments and cultures. However, they can and do provide valuable material for the researchers back home to carry on the work; in the meantime, we wait for that person and do the best we can.
The net results of laboratory investigation, according to the French doctors, is that the mycetozoic malarial bacillus, the microbe of paludism, is amœboid in its movements, acting on the red corpuscles, leaving nothing of them but the dark pigment found in the skin and organs of malarial subjects. {517} The German doctors make a practice of making microscopic examinations of the blood of a patient, saying that the microbes appear at the commencement of an attack of fever, increase in quantity as the fever increases, and decrease as it decreases, and from these investigations they are able to judge fairly accurately how many remissions may be expected; in fact to judge of the severity of the case which, taken with the knowledge that quinine only affects malarial microbes at a certain stage of their existence, is helpful in treatment.
The findings from laboratory research, according to the French doctors, show that the malarial bacillus, the microbe responsible for malaria, moves in an ameboid way, affecting the red blood cells and leaving behind only the dark pigment found in the skin and organs of those suffering from malaria. {517} The German doctors routinely perform microscopic examinations of a patient's blood, noting that the microbes appear at the start of a fever attack, increase in number as the fever rises, and decrease as the fever subsides. From these observations, they can fairly accurately predict how many remissions to expect and assess the severity of the case. This, combined with the understanding that quinine only affects malarial microbes at a certain stage of their life cycle, is useful for treatment.
There is, I may remark, a very peculiar point regarding hæmaturic disease, the most deadly form of West Coast fever. This disease, so far as we know, has always been present on the South-West Coast, at Loando, the Lower Congo and Gaboon, but it is said not to have appeared in the Rivers until 1881, and then to have spread along the West Coast. My learned friend, Dr. Plehn, doubts this, and says people were less observant in those days, but the symptoms of this fever are so distinct, that I must think it also totally impossible for it not to have been differentiated from the usual remittent or intermittent by the old West Coasters if it had occurred there in former times with anything like the frequency it does now; but we will leave these theoretical and technical considerations and turn to the practical side of the question.
There’s a really interesting aspect of hematuric disease, the deadliest type of West Coast fever. This disease, as far as we know, has always existed on the South-West Coast, at Loando, the Lower Congo, and Gaboon, but it reportedly didn’t show up in the Rivers until 1881, and then it spread along the West Coast. My knowledgeable friend, Dr. Plehn, disagrees with this and claims people were less attentive back then, but the symptoms of this fever are so distinct that I find it hard to believe it wasn’t recognized as different from the usual remittent or intermittent fevers by the old West Coasters if it had occurred frequently in the past; however, let’s set aside these theoretical and technical points and focus on the practical side of the issue.
You will always find lots of people ready to give advice on fever, particularly how to avoid getting it, and you will find the most dogmatic of these are people who have been singularly unlucky in the matter, or people who know nothing of local conditions. These latter are the most trying of all to deal with. They tell you, truly enough no doubt, that the malaria is in the air, in the exhalations from the ground, which are greatest about sunrise and sunset, and in the drinking water, and that you must avoid chill, excessive mental and bodily exertion, that you must never get anxious, or excited, or lose your temper. Now there is only one - the drinking water - of this list that you can avoid, for, owing to the great variety and rapid growth of bacteria encouraged by the tropical temperature, and the aqueous saturation of the atmosphere from the heavy rainfall, and the great extent of swamp, etc., it is practically impossible to destroy them in the air to a satisfactory extent. I was presented by scientific friends, when I first went to the West Coast, with two devices supposed to do this. One was a lamp which you burnt some chemical in; it certainly made a smell that nothing could live with - but then I am not nothing, and there are enough smells on the Coast now. I gave it up after the first half-hour. The other device was a muzzle, a respirator, I should say. Well! all I have got to say about that is that you need be a better-looking person than I am to wear a thing like that without causing panic in a district. Then orders to avoid the night air are still more difficult to obey - may I ask how you are to do without air from 6.30 P.M. to 6.30 A.M.? or what other air there is but night air, heavy with malarious exhalations, available then?
You’ll always find plenty of people eager to give advice on fever, especially on how to avoid getting it, and the most stubborn of these are often those who have been exceptionally unlucky with it, or those who know nothing about the local conditions. The latter group is the most challenging to deal with. They’ll tell you, with some truth, that malaria is in the air, in the exhalations from the ground, which are strongest around sunrise and sunset, and in the drinking water, and that you must avoid getting chilled, excessive mental and physical exertion, and that you should never become anxious, excited, or lose your temper. Well, there’s only one thing on that list—the drinking water—that you can actually control. Due to the variety and rapid growth of bacteria fostered by the tropical climate, the moisture in the air from heavy rainfall, and the vast amounts of swampy land, it’s practically impossible to eliminate them from the air significantly. When I first went to the West Coast, some scientific friends gave me two gadgets claiming to do this. One was a lamp where you burned some chemicals; it definitely produced a smell that nothing could withstand—but I'm not nothing, and there are already plenty of smells on the Coast. I gave up on it after half an hour. The other gadget was a muzzle, or rather, a respirator. Well! All I can say is that you need to be a better-looking person than I am to wear something like that without causing a panic in the area. And the instructions to avoid the night air are even harder to follow—how are you supposed to go without air from 6:30 PM to 6:30 AM? What other air is there except the night air, heavy with malaria-laden exhalations, during that time?
The drinking water you have a better chance with, as I will presently state; chill you cannot avoid. When you are at work on the Coast, even with the greatest care, the sudden fall of temperature that occurs after a tornado coming at the end of a stewing-hot day, is sure to tell on any one, and as for the orders regarding temper neither the natives, nor the country, nor the trade, help you in the least. But still you must remember that although it is impossible to fully carry out these orders, you can do a good deal towards doing so, and preventive measures are the great thing, for it is better to escape fever altogether, or to get off with a light touch of it, than to make a sensational recovery from Yellow Jack himself.
The drinking water is something you can manage better, as I will explain shortly; you can't avoid getting chilled. When you're working on the Coast, even with the utmost caution, the sudden drop in temperature that follows a tornado after a hot day will definitely affect anyone. And as for the rules about temper, neither the locals, the environment, nor the trade offers any assistance at all. However, you should keep in mind that while it's impossible to completely follow these rules, you can do quite a bit to comply, and preventive measures are crucial because it's better to completely avoid fever or to only experience a mild case than to make a dramatic recovery from Yellow Jack itself.
There is little doubt that a certain make of man has the best chance of surviving the Coast climate - an energetic, spare, nervous but light-hearted creature, capable of enjoying whatever there may be to enjoy, and incapable of dwelling on discomforts or worries. It is quite possible for a person of this sort to live, and work hard on the Coast for a considerable period, possibly with better health than he would have in England. The full-blooded, corpulent and vigorous should avoid West Africa like the plague. One after another, men and women, who looked, as the saying goes, as if you could take a lease of their lives, I have seen come out and die, and it gives one a sense of horror when they arrive at your West Coast station, for you feel a sort of accessory before the fact to murder, but what can you do except get yourself laughed at as a croaker, and attend the funeral?
There’s no doubt that a certain type of person has the best chance of surviving the Coast climate—an energetic, lean, nervous yet light-hearted individual who can enjoy whatever comes their way and doesn’t dwell on discomfort or worries. It’s definitely possible for someone like this to live and work hard on the Coast for a long time, maybe even with better health than they would have in England. The full-blooded, overweight, and robust should steer clear of West Africa like it’s the plague. Time and again, I’ve seen men and women who looked, as the saying goes, like you could invest in a lease on their lives come out here and die. It’s a chilling experience when they arrive at your West Coast station, making you feel complicit in their demise, but what can you do except get called a pessimist and attend the funeral?
