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Newly Designed Front Cover.

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Plate I. NAVAHO GODS AS REPRESENTED IN THE DRY-PAINTINGS (par. 98).

Plate I. NAVAHO GODS AS REPRESENTED IN THE DRY-PAINTINGS (par. 98).

Plate 1. NAVAHO GODS DEPICTED IN THE DRY-PAINTINGS (par. 98).

(1. Hastséhogan.74 2. Hastséyalti.73 3. Dsahadoldzá.209 4. Yébaad (par. 78).200 5. Gánaskĭdi.207)

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Original Title Page.

NAVAHO LEGENDS
COLLECTED AND TRANSLATED
BOSTON AND NEW YORK
Published for The American Folk-Lore Society by
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY
LONDON: DAVID NUTT, 270, 271 STRAND
LEIPZIG: OTTO HARRASSOWITZ, QUERSTRASSE, 14
1897

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CONTENTS.

       PAGE

PAGE

Introduction        1

Introduction        1

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I. The Story of the Emergence 63
II. Early Events in the Fifth World 76
III. The War Gods 104
IV. Growth of the Navaho Nation 135

Natĭ′nĕsthani        160

Natĭ′nĕsthani        160

Notes        209

Notes        209

Bibliographic Notes 276

Melodies        279

Melodies        279

Index        291 [vii]

Index        291 [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__]

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FIGURE
1. Manuelito (portrait) 3
2. Mariano (portrait) 4
3. Jake the Silversmith (portrait) 5
4. Tánapa (portrait) 6
5. Hádapa (portrait) 7
6. Navaho man (portrait) 9
7. Navaho man (portrait) 10
8. Navaho skull, flattened at occiput 11
9. Navaho baby-case or cradle 12
10. Conical lodge with storm-door 13
11. Hut of logs 14
12. Hut built partly of stone 15
13. Summer houses 16
14. Medicine-lodge 16
15. Sudatory 17
16. Sacred basket 18
17. Sacred basket 19
18. Silver ornaments 20
19. Woman spinning 21
20. Ordinary loom 23
21. Loom for weaving diagonal cloth 25
22. The White House 36
23. Talking kethawn 39
24. Circle kethawn 40
25. Kethawns (sacrificial sticks and cigarettes) in basket 43
26. Mask of yucca [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] 46
27. Mask of Hastséyalti 47
28. Mask of yébaad or goddess 48
29. Picture of silnéole, a dry-painting of the night chant 49
30. Alíli or show (“dance”) of the nahikáï 52
31. Hatáli Natlói (portrait) 57
32. The shaman Hatáli Nĕz (Tall Chanter) (portrait) 59
33. Trail of Estsánatlehi (diagram) 148
34. Trail of turkey approaching his master (diagram) 171
35. Trail of man and turkey (diagram) 173
36. Ruin in the Chaco Canyon, probably Kĭntyél 195
37. Circle of branches of the rite of the mountain chant 206
38. Natural bridge, near Fort Defiance, Arizona 227
39. Yucca baccata 228
40. Drumstick made of yucca leaves 229
41. Diagram of bow-symbol on left leg of the personator of Nayénĕzgạni 253
42. Diagram of queue-symbol on left leg of the personator of Toʻbadzĭstsíni 253

Map of the Navaho country        1 [11]

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MAP OF THE NAVAJO COUNTRY

MAP OF THE NAVAJO COUNTRY

Navajo Nation Map

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NAVAHO LEGENDS.

INTRODUCTION.

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PREFATORY REMARKS.

1. The legends contained in this book are those of the Navaho1 Indians, a tribe living in the southwestern portion of the United States; mostly in the Territories of New Mexico and Arizona, but partly in the States of Colorado and Utah. A definite reservation of over 12,000 square miles has been set apart for them; but in every direction, beyond the borders of this reservation, isolated families and small bands may be found dwelling, either temporarily or permanently, in localities where there are springs, streams, pools, or artificial reservoirs of water. Some have taken up homesteads—or have otherwise acquired a legal title to lands beyond the borders of the reservation; others are merely squatters. A brief description of these Indians—their arts, religion, ceremonies, etc.—is included in this introduction, in the belief that, if the reader possesses some knowledge of the Navaho before he begins to read the tales, he may have a better understanding of the latter. But much more information, of interest to the ethnographer, will be found in notes. Some items in the introduction could not properly have appeared in the notes, as there was nothing in the tales to suggest them. Other items might perhaps as well have been transferred to the notes; the decision to put them in the introduction was often arbitrary.

1. The stories in this book come from the Navajo Indians, a tribe based mainly in the southwestern United States, primarily in the territories of New Mexico and Arizona, but also partially in the states of Colorado and Utah. A designated reservation of over 12,000 square miles has been set aside for them; however, in all directions beyond this reservation, isolated families and small groups can be found living, either temporarily or permanently, in places where there are springs, streams, pools, or man-made water reservoirs. Some have claimed homesteads or obtained legal rights to land beyond the reservation borders; others are simply squatters. A brief overview of these Indians—their arts, religion, ceremonies, and more—is included in this introduction, under the belief that if the reader has some knowledge of the Navajo before diving into the stories, they will have a better understanding of them. Additionally, more detailed information relevant to ethnographers can be found in the notes. Some details in the introduction couldn’t have been included in the notes because there was nothing in the stories to suggest them. Other details could possibly have been included in the notes as well; the choice to place them in the introduction was often arbitrary.

2. Title of Book.—In selecting a title for this book, the word Legends was chosen, rather than Myths, for the reason that the tales contained herein, though mostly mythical, are not altogether such. In the Origin Legend, the last chapter, “The Growth of the Navaho Nation,” is in part traditional or historical, and it is even approximately correct in many of its dates, as has been shown by Frederick Webb Hodge in his paper on the “Early Navaho and Apache.”301

2. Title of Book.—When choosing a title for this book, we picked the word Legends instead of Myths because the stories included here, while mostly mythical, aren’t entirely that. In the last chapter, “The Growth of the Navaho Nation,” which is the Origin Legend, some parts are traditional or historical, and many of its dates are fairly accurate, as demonstrated by Frederick Webb Hodge in his paper on “Early Navaho and Apache.”301

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HOME OF THE NAVAHOES.

3. The land which the Navahoes occupy is arid, though not an absolute desert. The precipitation at an altitude of 7,000 feet [2]amounts on an average to only 14.10 inches during the year (at lower altitudes it is less, at higher altitudes greater), and this is generally confined to two short seasons of moisture separated from one another by months of absolute drought, which, except in specially favored localities, would destroy any of our ordinary field-crops. But there are small spots, far apart, where irrigation can be practised, and there are other places, apparently deserts, which no white man would think of cultivating, but where Indians raise meagre crops of corn, squashes, and melons.

3. The land that the Navajos live on is dry, but not a complete desert. The average rainfall at 7,000 feet [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] is only about 14.10 inches a year (it’s less at lower elevations and more at higher ones), and this usually happens during two short wet seasons, separated by months of complete drought, which, except in certain lucky areas, would ruin any standard crops we grow. However, there are small, isolated spots where irrigation can be used, and there are other areas that seem like deserts, where no white person would consider farming, but where Native Americans manage to grow small amounts of corn, squash, and melons.

4. Soil.—He who stands on the brow of the mesa at the Indian pueblo of Walpi, in Arizona, may unravel one secret of Indian agriculture in the arid region, and learn why ancient ruins may be found in the most desolate parts. Six hundred feet below him stretches a sandy plain which at most seasons of the year seems almost an absolute desert; yet in summer it is green with rows of dwarf corn. Little rain falls on it and there is no irrigation; yet the corn grows and furnishes a return which repays an Indian, at least, for his labor. Through the plain runs a gully which at certain seasons drains the water from a high table-land beyond. The water does not all flow off, but in part settles under the sandy surface, and keeps the subsoil moist throughout the year. By planting deep, the Indian farmers reach this moist subsoil, and place their seeds where the long drought cannot destroy them. On the side of the mesa, peach-trees flourish, with hidden moisture that comes out between the rocky strata at the mesa’s edge. Localities similar to those described are found in the Navaho land, and similarly used by the Navaho for farms and peach orchards. The myths make frequent allusions to such farms or gardens.

4. Soil.—Anyone standing on the edge of the mesa at the Indian pueblo of Walpi in Arizona can uncover a key aspect of Indian agriculture in this dry region and understand why ancient ruins are located in such barren areas. Six hundred feet below stretches a sandy plain that usually looks like a complete desert for much of the year; however, in the summer, it bursts into life with rows of dwarf corn. There’s barely any rainfall, and no irrigation, yet the corn thrives and provides a yield that at least rewards the Indian farmers for their effort. A gully runs through the plain, draining water from a high plateau during certain times of the year. Not all the water flows away; some seeps underground and keeps the subsoil moist year-round. By planting deep, the Indian farmers access this moist subsoil, enabling their seeds to survive the lengthy dry spells. On the side of the mesa, peach trees thrive, drawing hidden moisture that seeps out from beneath the rocky layers at the edge of the mesa. Similar locations are found in Navajo land, which are similarly utilized by the Navajo for farming and peach orchards. The local myths often reference these farms or gardens.

5. A few fields have recently been made by white men in the high meadows of the Zuñi Mountains at altitudes above 8,000 feet, where potatoes, oats, barley, and garden vegetables are raised without irrigation; but farming at such altitudes was never tried by the Navahoes, and they knew nothing of cultivating the crops named above. Beside their aboriginal crops, they have for a long time raised a little wheat. Potatoes grow wild in the Navaho country.

5. Recently, some fields have been established by white settlers in the high meadows of the Zuñi Mountains at altitudes above 8,000 feet, where they grow potatoes, oats, barley, and garden vegetables without irrigation. However, the Navajos never attempted farming at such altitudes and were unfamiliar with cultivating the crops mentioned. In addition to their traditional crops, they have also been growing a small amount of wheat for quite some time. Potatoes grow wild in Navajo territory.

6. Mines.—Fortunately for the Navahoes, no mines of precious metals have yet been discovered on their reservation; although for years past rumors of such discoveries have from time to time been circulated, and unwelcome prospectors have frequently invaded their territory. For many years previous to 1892 the principal attraction lay in the Carrizo Mountains.2 A legend of a mine called the Lost Adam, and of miners murdered in these mountains, had circulated long through Colorado mining camps. Troubles between intruders and Indians became so frequent and threatening in this [3]region that General McCook, then commanding the Department of Arizona, which included the Navaho reservation, determined to make an expedition and settle, if possible, the question of the existence of valuable mines in the Carrizo Mountains. A commission, consisting of Gen. A. McD. McCook, U.S.A., ex-Gov. John L. Barstow of Vermont, and Prof. J. G. Allyn of New Mexico, was appointed. The commission entered the mountains with a mounted escort in May, 1892, and invited prospectors who had previously visited the region to come and show where the mineral lay. They came, and then it appeared they had staked off various claims and given them felicitous names such as the western miners know how to coin,—the “Lucky Bill,” the “Boggy Snoggy,” etc. Specimen ores were collected from every point where they were seen, and submitted to careful expert examination; but all proved worthless. Some fine gold has been found in the sands of the San Juan River,3 within the Navaho reservation; but it has not been found profitable to work for it.

6. Mines.—Fortunately for the Navajos, no precious metal mines have been discovered on their reservation yet; although for years, rumors about such discoveries have circulated from time to time, and unwelcome prospectors have frequently trespassed on their land. For many years before 1892, the main attraction was in the Carrizo Mountains. A legend of a mine called the Lost Adam and of miners murdered in these mountains had long circulated through Colorado mining camps. Conflicts between intruders and Native Americans became so frequent and concerning in this [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] area that General McCook, who was then in charge of the Department of Arizona that included the Navajo reservation, decided to lead an expedition to try to determine whether valuable mines existed in the Carrizo Mountains. A commission was formed, consisting of Gen. A. McD. McCook, U.S.A., ex-Gov. John L. Barstow of Vermont, and Prof. J. G. Allyn of New Mexico. The commission entered the mountains with a mounted escort in May 1892 and invited prospectors who had previously visited the area to come and show them where the minerals were located. They came, and it turned out they had staked out various claims and named them catchy titles that western miners are known for—like “Lucky Bill,” “Boggy Snoggy,” etc. Samples of ore were collected from every spot where they were found and sent for expert analysis; but all were found to be worthless. Some fine gold has been discovered in the sands of the San Juan River, 3 within the Navajo reservation; but it hasn't been profitable to mine it.

Fig. 1. Manuelito.

Fig. 1. Manuelito.

Fig. 1. Manuelito.

7. Surface—Forests.—The surface of the country over which the Navahoes are scattered varies in altitude from 4,000 feet, or less, in the valley of the Colorado, to over 11,000 feet in the high peaks of Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni,52 San Mateo,54 San Francisco,56 and the San Juan58 range, which traditionally border their land. In the central and more thickly inhabited portion the highest eminence is in the Tuincha Mountains, 9,575 feet. The average altitude is about 6,000 [4]feet. The country consists mostly of great plains and of plateaux or mesas. While the lower levels, except in the bottom-lands of the constantly flowing rivers, are destitute of trees, the mesas, at altitudes of from 6,000 to 7,000 feet, are well covered with low forests of piñon (Pinus edulis), red cedar (Juniperus virginianus) and juniper (Juniperus occidentalis). At altitudes of 7,000 feet white pine (Pinus ponderosa) is sparingly found; but at altitudes of 8,000 feet or more it grows abundantly and attains a good size. Spruce (Pseudotsuga taxifolia) is found in shaded valleys, and on northern hill-slopes above 7,000 feet, but it does not form an important part of the forest. It is an essential element in certain rites. Cottonwood (Populus monolifera and P. wislizenii), aspen (Populus tremuloides), oak (Quercus gambellii), oak-bark juniper (Juniperus pachyphlœa), and other trees grow less abundantly.

7. Surface—Forests.—The landscape where the Navahoes are spread out ranges in height from around 4,000 feet or lower in the Colorado valley to over 11,000 feet in the high peaks of Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni, 52 San Mateo, 54 San Francisco, 56 and the San Juan 58 range, which traditionally borders their territory. In the central and more populated area, the highest point is in the Tuincha Mountains, at 9,575 feet. The average elevation is about 6,000 [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] feet. The region is mostly made up of large plains and plateaus or mesas. While the lower areas, except for the river valleys, lack trees, the mesas at heights of 6,000 to 7,000 feet are well-covered with low forests of piñon (Pinus edulis), red cedar (Juniperus virginianus), and juniper (Juniperus occidentalis). At 7,000 feet, white pine (Pinus ponderosa) is found in small amounts, but at 8,000 feet or higher, it grows plentifully and becomes quite large. Spruce (Pseudotsuga taxifolia) can be found in shaded valleys and on northern hills above 7,000 feet, but it doesn’t make up a major part of the forest. It is an important aspect of certain rituals. Cottonwood (Populus monolifera and P. wislizenii), aspen (Populus tremuloides), oak (Quercus gambellii), oak-bark juniper (Juniperus pachyphlœa), and other trees grow in smaller numbers.

Fig. 2. Mariano.

Fig. 2. Mariano.

Fig. 2. Mariano.

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8. Pasturage—Flocks and Herds.—While the Navaho Indians cultivate the soil, it is evident, from what has been said, that they do not do so to any great extent. Their crops furnish but a small part of their subsistence. But their sterile country is fairly well adapted to the raising of sheep and goats. These form their chief food supply, and the former their principal source of wealth. With the money received for their wool they purchase flour and other provisions from the white traders, as well as various articles of luxury and utility. They possess many ponies and ride a great deal. They raise a few neat cattle.

8. Pasture—Flocks and Herds.—While the Navajo people farm the land, it's clear from what’s been said that they don't do it extensively. Their crops provide only a small portion of their food. However, their arid land is quite suitable for raising sheep and goats. These animals are their main source of food, and sheep are also their primary source of wealth. With the money they earn from selling wool, they buy flour and other necessities from white traders, as well as various luxury and useful items. They own many ponies and ride frequently. They also raise a small number of cattle.

9. As domesticated sheep and goats were unknown in America previous to the discovery by Columbus, and were unknown in New Mexico previous to the expedition of Coronado in A.D. 1540, it follows that the Navahoes have not been shepherds for many centuries. It would appear from their legends that it is not many years since they have become a prosperous and wealthy people (and such they now are, for savages); that in old days they were even poor hunters; and that they lived largely on the seeds of wild plants and on small animals that they caught in fall-traps. How meagrely they were dressed and equipped the legends also tell us. (See pars. 382, 384, 391.)

9. Since domesticated sheep and goats were absent in America before Columbus's discovery, and they were also not known in New Mexico prior to Coronado's expedition in CE 1540, it shows that the Navahoes haven’t been shepherds for many centuries. Their legends suggest that they have only recently become a prosperous and wealthy people (which they are now, considering their background); that in the past, they were even poor hunters; and that they mainly survived on the seeds of wild plants and small animals they caught in fall traps. The legends also reveal how minimally dressed and equipped they were. (See pars. 382, 384, 391.)

Fig. 3. Jake the Silversmith.

Fig. 3. Jake the Silversmith.

Fig. 3. Jake the Silversmith.

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POPULATION.

10. No exact census of the tribe has ever been taken, and it would not now be an easy task to take one, because the Navahoes are scattered so widely and over such a wild and rugged territory. Their low huts, built in tangled cedar-woods or in regions of scattered rocks, are often so obscurely hidden that one may ride through a cluster of a dozen inhabited houses thinking there is not [6]an Indian within ten miles of him. When the Navahoes were held in captivity at Fort Sumner, New Mexico, from 1863 to 1867, they depended for subsistence mostly on rations supplied by the United States, and then these captives, at least, could be accurately counted. There were in 1867 7,300 in captivity.298 Owing to desertions on the one hand, and additional surrenders on the other, the numbers varied from time to time.

10. No exact count of the tribe has ever been taken, and it wouldn’t be easy to do now because the Navahoes are spread out over such a vast and rugged area. Their low huts, hidden among tangled cedar trees or scattered rocks, are often so well concealed that you could pass by a cluster of a dozen inhabited homes and think there isn’t a single Indian within ten miles. When the Navahoes were held in captivity at Fort Sumner, New Mexico, from 1863 to 1867, they mostly relied on rations provided by the United States, so at least those captives could be counted accurately. In 1867, there were 7,300 captive. 298 Due to desertions on one side and additional surrenders on the other, the numbers changed frequently.

Fig. 4. Tánapa.

Fig. 4. Tánapa.

Fig. 4. Tánapa.

11. But while the majority of the tribe were prisoners of war, it is well known that all were not captured during General Carson’s invasion in 1863, but that many still roamed at large while their brethren were prisoners. The count of the prisoners, therefore, does not show the strength of the tribe. [7]

11. While most of the tribe were prisoners of war, it's important to note that not everyone was captured during General Carson’s invasion in 1863; many still wandered free while their relatives were imprisoned. Therefore, the number of prisoners doesn't accurately reflect the true strength of the tribe. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

Fig. 5. Hádapa (from photograph by J. K. Hillers).

Fig. 5. Hádapa (from photograph by J. K. Hillers).

Fig. 5. Hádapa (from a photograph by J. K. Hillers).

12. Perhaps the most accurate census ever taken was that of 1869. “In November of 1869 a count was made of the tribe, in order to distribute among them 30,000 head of sheep and 2,000 goats. Due notice was given months before, and the tribe was present. The Indians were all put in a large corral, and counted as they went in. A few herders, holding the small herds that they had then bunched on the surrounding hills, were not in the corral. The result of this count showed that there were less than 9,000 Navahoes all told, making a fair allowance for all who had failed to come in. At that time everything favored getting a full count; rations were issued to them every four days; they had but little stock, and, in addition to the issue of the sheep and goats, there were also two years’ annuities to be given out. The season of the [8]year was favorable, the weather fine, and they were all anxious to get the sheep and goats and annuities.”268

12. The most accurate census ever conducted was in 1869. “In November 1869, a count of the tribe was made to distribute 30,000 sheep and 2,000 goats among them. Notice was given months in advance, and the tribe was present. The Indians were gathered in a large corral and counted as they entered. A few herders, with the small herds they had gathered on the surrounding hills, were not in the corral. The count showed there were fewer than 9,000 Navahoes total, even accounting for those who did not come. At that time, everything was in place for an accurate count; rations were given every four days; they had very little livestock, and in addition to the sheep and goats, there were also two years’ worth of annuities to distribute. The season of the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] year was favorable, the weather was nice, and everyone was eager to receive the sheep, goats, and annuities.”268

13. In 1890 a count of these Indians was made as a part of the Eleventh Census of the United States.297 Before the count was begun, the writer was informed by one of the enumerators that the plan to be employed was this: The Navaho country was to be divided into a number of districts, and a special enumerator was to be sent to each district at the same time to visit each hut and take the number of each family. Whether this method was carried out, the report of the Eleventh Census does not tell us. But this plan, while probably the best that could be employed at the time with the means allotted, was very imperfect and admitted of numerous sources of error, of which two may be specified. Many huts might easily be passed unnoticed, for reasons already given, and this would make the enumeration too low. Many families might easily have been counted in more than one district, for the Navaho frequently shifts his abode, and this would make the count too high. The result of this enumeration was to give the tribe a population of 17,204 for that year. White men, living in the Navaho country at the time, generally considered the estimate excessive. If the count of 1869 be approximately correct, that of 1890 is probably not. It is not reasonable to suppose that by natural increase alone—and no other source of increment is known—the tribe should have nearly doubled in twenty-one years. It would require birth-rates much higher and death-rates much lower than those commonly found in Indian tribes to double the population in that time. The Indian mother is not prolific.

13. In 1890, a count of these Native Americans was done as part of the Eleventh Census of the United States.297 Before the count began, one of the enumerators informed the writer that the plan was this: The Navajo Nation would be divided into several districts, and a special enumerator would go to each district simultaneously to visit each home and record the number of family members. The report from the Eleventh Census does not clarify if this method was actually followed. However, this approach, while likely the best option available at that time given the resources, was quite flawed and had various potential errors, of which two can be highlighted. Many homes could easily be overlooked for the reasons previously mentioned, leading to an undercount. Additionally, some families might have been counted in more than one district, as Navajo people often move, resulting in an overcount. The outcome of this enumeration indicated that the tribe had a population of 17,204 for that year. White residents living in Navajo territory at the time generally thought this estimate was too high. If the count from 1869 is somewhat accurate, then the 1890 figure likely isn't. It isn't reasonable to think that the tribe could nearly double in size over twenty-one years solely due to natural growth—no other sources of increase are known. It would require birth rates much higher and death rates much lower than those typically found in Native American tribes to achieve such population growth in that time frame. Native American mothers usually do not have large families.

14. The Navahoes say that during their captivity they had much sickness and diminished in numbers; but nothing has been found in official reports to corroborate such statements. All who have any intimate knowledge of the Navahoes agree that they have increased rapidly since they were restored to their ancient homes in 1869. During nearly fifteen years that the author has had opportunity to observe them, he has noticed no marked signs of physical degeneration among them. Their general health and their power of resisting disease appeared about as good in 1894 as in 1880. Consumption and scrofula, those greatest enemies of our reservation Indians, have not yet begun to trouble the Navahoes. The change from the rude hut to the close stone house, which is rapidly going on among this people, is likely to affect their health in the future, and probably not for the better. Fortunately for them they have little fancy for stoves, but prefer open fireplaces such as the Pueblos and Mexicans use. In the year 1888, while the writer was absent from New Mexico, they had an epidemic of throat disease, the [9]precise character of which has not been ascertained. They say that about 800 people died that winter. During the winter of 1894–95 they suffered from scarcity of food,—an unusual experience for them, and the government had to assist them. An increased mortality ensued, which undoubtedly would have been much greater had it not been for the prompt action of their agent, Maj. Constant Williams, U.S.A., in securing supplies for them.

14. The Navajos say that during their captivity, they experienced a lot of sickness and their population decreased; however, nothing in official reports supports these claims. Everyone familiar with the Navajos agrees that their numbers have rapidly increased since they returned to their ancestral lands in 1869. Over nearly fifteen years of observation, the author has not noticed any significant signs of physical decline among them. Their general health and ability to fight off disease seemed about the same in 1894 as they were in 1880. Tuberculosis and scrofula, which are major threats to our reservation Indians, have not yet started to affect the Navajos. The shift from simple huts to close stone houses, which is rapidly occurring in this community, may impact their health in the future, likely not for the better. Luckily for them, they have little interest in stoves and prefer open fireplaces like those used by the Pueblos and Mexicans. In 1888, while the author was away from New Mexico, there was an outbreak of throat disease, the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] exact nature of which has not been determined. They report that around 800 people died that winter. During the winter of 1894–95, they faced food shortages—an uncommon situation for them—so the government had to step in to help. This led to increased mortality, which likely would have been much higher if not for the quick actions of their agent, Maj. Constant Williams, U.S.A., in securing supplies for them.

