This is a modern-English version of Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death, originally written by Henry, Patrick.
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Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death
Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775.
No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
No one appreciates the patriotism and skills of the distinguished gentlemen who just addressed the House more than I do. However, different people often have different perspectives on the same issue; therefore, I hope it won't be seen as disrespectful to those gentlemen if I express my opinions, which are very different from theirs, openly and honestly. This is not a time for politeness. The matter at hand is of great importance to this country. Personally, I see it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery, and the significance of the topic demands we speak freely in this debate. Only by doing so can we hope to discover the truth and meet the serious responsibility we have to God and our country. If I were to hold back my views at such a time, out of fear of offending anyone, I would consider myself guilty of treason to my country and disloyalty to the Majesty of Heaven, which I honor above all earthly rulers.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
Mr. President, it's human nature to get lost in the illusions of hope. We tend to close our eyes to painful truths and listen to that tempting song until it turns us into monsters. Is this how wise people act while fighting for liberty? Are we willing to be among those who, despite having eyes, are blind, and having ears, are deaf to the things that are crucial for our survival? As for me, no matter how painful it might be, I'm ready to face the whole truth; to know the worst and prepare for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free—if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending—if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained—we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!
I have only one source of guidance for my path, and that is the light of experience. I know no other way to predict the future than by looking at the past. And based on the past, I want to understand what in the British government's actions over the last ten years justifies the optimism with which others have comforted themselves and the House. Is it the deceitful smile with which our recent petition was received? Don’t trust it, sir; it will trap you. Do not allow yourselves to be misled by false promises. Ask yourselves how this warm reception of our petition aligns with the military buildup that surrounds us and darkens our land. Are fleets and armies necessary for peace and reconciliation? Have we shown such reluctance to reconcile that force is needed to regain our affection? Let’s not fool ourselves, sir. These are the tools of war and domination; the last resort of kings. I ask you, sir, what does this military presence mean if it’s not intended to force us into submission? Can anyone suggest any other reason for it? Does Great Britain have any enemy in this part of the world that requires all these ships and troops? No, sir, she does not. They are aimed at us; they can be intended for no one else. They have been sent to bind us with the chains that the British government has been forging for so long. And what do we have to counter this? Should we try reasoning? Sir, we’ve been doing that for the last ten years. Do we have anything new to provide on this issue? Nothing. We have examined the topic in every possible way, but it has all been pointless. Should we resort to begging and humble pleas? What words can we use that haven’t already been tried? Let’s not, I urge you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything possible to prevent the coming storm. We have petitioned; we have protested; we have begged; we have humbled ourselves before the throne, pleading for intervention to stop the tyrannical hands of the government and Parliament. Our petitions have been ignored; our protests have led to more violence and insults; our pleas have been dismissed; and we’ve been contemptuously kicked away from the throne! After all this, it would be futile to still hope for peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we want to be free—if we intend to uphold those invaluable rights for which we have fought so long—if we refuse to abandon the noble struggle we've engaged in, which we have vowed never to quit until we achieve our glorious goal—we must fight! I say it again, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left for us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable—and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.
They’re telling us, sir, that we’re weak and can’t handle such a formidable opponent. But when will we be stronger? Next week or next year? Will it be when we’re completely disarmed and a British guard is stationed in every house? Will we gain strength through indecision and inaction? Will we find the means to effectively resist by lying back and clinging to the false illusion of hope until our enemies have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we use the resources that the God of nature has given us. The millions of people, fighting for the noble cause of liberty in a country like ours, are unbeatable by any force our enemy can send against us. Moreover, sir, we won’t be fighting our battles alone. There is a just God who oversees the fates of nations and will raise up allies to fight for us. The battle, sir, is not just for the strong; it’s for the vigilant, the active, the brave. Also, sir, we have no choice. Even if we were cowardly enough to desire it, it’s too late to back down now. The only retreat available is into submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! You can hear their clanking on the plains of Boston! War is inevitable—and let it come! I’ll say it again, sir, let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace—but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!
It's pointless, sir, to downplay the situation. People may shout, "Peace, peace"—but there's no peace. The war has already started! The next wind from the north will carry the sound of clashing weapons to us! Our fellow countrymen are already in the fight! Why are we just standing here doing nothing? What do people want? What do they hope for? Is life so precious, or peace so valuable, that it's worth paying for with chains and slavery? God forbid! I don't know what others will choose to do, but for me, give me liberty or give me death!
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