The best ways of avoiding the danger of the night air are - to have your evening meal about 6.30 or 7, - 8 is too late; sleep under a mosquito curtain whether there are mosquitoes in your district or not, and have a meal before starting out in the morning, a good hot cup of tea or coffee and bread and butter, if you can get it, if not, something left from last night’s supper or even aguma. Regarding meals, of course we come to the vexed question of stimulants - all the evidence is in favour of alcohol, of a proper sort, taken at proper times, and in proper quantities, being extremely valuable. Take the case of the missionaries, who are almost all teetotalers, they are young men and women who have to pass a medical examination before coming out, and whose lives on the Coast are far easier than those of other classes of white men, yet the mortality among them is far heavier than in any other class.
The best ways to avoid the dangers of being outside at night are to have your evening meal around 6:30 or 7; 8 is too late. Sleep under a mosquito net, whether there are mosquitoes in your area or not, and have a meal before heading out in the morning— a good hot cup of tea or coffee and some bread and butter, if you can manage it. If not, eat leftovers from last night’s dinner or even aguma. When it comes to meals, we have to address the tricky issue of stimulants. All the evidence supports the idea that alcohol, of the right kind and taken at the right times and in proper amounts, can be very beneficial. Take the missionaries, for example; most of them are teetotalers. They are young men and women who have to pass a medical exam before coming out, and their lives on the Coast are much easier compared to other white men. Yet, their mortality rate is much higher than that of any other group.
Mr. Stanley says that wine is the best form of stimulant, but that it should not be taken before the evening meal. Certainly on the South-West Coast, where a heavy, but sound, red wine imported from Portugal is the common drink, the mortality is less than on the West Coast. Beer has had what one might call a thorough trial in Cameroon since the German occupation and is held by authorities to be the cause in part of the number of cases of hæmaturic fever in that river being greater than in other districts. But this subject requires scientific comparative observation on various parts of the Coast, for Cameroons is at the beginning of the South-West Coast, whereon the percentage of cases of hæmaturic to those of intermittent and remittent fevers is far higher than on the West Coast.
Mr. Stanley believes that wine is the best type of stimulant, but it shouldn't be consumed before dinner. In fact, on the South-West Coast, where a robust but good red wine from Portugal is the common drink, the death rate is lower than on the West Coast. Beer has been thoroughly tested in Cameroon since the German occupation, and experts consider it partly responsible for the higher number of hæmaturic fever cases along that river compared to other areas. However, this topic needs scientific comparative studies across different parts of the Coast, since Cameroon is at the start of the South-West Coast, where the rate of hæmaturic cases compared to intermittent and remittent fevers is much higher than on the West Coast.
A comparative study of the diseases of the western division of the continent would, I should say, repay a scientific doctor, if he survived. The material he would have to deal with would be enormous, and in addition to the history of hæmaturic he would be confronted with the problem of the form of fever which seems to be a recent addition to West African afflictions, the so-called typhoid malaria, which of late years has come into the Rivers, and apparently come to stay. This fever is, I may remark, practically unknown at present in the South-West Coast regions where the “sun for garbage” plan is adhered to. At present the treatment of all white man’s diseases on the Coast practically consists in the treatment of malaria, because whatever disease a person gets hold of takes on a malarial type which masks its true nature. Why, I knew a gentleman who had as fine an attack of the smallpox as any one would not wish to have, and who for days behaved as if he had remittent, and then burst out into the characteristic eruption; and only got all his earthly possessions burnt, and no end of carbolic acid dressings for his pains.
A comparative study of the diseases in the western part of the continent would be rewarding for a medical professional, assuming they could handle it. The amount of information he would encounter would be vast, and beyond the history of hematuria, he would face the issue of a type of fever that seems to be a new addition to West African health problems, known as typhoid malaria, which has recently appeared in the Rivers and seems to be here to stay. This fever, I should note, is virtually unknown at this time in the regions of the South-West Coast where the “sun for garbage” method is practiced. Currently, the treatment for all the diseases affecting white people on the Coast mostly focuses on malaria, because any illness someone contracts often takes on a malarial form that hides its real nature. For example, I knew a man who had a severe case of smallpox that anyone would dread, and for several days, he acted like he had remittent fever, only to eventually break out in the distinctive rash; he ultimately lost all his belongings to the fire and received countless carbolic acid dressings for his troubles.
I do not suppose this does much harm, as the malaria is the main thing that wants curing; unless Dr. Plehn is right and quinine is bad in hæmaturia. His success in dealing with this fever seems to support his opinion; and the French doctors on the Coast, who dose it heavily with quinine, have certainly a very heavy percentage of mortality among their patients with the hæmaturic, although in the other forms of malarial fever they very rarely lose a patient.
I don't think this does much harm, since malaria is the main issue that needs to be treated; unless Dr. Plehn is right and quinine is harmful in cases of hæmaturia. His success in treating this fever seems to back up his view; and the French doctors on the Coast, who heavily dose it with quinine, certainly have a high mortality rate among their patients with hæmaturic fever, although in other types of malaria they almost never lose a patient.
But to return to those preventive measures, and having done what we can with the air, we will turn our attention to the drinking water, for in addition to malarial microbes the drinking and washing water of West Africa is liable to contain dermazoic and entozoic organisms, and if you don’t take care you will get from it into your anatomy Tinea versicolor, Tinea decalvans, Tinea circinata, Tinea sycosis, Tinea favosa, or some other member of that wretched family, let alone being nearly certain to import Trichocephalus dispar, Ascaris lumbricoides, Oxyuris vermicularis, and eight varieties of nematodes, each of them with an awful name of its own, and unpleasant consequences to you, and, lastly, a peculiar abomination, a Filaria. This is not, what its euphonious name may lead you to suppose, a fern, but it is a worm which gets into the white of the eye and leads there a lively existence, causing distressing itching, throbbing and pricking sensations, not affecting the sight until it happens to set up inflammation. I have seen the eyes of natives simply swarming with these Filariæ. A curious thing about the disease is that it usually commences in one eye, and when that becomes over-populated an emigration society sets out for the other eye, travelling thither under the skin of the bridge of the nose, looking while in transit like the bridge of a pair of spectacles. A similar, but not identical, worm is fairly common on the Ogowé, and is liable to get under the epidermis of any part of the body. Like the one affecting the eye it is very active in its movements, passing rapidly about under the skin and producing terrible pricking and itching, but very trifling inflammation in those cases which I have seen. The treatment consists of getting the thing out, and the thing to be careful of is to get it out whole, for if any part of it is left in, suppuration sets in, so even if you are personally convinced you have got it out successfully it is just as well to wash out the wound with carbolic or Condy’s fluid. The most frequent sufferers from these Filariæ are the natives, but white people do get them.
But back to those preventive measures—after addressing the air, let’s focus on the drinking water. Besides malarial microbes, the drinking and washing water in West Africa can also have harmful organisms, like dermazoic and entozoic ones. If you're not careful, you could end up with Tinea versicolor, Tinea decalvans, Tinea circinata, Tinea sycosis, Tinea favosa, or some other member of that nasty family. You’ll also likely introduce Trichocephalus dispar, Ascaris lumbricoides, Oxyuris vermicularis, and eight types of nematodes, each with a terrible name and uncomfortable consequences for you. Lastly, there's a particularly nasty one called Filaria. Despite what its pleasant name might make you think, it’s not a fern; it’s a worm that gets into the white of your eye and lives there, causing intense itching, throbbing, and prickling sensations. It doesn’t affect your vision until it causes inflammation. I've seen the eyes of locals infested with these Filariæ. A strange thing about this disease is that it usually starts in one eye, and when that eye gets overcrowded, a migration starts to the other eye, traveling through the skin on the bridge of the nose, which looks like the bridge of glasses while it moves. A similar but different worm is fairly common in the Ogowé and can burrow under the skin anywhere on the body. Like the one affecting the eye, it is very active and moves quickly under the skin, causing terrible itching and prickling without much inflammation in the cases I’ve seen. The treatment involves removing the worm entirely, and it’s crucial to ensure it's all out. If any part is left behind, you risk an infection, so even if you're convinced you've removed it successfully, it’s wise to rinse the wound with carbolic or Condy’s fluid. The native population suffers most from these Filariæ, but white people can get them too.