Fig. 6. Navaho man (from photograph by J. K. Hillers).

Fig. 6. Navaho man (from photograph by J. K. Hillers).

Fig. 6. Navajo man (from a photograph by J. K. Hillers).

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RACIAL AFFINITY—APPEARANCE.

15. The Navahoes are usually regarded by ethnologists as being, by blood as well as by language, of the Dèné or Athapascan stock, and such, probably, they are in the main. But their Origin Legend represents them as a very mixed race, containing elements [10]of Zuñian and other Pueblo stocks, of Shoshonian and Yuman, and the appearance of the people seems to corroborate the legend. There is no such thing as a general or prevailing Navaho type. The people vary much in feature and stature. Every variety of Indian face and form may be seen among them,—tall men with aquiline noses and prominent features, such as we find among the Crows and Dakotas; dwarfish men with subdued features, such as we see among the Pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona, and every intermediate variety.

15. Ethnologists typically view the Navahoes as having Dèné or Athapascan roots, both genetically and linguistically, and they likely are primarily that. However, their Origin Legend describes them as a highly mixed group, featuring elements from Zuñian and other Pueblo backgrounds, Shoshonian and Yuman. The way the people look seems to support this legend. There’s no single or dominant Navaho appearance. The people vary greatly in looks and height. You can see every type of Indigenous face and body among them—tall individuals with sharp noses and strong features like those found among the Crows and Dakotas; shorter individuals with softer features similar to those among the Pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona, and everything in between.

Fig. 7. Navaho man (from photograph by Hillers).

Fig. 7. Navaho man (from photograph by Hillers).

Fig. 7. Navajo man (from photograph by Hillers).

16. The countenances of the Navahoes are, as a rule, intelligent and expressive; some are stern and angry, some pleasant and smiling, others calm and thoughtful; but seldom are any seen that are dull and stupid. These characteristics are to be noted among the women as well as among the men. The social position [11]of the Navaho women is one of great independence; much of the wealth of the nation belongs to them; they are the managers of their own property, the owners of their own children, and their freedom lends character to their physiognomies.

16. The faces of the Navajo people are usually intelligent and expressive; some look stern and angry, some are pleasant and smiling, while others appear calm and thoughtful. However, you rarely see any that seem dull or stupid. This is true for both women and men. The social status [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] of Navajo women is quite independent; they hold much of the nation's wealth and manage their own property, as well as have ownership of their children, which adds a distinctive character to their expressions.

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PORTRAITS.

Fig. 8. Navaho skull, flattened at occiput. Hyperbrachycephalic. Length-breadth index, 96.93.

Fig. 8. Navaho skull, flattened at occiput. Hyperbrachycephalic. Length-breadth index, 96.93.

Fig. 8. Navajo skull, flattened at the back. Extremely broad-headed. Length-breadth index, 96.93.

17. Fig. 1 is a picture of Manuelito, who for many years was the most influential chief among the Navahoes. Latterly he lost much of his influence in consequence of his intemperate habits, though he was regarded as a sage counsellor till the time of his death, which occurred in 1893. When he was gone, an old Indian, announcing his death to the writer, said: “We are now a people without eyes, without ears, without a mind.” Fig. 2 represents another chief of much influence named Mariano, who also became addicted to drink in his old age and died in 1893. Fig. 3 shows a very intelligent and trustworthy Indian, a silversmith, known as Jake among the whites, but called by the Navahoes Náltsos Nigéhani, or Paper-carrier, because in his youth he was employed as a mail-carrier between Forts Wingate and Defiance. He it was who communicated to the author version B306 of the Origin Legend. He practised a short medicine rite, was an adept in singing sacred songs, and often led in song in the great rites. His [12]silver-work was in great demand, and he worked hard at his trade. In 1894 he accompanied a circus through the Eastern States, with his workshop as a side-show; but the journey proved too much for him—he died of heart disease on his return to New Mexico. Fig. 4 is a portrait of a Navaho woman named Tánapa, who took her hair out of braid preparatory to standing before the camera. Fig. 5 is a woman named Hádapa, whose smiling face is introduced as a contrast to the stern brow of Tánapa. Figs. 6 and 7 are Navaho men whose names have not been recorded. The expressions of their faces are in marked contrast.

17. Fig. 1 is a picture of Manuelito, who for many years was the most influential chief among the Navajos. In later years, he lost much of his influence due to his drinking habits, though he was still seen as a wise advisor until he passed away in 1893. After his death, an old Indian told the writer, “We are now a people without eyes, without ears, without a mind.” Fig. 2 represents another influential chief named Mariano, who also struggled with alcohol in his old age and died in 1893. Fig. 3 shows a very clever and reliable Indian, a silversmith known as Jake to the whites, but called Náltsos Nigéhani, or Paper-carrier, by the Navajos, because in his youth he worked as a mail-carrier between Forts Wingate and Defiance. He is the one who shared version B306 of the Origin Legend with the author. He performed a brief medicine rite, was skilled in singing sacred songs, and often led songs during major ceremonies. His [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] silverwork was highly sought after, and he dedicated himself to his craft. In 1894, he traveled with a circus through the Eastern States, showcasing his workshop as a side attraction; however, the trip was too taxing for him—he died of heart disease on his way back to New Mexico. Fig. 4 is a portrait of a Navajo woman named Tánapa, who let her hair down in preparation for being photographed. Fig. 5 is a woman named Hádapa, whose smiling face contrasts with the serious expression of Tánapa. Figs. 6 and 7 are Navajo men whose names have not been recorded. Their facial expressions are distinctly different.

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CRANIA.

18. As a rule the crania of the Navahoes are brachycephalic, and very few are dolichocephalic. The shortening seems to be due to a flattening in the occipital region (fig. 8). The author is of opinion that this is caused by the use of the baby-case, with a hard, unyielding wooden back (fig. 9), in which the Navaho women carry their infants. This flattening of the Navaho occiput has been the subject of some controversy. It is true that the cradle is padded to a slight extent; but the padding consists of the bark of the cliff rose (Cowania mexicana), called by the Navaho awétsal, or baby-bed, which forms a rather rigid pillow. True, again, when the baby is carried on the mother’s back, its head often hangs forward and does not come in contact with the back of the cradle or the pillow; but most of the time the child lies on its back, and its tender occiput is subjected to deforming pressure.

18. Generally, the skulls of the Navajos are broad and flat, with very few being long and narrow. This flattening seems to be because of pressure in the back of the head (fig. 8). The author thinks this happens because of the baby carrier, which has a hard, solid wooden back (fig. 9), where Navajo women carry their babies. There has been some debate about this flattening of the Navajo head shape. While it is true that the cradle has some padding, this padding is made from the bark of the cliff rose (Cowania mexicana), known as awétsal, or baby bed, which acts more like a stiff pillow. Furthermore, when the baby is carried on the mother's back, its head often droops forward and doesn't touch the back of the cradle or the pillow; however, for most of the time, the child lies on its back, and its soft head is put under deforming pressure.

Fig. 9. Navaho baby-case or cradle (after Mason).

Fig. 9. Navaho baby-case or cradle (after Mason).

Fig. 9. Navajo baby carrier or cradle (after Mason).

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LANGUAGE.

19. The language of the Navaho undoubtedly belongs in the main to the Athapascan family. Hubert Howe Bancroft, in his “Native Races of the Pacific States” (vol. iii. p. 583),292 tells us that the Athapascans or “Tinneh” are “a people whose diffusion is only equalled by that of the Aryan or Semitic nations of the [13]Old World. The dialects of the Tinneh language are by no means confined within the limits of the hyperborean division. Stretching from the northern interior of Alaska down into Sonora and Chihuahua, we have here a linguistic line of more than four thousand miles in length, extending diagonally over forty-two degrees of latitude, like a great tree whose trunk is the Rocky Mountain range, whose roots encompass the deserts of Arizona and New Mexico, and whose branches touch the borders of Hudson Bay and of the Arctic and Pacific Oceans.” But the Origin Legend declares it is a mixed language (par. 395), and it is but reasonable to suppose that such a composite race cannot possess a very pure language. The various accessions to the tribe from other stocks have probably added many words of alien origin. What these additions are is not now known, and will not be known until all the languages of the Southwest have been thoroughly studied.

19. The Navaho language mainly belongs to the Athapascan family. Hubert Howe Bancroft, in his “Native Races of the Pacific States” (vol. iii. p. 583),292 tells us that the Athapascans, or “Tinneh,” are “a people whose spread is only matched by that of the Aryan or Semitic nations of the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Old World. The dialects of the Tinneh language are not limited to the hyperborean area. They stretch from the northern interior of Alaska down into Sonora and Chihuahua, creating a linguistic line of over four thousand miles, crossing diagonally over forty-two degrees of latitude, like a massive tree whose trunk is the Rocky Mountain range, whose roots cover the deserts of Arizona and New Mexico, and whose branches reach the borders of Hudson Bay and the Arctic and Pacific Oceans.” However, the Origin Legend states it is a mixed language (par. 395), and it is reasonable to think that such a diverse race cannot have a very pure language. The various contributions to the tribe from other backgrounds have likely introduced many words of foreign origin. What these additions are is not known at this time, and will remain unknown until all the languages of the Southwest have been thoroughly studied.

Fig. 10. Conical lodge with storm-door (from photograph by James Mooney).

Fig. 10. Conical lodge with storm-door (from photograph by James Mooney).

Fig. 10. Conical lodge with storm door (from a photograph by James Mooney).

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HOUSES.

20. The habitations of the Navahoes are usually of a very simple character. The most common form consists of a conical frame, made by setting up a number of sticks at an angle of about forty-five degrees. An opening is left on one side of the cone to [14]answer as a doorway. The frame is covered with weeds, bark, or grass, and earth, except at the apex, where the smoke from the fire in the centre of the floor is allowed to escape. In the doorway an old blanket hangs, like a curtain, in place of a door. But the opening of the door is not a simple hiatus, as many descriptions would lead one to suppose. A cross-piece, forming a lintel, connects the jambs at a convenient height, and the triangular space between the lintel and the smoke-hole is filled in as shown in fig. 10. A picture in Schoolcraft’s extensive work327 (vol. iii. plate 17) is intended to represent a Navaho lodge; but it appears to have been drawn by Captain Eastman from an imperfect description. In this picture the doorway is shown as extended up and continuous with the smoke-hole.

20. The homes of the Navahoes are usually quite simple. The most common design is a conical frame made by propping up several sticks at about a forty-five-degree angle. There's an opening on one side of the cone that serves as a doorway. The frame is covered with weeds, bark, or grass, along with dirt, except at the top, where smoke from the fire in the center of the floor can escape. An old blanket hangs in the doorway like a curtain instead of a proper door. However, the doorway isn’t just a simple gap, as many descriptions suggest. A crosspiece, acting as a lintel, connects the sides at a comfortable height, and the triangular space between the lintel and the smoke-hole is filled in as shown in fig. 10. A picture in Schoolcraft’s extensive work 327 (vol. iii. plate 17) is meant to illustrate a Navaho lodge, but it seems to have been drawn by Captain Eastman from an incomplete description. In this illustration, the doorway appears extended and continuous with the smoke-hole.

21. Some lodges are made of logs in a polygonal form, as shown in fig. 11. Again they are occasionally built partly of stone, as shown in fig. 12. In cold weather a small storm-door or portico is often erected in front of the door (fig. 10), and an outer and an inner curtain may be hung to more effectually keep out the wind.

21. Some lodges are constructed from logs in a polygonal shape, as seen in fig. 11. They are sometimes partially built from stone, as illustrated in fig. 12. During cold weather, a small storm door or entryway is often put up in front of the door (fig. 10), and both an outer and an inner curtain may be hung to better block the wind.

Fig. 11. Hut of logs.

Fig. 11. Hut of logs.

Fig. 11. Log cabin.

22. Shelters.—Contiguous to the hut, the Navaho usually constructs a rude shelter of branches. Here, in fair weather, the family [15]often cook and spend most of the day. Here, too, the women erect their looms and weave or set out their metates and grind corn, and some even choose to sleep here. Such a “corral” is shown in fig. 12.

22. Shelters.—Next to the hut, the Navajo usually builds a simple shelter made of branches. Here, in nice weather, the family [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] often cooks and spends most of the day. The women also set up their looms to weave or place their grinding stones to mill corn, and some even prefer to sleep here. Such a “corral” is depicted in fig. 12.

Fig. 12. Hut built partly of stone.

Fig. 12. Hut built partly of stone.

Fig. 12. Hut made partly of stone.

23. Summer Houses.—In summer they often occupy structures more simple than even the hut described above. Fig. 13 represents a couple of summer houses in the Zuñi Mountains. A structure of this kind is built in a few hours. A couple of forked sticks are set upright in the ground; slanting poles are laid against this in the direction of the prevailing winds, so as to form a windbreak, half wall and half roof, and this is covered with grass, weeds, and earth. The ends may be similarly enclosed, or may be merely covered in with evergreen branches. One side of the house is completely open. In fig. 13 a loom is shown set up for work in one of these rude structures, the aboriginal appearance of which is somewhat marred by having a piece of old canvas lying on top.

23. Summer Houses.—In summer, they often use structures that are even simpler than the hut described above. Fig. 13 shows a couple of summer houses in the Zuñi Mountains. A structure like this can be built in just a few hours. A couple of forked sticks are set upright in the ground; slanting poles are laid against them, aligned with the prevailing winds, to create a windbreak that acts as half wall and half roof, and this is covered with grass, weeds, and dirt. The ends can be similarly attached, or simply covered with evergreen branches. One side of the house is completely open. In fig. 13, a loom is set up for work in one of these basic structures, which is somewhat spoiled by an old piece of canvas lying on top.

24. Medicine-lodges.—The medicine-lodges, when erected in regions where long poles may be cut, are usually built in the form of the ordinary hogáns (huts), though of much greater size (fig. 14). When these large lodges are constructed at low altitudes, where only stunted trees grow, they are built on a rude frame with walls and roof separate, somewhat on the same plan as the lodges formerly [16]used by the Arickarees, Mandans, and other tribes on the Missouri, and seeming a connecting link between the Navaho hogán and the Mandan earth-lodge.184

24. Medicine-lodges.—The medicine-lodges, built in areas where long poles can be harvested, are typically constructed like regular hogs (huts), but they’re much larger (fig. 14). When these large lodges are made in lower elevations, where only stunted trees are found, they are built on a simple frame with separate walls and roof, similar to the lodges previously [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]used by the Arickarees, Mandans, and other tribes along the Missouri, serving as a link between the Navaho ogán and the Mandan earth-lodge.184

Fig. 13. Summer houses.

Fig. 13. Summer houses.

Fig. 13. Summer homes.

Fig. 14. Medicine-lodge.

Fig. 14. Medicine-lodge.

Fig. 14. Medicine lodge.

25. Sweat-houses.—The sweat-house or sudatory is a diminutive form of the ordinary hogán or hut as described in par. 20, except that it has no smoke-hole (for fire is never kindled in it), neither has it a storm-door. It is sometimes sunk partly underground and is always thickly covered with earth. Stones are heated in a fire outside and carried, with an extemporized tongs of sticks, into the sudatory. [17]Fig. 15 poorly represents one of these structures. When ceremonially used, the frame is constructed of different materials for different ceremonies, and the house is sometimes decorated with dry-paintings.82

25. Sweat-houses.—The sweat-house or sudatory is a smaller version of the regular hogán or hut as described in par. 20, but it doesn’t have a smoke-hole (since there’s no fire inside) and it also skips the storm-door. It’s sometimes built partially underground and is always heavily covered with earth. Stones are heated in a fire outside and then brought inside the sudatory using makeshift tongs made of sticks. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Fig. 15 poorly represents one of these structures. When used for ceremonies, the frame is made from different materials depending on the ceremony, and the house is sometimes decorated with dry-paintings.82

Fig. 15. Sudatory.

Fig. 15. Sudatory.

Fig. 15. Sweating.

26. Modern Houses.—During the past ten years, a few of the more progressive Navahoes have built themselves rectangular stone houses, with flat roofs, glazed windows, wooden doors, and regular chimneys, such as their neighbors, the Mexicans and Pueblo Indians, build. They have had before them, for centuries, examples of such houses, and they are an imitative and docile people. The reason they have not copied at an earlier date is probably a superstitious reason. They believe a house haunted or accursed in which a human being dies.91 They abandon it, never enter it again, and usually destroy it. With such a superstition prevailing, they hesitate to build permanent dwellings. Perhaps of late years the superstition is becoming weakened, or they have found some mystic way of averting the supposed evil. [18]

26. Modern Houses.—In the last ten years, some of the more progressive Navajos have constructed rectangular stone houses with flat roofs, glazed windows, wooden doors, and standard chimneys, similar to those built by their neighbors, the Mexicans and Pueblo Indians. They have seen examples of such houses for centuries, and they are a people who tend to imitate and follow. The reason they didn’t copy these styles sooner is likely due to superstition. They believe that a house where a person has died is haunted or cursed. They abandon it, never return, and usually destroy it. With such a belief in place, they have been hesitant to build permanent homes. Perhaps in recent years, that superstition has diminished, or they have discovered some way to ward off the supposed evil. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

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ARTS.

27. The arts of the Navahoes are not numerous. They make a very rude and inartistic pottery,—vastly inferior to that of the neighboring Pueblo tribes,—and they make but little of it. Their bows and arrows are not equal to those of the northern Indians, and, since they have both money and opportunity to purchase modern firearms, bows and arrows are falling into disuse. They do not consider themselves very expert dressers of deerskin, and purchase their best buckskins from other tribes. The women do very little embroidery, either with beads or porcupine-quills, and this little is unskilfully done. The legends indicate that in former days they stole or purchased embroideries from the Utes.

27. The arts of the Navajos are pretty limited. They create some very basic and unrefined pottery, which is far inferior to that of the nearby Pueblo tribes, and they make very little of it. Their bows and arrows aren't on par with those of the northern tribes, and since they have the money and chance to buy modern firearms, bows and arrows are becoming less common. They don’t think of themselves as skilled in dressing deerskin and mostly buy their best buckskins from other tribes. The women do very little embroidery, whether with beads or porcupine quills, and what they do is not very skillfully made. The legends suggest that in the past they either stole or bought embroideries from the Utes.

Fig. 16. Sacred basket.

Fig. 16. Sacred basket.

Fig. 16. Sacred basket.

28. Basketry.—They make excellent baskets, but very few of them, and have a very limited range of forms and patterns. In developing their blanket-making to the highest point of Indian art, the women of this tribe have neglected other labors. The much ruder but allied Apaches, who know nothing of weaving woollen fabrics, make more baskets than the Navahoes, and make them in much greater variety of form, color, and quality. The Navahoes buy most of their baskets and wicker water-jars from other tribes. [19]They would possibly lose the art of basketry altogether if they did not require certain kinds to be used in the rites, and only women of the tribe understand the special requirements of the rites. Figs. 16 and 17 show the patterns of baskets almost exclusively made. These are used in ceremonies, and are called by the author sacred baskets. A further description of them is given in a note.5

28. Basketry.—They create great baskets, but only a few, and their forms and patterns are very limited. In focusing on perfecting their blanket-making to the highest level of Native American art, the women of this tribe have overlooked other crafts. The more primitive yet related Apaches, who don’t know how to weave wool fabric, make more baskets than the Navahoes, with a much wider variety of shapes, colors, and qualities. The Navahoes mostly buy their baskets and wicker water jars from other tribes. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]They might completely lose the skill of basketry if they didn’t need certain types for their rituals, and only the women of the tribe know the specific requirements for those rituals. Figs. 16 and 17 show the patterns of baskets that are almost exclusively made by them. These are used in ceremonies and are referred to by the author as sacred baskets. A further description of them is given in a note.5

Fig. 17. Sacred basket.

Fig. 17. Sacred basket.

Fig. 17. Holy basket.

29. Silver-work.—There are a few silversmiths in the tribe, whose work, considering the rudeness of their tools and processes, is very artistic. It is much sought after by white people, who admire its rude beauty. Probably the art of the smith has not existed long among the Navahoes. In a treatise entitled “Navajo Silversmiths,”307 the author described the art as it existed in 1881; but the work has improved since that time with the introduction of better tools. Then the smith built his forge on the ground and squatted to do his work; now he builds it on an elevated frame (fig. 10), and sits on a stool or chair to work. Fig. 18 represents silver ornaments made by Jake in 1881.

29. Silver Work.—There are a few silversmiths in the tribe whose work, given the crude tools and techniques they use, is quite artistic. It's highly valued by white people who appreciate its raw beauty. The art of silversmithing likely hasn't been around for long among the Navajos. In a paper titled “Navajo Silversmiths,” 307 the author described the craft as it was in 1881; however, the work has improved since then with the use of better tools. Back then, the smith would set up his forge on the ground and squat to work; now, he builds it on an elevated frame (fig. 10) and sits on a stool or chair to craft. Fig. 18 shows silver ornaments made by Jake in 1881.

30. Weaving.—It is in the art of weaving that the Navahoes [20]excel all other Indians within the borders of the United States. In durability, fineness of finish, beauty of design, and variety of pattern, the Navaho blanket has no equal among the works of our aborigines. The author has written a treatise on “Navajo Weavers,”309 in which he describes their art as it existed some thirteen years ago. But since that treatise was written the art has changed. It has improved in one respect: an important new invention has been made or introduced,—a way of weaving blankets with different designs on opposite sides. It has deteriorated in another respect: fugitive aniline dyes, purchased from the traders, have taken the place of the permanent native dyes formerly used. In the finer blankets, yarn obtained from white traders has supplanted the yarn laboriously twilled on the old distaff. Navaho blankets are represented in figs. 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, and 12.

30. Weaving.—The Navahoes are the best weavers among all the Indigenous peoples in the United States. Their blankets stand out for their durability, quality craftsmanship, stunning designs, and diverse patterns. The author wrote a piece called “Navajo Weavers,”309 in which he details their craft as it was around thirteen years ago. However, since then, the art has evolved. It has improved in one way: a significant new technique has been developed that allows weavers to create blankets with different designs on each side. But it has also declined in another way: the use of artificial aniline dyes bought from traders has replaced the traditional, lasting native dyes. In the more intricate blankets, yarn from white traders has replaced the yarn painstakingly produced on the old distaff. Navaho blankets are shown in figs. 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, and 12.

Fig. 18. Silver ornaments. Powder-chargers, hollow beads, buttons, bracelets.

Fig. 18. Silver ornaments. Powder-chargers, hollow beads, buttons, bracelets.

Fig. 18. Silver jewelry. Powder chargers, hollow beads, buttons, bracelets.

31. The Navahoes weave diagonal cloth and diamond-shaped diagonals, and to do this a change is made in the mechanism of their simple looms. They weave belts or sashes, garters and saddle-girths, and these articles, too, require changes in the arrangement of the looms and in the methods of weaving. Fig. 20 represents an ordinary loom, with one set of healds. Fig. 21 represents a loom arranged for weaving diagonal cloth with two sets of healds. Fig. 4 shows a woman wearing a belt of native manufacture. The women depicted in figs. 5 and 21 wear dresses of Navaho cloth. [21]

31. The Navahoes weave diagonal fabric and diamond-shaped patterns, and to do this, they adjust the mechanism of their simple looms. They create belts or sashes, garters, and saddle girths, which also require modifications in the setup of the looms and in their weaving techniques. Fig. 20 represents a standard loom with one set of healds. Fig. 21 shows a loom set up for weaving diagonal fabric with two sets of healds. Fig. 4 displays a woman wearing a belt made by hand. The women in figures 5 and 21 are wearing dresses made from Navaho cloth. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

Fig. 19. Woman spinning.

Fig. 19. Woman spinning.

Fig. 19. Woman spinning yarn.