Do not confuse this Filaria with the Guinea worm, Filaria medinensis, which runs up to ten and twelve feet in length, and whose habits are different. It is more sedentary, but it is in the drinking water inside small crustacea (cyclops). It appears commonly in its human host’s leg, and rapidly grows, curled round and round like a watch-spring, showing raised under the skin. The native treatment of this pest is very cautiously to open the skin over the head of the worm and secure it between a little cleft bit of bamboo and then gradually wind the rest of the affair out. Only a small portion can be wound out at a time, as the wound is very liable to inflame, and should the worm break, it is certain to inflame badly, and a terrible wound will result. You cannot wind it out by the tail because you are then, so to speak, turning its fur the wrong way, and it catches in the wound.
Do not confuse this Filaria with the Guinea worm, Filaria medinensis, which can grow up to ten to twelve feet long and has different habits. It’s more sedentary, but it’s found in drinking water within small crustaceans (cyclops). It commonly appears in a human host's leg and quickly grows, coiled up like a watch spring, showing raised bumps under the skin. The native treatment for this pest involves carefully opening the skin over the head of the worm and securing it with a small split piece of bamboo, then gradually winding the rest out. Only a small part can be wound out at a time, as the wound is very prone to infection, and if the worm breaks, it will lead to severe inflammation and a serious wound. You cannot wind it out by the tail because that would, so to speak, be turning its fur the wrong way, causing it to get stuck in the wound.
I should, I may remark, strongly advise any one who likes to start early on a canoe journey to see that no native member of the party has a Filaria medinensis on hand; for winding it up is always reserved for a morning job and as many other jobs are similarly reserved it makes for delay.
I strongly recommend anyone who wants to start an early canoe trip to make sure that no native member of the group has a Filaria medinensis with them; because winding it up is usually a morning task, and since many other tasks are set aside for the morning as well, it can cause delays.
I know, my friends, that you one and all say that the drinking water at your particular place is of singular beauty and purity, and that you always tell the boys to filter it; but I am convinced that that water is no more to be trusted than the boys, and I am lost in amazement at people of your intelligence trusting the trio of water, boys, and filter, in the way you do. One favourite haunt of mine gets its drinking water from a cemented hole in the back yard into which drains a very strong-smelling black little swamp, which is surrounded by a ridge of sandy ground, on which are situated several groups of native houses, whose inhabitants enhance their fortunes and their drainage by taking in washing. At Fernando Po the other day I was assured as usual that the water was perfection, “beautiful spring coming down from the mountain,” etc. In the course of the afternoon affairs took me up the mountain to Basile, for the first part of the way along the course of the said stream. The first objects of interest I observed in the drinking-water supply were four natives washing themselves and their clothes; the next was the bloated body of a dead goat reposing in a pellucid pool. The path then left the course of the stream, but on arriving in the region of its source I found an interesting little colony of Spanish families which had been imported out whole, children and all, by the Government. They had a nice, neat little cemetery attached, which his excellency the doctor told me was “stocked mostly with children, who were always dying off from worms.” Good, so far, for the drinking water! and as to what that beautiful stream was soaking up when it was round corners - I did not see it, so I do not know - but I will be bound it was some abomination or another. But it’s no use talking, it’s the same all along, Sierra Leone, Grain Coast, Ivory Coast, Gold Coast, Lagos, Rivers, Cameroon, Congo Français, Kacongo, Congo Belge, and Angola. When you ask your white friends how they can be so reckless about the water, which, as they know, is a decoction of the malarious earth, exposed night and day to the malarious air, they all up and say they are not; they have “got an awfully good filter, and they tell the boys,” etc., and that they themselves often put wine or spirit in the water to kill the microbes. Vanity, vanity! At each and every place I know, “men have died and worms have eaten them.” The safest way of dealing with water I know is to boil it hard for ten minutes at least, and then instantly pour it into a jar with a narrow neck, which plug up with a wad of fresh cotton-wool - not a cork; and should you object to the flat taste of boiled water, plunge into it a bit of red-hot iron, which will make it more agreeable in taste. Before boiling the water you can carefully filter it if you like. A good filter is a very fine thing for clearing drinking water of hippopotami, crocodiles, water snakes, catfish, etc., and I daresay it will stop back sixty per cent. of the live or dead African natives that may be in it; but if you think it is going to stop back the microbe of marsh fever - my good sir, you are mistaken. And remember that you must give up cold water, boiled or unboiled, altogether; for if you take the boiled or filtered water and put it into one of those water-coolers, and leave it hanging exposed to night air or day on the verandah, you might just as well save yourself the trouble of boiling it at all.
I know, my friends, that you all claim that the drinking water in your area is uniquely beautiful and pure, and that you always tell the boys to filter it; but I'm convinced that water is just as unreliable as the boys, and I'm amazed that people as smart as you trust the combination of water, boys, and filter the way you do. One of my favorite spots gets its drinking water from a cemented hole in the backyard that drains a very strong-smelling, murky little swamp, which is surrounded by sandy ground where several groups of local houses sit, and their residents make money and improve their drainage by doing laundry. The other day in Fernando Po, I was once again assured that the water was perfect, “a beautiful spring coming down from the mountain,” and so on. Later that afternoon, I found myself heading up the mountain to Basile, following that same stream. The first things I noticed in the drinking water source were four locals washing themselves and their clothes; next, I saw the bloated body of a dead goat lying in a clear pool. The path then left the stream, but when I arrived near its source, I discovered a little colony of Spanish families that the government had brought over, children and all. They had a neat little cemetery attached, which the doctor told me was “mostly filled with children, who kept dying from worms.” Good for the drinking water, right? As for what that beautiful stream was picking up around the corners—I didn’t see it, so I don’t know—but I bet it was something gross. But it’s pointless to talk about; it’s the same story everywhere: Sierra Leone, Grain Coast, Ivory Coast, Gold Coast, Lagos, Rivers, Cameroon, Congo Français, Kacongo, Congo Belge, and Angola. When you ask your white friends how they can be so careless about the water, which they know is a brew of malarial soil, exposed day and night to the malarial air, they all insist they're not; they say they have “an excellent filter, and they tell the boys,” and they often add wine or spirits to the water to kill the microbes. Vanity, vanity! In every place I know, “men have died and worms have eaten them.” The safest way to handle water, as far as I know, is to boil it hard for at least ten minutes and then immediately pour it into a jar with a narrow neck, sealing it with a wad of fresh cotton wool—not a cork. If you dislike the flat taste of boiled water, you can heat a piece of iron until it's red-hot and plunge it in to improve the flavor. Before boiling the water, you can filter it carefully if you want. A good filter is great for clearing drinking water of hippos, crocodiles, water snakes, catfish, and so on, and I bet it can stop about sixty percent of the living or dead locals that might be in there; but if you think it will hold back the microbes that cause marsh fever—my good sir, you are mistaken. And remember, you have to give up cold water, boiled or not, entirely; because if you take the boiled or filtered water and put it into one of those water coolers, and leave it exposed to night air or sunlight on the porch, you might as well skip boiling it altogether.