32. It is not only for gain that the Navaho woman weaves her blanket. Having worn it for a time, until it has lost its novelty, she may sell it for a price that scarcely pays her for the yarn. One who possesses large herds, and is wealthy for an Indian, will weave as assiduously as her poorest neighbor. At best, the labor brings low wages. The work is done, to no small extent, for artistic recreation, just as the females of our own race embroider and do “fancy work” for mere pastime.

32. The Navaho woman doesn’t just weave her blanket for profit. After using it for a while, when it no longer feels special, she might sell it for a price that barely covers the cost of the yarn. Even someone who owns a lot of livestock and is considered wealthy among her people will weave just as diligently as her poorest neighbor. Ultimately, the pay for this work is quite low. Much of the labor is done for artistic enjoyment, similar to how women in our culture might do embroidery or other crafts just for fun.

33. Knitting.—They knit stockings with four needles, but these stockings are devoid of heels and toes. As the needles now used are of wire and obtained from the whites, it might be thought that the art of knitting was learned from our people; but knitted leggings, made of human hair, and wooden knitting-needles, have been found in the Navaho land, in cliff-dwellings which, there is reason to believe, were abandoned before the arrival of the Spaniards. [22]

33. Knitting.—They knit stockings using four needles, but these stockings don't have heels or toes. Since the current needles are made of wire and came from the whites, one might think the skill of knitting was borrowed from them; however, knitted leggings made from human hair and wooden knitting needles have been discovered in Navaho territory, in cliff dwellings that likely were abandoned before the Spaniards arrived. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

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INDUSTRY.

34. It cannot be said of the Navaho men, as it is often said of the men of other Indian tribes, that they are either too proud or too lazy to perform manual labor. They are, and apparently always have been, willing to do any remunerative work. When the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad was constructed near their reservation, in 1881, much of the grading was done by Navaho laborers. The white men who worked with them, and who had the strongest antipathy to Chinese laborers, said that they liked the Indians because they were good comrades on the work and kept up prices. A stalwart man is not ashamed to wash and iron clothes for wages, which he may want only to spend in gambling. They have been employed at Fort Wingate to dig cellars and make adobes, and at the latter work proved themselves more expert than the more experienced men of Zuñi.

34. It can't be said about the Navaho men, like it often is about men from other Indian tribes, that they are too proud or too lazy to do manual labor. They are, and have always been, willing to take on any paying job. When the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad was built near their reservation in 1881, many of the grading tasks were handled by Navaho laborers. The white workers who teamed up with them, and who felt very negatively about Chinese laborers, stated that they preferred the Indians because they were good teammates on the job and helped keep wages stable. A strong man isn't embarrassed to wash and iron clothes for money, which he might just use for gambling. They were hired at Fort Wingate to dig cellars and make adobes, and in that task, they proved to be more skilled than the more experienced men from Zuñi.

35. Begging, which among other tribes is so often annoying to the white man, is little practised by the Navahoes. The few who have ever begged from the author persuaded themselves that they had some claim on him. On the whole, they are a self-supporting people, and add to the wealth of the community at large. But little government aid has been given them since they were released from captivity and supplied with stock in return for that slaughtered by our troops when their land was invaded.

35. Begging, which annoys many white people among other tribes, is hardly seen among the Navahoes. The few individuals who have approached the author for help believed they had a right to ask. Overall, they are a self-sufficient group and contribute to the community’s wealth. Since their release from captivity and the provision of livestock in exchange for what was taken by our troops during the invasion, they have received very little support from the government.

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POETRY AND MUSIC.

36. For many years the most trusted account of the Navaho Indians of New Mexico and Arizona was to be found in a letter written by Dr. Jonathan Letherman,303 of the army, and published in the Smithsonian report for 1855. Dr. Letherman had lived three years at Fort Defiance, in the heart of the Navaho country, when he wrote this letter, and he acknowledges his indebtedness, for assistance in preparing it, to Major Kendrick, who long commanded Fort Defiance. Both the doctor and the major were men of unusual ability. The former (having changed the spelling of his name to Letterman) afterwards distinguished himself as medical director of the Army of the Potomac, and the latter was, for many years, professor of chemistry at the National Military Academy.

36. For many years, the most reliable account of the Navajo Indians of New Mexico and Arizona was found in a letter written by Dr. Jonathan Letherman, an army doctor, and published in the Smithsonian report for 1855. Dr. Letherman had spent three years at Fort Defiance, in the heart of Navajo territory, when he wrote this letter, and he gives credit for help in preparing it to Major Kendrick, who long commanded Fort Defiance. Both the doctor and the major were exceptionally skilled individuals. The former (who later changed the spelling of his name to Letterman) went on to gain recognition as the medical director of the Army of the Potomac, and the latter served for many years as a chemistry professor at the National Military Academy.

37. From this letter the following statement concerning the Navahoes is extracted: “Of their religion little or nothing is known, as, indeed, all inquiries tend to show that they have none.” “The lack of tradition is a source of surprise. They have no knowledge of their origin or of the history of the tribe.” “They have frequent [23]gatherings for dancing.” “Their singing is but a succession of grunts, and is anything but agreeable.”

37. From this letter, the following statement about the Navajos is taken: “Little or nothing is known about their religion, as all inquiries suggest they have none.” “The absence of tradition is surprising. They don’t know their origins or the history of their tribe.” “They often have [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]gatherings for dancing.” “Their singing consists mainly of grunts, which is not pleasant to hear.”

38. The evidence of these gentlemen, one would think, might be taken as conclusive. Yet, fifteen years ago, when the author first found himself among the Navahoes, he was not influenced in the least by the authority of this letter. Previous experience with the Indians had taught him of how little value such negative evidence might be, and he began at once to investigate the religion, traditions, and poetic literature, of which, he was assured, the Navahoes were devoid.

38. You would think the evidence from these gentlemen would be decisive. But fifteen years ago, when the author first encountered the Navahoes, he wasn't swayed at all by the authority of this letter. His past experience with Native Americans had shown him how little worth such negative evidence could have, so he immediately started exploring the religion, traditions, and poetry that he was told the Navahoes lacked.

Fig. 20. Ordinary loom.

Fig. 20. Ordinary loom.

Fig. 20. Standard loom.

39. He had not been many weeks in New Mexico when he discovered that the dances to which Dr. Letherman refers were religious ceremonials, and later he found that these ceremonials might vie in allegory, symbolism, and intricacy of ritual with the ceremonies of any people, ancient or modern. He found, erelong, that these heathens, pronounced godless and legendless, possessed lengthy myths and traditions—so numerous that one can never hope to collect them all, a pantheon as well stocked with gods and heroes as that of the ancient Greeks, and prayers which, for length and vain repetition, might put a Pharisee to the blush.

39. He hadn’t been in New Mexico for long when he realized that the dances Dr. Letherman mentioned were religious ceremonies. Later, he discovered that these ceremonies could compete in allegory, symbolism, and ritual complexity with those of any culture, past or present. Soon enough, he found that these so-called heathens, deemed godless and lacking in legends, actually had a wealth of myths and traditions—so many that one could never hope to gather them all, with a pantheon filled with gods and heroes just as rich as that of the ancient Greeks, along with prayers that, for their length and mindless repetition, could make a Pharisee feel embarrassed.

40. But what did the study of appalling “succession of grunts” reveal? It revealed that besides improvised songs, in which the Navahoes are adepts, they have knowledge of thousands of significant [24]songs—or poems, as they might be called—which have been composed with care and handed down, for centuries perhaps, from teacher to pupil, from father to son, as a precious heritage, throughout the wide Navaho nation. They have songs of travelling, appropriate to every stage of the journey, from the time the wanderer leaves his home until he returns. They have farming songs, which refer to every stage of their simple agriculture, from the first view of the planting ground in the spring to the “harvest home.” They have building songs,6 which celebrate every act in the structure of the hut, from “thinking about it” to moving into it and lighting the first fire. They have songs for hunting, for war, for gambling, in short for every important occasion in life, from birth to death, not to speak of prenatal and post-mortem songs. And these songs are composed according to established (often rigid) rules, and abound in poetic figures of speech.

40. So, what did the study of the shocking "succession of grunts" show? It showed that in addition to improvised songs, which the Navajos are skilled at, they possess thousands of significant [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] songs—or poems, as they might be called—that have been thoughtfully created and passed down, maybe for centuries, from teacher to student, from father to son, as a cherished heritage throughout the vast Navajo nation. They have travel songs, tailored to every part of the journey, from the moment the traveler leaves home until they return. They have farming songs, which relate to every phase of their simple agriculture, from the first sight of the planting ground in spring to the “harvest home.” They have building songs, 6 that celebrate every action involved in constructing the hut, from “considering it” to moving in and lighting the first fire. They have songs for hunting, for war, for gambling—essentially for every major event in life, from birth to death, not to mention prenatal and post-mortem songs. And these songs are created according to established (often strict) rules, and are rich in poetic figures of speech.

41. Sacred Songs.—Perhaps the most interesting of their metrical compositions are those connected with their sacred rites,—their religious songs. These rites are very numerous, many of them of nine days’ duration, and with each is associated a number of appropriate songs. Sometimes, pertaining to a single rite, there are two hundred songs or more which may not be sung at other rites.

41. Sacred Songs.—One of the most fascinating types of their poetic works are those linked to their sacred ceremonies— their religious songs. These ceremonies are quite abundant, many lasting nine days, and each has a set of specific songs associated with it. Sometimes, for a single ceremony, there can be two hundred songs or more that cannot be sung at other ceremonies.

42. The songs must be known to the priest of the rite and his assistants in a most exact manner, for an error made in singing a song may be fatal to the efficacy of a ceremony. In no case is an important mistake tolerated, and in some cases the error of a single syllable works an irreparable injury. A noteworthy instance of this rule is a song sung at the beginning of work on the last night of the great ceremony of the night chant. The rite is one which may cost the patron from two hundred to three hundred dollars. It has lasted eight days and nights, when four singers, after long and careful instruction by the priest, come forth painted, adorned, and masked as gods to sing this song of the atsáʻlei. Several hundred people—many from the farthest confines of the Navaho land—have come to sit up all night and witness the public ceremonies. The song is long, and is mostly made up of meaningless or obsolete expressions which convey no idea to the mind of the singer, yet not a single vocable may be omitted, mispronounced, or misplaced. A score or more of critics who know the song by heart are listening with strained attention. If the slightest error is made it is at once proclaimed, the fruitless ceremony terminates abruptly, and the disappointed multitude disperses.

42. The songs must be known by the priest of the ceremony and his helpers in a very precise way because any mistake made while singing a song could ruin the effectiveness of the ceremony. No major mistakes are allowed, and sometimes even the error of a single syllable can cause irreparable damage. A notable example of this rule is a song sung at the start of the last night of the big night chant ceremony. This rite can cost the patron between two hundred and three hundred dollars. It lasts eight days and nights, and after extensive and careful training by the priest, four singers emerge painted, decorated, and masked as gods to perform the song of the atsáʻlei. Several hundred people—many from the most distant parts of Navajo country—have gathered to stay up all night and watch the public rituals. The song is lengthy and mostly consists of meaningless or outdated phrases that convey no real meaning to the singer, yet not a single word may be left out, mispronounced, or said in the wrong order. A group of critics who know the song by heart listens intently. If even the slightest mistake is made, it is immediately announced, the ceremony comes to an abrupt end, and the disappointed crowd disperses.

43. The songs all contain significant words; but these, for poetic requirements, are often greatly distorted, and the distortions must be kept in mind. In speaking thus, scant justice is done to the [25]Navaho poets. Similar distortions found in an Aryan tongue with a written literature are spoken of as figures of orthography and etymology, and, although there is yet no standard of spelling for the Navaho language, we would perhaps do well to apply the same terms in speaking of the Navaho compositions. The distortions are not always left to the whim of the composer. They are made systematically, as a rule. If the language were reduced to a standard spelling, we should find that the Navaho poets have as many figures of these classes as the English poets have, and perhaps more.

43. The songs have important words, but for poetic reasons, they are often significantly altered, and we need to keep these changes in mind. In saying this, we don't fully appreciate the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Navaho poets. Similar changes found in an Aryan language with written literature are referred to as figures of spelling and word origin. While there isn’t a standard spelling for the Navaho language yet, it might be helpful to use the same terms when discussing Navaho works. The alterations aren’t just random choices by the composer; they are usually made in a structured way. If the language had a standard spelling, we would likely find that Navaho poets use just as many of these kinds of figures as English poets do, maybe even more.

44. Some of the words, too, are archaic,—they mean nothing in modern Navaho; but the priests assign traditional meanings to them, and this adds to the task of memorizing. But, in addition to the significant words, there are (as instanced above) numerous meaningless vocables in all songs, and these must be recited with a care at least equal to that bestowed on the rest of the composition. These meaningless sounds are commonly introduced in the preludes and refrains of the stanzas and in the verse endings, but they may occur anywhere in the song.

44. Some of the words are outdated—they don't mean anything in modern Navajo; however, the priests give them traditional meanings, which makes memorizing them more challenging. Moreover, besides the important words, there are (as mentioned above) many meaningless sounds in all the songs, and these need to be recited with at least as much care as the other parts of the composition. These nonsensical sounds are usually found in the introductions and refrains of the stanzas and at the end of verses, but they can appear anywhere in the song.

Fig. 21. Loom for weaving diagonal cloth.

Fig. 21. Loom for weaving diagonal cloth.

Fig. 21. Loom for weaving diagonal fabric.

45. The preludes and refrains here referred to are found, with rare exceptions, in every stanza and in every song. Although they are all either totally meaningless or only partly significant, they are the most characteristic parts of the poems, and the singer cons the preludes over when he wishes to call to mind any particular composition, just as we often remember a poem or song by means of the first line. They are rarely or never quite alike in any [26]two songs, and great ingenuity is often displayed in giving them variety.

45. The preludes and refrains mentioned here are found, with few exceptions, in every stanza and song. Although they are all either completely meaningless or only somewhat significant, they represent the most distinctive parts of the poems. The singer goes over the preludes when wanting to recall a specific composition, just like we often remember a poem or song by its opening line. They are rarely, if ever, exactly the same in any [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] two songs, and a lot of creativity is often shown in making them different.

46. There is yet another burden laid on the memory of the singer of sacred songs, and this is the order of their arrangement. The songs of each ceremony are divided into groups which must follow one another in an established order, and each song has, in the group to which it belongs, a place that must not be changed under penalty of divine displeasure. To sing, during the progress of a rite, the sixth Song of the Whirling Sticks before the fifth song is sung, would be a sacrilege as great as to chant the syllables óhohohó, in place of éhehehé. To remember this exact order of sequence in a set of two hundred or three hundred songs is no easy task.322

46. There's an additional responsibility placed on the memory of the singer of sacred songs, which is the order in which they are arranged. The songs for each ceremony are categorized into groups that must follow a specific sequence, and each song has a designated spot in its group that cannot be altered without risking divine disapproval. Singing the sixth Song of the Whirling Sticks before the fifth song during a ritual would be just as much a sacrilege as chanting óhohohó instead of éhehehé. Remembering this exact sequence in a collection of two hundred or three hundred songs is no easy feat.322

47. But it may be said: “Perhaps things were different with the Navahoes in Dr. Letherman’s day. May they not have learned from other tribes, or have themselves invented all this ceremony and song since he knew them?” The reply to this is, that it is absurd to suppose that such an elaborate system of rites and songs could have grown up among an illiterate people in the twenty-five years that elapsed between Dr. Letherman’s departure from the Navaho country and the author’s arrival there. Besides, the latter obtained his information from men of advanced age—from sixty to eighty years old—who practised these rites and sang these songs in their youth, and who in turn learned them from men of a departed generation. The shamans who conduct these ceremonies, tell these tales, and sing these songs are scattered widely over the Navaho country. Men who are scarcely acquainted with one another, and who learned from different preceptors, will sing the same sacred songs and to exactly the same tune. All the lore of the Navaho priesthood was undoubtedly extant in Dr. Letherman’s time and for ages before.

47. But someone might say, “Maybe things were different for the Navahoes during Dr. Letherman’s time. Could they not have learned from other tribes, or even created all these ceremonies and songs since he was there?” The answer is that it’s ridiculous to think that such a complex system of rituals and songs could have developed among an illiterate people in the twenty-five years between Dr. Letherman leaving the Navaho region and the author's arrival. Furthermore, the author got his information from older individuals—aged sixty to eighty—who practiced these rituals and sang these songs in their youth, and who, in turn, learned them from an earlier generation. The shamans who lead these ceremonies, tell these stories, and sing these songs are spread out across the Navaho territory. Men who barely know each other, and who learned from different teachers, will sing the same sacred songs and to exactly the same tune. All the knowledge of the Navaho priesthood was definitely present in Dr. Letherman’s time and for many ages before that.

48. Songless Women.—It is remarkable that, while the Navaho men are such fruitful composers of song and such ardent singers, the women, as a rule, do not sing. Among the wild hunting tribes of the North, as the author knew them thirty years ago, the women not only had songs of their own, but they took part in the ceremonial songs of the men. The Pueblo Indian women of New Mexico, neighbors of the Navahoes, have many fine songs, the song of the corn-grinders, often heard in Zuñi, being especially wild and musical. But usually the Navaho woman is songless. The writer tried a long time to find a woman who could sing, and offered good pecuniary inducements before he got one. She came from a distance of thirty miles. She knew no songs peculiar to her sex, but her father was a medicine-man, who frequently [27]repeated his songs at home in order to familiarize himself with them, and she gradually picked up several of them. She sang in a musical soprano with much spirit, and was one of the most pleasing singers heard in the tribe.

48. Songless Women.—It's interesting that while Navaho men are such prolific songwriters and passionate singers, women typically don't sing. Thirty years ago, among the wild hunting tribes of the North that the author knew, women not only had their own songs but also participated in the ceremonial songs sung by men. The Pueblo Indian women of New Mexico, who are neighbors to the Navahoes, have many beautiful songs, particularly the corn-grinders' song, often heard in Zuñi, which is especially lively and melodic. However, a Navaho woman usually doesn’t sing. The writer spent a long time searching for a woman who could sing and even offered good money before he found one. She traveled thirty miles to be there. She didn’t know any songs unique to her gender, but her father was a medicine-man who often practiced his songs at home to master them, and she gradually learned several of those songs. She sang in a melodious soprano with great energy and was one of the most enjoyable singers heard in the tribe.

49. Figures of Speech.—It is probable that all rhetorical figures of speech known to our poets may be found in these simple compositions of the Navahoes. But in many cases the allusions are to such recondite matters of symbolism, or incidents in their myths, that they could be made plain, if at all, only by a tedious recital. Thus it would not be easy to make clear in a few words why, when the goddess Estsánatlehi, in one of the songs to her honor, is spoken of as climbing a wand of turquoise, we know the poet means to say she is ascending San Mateo Mountain, in New Mexico, or why, when he speaks of her as climbing a wand of haliotis shell, he is endeavoring to tell us that she is ascending the peak of San Francisco in Arizona. Yet we may gain some idea of the meaning by referring to the myth (par. 193).

49. Figures of Speech.—It’s likely that all the rhetorical figures of speech familiar to our poets can be found in these simple works of the Navahoes. However, many of the references are to such obscure symbolic matters or events in their myths that they could only be explained through a lengthy narration. Therefore, it isn’t easy to clarify in just a few words why, when the goddess Estsánatlehi is described in one of the songs honoring her as climbing a wand of turquoise, we understand that the poet means she is ascending San Mateo Mountain in New Mexico, or why when he mentions her climbing a wand of haliotis shell, he's trying to indicate that she is ascending the peak of San Francisco in Arizona. Still, we can get some sense of the meaning by looking at the myth (par. 193).

50. But some of the metaphors and similes are not so hard to understand. Here is a translation of the Dove Song, one of the gambling songs sung in the game of kĕsĭtsé:—

50. But some of the metaphors and similes are easier to understand. Here’s a translation of the Dove Song, one of the gambling songs sung in the game of kĕsĭtsé:—

Wos Wos picks them up (seeds),

Wos Wos gathers them (seeds),

Wos Wos picks them up,

Wos Wos grabs them,

Glossy Locks picks them up,

Glossy Locks gathers them up,

Red Moccasin picks them up,

Red Moccasin gathers them up,

Wos Wos picks them up.273 316

Wos Wos grabs them. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__

Here Wos Wos (Wōsh Wōsh) is an onomatope for the dove, equivalent to our “coo coo”; but it is used as a noun. Glossy Locks and Red Moccasin are figurative expressions for the dove, of obvious significance. Metaphor and synecdoche are here combined.

Here Wos Wos (Wōsh Wōsh) is an onomatopoeia for the dove, similar to our “coo coo”; but it is used as a noun. Glossy Locks and Red Moccasin are figurative expressions for the dove, which are clearly meaningful. Metaphor and synecdoche are combined here.

51. Antithesis is not an uncommon figure with the Navaho poet. Here is an instance of it in a song belonging to the mountain chant, one of the great nine-day ceremonies of the shamans:—

51. Antithesis is a common device used by the Navajo poet. Here's an example from a song that is part of the mountain chant, one of the significant nine-day ceremonies of the shamans:—

The voice that beautifies the land!

The voice that beautifies the land!

The voice above,

The voice overhead,

The voice of the thunder,

The sound of thunder,

Among the dark clouds

Among the storm clouds

Again and again it sounds,

It echoes repeatedly,

The voice that beautifies the land.

The voice that beautifies the landscape.

The voice that beautifies the land!

The voice that makes the land beautiful!

The voice below,

The voice below,

The voice of the grasshopper,

The grasshopper's voice,

Among the flowers and grasses

Among the flowers and grass

Again and again it sounds,

It repeats again and again,

The voice that beautifies the land.

The voice that enhances the landscape.

[28]

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Here the great voice of the thunder above is contrasted with the feeble voice of the grasshopper below, yet both are voices that make the world beautiful.

Here, the powerful sound of thunder above contrasts with the weak chirping of the grasshopper below, yet both are sounds that make the world beautiful.

52. Many instances of climax have been noted. One here presented is from the mountain chant. It has but two steps to the ladder:—

52. Many examples of climax have been observed. One presented here is from the mountain chant. It only has two steps to the ladder:—

Maid Who Becomes a Bear

Maid Turns into a Bear

Sought the gods and found them,

Searched for the gods and found them,

On the summits of the mountains

On the tops of the mountains

Sought the gods and found them,

Sought the gods and found them,

Truly with my sacrifice

Honestly, with my sacrifice

Sought the gods and found them.

Searched for the gods and discovered them.

Somebody doubts it, so I have heard.

Somebody questions it, or so I've heard.

Holy Young Woman

Holy Young Woman

Sought the gods and found them,

Sought the gods and found them,

On the summits of the clouds

On the peaks of the clouds

Sought the gods and found them,

Searched for the gods and discovered them,

Truly with my sacrifice

Truly with my sacrifice

Sought the gods and found them.

Sought the gods and found them.

Somebody doubts it, so I have heard.

Somebody questions it, or so I've heard.

Maid Who Becomes a Bear (Tsĭké Sas Nátlehi)90 is an important character in Navaho mythology. The last line in each stanza is an instance of irony.

Maid Who Becomes a Bear (Tsĭké Sas Nátlehi)90 is a significant character in Navajo mythology. The last line in each stanza is an example of irony.

53. It will be seen from the instances given that they understand the value of repetition in poetry. The refrain is a favorite form of expression; but they know of other means of giving verbal melody to their songs, as may be seen in the following original text of the Bluebird (Sialia arctica) Song:—

53. From the examples provided, it’s clear that they recognize the importance of repetition in poetry. The refrain is a popular way to express themselves; however, they also utilize other methods to create a musical quality in their songs, as demonstrated in the following original text of the Bluebird (Sialia arctica) Song:—

Tsihayilkáe dóla aní,

Tsihayilkáe dóla aní,

Áyas dotlĭ′zi bĭza holó,

Áya is totally biz,

Bĭza hozónigo, bĭza holó,

Biza hozónigo, biza holo,

Bĭza holónigo hwíhe ĭnlí

Biza holonigo hwíhe ĭnlí

Dóla aní. Dóla aní.

Dóla aní. Dóla aní.

To appreciate this a translation is not necessary, but it is given, as the reader may wish to know it:—

To understand this, a translation isn't needed, but it's provided here for those who want to know it:—

Just at daylight Sialia calls.

Just at dawn, Sialia calls.

The bluebird has a voice,

The bluebird sings,

He has a voice, his voice melodious,

He has a voice; his voice is melodious,

His voice melodious that flows in gladness.

His voice is melodious and flows with joy.

Sialia calls. Sialia calls.

Sialia calls. Sialia calls.

The regular Navaho name for the bluebird “dóli” (changed here to “dóla” for poetic reasons) is translated Sialia, to distinguish it from the descriptive term “áyas dotlĭ′zi” which means literally bluebird.

The common Navajo name for the bluebird “dóli” (changed here to “dóla” for poetic reasons) is translated as Sialia to set it apart from the descriptive term “áyas dotlĭ′zi,” which literally means bluebird.

54. Rhyme.—They are not ignorant of the value of rhyme in poetry, but they more often produce this by the repetition of significant [29]or meaningless syllables than by selecting different words with similar endings. Still we often find this, the more difficult means, resorted to as in the above song of the bluebird.

54. Rhyme.—They understand the importance of rhyme in poetry, but they tend to create it more by repeating significant [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] or meaningless syllables rather than by choosing different words that have similar endings. However, we often see them using this more challenging technique, as in the song about the bluebird mentioned above.

55. Music.—To the casual listener it may appear that there is much sameness in the music of their songs; but a more careful study will reveal the fact that the variety is great. It is remarkable how, with such rude instruments (an inverted basket for a drum, and a gourd rattle) to accompany them, they succeed, in a series of two hundred or more songs, in producing so many musical changes. In their sacred songs of sequence, where four or more songs of similar import follow one another, as is often the case, the music may be nearly alike (but never quite alike) in all; but when the theme of the poetry changes, the music also takes a decided change.

55. Music.—To the casual listener, it may seem like there's a lot of similarity in their songs; however, a closer look shows that there's actually a lot of variety. It's impressive that, with such basic instruments (an upside-down basket for a drum and a gourd rattle) to back them up, they manage to create such a wide range of musical variations across two hundred or more songs. In their sacred songs that follow a sequence, where four or more songs with similar meanings come one after another, the music might be quite similar (but never identical) in all of them; however, when the theme of the lyrics shifts, the music also changes significantly.

56. For further information on the subject of music the reader is referred to note 272, which contains remarks by Prof. John Comfort Fillmore, formerly of Milwaukee, Wisconsin, but now of Claremont, California. Over two years ago the writer sent a number of phonographic records of Navaho songs to Professor Fillmore, who has diligently studied them and has written many of them in musical notation. Some of the musical scores are appended to the note.

56. For more information on music, the reader can check out note 272, which includes comments from Prof. John Comfort Fillmore, who used to be in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, but is now in Claremont, California. Over two years ago, the author sent several phonographic records of Navaho songs to Professor Fillmore, who has carefully studied them and transcribed many of them into musical notation. Some of the musical scores are included in the note.

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TRIBAL ORGANIZATION.

57. Gentes.—The version of the Origin Legend by Tall Chanter, here given, accounts for only thirty-eight gentes among the Navahoes; but this informant was able to name, in all, forty-three gentes, two of which, he said, were extinct. Lists of the Navaho gentes have been obtained from various sources, and no single authority has been found to give a greater number than this. But no two lists are quite alike; they differ with regard to small or extinct gentes, and one list may supply a name which another has omitted. There would be at least fifty-one gentes extant and extinct in the tribe if each name so far obtained represented a different organization. But we find in the Legend instances of a gens having two names (pars. 386, 405, 428, 445).

57. Gentes.—The version of the Origin Legend by Tall Chanter presented here accounts for only thirty-eight gentes among the Navajos; however, this informant was able to name a total of forty-three gentes, two of which he mentioned were extinct. Lists of the Navajo gentes have been gathered from various sources, and no single authority has provided a greater number than this. Yet, no two lists are identical; they vary regarding minor or extinct gentes, and one list may include a name that another has left out. There would be at least fifty-one gentes, both existing and extinct, in the tribe if each name collected so far represented a different group. But we find in the Legend examples of a gens having two names (pars. 386, 405, 428, 445).

58. On the other hand, it is possible that none of the lists may be complete. Gentes derived from women of alien races, added to the tribe since it has grown numerous and widely scattered, may exist in one part of the Navaho country unknown to the best informed persons in another part. Extinct gentes may be forgotten by one informant and remembered by another.

58. On the other hand, it's possible that none of the lists are complete. Clans descended from women of outside communities, who have joined the tribe as it has expanded and spread out, may exist in one part of Navajo territory that is unknown to the most knowledgeable individuals in another area. Extinct clans might be forgotten by one person while being remembered by someone else.

59. The following is a list of the forty-three gentes named by Tall Chanter:—

59. Here’s a list of the forty-three gentes mentioned by Tall Chanter:—

1. Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni, House of the Black Cliffs (pars. 378381).
2. Tseʻtláni, Bend in a Cañon (par. 382).[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
3. Dsĭ′lnaotĭ′lni, Encircled Mountain (par. 385).
4. Haskán هـاتسو (Haskanhatsódĭneʻ), Much Yucca (par. 386).
5. Nahopáni, Brown Streak; Horizontal on the Ground (par. 387).
6. Tsĭnadzĭ′ni, Black Horizontal Forest (par. 390).
7. Thaʻnĕzáʻ (Thaʻnĕzáʻni), Among the Scattered (Hills) (par. 392).
8. Dsĭltláʻni, Base of the Mountain (par. 393).
9. Tháʻpaha (Tháʻpahadĭneʻ), Among the Waters (par. 394 et seq.).
10. Tsaʻyĭskĭ′dni, Sage-brush Hill (par. 399).
11. Tseʻzĭndiaí, Trap Dyke (par. 401).
12. Klógi (Klógidĭneʻ), (Name of an old pueblo) (par. 403).
13. Tóʻhani, Beside the Water (par. 404).
14. Tháʻtsini, Among the Red (Waters or Banks) (par. 405).
15. Kai (Káidĭneʻ), Willows (par. 405).
16. Kĭnlĭtsí (KĭnlĭtsídĭneʻIt seems there is no text provided for me to modernize. Please provide a short piece of text for me to work on., Red House (of Stone) (par. 406).
17. Dĕstsíni, Red Streak (par. 408).
18. Tlastsíni, Red Flat (par. 408).
19. Notá (Notádĭneʻ), Ute (par. 409).
20. Nakaí (Nakaídĭneʻ), White Stranger (Mexican) (par. 410).
21. Toʻyĕtlíni, Junction of the Rivers (par. 411).
22. Háltso (Háltsodĭneʻ), Yellow Bodies (par. 412).
23. Toʻdĭtsíni, Bitter Water (par. 427).
24. Maitóʻ (Maitóʻdĭneʻ), Coyote Spring (par. 428).
25. Haslĭ′zni (Haslĭ′zdĭneʻ), Mud (par. 429).
26. Tdokónzi, Saline Water (par. 430, note 171).
27. táʻni, Folded Arms (par. 431).
28. Tsĭnsakádni, Lone Tree (par. 441).
29. Pintóʻ (Pintóʻdĭneʻ), Deer Spring (par. 442).
30. Tseʻnahapĭ′lni, Overhanging Rocks (par. 445).
31. Honagáʻni, Place of Walking (pars. 447, 448).
32. Kinaáʻni, High Standing House (par. 458).
33. Toʻbaznaáz (Toʻbaznaázi), Two Come for Water (par. 449).
34. Nanastĕ′zin, Black Horizontal Stripe Aliens (Zuñi) (par. 452).
35. Dildzéhi, (Not translated) (par. 453).
36. Ásihi (Ásihidĭneʻ), Salt (par. 454).
37. Maidĕskĭ′z (Maidĕskĭ′zni), Coyote Pass (Jemez) (par. 455).
38. Tseʻyanatóʻni (extinct), Horizontal Water under Cliffs (par. 457).
39. Tóʻtsoni, Great Water (par. 459).
40. táni or Dsĭltáni, Brow of Mountain.
41. Tseʻyikéhe (Tseʻyikéhedĭneʻ), Rocks Standing near One Another.
42. Tlĭziláni, Many Goats (par. 407).
43. Toʻtsalsitáya (extinct), Water under the Sitting Frog.

60. The following are eight names obtained from other sources, and not mentioned by Tall Chanter:—

60. Here are eight names gathered from other sources that Tall Chanter didn't mention:—

44. Aatsósni, Narrow Gorge.
45. Naaʻí (Naaʻídĭneʻ), Monocline.
46. Yóo, Beads.
47. Kaʻnáni, Living Arrows.
48. Tseʻtháni, Among the Rocks.[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
49. Lóka (Lókadĭneʻ) Reeds (Phragmites).
50. Tseʻdĕskĭ′zni, Rocky Pass.
51. Hoganláni, Many Huts.

61. More than one translation of a gentile name has often been noted; but in the above lists only one translation is given,—that which the author regards with the most favor. Often, too, different narrators account differently for the origin of the gentile names. Some of the translations are very liberal, and others, again, very brief; but in the paragraphs and notes to which the reader is referred he will find fuller explanations. The Navahoes sometimes, but not invariably, add (as shown in the above lists) a suffix (dĭnéʻ, ni, or i), signifying people; but in the above translations, to simplify the study, the word “people” is omitted.

61. It's often noted that there are multiple translations of a gentile name; however, only one translation is provided in the lists above, which the author favors the most. Additionally, different narrators sometimes explain the origin of the gentile names differently. Some translations are quite expansive, while others are more concise; however, the paragraphs and notes referenced will offer more detailed explanations. The Navahoes sometimes, but not always, add a suffix (as shown in the above lists) that means people (dĭnéʻ, ni, or i), but for the sake of simplicity, the word “people” is omitted in the translations provided.

62. There are reasons, which the author has set forth in a previous essay318 and will not now repeat, for believing that most of the Navaho gentes were originally local exogamous groups, and not true gentes according to Morgan’s definition.325 There is little doubt that, in the majority of cases if not in all, the names of Navaho gentes, which are not the names of tribes, are simply designations of localities, even where the Legend states to the contrary; as, for instance, when it tells us that certain gentes of the Western immigrants were named from words that women uttered when they first tasted of the magic fountains (pars. 427, 429, 430).

62. The author has previously stated reasons in another essay318 and won’t go over them again, but there are good reasons to believe that most of the Navaho gentes were originally local exogamous groups, rather than true gentes as defined by Morgan.325 It's quite likely that, in most cases, if not all, the names of Navaho gentes—which are not the names of tribes—are simply names of specific places, even if the Legend suggests otherwise. For example, it claims that certain gentes of the Western immigrants were named after words that women said when they first experienced the magical fountains (pars. 427, 429, 430).

63. On the other hand, there are passages in the Legend which indicate that a few of the Navaho gentes were once totemic, although no evidence of clan totems is known to exist among the Navahoes at the present time, and it is not improbable that a few of the gentile names may be of totemic origin, although they are now accounted for in other ways in the Origin Legend. The passage (par. 419) which tells us that Estsánatlehi gave certain pets to the wanderers from the West, and that these pets accompanied the people on their journey, refers in all probability to the former use of totemic clan symbols, and possibly to a custom of keeping live totemic animals in captivity,—a custom prevalent among the ancient Mexicans and the modern Pueblos, though not among the modern Navahoes. Other indications of a former totemism may be found in the story of the Deer Spring People (par. 442, note 195; see, also, note 173).

63. On the other hand, there are sections in the Legend that suggest some of the Navaho groups used to have totems, even though there's no evidence of clan totems existing among the Navahoes today. It's possible that some of the group names might have totemic origins, although they're currently explained through other narratives in the Origin Legend. The passage (par. 419) that tells us Estsánatlehi gave certain pets to the travelers from the West and that these pets traveled with them likely refers to the past use of totemic clan symbols, and possibly a tradition of keeping totemic animals alive in captivity—a practice common among the ancient Mexicans and present-day Pueblos, although not among the modern Navahoes. Other signs of past totemism can be found in the story of the Deer Spring People (par. 442, note 195; see, also, note 173).

64. In reading the fourth chapter of the Origin Legend—“Growth of the Navaho Nation”—one is impressed with the different degrees of willingness, on both sides, with which new gentes are adopted into the nation. In some instances two parties, meeting for the first time, embrace one another and become friends at once (par. 382). The clans from the Pacific coast—the Western immigrants, as they are here called—learn of the existence of kindred [32]tribes far to the east, take a long and dangerous journey to join them, and, when their march is done, they are received by the Navahoes at once as brethren. On the other hand, the legend tells us of bands that camp long in the neighborhood of the Navahoes before they become incorporated with the latter (par. 394); of other clans descended from captives (pars. 406, 454, 455); and of others that seek refuge among the Navahoes only to escape starvation or persecution at home (pars. 403, 452). On the basis of their mode of adoption, the clans may be divided into the ready and the reluctant. The cause of this is probably one of language. Bands which we know to have been allied in language to the Navahoes—such as those derived from the Apaches—will be found among the ready; while bands which we know to have spoken languages very different to the Navaho—such as those derived from the Utes, from Zuñi, and Jemez—will be found among the reluctant. It is not unreasonable to conclude that the same rule applies to clans of whose original language we know nothing.

64. In reading the fourth chapter of the Origin Legend—“Growth of the Navaho Nation”—one is struck by the varying levels of eagerness on both sides when new groups are welcomed into the nation. In some cases, two parties meeting for the first time embrace and become friends right away (par. 382). The clans from the Pacific coast—the Western immigrants, as they’re called here—learn about the existence of related [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] tribes far to the east, undertake a long and dangerous journey to join them, and, when they arrive, the Navahoes accept them immediately as brothers. On the flip side, the legend tells of groups that camp nearby the Navahoes for a long time before being accepted into the community (par. 394); of other clans that come from captives (pars. 406, 454, 455); and of those that seek shelter among the Navahoes just to escape hunger or persecution back home (pars. 403, 452). Based on how they are adopted, the clans can be split into those who are eager and those who are hesitant. This likely has to do with language. Groups that we know were linguistically related to the Navahoes—like those from the Apaches—tend to be among the eager; while groups with languages quite different from the Navaho—like those from the Utes, Zuñi, and Jemez—are more likely to be among the hesitant. It’s reasonable to think that the same rule applies to clans whose original language we know nothing about.

65. Phratries.—The gentes of the Navahoes are divided into a number of groups, each of which may be called a phratry. Authorities in the tribe differ as to the number of the phratries, and as to the gentes that compose them. Some make but eight phratries. Captain Bourke294 has obtained a list of eleven, with three independent gentes. Some of the Navahoes say there are twelve phratries, and suggest that they have some relation to the twelve tribes who dwelt in the first world. But the Navaho phratry seems not to be a homogeneous organization. A case is mentioned in the Legend where a gens has changed its phratral affinities (par. 451). Inquiry, too, has revealed that there are sub-groups. There may be closer bonds of alliance among some gentes in a group than there are among others in the same group. Authorities, then, may differ without invalidating each other’s testimony.

65. Phratries.—The Navajo clans are split into several groups, which can each be called a phratry. There are differing opinions among tribal authorities about the number of phratries and the clans that make them up. Some say there are only eight phratries. Captain Bourke294 has found a list of eleven, along with three independent clans. Some Navajos claim there are twelve phratries and suggest they relate to the twelve tribes that lived in the first world. However, the Navajo phratry doesn't seem to be a uniform organization. A case in the Legend mentions a clan that has shifted its phratric alliances (par. 451). Additionally, investigations have shown that there are sub-groups. Some clans within a group may have closer alliances than others in the same group. So, authorities can disagree without discrediting each other's accounts.

66. These groups are indicated in the Legend when it says that one gens has become closely related or affiliated with another (pars. 385, 399, 403 et al.), or when it says that two gentes cannot intermarry (pars. 393, 401, 406). If the Navahoes have a term equivalent to “phratry,” it has not been discovered. They have no special names for the different phratries; they often, but not always, speak of a phratry by the name of the most important gens in it.

66. These groups are shown in the Legend when it mentions that one clan has closely associated or allied with another (pars. 385, 399, 403 et al.), or when it states that two clans can't intermarry (pars. 393, 401, 406). If the Navajos have a term that’s equivalent to “phratry,” it hasn’t been found. They don’t have specific names for the different phratries; they often, but not always, refer to a phratry by the name of the most significant clan within it.

67. If the Legend is to be taken as evidence, phratries have developed among the Navahoes both by segmentation of gentes and by the addition of new gentes from without; not by either method exclusively. But legendary evidence is not needed to show that gentes which bear to-day the names of alien tribes have been additions to the phratry. [33]

67. If we consider the Legend as proof, we've seen that phratries among the Navajos have emerged through both the splitting of gentes and the inclusion of new gentes from outside, but not solely through either method. However, we don’t need legendary evidence to show that gentes currently named after foreign tribes are actually additions to the phratry. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

68. Forbidden Degrees of Kindred.—A Navaho belongs to the gens of his mother and takes the name of that gens. Cases have been noted where a Navaho has been known by his gentile name and not by any other. No man may marry one of his own gens; neither may he marry one of his own phratry, though some exceptions seem to be made in the latter case where the limits of the phratry are not well defined. Where this descent in the female line exists among other tribes, it is held by some ethnographers that the man does not regard his father or his father’s people as his relations, and may contract a marriage with a woman of his father’s gens. Such is certainly not the case among the Navahoes. The gens and the phratry of the father are as much forbidden kindred as those of the mother.

68. Forbidden Degrees of Kinship.—A Navajo belongs to his mother's clan and takes that clan's name. There have been instances where a Navajo is known only by his clan name and not by any other name. No man can marry someone from his own clan; he also cannot marry someone from his own phratry, although there appear to be some exceptions in cases where the boundaries of the phratry are not clearly defined. In other tribes that also follow this maternal descent, some ethnographers believe that a man does not consider his father or his father's relatives to be his kin and may marry a woman from his father's clan. However, this is definitely not the case among the Navajo. A man's father's clan and phratry are just as much considered forbidden kin as those of his mother.

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

RELIGION.

69. Sources of Information.—That the Navahoes have a religion—an elaborate pagan cult—has already been intimated. There is little to be gained by asking a Navaho direct questions about this. Learned controversialists and theologians, capable of analyzing and discussing their faith, have not arisen among them, or, if they have, they cannot easily communicate their philosophy to us. But the civilized scholar has abundant material from which to study their religion, and he must do the analyzing himself. In the great dry-paintings shown on the floors of the medicine-lodges, during their long ceremonies, may be seen pictures of many of the gods, with their hieratic belongings. In the ceremonies, or so-called dances, men are masked to represent gods. In the myths the acts and deeds of the divine ones are described, and we learn their thoughts and feelings,—kind, like Indians, to their kindred; usually cruel, yet often merciful and magnanimous, to their foes. In the countless songs of the rites may be found the poetic side of the divine characters, and in the long prayers we may learn their potency, and discover how man hopes to commune with them and gain their favor.

69. Sources of Information.—It has already been suggested that the Navahoes have a religion—an intricate pagan belief system. There’s not much to gain from directly asking a Navaho about this. There haven’t been any scholars or theologians among them who can analyze and discuss their beliefs, or if there have been, they struggle to communicate their ideas to us. However, educated scholars have plenty of material to study their religion, and they must do the analysis themselves. The large dry-paintings displayed on the floors of the medicine lodges during their lengthy ceremonies depict many gods along with their sacred items. During the ceremonies, or so-called dances, men wear masks to represent the gods. The myths detail the actions and deeds of the divine beings, revealing their thoughts and emotions—kind, like the Indians, to their own kind; often cruel, yet sometimes merciful and generous to their enemies. In the numerous songs of the rituals, we can find the poetic aspects of the divine figures, and in the long prayers, we learn about their power and how humans hope to connect with them and earn their favor.

70. No Supreme God.—The religion of this people reflects their social condition. Their government is democratic. There is no highest chief of the tribe, and all their chiefs are men of temporary and ill-defined authority, whose power depends largely on their personal influence, their oratory, and their reputation for wisdom. It is difficult for such a people to conceive of a Supreme God. Their gods, like their men, stand much on a level of equality.

70. No Supreme God.—The religion of this group reflects their social structure. Their government is democratic. There is no chief in charge of the entire tribe, and all their leaders have temporary and vague authority, which relies heavily on their personal influence, public speaking skills, and reputation for wisdom. It’s hard for such a community to imagine a Supreme God. Their gods, like their people, are viewed as largely equal.

71. Sun God.—In the version of the Origin Legend here given, the Sun God would seem to have some precedence over the others, but in the beginning he was only one of the people; he never figures conspicuously as a Creator, and is far from omnipotent. [34]Other gods, less potent or less respected, lived before the time of man, and were powerful before the sun was made.

71. Sun God.—In the version of the Origin Legend presented here, the Sun God appears to hold some priority over the others, but initially, he was just one of the crowd; he never prominently acts as a Creator and is far from all-powerful. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Other gods, either less powerful or less revered, existed before humanity and wielded power before the sun was created.

72. Creation.—The Legend begins with an already created world; there is no original creation and no Creator of all. If the Navahoes have a story of the beginning of all things, the author has not learned it. To a god called Békotsĭdi78 is given the credit of having made all animals whose creation is not otherwise accounted for in the myths, especially domestic animals. Some of the Indians who have heard vaguely of our Creator are of the opinion that Békotsĭdi is the God of the Americans.

72. Creation.—The Legend starts with a world that already exists; there’s no original creation or Creator of everything. If the Navahoes have a story about how everything began, the author hasn’t learned it. A god named Békotsĭdi78 is credited with creating all the animals that aren’t explained in the myths, particularly domestic animals. Some of the Indians who have heard about our Creator vaguely believe that Békotsĭdi is the God of Americans.

73. Estsánatlehi.—But it is generally acknowledged by the Navahoes that their most revered deity is Estsánatlehi,95 the Woman Who Changes (or rejuvenates herself). Much is said of her in the legends, but something more is to be obtained by conversation with the shamans. The name Estsánatlehi is derived by syncopation from estsán, woman, and natéhi, to change or transform. She is so called because, it is supposed, she never remains in one condition, but that she grows to be an old woman, and in the course of time becomes a young girl again, and so passes through an endless course of lives, changing but never dying. It is probable that she is an apotheosis of Nature, or of the changing year.

73. Estsánatlehi.—It’s commonly understood among the Navajos that their most esteemed deity is Estsánatlehi, the Woman Who Changes (or rejuvenates herself). There are many stories about her in the legends, but you can learn even more by talking to the shamans. The name Estsánatlehi comes from a combination of estsán, meaning woman, and natéhi, meaning to change or transform. She is called this because it’s believed she never stays in one form; she ages into an old woman and then eventually becomes a young girl again, continuously going through a cycle of lives, changing but never really dying. It’s likely that she represents the personification of Nature or the changing seasons.

74. The deity of fruitful Nature is properly a female and a beneficent goddess. She is properly, too, as the legends tell us, the wife of the Sun, to whom Nature owes her fertility. Her home is said to be in the west, probably for the reason that in the Navaho country, which lies mostly on the Pacific slope, the rain comes usually from the west, and from that direction, too, come the thawing breezes in the spring.

74. The goddess of bountiful Nature is mostly seen as a female and nurturing figure. According to legends, she is also the wife of the Sun, who provides the fertility that Nature depends on. Her residence is believed to be in the west, likely because in the Navaho region, which mainly sits on the Pacific slope, the rain typically arrives from the west, and that’s also where the warming breezes of spring come from.

75. Yolkaí Estsán.—A divinity called Yolkaí Estsán,96 or White Shell Woman, created (or found, as some versions say) at the same time as Estsánatlehi, is called the younger sister of the latter. The two goddesses are associated in the myths, but White Shell Woman always acts the subordinate part, and to-day is honored with a less degree of worship than her sister. Estsánatlehi, made of an earthly jewel, turquoise, is related to the land. Yolkaí Estsán, made of white shell from the ocean, is related to the waters.

75. Yolkaí Estsán.—A goddess named Yolkaí Estsán, or White Shell Woman, was created (or found, according to some versions) at the same time as Estsánatlehi, and is considered the younger sister of the latter. The two goddesses are linked in the myths, but White Shell Woman always plays the subordinate role and is currently honored with less worship than her sister. Estsánatlehi, made from a precious stone, turquoise, is associated with the land. Yolkaí Estsán, made from white shell from the ocean, is connected to the waters.