Next in danger to the diseases come the remedies for them. Let the new-comer remember, in dealing with quinine, calomel, arsenic, and spirits, that they are not castor sugar nor he a glass bottle, but let him use them all - the two first fairly frequently - not waiting for an attack of fever and then ladling them into himself with a spoon. The third, arsenic - a drug much thought of by the French, who hold that if you establish an arsenic cachexia you do not get a malarial one - should not be taken except under a doctor’s orders. Spirit is undoubtedly extremely valuable when, from causes beyond your control, you have got a chill. Remember always your life hangs on quinine, and that it is most important to keep the system sensitive to it, which you do not do if you keep on pouring in heavy doses of it for nothing and you make yourself deaf into the bargain. I have known people take sixty grains of quinine in a day for a bilious attack and turn it into a disease they only got through by the skin of their teeth; but the prophylactic action of quinine is its great one, as it only has power over malarial microbes at a certain state of their development, - the fully matured microbe it does not affect to any great degree - and therefore by taking it when in a malarious district, say, in a dose of five grams a day, you keep down the malaria which you are bound, even with every care, to get into your system. When you have got very chilled or over-tired, take an extra five grains with a little wine or spirit at any time, and when you know, by reason of aching head and limbs and a sensation of a stream of cold water down your back and an awful temper, that you are in for a fever, send for a doctor if you can. If, as generally happens, there is no doctor near to send for, take a compound calomel and colocynth pill, fifteen grains of quinine and a grain of opium, and go to bed wrapped up in the best blanket available. When safely there take lashings of hot tea or, what is better, a hot drink made from fresh lime-juice, strong and without sugar - fresh limes are almost always to be had - if not, bottled lime-juice does well. Then, in the hot stage, don’t go fanning about, nor in the perspiring stage, for if you get a chill then you may turn a mild dose of fever into a fatal one. If, however, you keep conscientiously rolled in your blanket until the perspiring stage is well over, and stay in bed till the next morning, the chances are you will be all right, though a little shaky about the legs. You should continue the quinine, taking it in five-grain doses, up to fifteen to twenty grains a day for a week after any attack of fever, but you must omit the opium pill. The great thing in West Africa is to keep up your health to a good level, that will enable you to resist fever, and it is exceedingly difficult for most people to do this, because of the difficulty of getting exercise and good food. But do what you may it is almost certain you will get fever during a residence of more than six months on the Coast, and the chances are two to one on the Gold Coast that you will die of it. But, without precautions, you will probably have it within a fortnight of first landing, and your chances of surviving are almost nil. With precautions, in the Rivers and on the S.W. Coast your touch of fever may be a thing inferior in danger and discomfort to a bad cold in England.
Next in line after the diseases are the remedies for them. Let newcomers remember that when dealing with quinine, calomel, arsenic, and spirits, these are not just harmless substances, nor are they something to handle carelessly. They should be used - especially the first two - regularly, without waiting for a fever to hit before taking them in large amounts. As for arsenic, which is highly regarded by the French who believe that if you develop arsenic cachexia, you won’t get malaria, this should only be used under a doctor’s guidance. Spirits are undeniably useful if you catch a chill due to factors beyond your control. Always keep in mind that your life depends on quinine, and it's crucial to maintain your body's sensitivity to it. Taking heavy doses unnecessarily can lead to insensitivity and even hearing loss. I've seen people take as much as sixty grains of quinine in a single day for a bilious attack, turning it into a condition they barely survived. The real strength of quinine lies in its preventive capabilities, as it only works against malaria microbes at specific stages of their development; the mature microbe is not significantly affected. Therefore, if you’re in a malarial area, taking about five grams daily helps keep malaria at bay, even if you do your best to avoid it. If you get very chilled or overtired, it’s good to take an extra five grains along with some wine or spirits at any point. And when you feel fever coming on—indicated by a headache, aching limbs, a cold sensation down your back, and irritability—try to call a doctor if possible. If there’s no doctor nearby, take a combined calomel and colocynth pill, along with fifteen grains of quinine and a grain of opium, then go to bed bundled in the best blanket you can find. Once settled in, drink plenty of hot tea or a stronger hot drink made from fresh lime juice without sugar—fresh limes are usually available, but bottled lime juice works too. During the hot stage, avoid fanning yourself, and don’t expose yourself to cool air during the sweating stage, as catching a chill can turn a mild case of fever into a severe one. However, if you stay wrapped in your blanket until the sweating phase passes and remain in bed until morning, you’ll likely be okay, though a bit shaky on your legs. Continue taking quinine in five-grain doses, up to fifteen to twenty grams a day for a week after any fever. However, skip the opium pill. The key in West Africa is to maintain good health to fend off fever, which is quite challenging for many due to limited exercise and food options. Whatever precautions you take, it's nearly certain you'll get fever if you stay on the Coast for more than six months, and the odds are two to one on the Gold Coast that it could be fatal. Without precautions, you’re likely to experience it within two weeks of arriving, and your chances of survival are almost nil. However, with precautions, a mild case of fever in the Rivers and on the S.W. Coast may be less risky and uncomfortable than a bad cold in England.
Yet remember, before you elect to cast your lot in with the West Coasters, that 85 per cent. of them die of fever or return home with their health permanently wrecked. Also remember that there is no getting acclimatised to the Coast. There are, it is true, a few men out there who, although they have been resident in West Africa for years, have never had fever, but you can count them up on the fingers of one hand. There is another class who have been out for twelve months at a time, and have not had a touch of fever; these you want the fingers of your two hands to count, but no more. By far the largest class is the third, which is made up of those who have a slight dose of fever once a fortnight, and some day, apparently for no extra reason, get a heavy dose and die of it. A very considerable class is the fourth - those who die within a fortnight to a month of going ashore.
Yet remember, before you decide to join the West Coasters, that 85 percent of them either die from fever or return home with their health permanently damaged. Also, keep in mind that you can’t really get used to the Coast. It’s true that there are a few guys out there who, even after years in West Africa, have never had fever, but you can count them on one hand. There’s another group who have spent twelve months at a time there without getting fever; you need both hands to count them, but not more. The largest group is the third, made up of those who get a mild case of fever every two weeks, and one day, seemingly for no reason, get a severe case and die from it. A significant group is the fourth—those who die within two weeks to a month of landing.
The fate of a man depends solely on his power of resisting the so-called malaria, not in his system becoming inured to it. The first class of men that I have cited have some unknown element in their constitutions that renders them immune. With the second class the power of resistance is great, and can be renewed from time to time by a spell home in a European climate. In the third class the state is that of cumulative poisoning; in the fourth of acute poisoning.
The fate of a man depends entirely on his ability to resist what’s commonly known as malaria, rather than his body becoming accustomed to it. The first group of men I mentioned has some unidentified factor in their bodies that makes them immune. The second group has strong resistance, which can be boosted from time to time by spending some time back in a European climate. In the third group, individuals are experiencing a buildup of poison; in the fourth group, they are suffering from acute poisoning.
Let the new-comer who goes to the Coast take the most cheerful view of these statements and let him regard himself as preordained to be one of the two most favoured classes. Let him take every care short of getting frightened, which is as deadly as taking no care at all, and he may - I sincerely hope he will - survive; for a man who has got the grit in him to go and fight in West Africa for those things worth fighting for - duty, honour and gold - is a man whose death is a dead loss to his country.
Let the newcomer heading to the Coast keep a positive outlook on these statements and see himself as destined to be one of the two luckiest groups. He should take every precaution without becoming overly anxious, which can be just as harmful as being careless, and he may - I truly hope he will - make it through; because a person with the determination to go and fight in West Africa for what's truly worth fighting for - duty, honor, and wealth - is someone whose loss would be a significant tragedy for his country.
The cargoes from West Africa truly may “wives and mithers maist despairing ca’ them lives o’ men.” Yet grievous as is the price England pays for her West African possessions, to us who know the men who risk their lives and die for them, England gets a good equivalent value for it; for she is the greatest manufacturing country in the world, and as such requires markets. Nowadays she requires them more than new colonies. A colony drains annually thousands of the most enterprising and energetic of her children from her, leaving behind them their aged and incapable relations. Moreover, a colony gradually becomes a rival manufacturing centre to the mother country, whereas West Africa will remain for hundreds of years a region that will supply the manufacturer with his raw material, and take in exchange for it his manufactured articles, giving him a good margin of profit. And the holding of our West African markets drains annually a few score of men only - only too often for ever - but the trade they carry on and develop there - a trade, according to Sir George Baden-Powell, of the annual value of nine millions sterling - enables thousands of men, women and children to remain safely in England, in comfort and pleasure, owing to the wages and profits arising from the manufacture and export of the articles used in that trade.