76. War Gods.—Next in importance to Estsánatlehi, the sacred brethren, Nayénĕzgạni (or Nagénezgạni) and Toʻbadzĭstsíni,127 seem to stand. The writer designates these as the War Gods, but the Navahoes do not call them thus. According to the version of the Origin Legend here given, one of these was the child of Estsánatlehi and the Sun; the other the child of Yolkaí Estsán and the Water, and this is the version most consistent in all respects. Other versions make both the brothers children of Estsánatlehi. Some say they [35]were born twins. Accepting any of these versions, they would properly be called brothers, according to the Indian system of relationship, and such they are called in the legends. Their chief mission was to destroy the alien gods; but they still help the warriors in battle, and aid the sick who suffer from witchcraft. The longest chapter in the Origin Legend is devoted to recounting their genesis and history. In reading the chapter, it will be apparent to the comparative mythologist that these characters have their counterparts, which need not now be mentioned, in the myths of many races in both hemispheres. From their mythic associations it would appear that Nayénĕzgạni is a god of light, with its associated heat, while Toʻbadzĭstsíni is a god of darkness, with its associated moisture; yet, apparently in contradiction to this, the representative of the former is painted black and wears a black mask in the ceremonies (plate IV.), while the representative of the latter is painted red and wears a red mask (plate VII.).

76. War Gods.—Next in importance to Estsánatlehi, the sacred brothers, Nayénĕzgạni (or Nagénezgạni) and Toʻbadzĭstsíni, 127 seem to stand. The writer refers to them as the War Gods, but the Navajos don’t call them that. According to the version of the Origin Legend presented here, one of them was the child of Estsánatlehi and the Sun; the other was the child of Yolkaí Estsán and Water, and this is the version that is most consistent in every way. Other versions state that both brothers are children of Estsánatlehi. Some say they [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] were born as twins. Regardless of which version you accept, they would properly be called brothers according to the Indian system of relationships, and that is how they are referred to in the legends. Their primary mission was to eliminate the foreign gods; however, they still assist warriors in battle and help those who suffer from witchcraft. The longest chapter in the Origin Legend focuses on their creation and history. When reading this chapter, it becomes clear to the comparative mythologist that these figures have equivalents in the myths of many cultures across both hemispheres, which need not be mentioned here. From their mythic connections, it seems that Nayénĕzgạni represents a god of light, associated with heat, while Toʻbadzĭstsíni represents a god of darkness, associated with moisture; yet, intriguingly, the representative of the former is painted black and wears a black mask in the ceremonies (plate IV.), while the representative of the latter is painted red and wears a red mask (plate VII.).

77. Nayénĕzgạni, whose name signifies Slayer of the Alien Gods,127 is spoken of as the elder brother in the legends and always plays the more important part. Toʻbadzĭstsíni, or Child of the Water,127 is called the younger brother and always appears as a subordinate character. In the ceremonies, the masquerader who personates Nayénĕzgạni always walks in front, while he who personates Toʻbadzĭstsíni comes behind. The two gods are always associated in prayer and sacrifice, but here, again, Nayénĕzgạni takes precedence. In all the sacred songs where they are mentioned, the superiority of Nayénĕzgạni is indicated. Antithesis, as has been said, is a favorite figure with the Navaho poets, and they often employ it when speaking of these gods. The “Song of the Approach” of the War Gods in the ceremony of klédzi hatál will serve, as well as many other compositions, to show how they treat this subject. It may be freely translated thus:—

77. Nayénĕzgạni, which means Slayer of the Alien Gods, is referred to as the older brother in the legends and always plays the more significant role. Toʻbadzĭstsíni, or Child of the Water, is called the younger brother and consistently appears as a lesser character. In the ceremonies, the person who represents Nayénĕzgạni always walks in front, while the one who represents Toʻbadzĭstsíni follows behind. The two gods are always included in prayer and sacrifice, but once again, Nayénĕzgạni takes the lead. In all the sacred songs where they are mentioned, the superiority of Nayénĕzgạni is emphasized. Antithesis, as noted, is a popular technique among Navaho poets, and they frequently use it when discussing these gods. The “Song of the Approach” of the War Gods in the klédzi hatál ceremony, as well as many other compositions, will illustrate how they approach this topic. It can be freely translated as follows:—

He advances! He advances!

He's moving forward! He's moving forward!

Now Slayer of the Alien Gods advances,

Now the Slayer of the Alien Gods moves forward,

Above, among the mountain peaks, he advances,

Above, among the mountain peaks, he moves forward,

In danger he advances.

He moves forward despite danger.

He advances! He advances!

He’s advancing! He’s advancing!

Now Child of the Water advances

Now the Child of the Water moves forward.

Below, among the foothills, he advances,

Below, in the foothills, he moves forward,

In danger he advances.

He moves forward despite danger.

Thus both the gods come to the aid of the supplicant; but while the elder strides proudly on the summits of the mountains, the younger walks humbly among the foothills.

Thus both the gods come to the help of the supplicant; but while the elder strides proudly on the peaks of the mountains, the younger walks humbly among the hills.

Fig. 22. The White House. One of the houses of the yéi (from photograph by Hillers).

Fig. 22. The White House. One of the houses of the yéi (from photograph by Hillers).

Fig. 22. The White House. One of the homes of the yéi (from a photograph by Hillers).

78. Yéi.—There are a number of divinities in the Navaho pantheon [36]known as yéi (in compound words often pronounced ye or ge), which is translated “god” or “genius.” What distinction exists between the yéi and other gods is not easy to determine definitely. The Zuñians have a class of gods called by the same name, or, more correctly, “yéyi,” as Mr. Cushing pronounces it. Certain chiefs or important personages among these gods are called by names which begin with the syllables hastsé—as Hastséyalti73 (Talking God), Hastséhogan74 (House God). It is believed that this, if spelled etymologically, would appear as hastyé, but it is not so pronounced, Hast is a prefix denoting age, especially venerable age. We have it in the word hastín, which means a worthy or respected old man. Hastyé would mean a venerable yéi or god. The yéi seem to be deities of minor importance to those previously mentioned and to be more numerous. Thus, while there is but one Estsánatlehi, but one Nayénĕzgạni, and but one Toʻbadzĭstsíni there are several Hastséhogan and several Hastséyalti, who are chiefs of the yéi. The yéi are supposed to abide in certain localities, and in prayers in their honor the home is mentioned of the yéi to whom appeal is specially made. A place called Tséʻnatsi, or Red Horizontal Rock, somewhere north of the San Juan River, Tseʻgíhi, another place north of the San Juan, and the White House (fig. 22), in the Chelly Canyon, are important homes of the yéi.265 Each of the sacred mountains has its group of yéi. In [37]the myths of klédzi hatál, more than a score of places are named where yéi dwell. There are some reasons for believing that the cult of the yéi is derived from the Cliff-dwellers, or from the Pueblos; but there are arguments, too, against this theory. The subject will not be further considered here. The yéi are supposed to be married and have families. The males are called yébaka; the females, yébaad.200 Hastsézĭni,212 the god of fire, and Hastséoltoi,206 the divine huntress, or goddess of the chase, belong, as their names indicate, to the yéi; while Gánaskĭdi,207 the harvest god, and Tóʻnenĭli98 Water Sprinkler, are associated with them in the legends.

78. Yéi.—There are several deities in the Navaho pantheon [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]known as yéi (often pronounced ye or ge in compound words), which translates to “god” or “genius.” It's not easy to clearly distinguish between the yéi and other gods. The Zuñians have a group of gods with the same name, or more accurately, “yéyi,” as Mr. Cushing pronounces it. Some chiefs or significant figures among these gods have names that start with the syllables hastsé—like Hastséyalti73 (Talking God) and Hastséhogan74 (House God). It's believed that if spelled etymologically, it would appear as hastyé, but this is not how it’s pronounced; Hast is a prefix indicating age, particularly venerable age. We see this in the word hastín, which means a respected old man. Hastyé would signify a venerable yéi or god. The yéi seem to be less significant deities compared to the previously mentioned gods and are more numerous. For example, there is only one Estsánatlehi, one Nayénĕzgạni, and one Toʻbadzĭstsíni, but there are several Hastehogan and several Hastéyalti, who are chiefs of the yéi. The yéi are believed to reside in specific locations, and in prayers made in their honor, the home of the yéi being appealed to is mentioned. Places like Tséʻnatsi, or Red Horizontal Rock, located north of the San Juan River, Tseʻgíhi, another spot north of the San Juan, and the White House (fig. 22), in the Chelly Canyon, are significant homes of the yéi.265 Each sacred mountain has its own group of yéi. In [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]the myths of klédzi hatál, there are more than twenty places listed where yéi live. There are some reasons to believe that the yéi cult originated with the Cliff-dwellers or the Pueblos; however, there are also arguments against this theory. This topic won’t be explored further here. The yéi are believed to be married and have families. Males are referred to as yébaka; females are called yébaad.200 Hastsézĭni,212 the god of fire, and Hastséoltoi,206 the divine huntress or goddess of the chase, belong to the yéi, as their names suggest, while Gánaskĭdi,207 the harvest god, and Tóʻnenĭli98 Water Sprinkler are also associated with them in the legends.

79. Dĭgíni.—Dĭgĭ′n means sacred, divine, mysterious, or holy. It is not quite synonymous with the Dakota wakán or the Hidatsa hopá. It is not applied to the treatment of disease; it is not applied in a general way to religious ceremonial; it has not been heard applied to the anáye, or other things of evil: for this reason it is often translated “holy.” Dĭgíni, derived from dĭgĭ′n, means holy people, gods, divinities. It is a name applied to the highest and lowest divinities, including the yéi (see notes 92 and 93).

79. Dĭgíni.—Dĭgĭ′n means sacred, divine, mysterious, or holy. It doesn't quite match the Dakota term wakán or the Hidatsa word hopá. It's not used for treating diseases, nor is it generally applied to religious ceremonies. It hasn't been used in reference to the anáye or other evil entities, which is why it's often translated as “holy.” Dĭgíni, derived from dĭgĭ′n, means holy people, gods, or divinities. This term refers to both the highest and lowest divinities, including the yéi (see notes 92 and 93).

80. Alien Gods.—Such are the gods that are friendly to the human race; but man has his enemies, too, among the mysterious powers. Chief among the latter are the anáye,7 the alien gods or inimical genii. These, being analogous to the giants and ogres of European folk-lore, are sometimes called giants in this work. They are usually represented as creatures of great size. Many of them are described in the Origin Legend. The worst have been slain, as the story relates; but others, being not unmixed evils, still remain to torment man. The legend, in accounting for their continued existence, shows the philosophic endeavor of our race to reconcile itself to the unwelcome inevitable.

80. Alien Gods.—These are the gods that are friendly to humanity; but humans have enemies too, among the mysterious forces. Chief among these are the anáye,7 the alien gods or hostile spirits. These beings, similar to the giants and ogres of European folklore, are sometimes referred to as giants in this text. They're usually depicted as creatures of enormous size. Many of them are detailed in the Origin Legend. The worst have been defeated, as the story goes; but others, being not entirely evil, still remain to trouble humanity. The legend, in explaining their ongoing existence, illustrates the philosophical effort of our kind to come to terms with the unwelcome but unavoidable.

81. Water God.—The position of Tiéholtsodi,8 the water monster, is one of transferred allegiance. He was once the enemy of our race, but now has become friendly to it in certain ways, though it is probable that he is still thought to be responsible for cases of drowning. Other gods, who were once inimical to man but are now his friends, are mentioned in the legends (par. 354). But we are not without evidence that the Navaho fears to offend his most beneficent gods lest the latter may directly punish him, or at least withhold their succor in his hour of need.

81. Water God.—The role of Tiéholtsodi, the water monster, is one of switched loyalty. He used to be an enemy of our people, but now he's become friendly in certain ways, even though it's likely that people still blame him for drownings. Other gods who were once hostile to humans but are now allies are mentioned in the legends. However, there's proof that the Navaho are cautious not to anger their most helpful gods, as they might punish them directly or, at the very least, hold back their support in times of trouble.

82. Devils.—Besides the alien gods, there are evil spirits haunting the earth which men dread; these are the tsĭ′ndi, whose name cannot be better translated than by calling them devils. The Navahoes frequently speak of the tsĭ′ndi (Englished, chindee), and they often use the term as an angry exclamation, just as the profane among ourselves say, “Oh the Devil!” or “You devil!” (see pars. [38]257, 260), yet they dislike to discuss its character or appearance. They believe there is a devil associated with every corpse, and that it has something of the appearance of a partly decayed corpse. The spirit of the dead man goes to the lower world, which was the former home of the race, yet a demon remains with the dead body. Other Indians believe in a similar corpse spirit, yet the author has never known any who have such dread as the Navahoes of human mortuary remains. (See par. 188 and note 91.)

82. Devils.—In addition to the foreign gods, there are evil spirits that haunt the earth, which people fear; these are the tsĭ′ndi, a name that translates best as devils. The Navahoes often talk about the tsĭ′ndi (translated as chindee), and they frequently use this term as an angry exclamation, similar to how some of us might say, “Oh the Devil!” or “You devil!” (see pars. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]257, 260), but they are reluctant to discuss its nature or appearance. They believe every corpse has a devil associated with it, which resembles a partially decayed body. The spirit of the deceased goes to the lower world, the former home of their ancestors, but a demon remains with the dead body. Other tribes have similar beliefs about a corpse spirit, but I have never encountered anyone with as much fear of human remains as the Navahoes. (See par. 188 and note 91.)

83. Zoölatry.—The legend tells us that there is a First Man and a First Woman (see pars. 160165), who came into being in the fourth world as the result of a special act of creation: but they have not died like Adam and Eve; they still live in some form; they are potent; they are immortal; they are divine. But it is not man only that has his divine ancestral prototype: every animal on the face of the earth has its also, and many, if not all, of these are objects of worship. A share of reverence, too, in some cases, as in that of the bear, is bestowed on their mortal descendants. In the rite of the mountain chant314 many of the sacrifices are sacred to the animals of the mountains. In short, zoölatry is an important element in Navaho worship.

83. Zoölatry.—The legend states that there is a First Man and a First Woman (see pars. 160165), who came into existence in the fourth world through a special act of creation: but they haven't died like Adam and Eve; they still exist in some form; they are powerful; they are immortal; they are divine. However, it’s not just humans who have their divine ancestors: every animal on earth has one too, and many, if not all, of these are venerated. Some reverence is also given to their living descendants, as seen in the case of the bear. In the mountain chant rite 314, many of the sacrifices honor the animals of the mountains. In short, zoölatry is a significant part of Navaho worship.

84. Local Gods.—Some of the gods mentioned are also local divinities; thus the War Gods are local divinities at Toʻyĕ′tli (par. 374), and the yéi are local divinities at Tséʻnatsi. But, in addition to these, there are other gods of places so numerous that a complete list of them will probably never be obtained. In the Origin Legend it is shown that each of the sacred mountains of the Navaho land (seven in number according to Tall Chanter) has its divine pair of indwelling guardians, and these seem to receive more honor than any others which are gods of places only; but the genii of other mountains and of different rocks and canyons have their prayers and sacrifices in some of the rites.

84. Local Gods.—Some of the gods mentioned are also local deities; for example, the War Gods are local deities at Toʻyĕ′tli (par. 374), and the yéi are local deities at Tséʻnatsi. Besides these, there are so many other place gods that it’s unlikely a complete list will ever be made. In the Origin Legend, it’s stated that each of the sacred mountains in Navaho territory (seven in total, according to Tall Chanter) has its divine pair of resident guardians, and these seem to receive more respect than the others that are just gods of places. Still, the spirits of other mountains, different rocks, and canyons are honored with prayers and sacrifices in some of the rites.

Fig. 23. Talking kethawn.

Fig. 23. Talking kethawn.

Fig. 23. Chatting kethawn.

85. Fanciful legends of places are common in all lands and among all races, but no people are more ingenious in composing such tales than our American Indians. The Navaho has unusual sources of inspiration in this direction, and he fails not to profit by them. His land abounds in wonderful geologic formations, in rocks strangely sculptured by rain and by Nature’s sand-blast, in vast volcanic peaks and fields of lava; and it abounds also, as might be expected, in myths accounting for these features, and in the genii which belong to the myths. A few of these myths are incorporated in the tales told in this work, but they are very few compared with the total of such legendary lore.

85. Imaginative legends about places are found everywhere and among all cultures, but no group is more creative in making these stories than our American Indians. The Navaho draw from unique sources of inspiration in this regard, and they certainly make the most of them. Their land is filled with amazing geological formations, with rocks shaped in strange ways by rain and natural erosion, with towering volcanic peaks and fields of lava; and, as you might expect, it’s also rich in myths that explain these features, along with the spirits that are part of those myths. A few of these myths are included in the stories presented in this work, but they are just a small fraction of the overall legendary traditions.

86. The strength of their belief in these local divinities may be illustrated by the following incident: The writer once made a journey, [39]accompanied by two Navahoes, to Tsúskai9 (Chusca Knoll), which is supposed to be the home of the Tsiké Sas Nátlehi, or Maidens who Become Bears. When the party got to the top of the ridge from which the knoll rises, and about three hundred yards from the base of the knoll, the Indians refused to go farther, saying they feared the divine ones who dwelt in the knoll. The writer proceeded alone, and had much difficulty in riding up the pathless hill, among loose rocks and fallen trees. On the summit he found a little hollow among the rocks full of sand, and, scraping into this, he discovered a number of hand-wrought stone and shell beads, which had been put there as sacrifices. When he descended from the knoll, he found the Indians awaiting him where he had left them, and all set out together to retrace the rough mountain trail down to Red Lake. In a little while, his horse becoming very lame, the writer was obliged to dismount. “What has made your horse lame?” asked the Indians. “He must have struck his leg against some of the fallen trees when he was climbing the knoll,” was the answer. “Think not thus, foolish American,” they said. “It was not the fallen trees that wounded your horse. The dĭgíni of the mountain have stricken him because you went where you had no right to go. You are lucky if nothing worse happens to you.” Of course Indians had been up to the top of the knoll, or the beads could not have been put there; but they went only after preparatory prayer and only to deposit sacrifices.

86. The strength of their belief in these local spirits can be seen in the following incident: The writer once traveled, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]with two Navahoes, to Tsúskai9 (Chusca Knoll), believed to be the home of the Tsiké Sas Nátlehi, or Maidens who Become Bears. When they reached the top of the ridge leading to the knoll, about three hundred yards away from its base, the Indians refused to go any further, expressing their fear of the divine beings that lived in the knoll. The writer continued alone and struggled to navigate the steep, rocky path filled with fallen trees. At the summit, he found a small hollow among the rocks filled with sand, and while scraping through it, he uncovered several hand-carved stone and shell beads, left there as sacrifices. When he came down from the knoll, he found the Indians waiting where he had left them, and they all set out together to retrace the difficult mountain trail down to Red Lake. After a while, his horse became very lame, forcing the writer to dismount. “What has made your horse lame?” the Indians asked. “He must have hit his leg against some of the fallen trees while climbing the knoll,” he replied. “Don’t think that way, foolish American,” they said. “It wasn’t the fallen trees that hurt your horse. The dĭgíni of the mountain have punished him because you went where you weren’t supposed to go. You’re lucky if nothing worse happens to you.” Of course, the Indians had made it to the top of the knoll before, or the beads wouldn’t have been there; but they only went after performing a prayer and specifically to leave sacrifices.

87. Demonolatry.—There are writers who say that the Indians “worship the Devil” and other malevolent powers; but it is not only learned authors who speak thus. Jesus Alviso, a Mexican captive reared among the Navahoes, said to the author in 1880: “Los Indios hacen figuras de todos sus diablos, señor” (“The Indians make figures of all their devils, sir”), and it was this hint which led to the discovery of their dry-paintings. He called them devils; in this work they are called gods. Perhaps other tribes worship personifications of evil, but certainly the [40]Navahoes do not. The gods who are supposed to love and help men the most receive the greatest honor. The evil spirits are not worshipped except, rumor says, by the witches. It would appear, moreover, from the Origin Legend, that the worst of evil powers—the alien gods—were long ago destroyed, and that only demons of minor influence remain. The chief of witches, Estsán Natán, or Woman Chief, has her home beneath the earth, in one of the lower worlds.

87. Demonolatry.—Some writers claim that the Indians “worship the Devil” and other evil forces; however, it's not just scholarly authors who assert this. Jesus Alviso, a Mexican captive raised among the Navahoes, told the author in 1880: “The Indians create figures of all their devils, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__” (“The Indians make figures of all their devils, sir”) and this remark led to the discovery of their dry-paintings. He referred to them as devils; in this work, they're called gods. Other tribes may worship representations of evil, but definitely the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Navahoes do not. The gods believed to love and assist humans the most receive the highest regard. Evil spirits are not worshipped, except, as rumors claim, by witches. Furthermore, it seems from the Origin Legend that the worst evil powers—the foreign gods—were eliminated long ago, leaving only minor demons. The chief witch, Estsán Natán, or Woman Chief, resides underground, in one of the lower worlds.

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

CEREMONIES.

88. A great number of ceremonies are practised by the Navaho priests. Many of these are of nine days’ duration; there are others that last but a single day or a few hours. To learn one of the great rites so as to become its hatáli (chanter, singer),16 or priest, is the work of many years, and no one knows more than one such rite perfectly. The older priests know something of other rites, may assist at them and sing songs at them, but are not competent to conduct them. A priest of a great rite may know some of the lesser rites.

88. A lot of ceremonies are performed by the Navaho priests. Many of these last nine days; others are only one day or just a few hours. Learning one of the major rites to become its hátali (chanter, singer), or priest takes many years, and no one knows more than one such rite completely. The older priests may have some knowledge of other rites, can help with them, and sing songs during them, but they aren’t qualified to lead them. A priest of a major rite might know some of the minor rites.

Fig. 24. Circle kethawn.

Fig. 24. Circle kethawn.

Fig. 24. Circle kethawn.

89. All the great ceremonies which the writer has witnessed among the Navahoes are primarily for the healing of the sick; but the occasion is always used to ask the gods for various temporal [41]blessings, not only for the sick person but for all,—the shaman, the relations of the sick, and for the people in general. The invalid, for whose benefit the rite is performed, defrays all the expenses of the ceremony, which often amount in value to the sum of two hundred or three hundred dollars. The Navahoes being a scattered and to some extent a wandering people who do not build towns, they lack the organization to have rites of a more public character, such as the village Indians have.184 Hence these healing ceremonies, in which the sick man and his relations become hosts, are used as occasions for prayer for the common weal, and as occasions in which large numbers may assemble to witness interesting exhibitions and have the social enjoyments which attend the gathering of a crowd.

89. All the major ceremonies that the writer has seen among the Navajo people mostly focus on healing the sick; however, these occasions are also used to ask the gods for various material [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]blessings, not just for the sick individual but for everyone—the shaman, the relatives of the sick person, and the community as a whole. The person who is ill, for whom the ceremony is held, covers all the costs, which can often total two hundred or three hundred dollars. Since the Navajo are a dispersed and somewhat nomadic people who don’t establish towns, they lack the structure to have more public rituals like those of village Indians. 184 Therefore, these healing ceremonies, where the sick individual and their relatives act as hosts, are opportunities for prayers for the common good and occasions for large gatherings where many can come together to enjoy exciting displays and the social festivities that come with a crowd.

90. Minor Ceremonies.—Among the minor ceremonies, besides those for healing the sick, are those of planting, harvesting, building, war, nubility, marriage, travel, and many other occasions in life. In addition to these, there are ceremonies for special occasions, as for bringing rain. During an unusually dry season a number of Navahoes may subscribe together and raise a good fee for a priest to sing, pray, sacrifice, and conduct a ceremony to bring rain.

90. Minor Ceremonies.—Along with the ceremonies for healing the sick, there are other minor ceremonies for planting, harvesting, building, war, coming of age, marriage, travel, and many other life events. Additionally, there are ceremonies for specific occasions, like bringing rain. During a particularly dry season, a group of Navahoes may come together to pool funds and pay a priest to sing, pray, make sacrifices, and perform a ceremony to bring rain.

91. Origin of Ceremonies.—The late Mr. A. M. Stephen of Arizona, who for many years studied the rites and myths of both Mokis and Navahoes, has often called the attention of the writer to the many resemblances between the cults of these two tribes, who differ so much in other respects, and he has suggested that the Navahoes may have borrowed from the Mokis. This may be the case, for the Navahoes have, probably, people of Moki descent among them, and they have had intercourse with the Mokis, both peaceful and warlike, for a long time. But, throughout all the Navaho legends so far collected, it is strongly indicated that the Navaho cultus, where borrowed, came from cliff-dwellers, from inhabitants of pueblos now deserted, and from wild tribes. The Mokis figure but little in the Navaho rite-myths. The author is inclined to believe that the Navahoes have not borrowed much directly from the Mokis, but that both tribes have taken inspiration from common sources. In radical points of symbolism, such as the sacred colors and the ceremonial circuit, the Navaho and Moki rites differ widely.