The cargoes from West Africa really can make “wives and mothers most despairing call them lives of men.” However serious the cost is for England due to its West African territories, for those of us who understand the men who risk their lives and even die for them, England actually gets a fair return for it; she is the leading manufacturing country in the world, and as such, she needs markets. These days, she needs them more than new colonies. A colony regularly pulls away thousands of the most enterprising and energetic of her people, leaving behind their elderly and unable relatives. Furthermore, a colony eventually turns into a competing manufacturing center against the mother country, while West Africa will stay for hundreds of years as a region that provides the manufacturer with raw materials, trading them for his manufactured goods, which yields him a healthy profit. Additionally, maintaining our West African markets only requires a few dozen men each year - far too often permanently - but the business they manage and grow there - a trade valued at nine million sterling annually, according to Sir George Baden-Powell - allows thousands of men, women, and children to live safely in England, enjoying comfort and pleasure thanks to the wages and profits from the manufacture and export of the goods involved in that trade.
So I trust that those at home in England will give all honour to the men still working in West Africa, or rotting in the weed-grown, snake-infested cemeteries and the forest swamps - men whose battles have been fought out on lonely beaches far away from home and friends and often from another white man’s help, sometimes with savages, but more often with a more deadly foe, with none of the anodyne to death and danger given by the companionship of hundreds of fellow soldiers in a fight with a foe you can see, but with a foe you can see only incarnate in the dreams of your delirium, which runs as a poison in burning veins and aching brain - the dread West Coast fever. And may England never again dream of forfeiting, or playing with, the conquests won for her by those heroes of commerce, the West Coast traders; for of them, as well as of such men as Sir Gerald Portal, truly it may be said - of such is the Kingdom of England.
So I hope that those back home in England will show proper respect to the men still working in West Africa, or lying in overgrown, snake-infested cemeteries and swampy forests -- men who have fought their battles on isolated beaches far from home and friends, often without the support of another white man, sometimes against natives, but more often against a more dangerous enemy, with none of the relief from death and danger that comes from being with hundreds of fellow soldiers fighting a visible foe, but with an enemy you can only see represented in the nightmares of your delirium, which courses like poison through your burning veins and aching head -- the terrifying West Coast fever. And may England never again think about giving up, or playing around with, the victories won for her by those heroes of commerce, the West Coast traders; for it can truly be said of them, as well as of men like Sir Gerald Portal -- such are the Kingdom of England.
APPENDIX. THE INVENTION OF THE CLOTH LOOM.
This story is taken down from an Eboe, but practically the same story can be found among all the cloth-making tribes in West Africa.
This story is derived from an Eboe, but you can find a nearly identical story among all the cloth-making communities in West Africa.
In the old times there was a man who was a great hunter; but he had a bad wife, and when he made medicine to put on his spear, she made medicine against his spear, but he knew nothing of this thing and went out after bush cow.
In ancient times, there was a man who was an excellent hunter; however, he had a terrible wife. When he prepared charm to put on his spear, she prepared a counter charm against it, but he was completely unaware of this and went out to hunt for a bush cow.
By and by he found a big bush cow, and threw his spear at it, but the bush cow came on, and drove its horns through his thigh, so the man crept home, and lay in his house very sick, and the witch doctor found out which of his wives had witched the spear, and they killed her, and for many days the man could not go out hunting. But he was a great hunter, and his liver grew hot in him for the bush, so he dragged himself to the bush, and lay there every day. One day, as he lay, he saw a big spider making a net on a bush and he watched him. By and by he saw how the spider caught his game, and that the spider was a great hunter, and the man said “If I had hunted as this spider hunts, if I had made a trap like that and put it in the bush and then gone aside and let the game get into it and weary itself to death quickly, - quicker and safer than they do in pit-falls - that bush cow would not have gored me.” And so after a time he tried to make a net like the spider’s, out of bush rope, and he did this thing and put his net into the forest, and caught bush deer (gazelles) and earthpig (pangolins) and porcupines, and he made more nets, and every net he made was better, and he grew well, and became a greater hunter than before. One day he made a very fine net, and his wife said “This is a cloth, it is better than our cloth (bark cloth) because when the rain gets to it, it does not shrivel. Make me a cloth like this and then I will beat it with the mallet and wear it.” And the man tried to do this thing, but he could not get it a good shape and he said, “Yet the spider gets a shape in his cloth. I will go and ask him again this thing.” And he went to the spider, and took him another offering, and said: “Oh, my lord, teach me more things.” And he sat and watched him for many days. By and by he saw more (his eyes were opened) and he saw the spider made his net on sticks, and so he went home and got fine bush rope that he had collected, and taken there, to make his game nets with, and he brought them to the bush near the spider, and fixing the strings on to the bush he made a new net and he got shape into it, and he made more nets this way, and every net he made was better. And his wife was pleased and gave him sons, and by and by the man saw that he did not want all the sticks of a bush to make his net on, only some of them; and so he took these home and put them up in his house, and made his nets there, and after a time his wife said: “Why do you make the stuff for me with that bush rope? Why do you not make it with something finer?” And he went into the bush and took offerings to the spider and said: “Oh, my lord, teach me more things!” And he sat and watched the spider, but the spider only went on making stuff out of his belly. And the man said: “Oh, my lord, you pass me. I cannot do this thing.” And as he went home he thought and saw that there are trees, and there are bush ropes, thick bush rope and thin bush rope, and then there is grass which was thinner still, and he took the grass, and tried to make a net with it, and did this thing and made more nets and every net he made was better. And his wife was pleased and said “This is good cloth.” And the man lived to be very old and was a great chief and a great hunter. For it is good for a man to be a great hunter, and it is good for a man to please women. This is the origin of the cloth loom.
By and by, he found a large bush cow and threw his spear at it, but the bush cow charged and stabbed him in the thigh with its horns. So, the man crawled home and lay sick in his house. The witch doctor discovered which of his wives had bewitched the spear, and they killed her. For many days, the man couldn’t go hunting. But he was a skilled hunter, and his desire to hunt burned in him. He dragged himself into the bush and laid there every day. One day, while he was lying there, he saw a big spider making a net on a bush, and he watched it. Eventually, he saw how the spider caught its prey and realized the spider was a great hunter. The man thought, “If I had hunted like this spider, if I had made a trap like that and stepped aside to let the game tire itself out, quicker and safer than using pit-falls, I wouldn’t have been gored by that bush cow.” So, after a while, he tried to make a net like the spider’s using bush rope. He succeeded and put his net in the forest, catching bush deer (gazelles), earthpig (pangolins), and porcupines. He made more nets, and every net was better than the last. He got well and became an even greater hunter. One day, he made a really nice net, and his wife said, “This is a cloth; it’s better than our bark cloth because it doesn’t shrivel when it gets wet. Make me a cloth like this, and I’ll beat it with the mallet and wear it.” The man tried to do this, but he couldn't get it to look right, so he said, “But the spider can shape its cloth. I’ll go and ask it for help again.” He visited the spider, brought another offering, and said, “Oh, my lord, teach me more!” He sat and watched the spider for many days. Eventually, he noticed (his eyes were opened) that the spider made its net using sticks. He went home, gathered fine bush rope he had collected to make his game nets, and brought them to the bush near the spider. Fixing the strings to the bush, he created a new net that had shape, and he made more nets this way, improving with each. His wife was pleased and gave him sons. Over time, the man realized he didn’t need all the sticks from a bush to make his net, just some. He took those home, set them up in his house, and made his nets there. After a while, his wife asked, “Why are you making things for me with that bush rope? Why not use something finer?” He went into the bush, offered gifts to the spider, and said, “Oh, my lord, teach me more!” He watched the spider, but the spider continued to make its stuff from its belly. The man said, “Oh, my lord, you outshine me. I can’t do this.” As he walked home, he thought about the trees and bush ropes—thick and thin—and realized there was grass, which was even thinner. He took the grass, tried to make a net from it, and succeeded, making better nets each time. His wife was pleased and said, “This is good cloth.” The man lived to be very old, becoming a great chief and a great hunter. It’s good for a man to be a great hunter, and it’s good for a man to please women. This is the origin of the cloth loom.