91. Origin of Ceremonies.—The late Mr. A. M. Stephen of Arizona, who studied the rituals and myths of both the Mokis and Navahoes for many years, often pointed out to me the many similarities between the practices of these two tribes, which differ greatly in other ways. He suggested that the Navahoes might have taken influence from the Mokis. This could be true, as the Navahoes likely have some people of Moki descent among them, and they have interacted with the Mokis, both peacefully and through conflict, for a long time. However, all the Navaho legends collected so far strongly suggest that their religious practices, where they did borrow, came from cliff-dwellers, from the inhabitants of now-deserted pueblos, and from wild tribes. The Mokis play a minimal role in the Navaho rituals and myths. I tend to think that the Navahoes haven't borrowed much directly from the Mokis, but rather that both tribes have drawn inspiration from shared sources. In key symbolic elements, like the sacred colors and the ceremonial circuit, the Navaho and Moki rituals are quite different.

92. Elements of Ceremonies.—In the ceremonies there are numerous minor acts of such diverse character that they cannot be classified and are not described in this work. They can be discussed better in connection with the rites to which they belong. There are other acts of minor importance, such as the ceremonial bath10 82 and the administration of pollen,11 which are considered in [42]the notes. But there are six elements of the worship which constitute such important parts in all the great rites that brief descriptions of them are presented in this introduction. These six are: Sacrifice, painting, masquerade, dance, prayer, and song. The last has been already discussed (par. 41 et seq.).

92. Elements of Ceremonies.—In the ceremonies, there are a lot of minor actions that are so varied they can't be grouped together and aren't described in this document. They are better discussed alongside the rites they belong to. There are also other minor activities, like the ceremonial bath10 82 and the use of pollen,11 which are covered in [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]the notes. However, there are six key elements of worship that play such significant roles in all the major rites that brief descriptions are included in this introduction. These six are: Sacrifice, painting, masquerade, dance, prayer, and song. The last has already been discussed (par. 41 et seq.).

93. Sacrifices.—The sacrifices of the Navahoes are innocent and bloodless. Their kindly gods are easily propitiated. Like their worshippers, they are all fond of tobacco, and they prize a few feathers and beads. Even the chief war god demands no smoking hearts or blood of captives; a little painted cigarette is all he asks in return for his favors. An extensive chapter might be written about the sacrificial cigarettes and sticks which the Navahoes call ketán (Englished, kethawn), but a short description of them must suffice here. (See note 12.)

93. Sacrifices.—The sacrifices of the Navahoes are innocent and bloodless. Their benevolent gods are easily pleased. Like their followers, they enjoy tobacco and value a few feathers and beads. Even the chief war god doesn't require smoking hearts or the blood of captives; a simple painted cigarette is all he asks for in exchange for his blessings. An extensive chapter could be written about the sacrificial cigarettes and sticks that the Navahoes call ketán (translated as kethawn), but a brief description will have to do here. (See note 12.)

94. Cigarettes.—The cigarettes are usually made of the hollow joints of the common reed (Phragmites communis), but other plants are sometimes used. To form a cigarette, a piece of the reed is cut off with a stone knife, the node being excluded; it is rubbed with sandstone, so that the paint may adhere; it is painted with some symbolical device; a wad of feathers is inserted into it to keep the tobacco from falling out; it is filled with some kind of native tobacco,223 usually the Nicotiana attenuata, or dsĭ′lnạto of the Navahoes; it is sealed with moistened pollen and symbolically lighted with a rock crystal, which is held up to the sky and touched to the tip of the cigarette. After it has been prayed over it is taken out and left for—i.e., sacrificed to—the god for whom it is intended. The god, they say, recognizes it by its symbolic painting and by the place where it is sacrificed. He picks it up, smells and examines it. If he is satisfied that it is properly made and that it is for him, he takes it and bestows on the supplicant the favors asked.

94. Cigarettes.—Cigarettes are usually made from the hollow joints of common reeds (Phragmites communis), although other plants can be used as well. To make a cigarette, a piece of the reed is cut off with a stone knife, avoiding the node; it is then rubbed with sandstone to help the paint stick. Next, it's painted with a symbolic design, and a wad of feathers is stuffed inside to prevent the tobacco from falling out. It is filled with a type of native tobacco, typically Nicotiana attenuata, or dsĭ′lnạto as the Navahoes call it; it is sealed with moistened pollen and symbolically lit with a rock crystal that is held up to the sky and touched to the tip of the cigarette. After a prayer is said over it, it is taken out and left as an offering to the god it is intended for. They believe the god recognizes it by its symbolic design and the location of the sacrifice. He picks it up, smells it, and examines it. If he is satisfied that it is correctly made and meant for him, he takes it and grants the supplicant their requested favors.

95. Sacrificial Sticks.—Besides the cigarettes, small sticks are used as sacrifices to the gods. These are made from a variety of woods,—different gods and different occasions requiring woods of different sorts,—and they are painted in a variety of ways for the same reasons. They are usually made in pairs, one for the male and the other for the female. Celibacy is not practised by the Navaho gods; every deity has its mate, and she must be propitiated as well as he. The female is distinguished in some way from the male, and this is usually done by cutting a small facet at the tip end of the female stick (see fig. 23), to represent the square mask worn by one who masquerades as a goddess in the ceremonies. He who appears as a god wears a round cap-like mask (fig. 27), and the round cut end of the stick sufficiently represents this.

95. Sacrificial Sticks.—Along with the cigarettes, small sticks are used as offerings to the gods. These are made from different types of wood, as various gods and occasions require specific kinds. They are painted in different ways for similar reasons. They are typically made in pairs, one for the male and one for the female. The Navaho gods are not celibate; each deity has a partner, and she must be honored just like he is. The female stick is marked differently from the male, usually by cutting a small facet at the tip of the female stick (see fig. 23), which symbolizes the square mask worn by someone who dresses as a goddess during the ceremonies. The one representing the god wears a round cap-like mask (fig. 27), and the round cut end of the stick adequately represents this.

96. Often the feathers of different kinds of birds are sacrificed [43]with the kethawns, either attached to the latter or separate; also beads of stone or shell and various kinds of powdered vegetable and mineral substances, including pollen,11 which is the most sacred substance employed by the Navaho priests.

96. Often the feathers from various types of birds are offered up [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]along with the kethawns, either attached to them or on their own; also beads made from stone or shell and different kinds of powdered plant and mineral materials, including pollen, 11 which is the most sacred substance used by the Navaho priests.

Fig. 25. Kethawns (sacrificial sticks and cigarettes) in sacred basket, ready for sacrifice.

Fig. 25. Kethawns (sacrificial sticks and cigarettes) in sacred basket, ready for sacrifice.

Fig. 25. Kethawns (sacrificial sticks and cigarettes) in a sacred basket, prepared for sacrifice.

97. Disposal of Kethawns.—The different ways in which kethawns are deposited or sacrificed are as numerous as are their forms, materials, and decorations, and each way has its special symbolism. Some are laid in the branches of a tree, others among rocks, others at the base of a cliff, others, again, at the root of a tree, and others on level ground; a few are thrown away almost at random, but most of them are laid down with care and with rigorous ceremonial form. All that are laid with care are placed with their tips away from the lodge, and each is destined to go toward some particular point of the compass. When the bearer of the sacrifice leaves the lodge, he proceeds in the direction of the place selected for the sacrifice; when he has deposited it he turns to the right and takes a sunwise direction in returning. He does not cross his outgoing trail; he must not walk through an ant-hill; he must run both going and coming.12

97. Disposal of Kethawns.—The various ways kethawns are placed or sacrificed are as diverse as their shapes, materials, and decorations, with each method carrying its own special meaning. Some are placed in tree branches, others among rocks, at the base of cliffs, at the roots of trees, or on flat ground; a few are tossed aside almost randomly, but most are carefully arranged with strict ceremonial practices. All that are placed with care have their tips pointing away from the lodge, and each is aimed at a specific compass point. When the person making the sacrifice leaves the lodge, they head towards the chosen location for the sacrifice; after they have placed it down, they turn to the right and return in a clockwise direction. They do not cross their outgoing path; they must avoid walking through an ant hill; they must run both going and returning.12

98. Ceremonial Pictures.—The pictures accompanying the Navaho rites are among the most transitory in the history of art. In previous essays the author has called them dry-paintings. Similar [44]works have been observed among other tribes, both nomadic and sedentary, and the observers have designated them as “sand-paintings,” “sand-altars,” etc. They are drawn in all the great rites, and even in some of the lesser rites—those of only one day’s duration—small but handsome dry-paintings are sometimes made. They vary in size from four to twelve feet in diameter. Sometimes the fire in the centre of the medicine-lodge must be removed in order to accommodate them. The groundwork is sand, which is conveyed in blankets into the medicine-lodge, and spread out over the floor to the depth of about three inches. It is smoothed with the broad oaken battens used in weaving.

98. Ceremonial Pictures.—The images used in the Navaho rituals are among the most fleeting in art history. In earlier essays, the author referred to them as dry paintings. Similar [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]works have been noted in other tribes, both nomadic and settled, and have been called “sand paintings,” “sand altars,” and so on. They are created during all major rituals, and even in some smaller ones—lasting just a day—small but beautiful dry paintings are sometimes made. Their sizes range from four to twelve feet in diameter. Occasionally, the fire in the center of the medicine lodge has to be moved to make room for them. The base is made of sand, which is brought in blankets into the medicine lodge and spread out on the floor to about three inches deep. It is smoothed with broad wooden beams used in weaving.

99. Before the sand is brought in, the pigments are ground to powder and put on broad pieces of pine bark, which serve as trays—or palettes, shall we say? The pigments are five in number,—white, red, yellow, black, and gray. The white, red, and yellow are made of sandstone. The black is made of powdered charcoal, with which a little sandstone is mixed to facilitate the grinding and give weight to the powder. The gray, made of black and white mixed in suitable proportions, is intended to represent blue, is called blue by the Navahoes, and, combined with the other colors, has the effect of blue in the paintings. It will be spoken of as blue in the subsequent descriptions. The Navahoes use indigo and a native bluish mineral pigment to paint masks, kethawns, and other small objects; but for the dry-paintings such a large quantity is needed that these would be too expensive. To apply the colored powder, a pinch of it is taken up between the thumb and first two fingers and allowed to fall slowly on the sand, while the thumb is moved over the fingers.

99. Before the sand is added, the pigments are ground into powder and placed on large pieces of pine bark, which function as trays—or palettes, if you will. There are five pigments: white, red, yellow, black, and gray. The white, red, and yellow are made from sandstone. The black is made from powdered charcoal, mixed with some sandstone to make it easier to grind and give weight to the powder. The gray, which is a mix of black and white in the right proportions, is meant to represent blue, and is referred to as blue by the Navahoes. When combined with the other colors, it creates a blue effect in the paintings, and it will be referred to as blue in the following descriptions. The Navahoes use indigo and a local bluish mineral pigment to paint masks, kethawns, and other small items; however, for the dry paintings, a much larger amount is needed, making them too costly. To apply the colored powder, a pinch is picked up between the thumb and the first two fingers and allowed to fall slowly onto the sand, while the thumb moves over the fingers.

100. To paint one of these large pictures may require the labor of several men—a dozen sometimes—working from early morning till late in the afternoon. The picture must be finished before dark, for it is impracticable to work on it with such artificial lights as the Indians can command. While the work is in progress the priest who conducts the ceremonies does little more than direct and criticise. The operators have received a certain initiation. They have seen the picture painted before and are familiar with its details. If an error is made the faulty part is not erased; sand is spread on it to obliterate it, and the corrected drawing is made on the new deposit of sand. The pictures are drawn according to exact and established rules. Some parts are measured by palms and spans, and not a line of the sacred designs may be varied in them. In drawing straight lines the colored powder is poured over a tightened cord. But in a few cases the artist is allowed to indulge his fancy, thus, in drawing the embroidered pouches which the gods [45]wear suspended at the waist (plate I.), the limner may, within certain limits, give his god as handsome a pouch as he wishes and embroider it to suit his notion. The naked forms of the mythical characters are drawn first and then the clothing and ornaments are laid on.

100. Creating one of these large paintings may take the effort of several people—sometimes even a dozen—working from early morning until late afternoon. The artwork needs to be completed before dark because using the artificial lights available to the Indians is impractical. During the process, the priest overseeing the ceremonies mainly directs and critiques. The artists have gone through a form of initiation. They've seen the painting being made before and know its details. If a mistake happens, the flawed section isn’t simply erased; instead, sand is spread over it to cover it up, and the corrected drawing is made on top of the new layer of sand. The images are created following specific and established rules. Some areas are measured using palms and spans, and not a single line of the sacred designs can be altered. To draw straight lines, colored powder is poured over a taut cord. However, in a few instances, the artist is allowed to express his creativity. For example, when illustrating the embroidered pouches that the gods [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] wear at their waists (plate I.), the artist may, within certain boundaries, give their god a stylish pouch and embellish it however they like. The naked forms of the mythical characters are drawn first, followed by their clothing and ornaments.

101. When the picture is finished a number of ceremonies (differing somewhat in different rites) are performed over it. Pollen or corn-meal may be placed on certain parts of the sacred figures, and one of these substances may be scattered over it. Water or medicinal infusions may be applied to it. At length the patient is brought in and placed sitting on the picture. Moistening his palms, the shaman or an assistant takes the colored dust from various parts of the divine figures and applies it to similar parts of the subject’s body. Medicine is then usually administered in four draughts. When the patient leaves, others in the lodge who are ill, or fancy themselves ill, take dust on their palms from the picture and apply it to their own persons. He who has headache takes dust from the head in the picture and applies it to his own head. He who has sore feet takes dust from the pictured feet. When all are done the picture is badly marred; it is then totally obliterated,—the method and ceremony of obliteration differing in different rites,—and the sand on which it was drawn is taken out of the lodge and thrown away. The floor on the lodge is swept, and the uninitiated, entering a moment later, has no evidence of what has taken place.

101. Once the picture is complete, various ceremonies (which vary somewhat across different rituals) are conducted over it. Pollen or cornmeal may be applied to specific parts of the sacred figures, and one of these materials may be sprinkled over it. Water or medicinal infusions might also be poured onto it. Eventually, the patient is brought in and sits on the picture. Moistening their palms, the shaman or an assistant takes colored dust from different areas of the divine figures and applies it to corresponding parts of the patient's body. Medicine is then typically given in four doses. When the patient leaves, others in the lodge who are ill or believe they are ill take dust from the picture with their palms and apply it to themselves. Someone with a headache takes dust from the head in the picture and puts it on their own head. Someone with sore feet takes dust from the depicted feet. When everyone is finished, the picture is significantly damaged; it is then completely destroyed—this process and ceremony of destruction varies with different rituals—and the sand on which it was created is removed from the lodge and discarded. The floor of the lodge is swept, and when the uninitiated enter shortly after, there is no sign of what has occurred.

102. Plate I. shows pictures of five different gods as they appear separately in the dry-paintings. Figure 29 represents, in black, a complete painting (the original of which was done in five different colors) from the rite of the klédzi hatál, or the night chant. It will be observed that some of the gods or yéi of plate I. are to be seen in fig. 29.

102. Plate I. shows images of five different gods as they appear individually in the dry-paintings. Figure 29 depicts, in black, a complete painting (the original was created using five different colors) from the rite of the klédzi hatál, or the night chant. It's worth noting that some of the gods or yéi from plate I. can be seen in fig. 29.

103. The medicine-men declare that these pictures have been transmitted from teacher to pupil, unchanged in all the years since they were revealed to the prophets of the rites. There are good reasons for believing that this is not strictly true: the majority of the great ceremonies may be performed only during the coldest part of the year,—the months when the snakes are dormant. No permanent copies of the pictures were ever preserved until the author painted them; they were carried from season to season in the memories of men, and there was no final authority in the tribe to settle questions of correctness. But it is probable that changes, if they occurred, were unintentional and wrought slowly. After the writer made copies of these pictures, and it became known to the medicine-men that he had copies in his possession, it was not uncommon for the shamans, pending the performance of a ceremony, to bring young men who were to assist in the lodge, ask to see the [46]paintings, and lecture on them to their pupils, pointing out the various important points, and thus, no doubt, saving mistakes and corrections in the medicine-lodge. The water-color copies were always (as the shamans knew) kept hidden at the forbidden season, and never shown to the uninitiated of the tribe.

103. The medicine men say that these images have been passed down from teacher to student, unchanged over all the years since they were revealed to the prophets of the rituals. There are valid reasons to think that this isn’t entirely true: most of the major ceremonies can only be performed during the coldest part of the year—the months when the snakes are inactive. No permanent copies of the images were ever kept until the author created them; they were carried from season to season in people's memories, and there was no final authority in the tribe to settle questions about accuracy. However, it's likely that any changes that did happen were unintentional and occurred slowly. After the writer made copies of these images and the medicine men learned that he had copies, it became common for the shamans, before performing a ceremony, to bring young men who were going to help in the lodge, ask to see the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] paintings, and teach them about them, highlighting various important details and likely preventing mistakes and corrections in the medicine lodge. The watercolor copies were always kept hidden during the forbidden season, as the shamans knew, and were never shown to the uninitiated members of the tribe.

Fig. 26. Mask of yucca.

Fig. 26. Mask of yucca.

Fig. 26. Yucca mask.

104. Masquerade.—In the rites, men appear representing gods or other mythic characters. Sometimes such representations are effected by means of paint and equipment only, as in the case of the akánĭnĭli, or messenger of the mountain chant,314 who is dressed to represent the prophet Dsĭ′lyi Neyáni as he appeared after the Butterfly Goddess had transformed him; but on other occasions masks are added to the dress, as in the rites of the night chant. In this there are twenty-one masks,267 made of sacred buckskin,13 for representatives of the gods to wear, besides a mask of yucca leaves14 trimmed with spruce twigs (fig. 26), which the patient wears on one occasion. The buckskin masks, without plumes or collars, are kept in a sack by the shaman, and he carries them on horseback to the place where the rites are to be performed; there [47]they are freshly painted, and the collars and plumes are added just before they are to be used in the ceremony.

104. Masquerade.—During the rituals, men dress up as gods or other mythical figures. Sometimes these representations are done using only paint and props, like in the case of the akánĭnĭli, or messenger of the mountain chant, who is dressed to depict the prophet Dsĭ′lyi Neyáni after the Butterfly Goddess transformed him. Other times, masks are included in the attire, as seen in the rites of the night chant. In this ceremony, there are twenty-one masks, 267, made from sacred buckskin 13, for the representatives of the gods to wear, along with a mask made of yucca leaves 14 decorated with spruce twigs (fig. 26), which the patient wears on one occasion. The buckskin masks, without feathers or collars, are stored in a sack by the shaman, who carries them on horseback to the location of the rituals; there __[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]__ they are freshly painted, and collars and feathers are added just before they are used in the ceremony.

105. Plates IV. and VII. show the masks as they are actually worn, and exhibit men as they are dressed and painted to represent the War Gods. In plate I. we get representations of these masks as they are depicted in the dry-paintings. Fig. 27 shows the mask of Hastséyalti, the Talking God, as it appears when all is ready for the dance, with plume and collar of fresh spruce twigs applied. Fig. 28 depicts the mask of a yébaad, or female yéi. The female masks cover only the face, leaving the hair free. The male masks (fig. 27) cover the entire head, concealing the hair.

105. Plates IV. and VII. show the masks as they are actually worn, and display men dressed and painted to represent the War Gods. In plate I. we see these masks as depicted in the dry-paintings. Fig. 27 shows the mask of Hastséyalti, the Talking God, looking ready for the dance, with a plume and a collar made of fresh spruce twigs. Fig. 28 illustrates the mask of a yébaad, or female yéi. The female masks cover only the face, leaving the hair exposed. The male masks (fig. 27) cover the entire head, hiding the hair.

106. When a man is dressed in his godly costume he does not speak; he only makes motions and utters a peculiar cry,—each god has his own special cry,—and he may perform acts on the patient with his special weapon or talisman. The masquerader, they say, is, for the time being, no longer a Navaho, but a god, and a prayer to him is a prayer to a god. When he enters the lodge and sits down before the sick man, the latter hands him his sacrifice and prays to him devoutly, well knowing that it may be his own uncle or cousin, disguised in the panoply of divinity, who receives the sacrifice.

106. When a man is dressed in his religious attire, he doesn't speak; he only makes movements and lets out a unique cry—each god has his own distinct cry—and he might perform actions on the patient using his special tool or talisman. It's said that the performer, for that moment, is no longer a Navaho but a god, and praying to him is like praying to a deity. When he enters the lodge and sits down in front of the sick person, the latter offers his sacrifice and prays earnestly, fully aware that it might be his own uncle or cousin, hidden beneath the guise of divinity, who is accepting the sacrifice.

Fig. 27. Mask of Hastséyalti.

Fig. 27. Mask of Hastséyalti.

Fig. 27. Mask of Hastséyalti.

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107. Dance.—It has been customary with travellers to speak of Indian ceremonials as dances. This is chiefly for the reason that the dance most attracts the attention of white men, and the other portions of the work are likely to pass unheeded. Dancing is rarely the most important element of an Indian ceremonial, and among the Navahoes it is always a minor element. In some of the lesser rites it does not occur at all. In the nine days’ ceremony of the mountain chant it occurs only on the last night, and then forms but a part of the show,—rude dramatic performances and feats of legerdemain (see fig. 30) occupying about an equal time until the entertainment ends, soon after dawn. In the nine days’ ceremony of the night chant, dancing as a part of the ceremony is confined to the last night, although undress rehearsals of the dance take place after sunset for a few days before.

107. Dance.—It's common for travelers to refer to Indian rituals as dances. This is mainly because dancing grabs the attention of white people, while other aspects of the ceremonies tend to be overlooked. Dancing is rarely the main focus of these rituals, and among the Navahoes, it’s always a secondary part. In some minor rites, it doesn't happen at all. During the nine-day mountain chant ceremony, dancing only occurs on the final night, and even then, it’s just one part of the show—rough dramatic performances and magic tricks (see fig. 30) take up about the same amount of time until the entertainment wraps up shortly after dawn. In the nine-day night chant ceremony, dancing as part of the ritual is also limited to the last night, although informal rehearsals happen after sunset for a few days leading up to it.

Fig. 28. Mask of yébaad or goddess.

Fig. 28. Mask of yébaad or goddess.

Fig. 28. Mask of yébaad or goddess.

108. These dances of the Navaho, although accompanied with religious symbolism, and performed often by men wearing sacred costumes, are undoubtedly intended largely to entertain the spectators. While but a few people may be present during the first eight or nine days of a great ceremony, a large crowd always gathers to witness the performances of the last night, and many people stay up all night to do this. On the last night of the mountain chant the dances are picturesque and various. Many of them are borrowed from other rites. They have been described by the author in a previous work. On the last night of the night chant the dance and song vary but little, and to the ordinary observer may seem not to vary at all. Yet the spectators who come to the mountain chant are not more wakeful and watchful than those who come to the night chant. The [49]dancing is always rhythmical and well-timed. Figures are often introduced like those of our quadrilles; but no round dances, like our waltz or polka, have been observed—the rough ground is not suited for such. The dancers and the drummers practise long in private before coming to the public exhibition.

108. These Navaho dances, while filled with religious symbolism and often performed by men in sacred costumes, are clearly intended to entertain the audience. Although only a few people may attend during the first eight or nine days of a major ceremony, a large crowd always shows up to watch the performances on the final night, with many staying up all night for it. On the last night of the mountain chant, the dances are colorful and diverse, with many borrowed from other rituals. The author has described them in previous work. On the last night of the night chant, the dance and song change very little and may seem identical to an ordinary observer. However, the audience at the mountain chant is just as alert and attentive as those at the night chant. The [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]dancing is always rhythmic and well-coordinated. Certain formations are often introduced, similar to our quadrilles; however, no round dances like our waltz or polka have been noted, as the uneven ground isn't suitable for them. The dancers and drummers rehearse extensively in private before performing in public.

Fig. 29. Picture of silnéole, a dry-painting of the night chant.