It was in the old time, and men have got now thread on spools from the white man, for the white man is a great spider; but this is how the black man learnt to make cloth.
It was in the old days, and people now have thread on spools from the white man, because the white man is a great spider; but this is how the black man learned to make cloth.
NOTES.
{14} Sierra Leone has been known since the voyage of Hanno of Carthage in the sixth century B.C., but it has not got into general literature to any great extent since Pliny. The only later classic who has noticed it is Milton, who in a very suitable portion of Paradise Lost says of Notus and Afer, “black with thunderous clouds from Sierra Lona.” Our occupation of it dates from 1787.
{14} Sierra Leone has been recognized since Hanno of Carthage's journey in the sixth century B.C., but it hasn't appeared in mainstream literature much since Pliny. The only later classic who mentioned it is Milton, who in a relevant part of Paradise Lost refers to Notus and Afer, “black with thunderous clouds from Sierra Lona.” Our involvement in the area began in 1787.
{15} Lagos also likes to bear this flattering appellation, and has now-a-days more right to the title.
{15} Lagos also enjoys this flattering name and now has more claim to the title.
{28} Along the Coast, and in other parts of Africa, the coarser, flat-sided kinds of banana are usually called plantains, the name banana being reserved for the finer sorts, such as the little “silver banana.”
{28} Along the Coast and in other parts of Africa, the thicker, flat-sided varieties of banana are typically referred to as plantains, while the term banana is used for the more delicate types, like the small "silver banana."
{37} From Point Limbok, the seaward extremity of Cameroons Mountain, to Cape Horatio, the most eastern extremity of Fernando Po, the soundings are, from the continent, 13, 17, 20, 23, 27, 29, 30, 34 fathoms; close on to the island, 35 and 29 fathoms.
{37} From Point Limbok, the outer edge of Cameroons Mountain, to Cape Horatio, the furthest eastern point of Fernando Po, the depths measured from the continent are 13, 17, 20, 23, 27, 29, 30, and 34 fathoms; near the island, they are 35 and 29 fathoms.
{44} I am informed that the allowance made to these priests exceeds by some pounds the revenues Spain obtains from the Island. In Spanish possessions alone is a supporting allowance made to missionaries though in all the other colonies they obtain a government grant.
{44} I've been told that the payments to these priests are several pounds more than the income Spain gets from the Island. In Spanish territories, there is a funding allowance for missionaries, while in all the other colonies, they receive a government grant.
{47} Ten Years’ Wanderings among the Ethiopians, T. J. Hutchinson.
{47} Ten Years’ Wanderings among the Ethiopians, T. J. Hutchinson.
{48a} There is difference of opinion among authorities as to whether Fernando Po was discovered by Fernando Po or by Lopez Gonsalves.
{48a} There's a disagreement among experts about whether Fernando Po was discovered by Fernando Po himself or by Lopez Gonsalves.
{48b} From April 1777 till the end of 1782, 370 men out of the 547 died of fever.
{48b} From April 1777 until the end of 1782, 370 out of 547 men died from fever.
{51} Porto is the Bubi name for black men who are not Bubis, these were in old days Portuguese slaves, “Porto” being evidently a corruption of “Portuguese,” but it is used alike by the Bubi to designate Sierra Leonian and Accras, in fact, all the outer barbarian blacks. The name for white men, Mandara, used by the Bubis, has a sort of resemblance to the Effik name for whites, Makara, i.e., the ruling one, but I do not know whether these two words have any connection.
{51} Porto is the Bubi term for black men who aren't Bubis; these were once Portuguese slaves. “Porto” is clearly a distorted form of “Portuguese,” but the Bubi use it to refer to Sierra Leoneans and people from Accra, in fact, all the other foreign black people. The term for white men, Mandara, used by the Bubis, is somewhat similar to the Effik word for whites, Makara, meaning the ruling one, but I’m not sure if these two terms are related.
{55} I am glad to find that my own observations on the drink question entirely agree with those of Dr. Oscar Baumann, because he is an unprejudiced scientific observer, who has had great experience both in the Congo and Cameroon regions before he came to Fernando Po. In support of my statement I may quote his own words: - “Die Bube trinken nämlich sehr gerne Rum; Gin verschmähen sie vollständig, aber ausser Tabak und Salz gehört Rum zu den gesuchtesten europäischen Artikeln für sie. Wie bekannt hat sich in Europa ein heftiges Geschrei gegen die Vergiftung der Neger durch Alcohol erhoben. Wenn dasselbe schon für die meisten Stämme Westafrikas der Berechtigung fast vollständig entbehrt und in die Categorie verweisen worden muss die man mit dem nicht sehr schönen aber treffenden Ausdrücke ‘Humanitätsduselei’ bezeichnet, so ist es den Bube gegenüber wohl mehr als zwecklos. Es mag ja vorkommen dass ein Bube wenn er sein Palmöl verkauft hat, sich ein oder zweimal im Jahre mit Rum ein Räuschlein antrinkt. Deshalb aber gleich von Alkohol-Vergiftung zu sprechen wäre mindestens lächerlich. Ich bin überzeugt dass mancher jener Herren die in Wort und Schrift so heftig gegen die Alkolismus der Neger zetern in ihren Studenten-jahren allein mehr geistige Getränke genossen haben als zehn Bube während ihres ganzen Lebens. Der Handelsrum welcher wie ich mich öfters überzeugt zwar recht verwässert aber keineswegs abstossend schlecht schmeckt, ist den Bube gewöhnlich nur eine Delikatesse welche mit Andacht schluckweise genossen wird. Wenn ein Arbeiter bei uns einen Schluck Branntwein oder ein Glas Bier geniesst um sich zu stärken, so findet das Jeder in der Ordnung; der Bube jedoch, welcher splitternackt tagelang in feuchten Bergwäldern umher klettern muss, soll beliebe nichts als Wasser trinken!” Eine Africanische Tropen. insel Fernando Póo, Dr. Oscar Baumann, Edward Hölzer, Wien, 1888.
{55} I'm pleased to see that my own views on drinking align completely with those of Dr. Oscar Baumann, who is an impartial scientific observer with extensive experience in both the Congo and Cameroon regions before arriving at Fernando Po. To support my point, I can quote his own words: - “The Bube people really enjoy drinking rum; they completely reject gin, but besides tobacco and salt, rum is one of the most sought-after European items for them. As is well known, there has been a loud outcry in Europe against the poisoning of Africans by alcohol. While this may be largely unfounded for most tribes in West Africa and should be categorized under the not-so-flattering but apt term 'humanitarian fuss,' it is more than pointless in the context of the Bube. It may happen that a Bube, after selling his palm oil, indulges in rum once or twice a year. However, to call this alcohol poisoning would at least be ridiculous. I am convinced that many of those gentlemen who angrily criticize the alcoholism of Africans have consumed more alcoholic beverages during their student years than ten Bube would over their entire lives. The commercial rum, which, as I have often observed, is indeed quite watered down but certainly not repulsively bad-tasting, is usually just a delicacy for the Bube, enjoyed sip by sip with reverence. When a worker here enjoys a shot of spirits or a glass of beer to strengthen himself, everyone finds that acceptable; yet the Bube, who has to climb around in damp mountain forests completely naked for days, should supposedly drink nothing but water!” Eine Africanische Tropen. insel Fernando Póo, Dr. Oscar Baumann, Edward Hölzer, Wien, 1888.
{56} “Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Bubisprache auf Fernando Póo,” O. Baumann, Zeitschrift für afrikanische Sprachen. Berlin, 1888.
{56} “Contributions to the Knowledge of the Bubi Language on Fernando Póo,” O. Baumann, Journal of African Languages. Berlin, 1888.
{61} Ten Years’ Wanderings among the Ethiopians. T. J. Hutchinson.
{61} Ten Years’ Wanderings among the Ethiopians. T. J. Hutchinson.
{80} The Sierra del Cristal and the Pallaballa range are, by some geographers, held to be identical; but I have reason to doubt this, for the specimens of rock brought home by me have been identified by the Geological Survey, those of the Pallaballa range as mica schist and quartz; those of the Sierra del Cristal as “probably schistose grit, but not definitely determinable by inspection,” and “quartz rock.” The quantity of mica in the sands of the Ogowé, I think, come into it from its affluents from the Congo region because you do not get these mica sands in rivers which are entirely from the Sierra del Cristal, such as the Muni. The Rumby and Omon ranges are probably identical with the Sierra del Cristal, for in them as in the Sierra you do not get the glistening dove-coloured rock with a sparse vegetation growing on it, as you do in the Pallaballa region.
{80} Some geographers believe that the Sierra del Cristal and the Pallaballa range are the same, but I have my doubts. The Geological Survey has identified the rock samples I collected from the Pallaballa range as mica schist and quartz, while those from the Sierra del Cristal are noted as “probably schistose grit, but not definitely determinable by inspection,” and “quartz rock.” I think the mica found in the sands of the Ogowé comes from its tributaries from the Congo region, since mica sands aren't found in rivers that are solely sourced from the Sierra del Cristal, like the Muni. The Rumby and Omon ranges likely match the Sierra del Cristal, as they also lack the shiny dove-colored rock with sparse vegetation seen in the Pallaballa region.
{96} The villages of the Fans and Bakele are built in the form of a street. When in the forest there are two lines of huts, the one facing the other, and each end closed by a guard house. When facing a river there is one line of huts facing the river frontage.
{96} The villages of the Fans and Bakele are arranged like a street. In the forest, there are two rows of huts facing each other, with a guardhouse at each end. When they face a river, there's a single row of huts facing the riverfront.
{167} The M’pongwe speaking tribes are the M’pongwe, Orungu, Nkâmi, Ajumba, Inlenga and the Igalwa.
{167} The M’pongwe speaking tribes are the M’pongwe, Orungu, Nkâmi, Ajumba, Inlenga, and the Igalwa.
{170} These four Ajumba had been engaged, through the instrumentality of M. Jacot, to accompany me to the Rembwé River. The Ajumba are one of the noble tribes and are the parent stem of the M’pongwe; their district is the western side of Lake Ayzingo.
{170} These four Ajumba were hired, thanks to M. Jacot, to travel with me to the Rembwé River. The Ajumba are one of the prestigious tribes and are the ancestral group of the M’pongwe; their area is on the western side of Lake Ayzingo.
{181} As this river is not mentioned on maps, and as I was the first white traveller on it, I give my own phonetic spelling; but I expect it would be spelt by modern geographers “Kâkola.”
{181} Since this river isn't listed on maps and I was the first white traveler to explore it, I'm providing my own phonetic spelling; however, I imagine modern geographers would spell it “Kâkola.”
{185} A common African sensation among natives when alarmed, somewhat akin to our feeling some one walk over our graves.
{185} A common feeling among locals in Africa when they're startled, similar to how we feel when someone walks over our graves.
{189} Since my return I think the French gentleman may have been M. F. Tenaille d’Estais, who is down on the latest map (French) as having visited a lake in this region in 1882, which is set down as Lac Ebouko. He seems to have come from and returned to Lake Ayzingo - on map Lac Azingo - but on the other hand “Ebouko” was not known on the lake, Ajumba and Fans alike calling it Ncovi.
{189} Since my return, I believe the French gentleman may have been M. F. Tenaille d’Estais, who is noted on the latest French map as having visited a lake in this area in 1882, which is labeled Lac Ebouko. He appears to have traveled to and from Lake Ayzingo—marked on the map as Lac Azingo—but interestingly, “Ebouko” wasn’t recognized at the lake, with both Ajumba and Fans referring to it as Ncovi.
{200} Diospyros and Copaifua mopane.
{205} Vipera nasicornis; M’pongwe, Ompenle.
{208} I have no hesitation in saying that the gorilla is the most horrible wild animal I have seen. I have seen at close quarters specimens of the most important big game of Central Africa, and, with the exception of snakes, I have run away from all of them; but although elephants, leopards, and pythons give you a feeling of alarm, they do not give that feeling of horrible disgust that an old gorilla gives on account of its hideousness of appearance.
{208} I have no doubt in saying that the gorilla is the most terrifying wild animal I've encountered. I've seen close up some of the most notable big game in Central Africa, and, except for snakes, I've fled from all of them; but while elephants, leopards, and pythons can make you feel anxious, they don't evoke the same level of sheer disgust that an old gorilla does because of its ugly appearance.
{223} An European coat or its equivalent value is one of the constant quantities in an ivory bundle.
{223} A European coat or its equivalent value is one of the consistent items in an ivory bundle.
{286} It is held by some authorities to come from gru-gru, a Mandingo word for charm, but I respectfully question whether gru-gru has not come from ju-ju, the native approximation to the French joujou.
{286} Some experts believe it originates from "gru-gru," a Mandingo word for charm, but I respectfully wonder if "gru-gru" might have actually come from "ju-ju," which is the local version of the French word "joujou."
{295} The proper way to spell this name is booby, i.e. silly, but as Bubi is the accepted spelling, I bow to authority.
{295} The correct way to spell this name is booby, i.e. silly, but since Bubi is the standard spelling, I'll go with that.
{301} This article has different names in different tribes; thus it is called a bian among the Fan, a tarwiz, gree-gree, etc., on other parts of the Coast.
{301} This article has various names in different tribes; for instance, it's referred to as a bian among the Fan, and as a tarwiz, gree-gree, etc., in other areas along the Coast.
{306} Care must be taken not to confuse with sacrifices (propitiations of spirits) the killing of men and animals as offerings to the souls of deceased persons.
{306} Care must be taken not to mix up sacrifices (appeasing spirits) with the killing of people and animals as gifts to the souls of those who have passed away.
{324} Pronounced Tchwee.
Tchwee.
{329} Among the Fjort the body cannot be buried until all the deceased’s debts are paid.
{329} Among the Fjort, the body can't be buried until all the deceased's debts are settled.
{338} In speaking of native ideas I should prefer to use the good Yorkshire term of “overthrowing” in place of “superstition,” but as the latter is the accepted word for such matters I feel bound to employ it.
{338} When talking about native ideas, I’d rather use the good Yorkshire word “overthrowing” instead of “superstition,” but since the latter is the accepted term for these things, I feel obligated to use it.
{363} “Tshi-speaking People,” Colonel Sir H. B. Ellis.
{363} “Tshi-speaking People,” Colonel Sir H. B. Ellis.