Fig. 29. Picture of silnéole, a dry-painting of the night chant.

Fig. 29. Picture of silnéole, a dry painting representing the night chant.

109. Prayer.—In a paper entitled “The Prayer of a Navaho Shaman,”315 the author has published a long composition, called a prayer by the man from whom he received it, which is a simple narrative and does not contain a word of supplication. This is the only prayer of such character obtained from a Navaho. Many other long prayers have been recorded, all of which are formed on a common plan. The name of a god is mentioned, and some flattering attributes are given to him. If it is a god such as Hastséyalti, of which there are more than one of the same name, his residence is mentioned. He is informed that sacrifices have been prepared for him. He is asked to remove the spell of disease. Immediately he is assured that it is removed. Then he is asked to bestow various blessings on the supplicant and all his kindred and people. The [50]prayer is given out, one sentence at a time, by the shaman, and the patient repeats it after him, sentence by sentence.

109. Prayer.—In a paper titled “The Prayer of a Navaho Shaman,”315 the author shares a lengthy piece described as a prayer by the shaman who provided it. It's a straightforward story and doesn’t include any requests for help. This is the only prayer of this type recorded from a Navaho. Several other lengthy prayers have been collected, all following a similar structure. A god's name is mentioned, along with some flattering qualities attributed to him. If the god is, for example, Hastséyalti, who has several namesakes, his dwelling place is noted. The shaman informs him that offerings have been set up for him. He’s asked to lift the curse of illness. Right after, the shaman assures that it has been lifted. Then, he requests various blessings for himself, his family, and his community. The [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] prayer is given one line at a time by the shaman, and the patient repeats it back after him, line by line.

110. These prayers, repeated by two voices, sound much like litanies, and all end with an expression (hozóna hastlé) analogous to the amen of Christian prayers, four times repeated; yet the Navaho prayers show in their spirit no indication of the influence of Christian teaching. They are purely pagan compositions. The only evidence of any modern influence they present is the occasional inclusion of a request for increase of wealth in the shape of horses and sheep. A typical Navaho prayer from the rites of klédzi hatál is given in note 288.

110. These prayers, recited by two voices, resemble litanies and all conclude with a phrase (hozóna hastlé) similar to the amen found in Christian prayers, repeated four times. However, the Navaho prayers do not reflect the influence of Christian teachings in their essence. They are entirely pagan in nature. The only sign of any modern influence is the occasional mention of a desire for increased wealth in the form of horses and sheep. A typical Navaho prayer from the klédzi hatál ceremonies is found in note 288.

111. Besides these long prayers, repeated by two persons, the shamans have many monologue prayers; there are prayers silent and vocal, formulated and extempore, used by both priest and layman; and there are short devotional sayings which may be classed as benedictions and ejaculations.

111. In addition to these lengthy prayers, recited by two individuals, the shamans have many solo prayers; there are silent and spoken prayers, both written and spontaneous, used by priests and regular people alike; and there are brief devotional phrases that can be categorized as blessings and exclamations.

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THE LEGENDS.

112. Of the many lengthy myths and legends obtained by the author from the Navahoes, three have been selected for publication in this volume. The first is the Origin Legend of the tribe; the other two are incomplete rite-myths, i.e., rite-myths told by men who were not priests of the associated rites.

112. From the many extensive myths and legends collected by the author from the Navajo, three have been chosen for this book. The first is the tribe's Origin Legend; the other two are incomplete rite-myths, i.e., rite-myths recounted by men who were not priests of the respective rites.

113. Versions.—As might be expected among an unlettered people, thinly scattered over a wide territory, the legends of the Navahoes have many variants. No two men will tell the same tale exactly alike, and each story-teller will probably maintain that his own version is the only reliable one. Variations of the Origin Legend, which is the property of the tribe at large, and, unlike the rite-myths, is not in the keeping of any especial order or priesthood, are particularly numerous; but even in the rite-myths, as told by priests of the rites, versions may be found. Notwithstanding these varieties, the tale-tellers agree substantially in the more important matters. Of the two rite-myths given in this work, only one version of each was procured; but several versions of the Origin Legend, complete or partial, were recorded. The one here published was selected as being the most complete, extensive, and consistent of all. Other versions often supplement it. The narrators sometimes acknowledged that they had forgotten episodes which others had remembered and detailed. The learned old shaman, Hatáli Nĕz, forgot to tell how the stars were made; while a younger and less erudite person, Jake the silversmith, related a fair version of this episode, which came also from other sources to the writer. Jake’s version of the Legend, which has already been published, is designated [51]in the notes as Version B;306 that of old Torlino, a priest of the hozóni hatál, is designated as Version A. Other versions are alluded to, but not designated by letter or number. Some fragmentary versions by other authors291 300 have been published, but these are not quoted in the notes.

113. Versions.—As you might expect from a group of people who are less educated and spread out over a large area, the legends of the Navahoes have many different versions. No two people will tell the exact same story, and each storyteller will likely insist that their version is the only trustworthy one. There are particularly many variations of the Origin Legend, which belongs to the tribe as a whole and, unlike the rite-myths, isn’t tied to any specific order or priesthood. Even in the rite-myths told by priests, you can find different versions. Despite these differences, the storytellers generally agree on the key aspects. Of the two rite-myths shared in this work, only one version of each was collected; however, several complete or partial versions of the Origin Legend were recorded. The one published here was chosen because it’s the most complete, detailed, and consistent of all. Other versions often add to it. The narrators sometimes admitted they forgot parts that others remembered and elaborated on. The knowledgeable old shaman, Hatáli Nĕz, forgot to mention how the stars were created, while a younger and less knowledgeable person, Jake the silversmith, shared a decent version of this part that also came from other sources to the writer. Jake’s version of the Legend, which has already been published, is labeled [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] in the notes as Version B; 306 that of old Torlino, a priest of the hozóni hatál, is labeled as Version A. Other versions are mentioned, but not labeled with letters or numbers. Some incomplete versions by other authors 291 300 have been published, but these are not cited in the notes.

114. Origin Legend.—The Origin Legend divides itself into four very distinct parts or chapters, which are named: I. The Story of the Emergence; II. Early Events in the Fifth World; III. The War Gods; IV. The Growth of the Navaho Nation. The name of the first part is that given to it by the Navaho story-tellers. The names of the other parts are supplied by the author. The first part, The Story of the Emergence, ends when it is related that the people came out from the fourth world to the surface of this, the fifth world.15

114. Origin Legend.—The Origin Legend is split into four clear sections or chapters, which are titled: I. The Story of the Emergence; II. Early Events in the Fifth World; III. The War Gods; IV. The Growth of the Navaho Nation. The title of the first part is what the Navaho storytellers have named it. The titles of the other parts are provided by the author. The first part, The Story of the Emergence, concludes when it describes how the people came out from the fourth world to the surface of this, the fifth world.15

115. Rite-myths.—By a rite-myth is meant a myth which accounts for the work of a ceremony, for its origin, for its introduction among the Navahoes, or for all these things combined. The Navahoes celebrate long and costly ceremonies, many of which are of nine days’ duration. Each ceremony has connected with it one or more myths, or legends which may not be altogether mythical.

115. Rite-myths.—A rite-myth is a myth that explains the purpose of a ceremony, its origin, how it came to be practiced among the Navahoes, or all of these elements together. The Navahoes hold lengthy and expensive ceremonies, many lasting nine days. Each ceremony is associated with one or more myths or legends that may not be entirely fictional.

116. When a rite-myth is told by a priest of the rite to which the myth belongs, minute and often tedious particulars concerning the rite, its work, symbolism, and sacrifices are introduced into the tale. When such a myth is told by one who is not a priest of the rite (although he may be a priest of some other rite), these esoteric parts are altogether omitted, or only briefly alluded to. To the latter class belong the two rite-myths given in this book. They are here published because they are among the most interesting and ingenious that have been collected among the Navahoes. The attention of the reader is directed, in the notes, to a few places where esoteric or ceremonial matters are thought to be referred to. Tales containing ceremonial allusions in full are reserved for future publication, along with a description of the rites to which they pertain, as such is considered the more appropriate place for their publication.

116. When a priest of a specific rite tells the myth associated with that rite, they include detailed and often cumbersome information about the rite, its meaning, symbols, and sacrifices in the story. However, when someone who isn’t a priest of that rite (even if they’re a priest of a different rite) shares the myth, these intricate details are usually left out or only mentioned briefly. The two myths included in this book fall into the latter category. They are published here because they are among the most fascinating and clever ones collected from the Navajos. The notes will point out a few instances where deeper ceremonial meanings are believed to be referenced. Full tales with ceremonial references will be published later, along with descriptions of the rites they relate to, as that is considered a more suitable context for their release.

117. In one version of the Origin Legend (Version A) a portion of this story is used as a rite-myth. It is embellished with prayers and songs, and interspersed with allusions to ceremonial work which the version of Hatáli Nĕz does not contain; but in other respects it is inferior to the latter. Thus embellished it contributes a share to the myth of the ceremony of hozóni hatál, or chant of terrestrial beauty. Even in the version of Hatáli Nĕz, the songs seem introduced from some rite-myth, and scarcely to belong to the original story. [52]

117. In one version of the Origin Legend (Version A), part of this story is used as a ritual myth. It's enhanced with prayers and songs, and includes references to ceremonial practices that the version of Hatáli Nĕz lacks; however, in other ways, it is not as strong as the latter. This embellishment adds to the myth surrounding the ceremony of hozóni hatál, or the chant of earthly beauty. Even in the version of Hatáli Nĕz, the songs appear to be taken from a ritual myth and don't really fit with the original story. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

118. Whenever an opportunity has occurred of studying a rite with its associated myth, it has been found that the myth never explains all the symbolism of the rite, although it may account for all the more important acts. A primitive and underlying symbolism, which probably existed previous to the establishment of the rite, remains unexplained by the myth, as though its existence were taken as a matter of course, and required no explanation. Some explanation of this foundation symbolism may be found in the Origin Legend, or in other early legends of the tribe; but something remains which even these do not explain.

118. Whenever there’s been a chance to study a ritual along with its related myth, it turns out that the myth doesn’t explain all the symbols of the ritual, even though it might cover the most important actions. There’s a basic and underlying symbolism that likely existed before the ritual was created, which the myth doesn’t clarify, as if its existence was just accepted without question and didn’t need an explanation. Some insight into this foundational symbolism might be found in the Origin Legend or other early legends of the tribe, but there’s still something that even those don’t clarify.

Fig. 30. Alíli or show (“dance”) of the nahikáï in the rite of the mountain chant.

Fig. 30. Alíli or show (“dance”) of the nahikáï in the rite of the mountain chant.

Fig. 30. Alíli or performance (“dance”) of the nahikáï in the ritual of the mountain chant.

119. Myths of the Whirling Logs.—In the ceremony of klédzi hatál there is drawn upon the floor of the medicine-lodge a large dry-painting which is very imperfectly represented in fig. 29. The original was wrought in five colors and was about 12 feet in diameter. It depicts a vision of the prophet Bélahatĭni, who established the rites of klédzi hatál. On one occasion, says the tale, he was led, in the San Juan valley, to a lake on the borders of which grew four stalks of sacred corn, each of a different color. In the centre of the lake lay two logs crossing one another at right angles. Near both ends of each log sat a pair of yéi, or genii, male and female, making eight in all. On the shore of the lake stood four more yéi, three of whom had staves, by means of which they kept the crossed logs away from the shore and whirling in the waters. The rainbow goddess, the anthropomorphic rainbow of the Navahoes, surrounded the lake. All the circumstances of this strange scene are duly symbolized in the painting. [53]

119. Myths of the Whirling Logs.—In the ceremony of klédzi hatál, a large dry-painting is created on the floor of the medicine lodge, which is not very accurately depicted in fig. 29. The original artwork was made with five colors and measured about 12 feet across. It shows a vision of the prophet Bélahatĭni, who established the klédzi hatál rites. According to the story, he was once led to a lake in the San Juan valley, where four stalks of sacred corn, each a different color, grew along the shore. In the center of the lake, two logs crossed each other at right angles. At both ends of each log, there were a pair of yéi, or genii, male and female, making eight in total. On the shoreline, four more yéi stood, three of whom held staves that they used to keep the crossed logs spinning in the water away from the shore. The rainbow goddess, the anthropomorphic representation of the rainbow in Navajo culture, surrounded the lake. All the details of this unusual scene are symbolically represented in the painting. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

120. It was in his efforts to get a further explanation of this extraordinary picture that the author came upon the story of Natĭ′nĕsthani. It is not the story that explains the picture, although certain passages in it (pars. 481, 488) might seem to explain it. The story to which the picture belongs is that of Bélahatĭni, which may some day be published in connection with a description of the ceremony of klédzi hatál, or the night chant. The prophet Bélahatĭni, according to the tale, floated down the San Juan River in a hollow log, until he came to the whirling lake, where he saw the vision depicted in the dry-painting. But when the shaman had finished telling the story of Bélahatĭni he said: “There is another story of a man who floated down the San Juan River in a hollow log. It is a story belonging to a different rite, the atsósidze hatál. Would you like to hear it?” It was thus that the story of Natĭ′nĕsthani came to be told. The narrator of the two tales was a priest of the klédzi hatál, but not of the atsósidze hatál; hence one tale is crowded with allusions to acts in the ceremony, while the other, as here published, has few such allusions.

120. It was during his quest for a deeper understanding of this remarkable image that the author discovered the story of Natĭ′nĕsthani. The story doesn't explain the image, although some parts of it (pars. 481, 488) might seem to clarify it. The tale that the image is connected to is that of Bélahatĭni, which might eventually be published alongside a description of the klédzi hatál ceremony, or the night chant. According to the legend, the prophet Bélahatĭni floated down the San Juan River in a hollow log until he reached the swirling lake, where he encountered the vision shown in the dry-painting. However, after the shaman finished recounting the story of Bélahatĭni, he remarked, “There’s another story about a guy who floated down the San Juan River in a hollow log. This story belongs to a different ritual, the atsósidze hatál. Would you like to hear it?” That’s how the story of Natĭ′nĕsthani was shared. The storyteller of both tales was a priest of the klédzi hatál, but not of the atsósidze hatál; thus, one tale is rich with references to actions in the ceremony, while the other, as presented here, has few such references.

121. The Great Shell of Kĭntyél.—The story of the Great Shell of Kĭntyél, as here given, is a fragment of a rite-myth,—the myth of the yóidze hatál, or yói hatál250 (bead chant), a nine days’ healing ceremony. It conveys a moral often found in Navaho tales, which is, that we must not despise the poor and humble. They may be favored by the gods and prove themselves, to-morrow, more potent than those who yesterday despised and mocked them. It also signalizes the triumph of a poor Navaho over wealthy Pueblos.

121. The Great Shell of Kĭntyél.—The story of the Great Shell of Kĭntyél, as presented here, is a piece of a rite-myth—the myth of the yóidze hatál, or yói hatál250 (bead chant), a nine-day healing ceremony. It conveys a moral commonly found in Navaho tales: we should not look down on the poor and humble. They may be favored by the gods and could prove, tomorrow, to be more powerful than those who yesterday scorned and mocked them. It also highlights the victory of a poor Navaho over wealthy Pueblos.

122. Translation of Legends.—In rendering the Navaho tales into English, the author has not confined himself to a close literal translation. Such translation would often be difficult to understand, and, more often still, be uninteresting reading. He has believed it to be his duty to make a readable translation, giving the spirit of the original rather than the exact words. The tales were told in fluent Navaho, easy of comprehension, and of such literary perfection as to hold the hearer’s attention. They should be translated into English of a similar character, even if words have to be added to make the sense clear. Such privileges are taken by the translators of the Bible and of the classic authors. Still the writer has taken pains never to exceed the metaphor or descriptive force of the original, and never to add a single thought of his own. If he has erred in rendering the spirit of the savage authors, it has been by diminishing rather than by exaggerating. He has erred on the side of safety. He has endeavored to “tune the sitar” rather low than high.15a Again, the original was often embellished with pantomime and vocal modulation which expressed more than the mere words, [54]and which the writer is unable to represent, and it contained extemporized onomatopes which no letters can express.

122. Translation of Legends.—When translating the Navaho stories into English, the author didn't stick to a word-for-word translation. Such a literal approach would often be hard to follow and frequently uninteresting to read. He believed it was his responsibility to create a version that was enjoyable to read, capturing the essence of the original rather than the exact phrasing. The stories were shared in fluent Navaho, easy to understand, and had such literary quality that they kept the audience engaged. They should be translated into equally engaging English, even if it requires adding words to clarify the meaning. This flexibility is also taken by translators of the Bible and classic literature. However, the author has made sure not to go beyond the metaphorical or descriptive strength of the original, and he hasn’t added any personal thoughts. If he has made any mistakes in conveying the spirit of the original storytellers, it has been by lessening rather than overstating. He has played it safe. He aimed to "tune the sitar" on the lower side rather than the higher side. Again, the original was often enhanced with gestures and vocal inflections that conveyed more than just the words, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] and it included improvised sounds that no writing can capture.

123. Texts.—The men who narrated to the author the tales contained in this book were not men of unlimited leisure, as many suppose the Indians to be; they were popular shamans, or medicine-men, who had numerous engagements to conduct ceremonies during the summer months, and it was only during the winter months that they permitted themselves to tell the tales. It was usually with difficulty that arrangements were made with one of these shamans to devote a period of two or three weeks to the service of the author. Then, too, they had farms and stock which demanded their care. Neither was the author a man of unbounded leisure. Rarely could he devote more than two or three hours out of twenty-four to the work of ethnography. It has happened more than once that he has been obliged to break an engagement made with a shaman, at a cost of considerable trouble and money, in order to go on detached service away from his proper station. For these reasons it was not practicable to record the original Indian texts of all the stories. The author had to choose between copious texts and copious tales. He chose the latter. But some texts have been recorded. In order that the reader may judge how closely the liberal translation here offered follows the original, the Navaho text of the opening passages—ten paragraphs—of the Origin Legend, with interlinear translations, are given in the notes. The texts of songs, prayers, and interesting passages may also be found in the notes.

123. Texts.—The men who shared the stories in this book with the author were not those with endless free time, as many people think Indians are; they were well-known shamans, or healers, who had many commitments to lead ceremonies during the summer months, and only during the winter did they allow themselves to share the tales. It was often challenging to arrange for one of these shamans to spend two or three weeks working with the author. Additionally, they had farms and livestock that needed their attention. The author also wasn't someone with unlimited free time. He could rarely spare more than two or three hours a day for ethnography. It often happened that he had to cancel a scheduled meeting with a shaman, which caused him significant hassle and expense, to attend to other duties away from his main post. For these reasons, it wasn’t feasible to record the original Indian texts of all the stories. The author had to choose between extensive texts or numerous tales. He chose the latter. However, some texts have been recorded. To allow the reader to see how closely the generous translation presented here follows the original, the Navaho text of the opening sections—ten paragraphs—of the Origin Legend, along with interlinear translations, is provided in the notes. The texts of songs, prayers, and intriguing excerpts can also be found in the notes.

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ALPHABET USED.

124. Ever since the present alphabet of the Bureau of Ethnology was established (in 1880), it has been the author’s custom to use it in spelling Indian words. But heretofore he has written mostly for the scientific world, for ethnologists and philologists who either were familiar with the alphabet, or were willing to constantly refer to it in reading. As the present work is designed to reach a wider circle of readers, the propriety of using the alphabet of the Bureau becomes doubtful. Many of the author’s friends have begged him not to use it in this collection of tales, believing that its unusual characters would embarrass the average reader and detract from the interest of the work. Another system has, therefore, been devised, according to which consonants printed in Roman letters have the ordinary English sounds, while those printed in Italics have sounds analogous to the English but not identical with them. The vowels, when unmarked, have the continental sounds. When these sounds are modified, diacritical marks are added in accordance with the latest edition of Webster’s Dictionary. The sound of English a in [55]what is indicated by ạ. The only diphthong is ai, which has the sound of English i in pine. One mark not employed in Webster’s orthoepy is used in this book, viz., the inverted comma after a vowel to show that it is aspirated.

124. Since the Bureau of Ethnology’s current alphabet was created in 1880, the author has traditionally used it to spell Indian words. However, up until now, he has mostly written for the scientific community, including ethnologists and philologists who are either familiar with the alphabet or are willing to constantly refer to it while reading. Since this work aims to connect with a broader audience, using the Bureau's alphabet raises questions. Many of the author's friends have urged him not to include it in this collection of stories, believing its unusual characters would confuse the average reader and lessen the appeal of the work. Therefore, a new system has been created, where consonants printed in Roman letters represent the regular English sounds, while those in Italics have similar but not identical sounds to English. Vowels that aren’t marked have Continental sounds. When these sounds change, diacritical marks are added based on the latest edition of Webster’s Dictionary. The English sound of a in [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]what is represented by ạ. The only diphthong used is ai, which sounds like the English i in pine. One mark not found in Webster’s pronunciation guide is included in this book: the inverted comma after a vowel indicates that it is aspirated.

125. According to this arrangement, the casual reader will find the Indian words easily legible. If he takes the trouble to consult this and the preceding paragraph he may pronounce the words almost exactly as a Navaho would; if not he may, at least, pronounce them in a way that few Navahoes would fail to comprehend. At all events, to the majority of readers, a perfect pronunciation of the Indian words is immaterial. Many white men, living within the borders of the Navaho land, converse with these Indians in a jargon or debased language which might be spelled in English characters with their ordinary English values. For example, let us take the word for hut or house. This is properly pronounced hogán; but the whites in New Mexico generally call it hogán, and the Navahoes never fail to understand the word as thus pronounced. In this form it is an adopted English word in the Southwest. The following are the values of the consonants when printed in Italics:—

125. With this setup, anyone picking up the text will find the Indian words easy to read. If they take the time to check this paragraph and the one before it, they can pronounce the words almost exactly like a Navaho would; if not, they can at least say them in a way that most Navahos will understand. For most readers, perfect pronunciation of the Indian words isn't important. Many white people living in Navaho territory talk to these Indians in a mixed or simplified language spelled with English letters and normal English sounds. For instance, the word for hut or house is properly pronounced hogán; however, people in New Mexico usually say hogán, and the Navahos always understand that pronunciation. In this form, it's considered an adopted English word in the Southwest. The following are the values of the consonants when printed in Italics:—

d has the sound of English th in this.

d sounds like the English th in this.

g has a sound unknown in English, gh imperfectly represents it. It is the g of the Dakota, or the Arabic ghain.

g has a sound that doesn't exist in English, and "gh" only partially reflects it. It’s the g found in Dakota or the Arabic ghain.

h has the sound of German ch in machen.

h sounds like the German ch in machen.

l is an aspirated l unknown in English, hl imperfectly represents it. It is formed with the side rather than with the tip of the tongue.

l is an aspirated l that doesn't exist in English; hl is an imperfect representation of it. It is produced using the side of the tongue instead of the tip.

s has the sound of English sh in shot.

s sounds like the English sh in shot.

t has the sound of English th in thing.

t sounds like the English th in thing.

z has the sound of English z in azure.

z sounds like the English z in azure.

c, j, q, r, and x are not used. The sound of English ch in church is represented by ts; that of English j in jug, by dz.

c, j, q, r, and x are not used. The English sound of ch in church is shown as ts; the sound of j in jug is represented as dz.

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SPELLING OF NAVAHO.

126. In the many papers about the Navahoes which the author has previously written he has spelled the name of the tribe according to the Spanish system “Navajo,” with the plural also in Spanish form, “Navajos.” In the present work he spells it, according to English orthography, “Navaho,” with an English plural, “Navahoes,” and he thus intends to spell it in the future. This he does because the Spanish spelling is misleading to the majority of English readers. It may properly be asked why he should adopt an English orthography for Navaho, a name of Spanish origin, while he retains the misleading Spanish orthography of San Juan. It is not sufficient, in reply, to say that the territory of the Navaho has been in the possession of the United States since 1848, and that we have thus [56]acquired the right to spell this name in our own way; for a thousand other names of Spanish origin have marked our map as long, which we never ventured to change, either in spelling or pronunciation. Perhaps the best defence to be made of our course is that the name Navaho exists nowhere but within our borders. If we change the spelling here, we do not conflict with the spelling elsewhere. But there are scores of San Juans in Spanish America. We could not change the spelling of our San Juan without confusion. It were better that we should follow the example of Lord Byron and pronounce it Jew′an; but this the people of the Southwest will probably never do. They will speak of the stream as the “San Wŏn” or the “San Whŏn” for all time. Furthermore, the English spelling of Navaho is not a new thing with the writer. Many have already adopted it.