{439} Since my return to England I have read Sir Richard Burton’s account of his first successful attempt to reach the summit of the Great Cameroons in 1862. His companions were Herr Mann, the botanist, and Señor Calvo. Herr Mann claimed to have ascended the summit a few days before the two others joined him, but Burton seems to doubt this. The account he himself gives of the summit is: “Victoria mountain now proved to be a shell of a huge double crater opening to the south-eastward, where a tremendous torrent of fire had broken down the weaker wall, the whole interior and its accessible breach now lay before me plunging down in vertical cliff. The depth of the bowl may be 360 feet. The total diameter of the two, which are separated by a rough partition of lava, 1,000 feet. . . Not a blade of grass, not a thread of moss, breaks the gloom of this Plutonic pit, which is as black as Erebus, except where the fire has painted it red or yellow.” This ascent was made from the west face. I got into the “Plutonic pit” through the S.E. break in its wall, and was said to be the first English person to reach it from the S.E., and the twenty-eighth ascender, according to my well-informed German friends.
{439} Since my return to England, I've read Sir Richard Burton’s account of his first successful attempt to reach the summit of the Great Cameroons in 1862. His companions were Herr Mann, the botanist, and Señor Calvo. Herr Mann claimed he had reached the summit a few days before the others joined him, but Burton seems to doubt this. His own description of the summit is: “Victoria mountain now proved to be a shell of a huge double crater opening to the southeast, where a massive torrent of fire had broken down the weaker wall, the entire interior and its accessible breach now lay before me plunging down in a vertical cliff. The depth of the bowl may be 360 feet. The total diameter of the two, which are separated by a rough partition of lava, is 1,000 feet... Not a blade of grass, not a thread of moss, breaks the gloom of this Plutonic pit, which is as black as Erebus, except where the fire has painted it red or yellow.” This ascent was made from the west face. I entered the “Plutonic pit” through the southeast break in its wall and was said to be the first English person to reach it from the southeast and the twenty-eighth person to ascend, according to my well-informed German friends.
{455} The African Association now own two steamers. Alexander Miller Brothers and Co. also charter steamers.
{455} The African Association now owns two steamers. Alexander Miller Brothers and Co. also charters steamers.
{465} The accounts given by the various members of the Stanley Emin Relief Expedition well describe the usual sort of West African hinterland work, but the forests of the Congo are less relieved by open park-like country than those of the rivers to the north or south. Still the Congo, in spite of this disadvantage, has greater facilities for transport in the way of waterways than is found east of the Cross or Cameroon.
{465} The reports from the different members of the Stanley Emin Relief Expedition effectively capture the typical kind of work done in the West African interior, but the Congo's forests are less interspersed with open, park-like areas compared to those along the rivers to the north or south. Still, despite this challenge, the Congo offers better transport options via waterways than what is available to the east of the Cross or Cameroon.
{468} Export of coffee from the Gold Coast, 1894, given in the Colonial Report on that year published in 1896, was of the value of £1,265 3s. 4d.; cocoa, £546 17s. 4d. The greater part of this coffee goes to Germany.
{468} The export of coffee from the Gold Coast in 1894, as reported in the Colonial Report published in 1896, was valued at £1,265 3s. 4d. Cocoa was valued at £546 17s. 4d. Most of this coffee is sent to Germany.
Export of coffee from Lagos, given in Colonial Report for 1892, published in 1893, was of the value of £12. No figures on this subject are given in the 1894 report, published in 1896, but I cite these figures to show the delay in publishing these reports by the Colonial Office and the difficulty of getting reliable statistics on West African trade.
Export of coffee from Lagos, as reported in the Colonial Report for 1892, published in 1893, was valued at £12. The 1894 report, published in 1896, does not provide any figures on this topic, but I mention these numbers to highlight the delay in publishing these reports by the Colonial Office and the challenges of obtaining reliable statistics on West African trade.
{493} “The Development of Dodos.” National Review, March, 1896.
{493} “The Development of Dodos.” National Review, March 1896.
{504} Ethnology, p. 266. A. H. Keane, Cambridge, 1896.
{504} Ethnology, p. 266. A. H. Keane, Cambridge, 1896.
{508} Lagos Annual Consular Report (150, p.6), 1894: “There were only three cases of drunkenness. Considering that in the Island of Lagos alone the population is over 33,300, this clearly proves that drunkenness in this part of Africa is uncommon, and that there is insufficient evidence for the contention which is advanced that the native is being ruined by what is so often spoken of as the heinous gin traffic; it is a well-known fact by those in a position best able to judge by long residence that the inhabitants of this country have a natural repugnance to intemperance.”
{508} Lagos Annual Consular Report (150, p.6), 1894: “There were only three cases of drunkenness. Considering that the population of Lagos Island alone is over 33,300, this clearly shows that drunkenness in this part of Africa is rare, and there is not enough evidence to support the argument that the locals are being harmed by what is frequently referred to as the terrible gin trade; it is a well-known fact among those who have lived here long enough to understand that the people of this region have a natural aversion to excess drinking.”
{514} By slavery, I mean the quasi-feudal system you find existing among the true negroes. I do not mean either the form of domestic slavery of Egypt, or the system of labour existing in the Congo Free State; although I am of opinion that the suppression of his export slave trade to the Americas was a grave mistake. It has been fraught with untold suffering to the African, which would have been avoided by altering the slave trade into a coolie system.
{514} When I talk about slavery, I'm referring to the kind of quasi-feudal system that exists among the true Africans. I'm not talking about the domestic slavery in Egypt or the labor system in the Congo Free State; however, I believe that ending the export slave trade to the Americas was a serious mistake. It has caused unimaginable suffering for Africans, which could have been prevented by shifting the slave trade to a coolie system.
{516} Bilious Hæmoglobinuric, black water fever.
{516} Yellow bile Hemoglobinuria, black water fever.
{517} See also Klebs and Tommasi Crudeli, Arch. f. exp. Path., xi.; Ceci, ibid., xv.; Tommasi Crudeli, La Malaria de Rome, Paris, 1881; Nuovi Studj sulla Natura della Malaria, Rome, 1881; “Malaria and the Ancient Drainage of the Roman Hills,” Practitioner, ii., 1881; Instituzioni de anat. Path., vol. i., Turin, 1882; Marchiafava e Cuboni, Nuovi Studj sulla Natura della Malaria, Acad. dei Lincei, Jan. 2, 1881; Marchand, Virch. Arch., vol. lxxxviii.; Laveran, Nature parasitaire des Accidents d’Impaludisme, Paris, 1881; Richard, Comptes Rendus, 1881; Steinberg, Rep. Nat. Board of Health (U.S.), 1881. Malaria-krankheiten, K. Schwalbe; Berlin, 1890; Parkes, On the Issue of a Spirit Ration in the Ashantee Campaign, Churchill, 1875; Zumsden, Cyclopædia of Medicine; Ague, Dr. M. D. O’Connell, Calcutta, 1885; Roman Fever, North, Appendix I. British Central Africa, Sir H. H. Johnstone.
{517} See also Klebs and Tommasi Crudeli, Arch. f. exp. Path., xi.; Ceci, ibid., xv.; Tommasi Crudeli, La Malaria de Rome, Paris, 1881; Nuovi Studj sulla Natura della Malaria, Rome, 1881; “Malaria and the Ancient Drainage of the Roman Hills,” Practitioner, ii., 1881; Instituzioni de anat. Path., vol. i., Turin, 1882; Marchiafava e Cuboni, Nuovi Studj sulla Natura della Malaria, Acad. dei Lincei, Jan. 2, 1881; Marchand, Virch. Arch., vol. lxxxviii.; Laveran, Nature parasitaire des Accidents d’Impaludisme, Paris, 1881; Richard, Comptes Rendus, 1881; Steinberg, Rep. Nat. Board of Health (U.S.), 1881. Malaria-krankheiten, K. Schwalbe; Berlin, 1890; Parkes, On the Issue of a Spirit Ration in the Ashantee Campaign, Churchill, 1875; Zumsden, Cyclopædia of Medicine; Ague, Dr. M. D. O’Connell, Calcutta, 1885; Roman Fever, North, Appendix I. British Central Africa, Sir H. H. Johnstone.
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