126. In the many articles about the Navajos that the author has written in the past, he spelled the name of the tribe using the Spanish spelling “Navajo,” with the plural also in Spanish as “Navajos.” In this work, he uses the English spelling “Navaho,” with the English plural “Navahoes,” and he plans to continue using this spelling in the future. He does this because the Spanish spelling can be misleading for most English readers. One might ask why he chooses an English spelling for Navaho, a name of Spanish origin, while keeping the potentially confusing Spanish spelling of San Juan. It’s not enough to say that the territory of the Navaho has been part of the United States since 1848 and that we have the right to spell this name our way; many other names of Spanish origin have been on our maps for a long time, and we haven’t changed them in spelling or pronunciation. Perhaps the best justification for our approach is that the name Navaho exists only within our borders. If we change the spelling here, we wouldn’t be conflicting with spellings elsewhere. But there are many San Juans in Spanish America. We couldn’t alter the spelling of our San Juan without causing confusion. It would be better to follow Lord Byron's example and pronounce it Jew′an; but the people of the Southwest will likely never do that. They will refer to the stream as “San Wŏn” or “San Whŏn” forever. Additionally, the English spelling of Navaho is not a new concept for the writer. Many people have already adopted it.

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NOTES.

126. In preparing the notes the author has usually limited himself to such matters as he believes he only can explain, or such as, at least, he can explain better than any one else. In a few cases he has given information on subjects not generally known and not easily to be investigated. The temptation to wander into the seductive paths of comparative mythology, and to speculate on the more recondite significance of the myths, had to be resisted if the work were to be kept within the limits of one volume. Resemblances between the tales of the Navahoes and those of other peoples, civilized and savage, ancient and modern, are numerous and marked; but space devoted to them would be lost to more important subjects. Again, many of the readers of this book may be prepared, better than the author, to note these resemblances.

126. In preparing the notes, the author has mostly focused on topics that he believes only he can explain or that he can explain better than anyone else. In a few instances, he has provided information on less common subjects that are not easily researched. He had to resist the temptation to explore the enticing realms of comparative mythology and delve into the deeper meanings of the myths if he wanted to keep the work within a single volume. There are many significant similarities between the Navajo tales and those of other cultures, both civilized and primitive, ancient and modern; however, dedicating space to these comparisons would take away from more important subjects. Moreover, many readers of this book might be better equipped than the author to notice these similarities.

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SHAMANS.16

127. So much has been said against the medicine-men of the Indians by various writers, who accuse them of being reactionaries, mischief-makers, and arrant deceivers, that the writer feels constrained to give some testimony in their favor,—in favor, at least, of those he has met among the Navahoes; he will not speak now for other tribes.

127. A lot has been said against the Native American medicine men by various authors, who accuse them of being conservative, troublemakers, and outright frauds. Because of this, the writer feels compelled to share some positive insights about them—at least about the ones he has encountered among the Navajos; he won’t comment on other tribes.

128. There are, among the Navahoes, charlatans and cheats who treat disease; men who pretend to suck disease out of the patient and then draw from their own mouths pebbles, pieces of charcoal, or bodies of insects, claiming that these are the disease which they have extracted. But the priests of the great rites are not to be classed with such. All of these with whom the writer is acquainted are above such trickery. They perform their ceremonies in the firm conviction that they are invoking divine aid, and their calling lends [57]dignity to their character. They interfere little with the political affairs of the tribe.

128. Among the Navajos, there are con artists and frauds who claim to treat illnesses; men who pretend to suck the disease out of patients and then pull out pebbles, pieces of charcoal, or insects from their mouths, insisting these are the ailments they’ve extracted. However, the priests of the major rituals shouldn’t be grouped with such people. All of the ones I’ve known are above such deceit. They conduct their ceremonies with a strong belief that they are calling upon divine help, and their role adds [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] dignity to who they are. They generally stay out of the tribal politics.

Fig. 31. Hatáli Natlói.

Fig. 31. Hatáli Natlói.

Fig. 31. Hatáli Natlói.

129. Smiling Chanter.—It is a source of great regret that a better likeness cannot be presented of Hatáli Natlói than that shown in fig. 31. It is reproduced from a painting which was copied from a dim kodak photograph. His name may be translated Smiling Chanter, or Smiling Doctor; an angry or unpleasant expression is never seen on his face. He is also called Hatáli Pahozóni, which may be translated Happy or Good-natured Chanter. He is a priest of the klédzi hatál, or night chant. He would be considered a man of high character in any community. He is dignified, courteous, kind, honest, truthful, and self-respecting. But his dignity is not of the pompous kind. He has a keen sense of humor, makes an excellent joke, and is a good mimic; but, for all his fun, he is neither [58]vulgar nor unkind. He never begged from the author, and never made a bargain with him in advance for his services, or named a price for them when he was done. He always took the greatest pains to explain everything, and, after the writer had been duly initiated into the mysteries of his order, he withheld nothing. To him we are indebted for the story of Natĭ′nĕsthani.

129. Smiling Chanter.—It’s really unfortunate that a better likeness of Hatáli Natlói can’t be provided than the one shown in fig. 31. It’s taken from a painting that was based on a blurry Kodak photo. His name can be translated as Smiling Chanter or Smiling Doctor; he never shows an angry or unpleasant expression. He’s also known as Hatáli Pahozóni, which translates to Happy or Good-natured Chanter. He serves as a priest of the klédzi hatál, or night chant. In any community, he would be seen as a man of high character. He is dignified, polite, kind, honest, truthful, and proud. However, his dignity isn’t pompous. He has a great sense of humor, tells excellent jokes, and is a skilled mimic; yet, despite his fun side, he is neither [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]vulgar nor unkind. He never asked the author for anything, nor did he negotiate a fee for his services in advance or mention a price afterward. He always made sure to explain everything in detail, and once the writer had been properly initiated into the mysteries of his order, he held nothing back. We owe him the story of Natĭ′nĕsthani.

130. Tall Chanter.Figure 32 represents an aged priest named Hatáli Nĕz, or Tall Chanter. He was the first who could be persuaded to explain to the author the ceremonies or relate the rite-myths; but when he set the example, others were found to follow. He also is a priest of the night chant. Of late years he has become unpopular as a shaman, owing to an increasing irritability of temper; but he exhibits no envy of his more popular rivals. He perhaps has a better knowledge of the legends than any other man in the tribe. Before he would confide any of his secrets to the author he said: “The chanters among the Navahoes are all brothers. If you would learn our secrets you must be one of us. You must forever be a brother to me. Do you promise this?” He has ever since addressed the author as Sitsĭ′li, “My younger brother,” and has in turn been called Sinái, “My elder brother.”

130. Tall Chanter.Figure 32 represents an older priest named Hatáli Nĕz, or Tall Chanter. He was the first person who agreed to explain the ceremonies or share the rite-myths with the author; once he set the precedent, others were willing to follow. He is also a priest of the night chant. In recent years, he has become less popular as a shaman due to his growing irritability; however, he doesn't seem to envy his more popular peers. He likely knows the legends better than anyone else in the tribe. Before he would share any of his secrets with the author, he said: “The chanters among the Navahoes are all brothers. If you want to learn our secrets, you must become one of us. You must always be a brother to me. Do you promise this?” Ever since then, he has called the author Sitsĭ′li, “My younger brother,” and the author has called him Sinái, “My elder brother.”

131. Ethics.—Among themselves, these men have a code of ethics which is, in general, more honestly upheld than the code of our own medical profession. They exhibit no jealousy of one another. They boast not of the excellence of the particular rite they practise. They assist and counsel one another. If a medicine-man, in performing a rite, finds that his supply of some sacred article is exhausted, he sends to the nearest medicine-man for it. If the latter has it, he is obliged to give, and is not allowed to receive payment in return.

131. Ethics.—Among themselves, these men follow a code of ethics that is generally more genuinely upheld than that of our own medical profession. They don’t feel jealous of one another. They don’t brag about the superiority of the specific rite they perform. They help and advise one another. If a medicine-man runs out of a sacred item while performing a rite, he sends a message to the nearest medicine-man to ask for it. If the other man has it, he has to give it, and he’s not allowed to accept any payment in return.

132. Torlino.—They are as willing as any other Indians to learn the white man’s philosophy. Old Torlino, a priest of hozóni hatál, sent a son to school at Carlisle, and when the young man returned he no doubt imparted to his father much that he had learned there. The writer sent for the old man to get from him the myth of hozóni hatál. Torlino began: “I know the white men say the world is round, and that it floats in the air. My tale says the world is flat, and that there are five worlds, one above another. You will not believe my tale, then, and perhaps you do not want to hear it.” Being assured that the tale was earnestly desired, despite of all white men’s theories, he proceeded. “I shall tell you the truth, then. I shall tell you all that I heard from the old men who taught me, as well as I can now remember. Why should I lie to you?” And then he made the interesting asseveration which is here literally translated: “I am ashamed before the earth; I am ashamed before the heavens; I am ashamed before the dawn; I am ashamed before the [59]evening twilight; I am ashamed before the blue sky; I am ashamed before the darkness; I am ashamed before the sun; I am ashamed before that standing within me which speaks with me (my conscience!).274 Some of these things are always looking at me. I am never out of sight. Therefore I must tell the truth. That is why I always tell the truth. I hold my word tight to my breast.”

132. Torlino.—They are just as eager as any other Native Americans to learn the white man’s philosophy. Old Torlino, a priest of hozóni hatál, sent a son to school at Carlisle, and when the young man came back, he surely shared a lot of what he learned with his father. The writer asked to see the old man to learn about the myth of hozóni hatál. Torlino started: “I know the white men say the world is round and that it floats in the air. My story claims the world is flat and that there are five worlds, one above the other. You probably won’t believe my story and maybe you’re not even interested in hearing it.” When assured that the tale was truly wanted, despite all the theories of white men, he continued. “I will tell you the truth then. I will share everything I learned from the old men who taught me, as well as I can remember now. Why would I lie to you?” And then he made the intriguing declaration that is translated literally: “I am ashamed before the earth; I am ashamed before the heavens; I am ashamed before the dawn; I am ashamed before the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]evening twilight; I am ashamed before the blue sky; I am ashamed before the darkness; I am ashamed before the sun; I am ashamed before that which stands within me and speaks with me (my conscience!).274 Some of these things are always watching me. I am never out of sight. That’s why I must tell the truth. That’s why I always speak the truth. I hold my word close to my heart.”

133. Medical Practice.—Often have the shamans come to the author for treatment for themselves and their friends, and they never made any secret of this, but asked for medicine in the presence of the laity of their own tribe. They do not pretend to deal in panaceas. On the other hand, in cases where the author has failed to give prompt relief to a sick Indian, they have come in all sincerity and politeness and said, “I know a remedy for that difficulty. Will you let me try it?” They do not confine themselves to the practice of their shamanistic rites. They use various plants in the treatment of disease, and these, in simple, acute cases, they administer without prayer, sacrifice, or incantation.

133. Medical Practice.—Shamans often come to the author for treatment for themselves and their friends, and they never hide this; they ask for medicine openly in front of other members of their tribe. They don’t claim to have cures for everything. However, when the author has not been able to provide quick relief for a sick individual, they have genuinely and politely offered, “I know a remedy for that. Can I try it?” They don’t limit themselves to their shamanistic rituals. They use various plants to treat illnesses, and in simple, acute cases, they administer these without any prayer, sacrifices, or chants.

Fig. 32. The Shaman Hatáli Nĕz (Tall Chanter).

Fig. 32. The Shaman Hatáli Nĕz (Tall Chanter).

Fig. 32. The Shaman Hatáli Nĕz (Tall Chanter).

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A LAST WORD (TO POETS AND OTHERS).

134. It is possible that poets, novelists, travellers, and compilers will search this humble volume and cull from it facts and fancies, [60]which, clothed in fairer diction, may add interest to their pages. The author does not ask that such writers shall acknowledge the source of their inspiration. This is more than he has a right to expect. Our greatest poets have borrowed from sources as obscure and never named their creditors. The author has often, ere now, experienced the pleasure of seeing his thoughts and discoveries blazoned in print over other names. But he ventures to make a few requests of the literary borrower. He begs that the latter will not garble or distort what is here written,—that he will not put alien thoughts into the minds of these pagan heroes; that he will not arm them with the weapons nor clothe them in the habiliments of an alien race; that he will not make them act incongruous parts.

134. It's possible that poets, novelists, travelers, and compilers will look through this humble book and pick out facts and ideas, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]which, expressed in more appealing language, might enhance their work. The author doesn’t expect these writers to credit him as the source of their inspiration. That’s more than he can reasonably anticipate. Our greatest poets have taken from obscure sources and never acknowledged their influences. The author has often enjoyed seeing his ideas and discoveries published under someone else's name. However, he would like to make a few requests to the literary borrower. He asks that they don’t misrepresent or distort what’s written here—that they don’t impose foreign ideas into the minds of these pagan heroes; that they don’t equip them with the weapons or attire of another culture; and that they don’t make them act in ways that don’t fit their characters.

135. Stephen Powers, in his “Tribes of California”326 (page 38), gives, in simple and direct language, the story of how fire came to the Karok nation. A few years after he wrote, some one worked his story into a “poem,” which appeared, most artistically illustrated, in one of our leading magazines. In this poem the Coyote, in a quandary, is represented as “stroking his goatee.” Coyotes have no goatees; Indians have no goatees. The act of stroking the goatee, in thought or perplexity, is the special mannerism of a nervous American. No allusion could be more out of place in an Indian legend. Should the poet referred to ever select any of the tales in this book to be tortured into a poem, I beg that he will not, even for the sake of making a faulty rhyme, put a beard on the chin of the Navaho Coyote God.

135. Stephen Powers, in his “Tribes of California”326 (page 38), tells the story of how fire came to the Karok nation in straightforward language. A few years after he wrote this, someone adapted his story into a “poem,” beautifully illustrated, that was published in one of our top magazines. In this poem, the Coyote, looking confused, is shown “stroking his goatee.” Coyotes don’t have goatees, and neither do Indians. The gesture of stroking a goatee when deep in thought is a quirky habit of a nervous American. There's no way that could fit into an Indian legend. If that poet ever decides to take any of the tales in this book and turn them into a poem, I hope he won't, even for the sake of a bad rhyme, give the Navaho Coyote God a beard.

WASHINGTON MATTHEWS.

WASHINGTON MATTHEWS.

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LEGENDS.

[63]

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THE NAVAHO ORIGIN LEGEND.

I. THE STORY OF THE EMERGENCE.

136. At Toʻbĭlhaskĭ′di (in the middle of the first world), white arose in the east, and they17 regarded it as day there, they say; blue rose in the south, and still it was day to them, and they moved around; yellow rose in the west and showed that evening had come; then dark arose in the north, and they lay down and slept.18

136. At Toʻbĭlhaskĭ′di (in the middle of the first world), white appeared in the east, and they considered it day there, they say; blue appeared in the south, and it was still day for them, and they went about their activities; yellow appeared in the west and indicated that evening had arrived; then darkness rose in the north, and they settled down to sleep.18

Plate II. SAN FRANCISCO MOUNTAIN (DOKOSLÍD), ARIZONA.56

Plate II. SAN FRANCISCO MOUNTAIN (DOKOSLÍD), ARIZONA.56

Plate 2. SAN FRANCISCO MOUNTAIN (DOKOSLÍD), ARIZONA.56

(The sacred mountain of the West.)

(The sacred mountain of the West.)

137. At Toʻbĭlhaskĭ′di water flowed out (from a central source) in different directions; one stream flowed to the east, another to the south, and another to the west. There were dwelling-places on the border of the stream that flowed to the east, on that which flowed to the south, and on that which flowed to the west also.

137. At Toʻbĭlhaskĭ′di, water flowed out from a central source in various directions; one stream flowed east, another south, and another west. There were homes along the banks of the stream that flowed east, as well as those that flowed south and west.

138. To the east there was a place called Tan (Corn), to the south a place called Nahodoóla, and to the west a place called Lókatsosakád (Standing Reed). Again, to the east there was a place called Essalái (One Pot), to the south a place called Toʻhádzĭtĭl (They Come Often for Water), and to the west a place called Dsĭllĭtsíbehogán (House Made of the Red Mountain). Then, again, to the east there was a place called Léyahogán (Under-ground House), to the south a place called Tsĭltsĭ′ntha (Among Aromatic Sumac), and to the west a place called Tseʻlĭsíbehogán (House Made of Red Rock).

138. To the east, there was a place called Tan (Corn), to the south a place called Nahodoóla, and to the west a place called Lókatsosakád (Standing Reed). Again, to the east there was a place called Essalái (One Pot), to the south a place called Toʻhádzĭtĭl (They Come Often for Water), and to the west a place called Dsĭllĭtsíbehogán (House Made of the Red Mountain). Then, again, to the east there was a place called Léyahogán (Underground House), to the south a place called Tsĭltsĭ′ntha (Among Aromatic Sumac), and to the west a place called Tseʻlĭsíbihogán (House Made of Red Rock).

139. Holatsí Dĭlyĭ′le (dark ants) lived there. Holatsí Lĭtsí (red ants) lived there. Tanĭlaí (dragon flies) lived there. Tsaltsá (yellow beetles) lived there. Woĭntlĭ′zi (hard beetles) lived there. Tseʻyoáli (stone-carrier beetles) lived there. Kĭnlĭ′zĭn (black beetles) lived there. Maitsán (coyote-dung beetles) lived there. Tsápani (bats) lived there. Totsóʻ (white-faced beetles) lived there. Wonĭstsídi (locusts) lived there. Wonistsídikai (white locusts) lived there. These twelve people started in life there.19

139. Holatí Dillydally (dark ants) lived there. Holatís Lĭtsí (red ants) lived there. Tanĭlaí (dragonflies) lived there. Tsaltsá (yellow beetles) lived there. Woĭntlĭ′zi (hard beetles) lived there. Tseʻyoáli (stone-carrier beetles) lived there. Kĭnlĭ′zĭn (black beetles) lived there. Maitsán (coyote-dung beetles) lived there. Tsápani (bats) lived there. Totsóʻ (white-faced beetles) lived there. Wonĭstsídi (locusts) lived there. Wonistsídikai (white locusts) lived there. These twelve beings started their lives there.19

140. To the east extended an ocean, to the south an ocean, to the west an ocean, and to the north an ocean. In the ocean to the east lay Tiéholtsodi; he was chief of the people there. In the ocean to the south lived Thaltláhale (Blue Heron), who was [64]chief of the people there. In the ocean to the west lay Tsal (Frog), who was chief of the people there. In the ocean to the north was Idniʻdsĭlkaí (White Mountain Thunder), and he was chief of the people there.20

140. To the east stretched an ocean, to the south an ocean, to the west an ocean, and to the north an ocean. In the ocean to the east was Tiéholtsodi, the leader of the people there. In the ocean to the south lived Thaltláhale (Blue Heron), who was [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] the leader of the people there. In the ocean to the west was Tsal (Frog), the leader of the people there. In the ocean to the north was Idniʻdsĭlkaí (White Mountain Thunder), and he was the leader of the people there.20

141. The people quarrelled among themselves, and this is the way it happened. They committed adultery, one people with another. Many of the women were guilty. They tried to stop it, but they could not. Tiéholtsodi, the chief in the east, said: “What shall we do with them? They like not the land they dwell in.” In the south Blue Heron spoke to them, and in the west Frog said: “No longer shall you dwell here, I say. I am chief here.” To the north White Mountain Lightning said: “Go elsewhere at once. Depart from here!”

141. The people argued among themselves, and here's what happened. They were unfaithful, one group to another. Many of the women were involved. They tried to put a stop to it, but they couldn't. Tiéholtsodi, the chief in the east, asked, “What should we do with them? They don’t like the land they live in.” In the south, Blue Heron spoke to them, and in the west, Frog declared, “You will no longer stay here, I am the chief here.” To the north, White Mountain Lightning said, “Leave immediately. Get out of here!”

142. When again they sinned and again they quarrelled, Tiéholtsodi, in the east, would not speak to them; Blue Heron, in the south, would not speak to them; Frog, in the west, would say nothing; and White Mountain Thunder, in the north, would not speak to them.

142. When they sinned again and argued once more, Tiéholtsodi in the east wouldn’t talk to them; Blue Heron in the south wouldn’t talk to them; Frog in the west didn’t say a word; and White Mountain Thunder in the north wouldn’t speak to them.

143. Again, at the end of four nights, the same thing happened. Those who dwelt at the south again committed crime, and again they had contentions. One woman and one man sought to enter in the east (to complain to the chief), but they were driven out. In the south they sought to go in where Blue Heron lay, but again they were driven out. In the west, where Frog was the chief, again they tried to enter; but again they were driven out. To the north again they were driven out. (The chief) said: “None of you (shall enter here). Go elsewhere and keep on going.” That night at Nahodoóla they held a council, but they arrived at no decision. At dawn Tiéholtsodi began to talk. “You pay no attention to my words. Everywhere you disobey me; you must go to some other place. Not upon this earth shall you remain.” Thus he spoke to them.

143. Once again, after four nights, the same situation occurred. Those living in the south committed crimes again, and disputes broke out once more. A woman and a man tried to go to the east (to speak to the chief), but they were turned away. In the south, they attempted to enter where Blue Heron was, but again they were rejected. In the west, where Frog was in charge, they tried to enter again, but once more they were turned away. To the north, they were driven out again. (The chief) said, “None of you will enter here. Go somewhere else and keep moving.” That night at Nahodoóla, they held a meeting, but they reached no conclusion. At dawn, Tiéholtsodi began to speak. “You’re not listening to my words. You disobey me everywhere; you need to find another place. You won’t stay on this earth.” Thus he addressed them.

144. Among the women, for four nights they talked about it. At the end of the fourth night, in the morning, as they were rising, something white appeared in the east. It appeared also in the south, the west, and the north. It looked like a chain of mountains, without a break, stretching around them. It was water that surrounded them. Water impassable, water insurmountable, flowed all around. All at once they started.

144. Among the women, they discussed it for four nights. By the end of the fourth night, as morning came and they were getting up, something white appeared in the east. It also showed up in the south, the west, and the north. It looked like a continuous chain of mountains surrounding them. It was water that encircled them. Water that was impossible to cross, water that was insurmountable, flowed all around. Suddenly, they jumped into action.

145. They went in circles upward till they reached the sky. It was smooth. They looked down; but there the water had risen, and there was nothing else but water there. While they were flying around, one having a blue head thrust out his head from the sky and called to them, saying: “In here, to the eastward, [65]there is a hole.” They entered the hole and went through it up to the surface (of the second world).

145. They went in circles upward until they reached the sky. It was smooth. They looked down; but the water had risen, and there was nothing but water below them. While they were flying around, one with a blue head poked his head out from the sky and called to them, saying: “Over here, to the east, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]there’s a hole.” They entered the hole and went through it up to the surface (of the second world).

146. The blue one belonged to the Hastsósidĭneʻ, or Swallow People.21 The Swallow People lived there. A great many of their houses, rough and lumpy, lay scattered all around. Each tapered toward the top, and at that part there was a hole for entrance. A great many people approached and gathered around275 the strangers, but they said nothing.

146. The blue one belonged to the Hastósiđine, or Swallow People.21 The Swallow People lived there. Many of their houses, rough and lumpy, were scattered all around. Each one tapered toward the top, and there was a hole for entrance at that part. A lot of people approached and gathered around275 the strangers, but they said nothing.

147. The first world was red in color; the second world, into which the people had now entered, was blue.22 They sent out two couriers, a Locust and a White Locust, to the east, to explore the land and see if there were in it any people like themselves. At the end of two days the couriers returned, and said that in one day’s travel they had reached the edge of the world—the top of a great cliff that arose from an abyss whose bottom they could not see; but that they found in all their journey no people, no animals of any kind, no trees, no grass, no sage-brush, no mountains, nothing but bare, level ground. The same couriers were then dispatched in turn to the south, to the west, and to the north. They were gone on each journey two days, and when they returned related, as before, that they had reached the edge of the world, and discovered nothing but an uninhabited waste. Here, then, the strangers found themselves in the centre of a vast barren plain, where there was neither food nor a kindred people. When the couriers had returned from the north, the Swallows visited the camp of the newly arrived people, and asked them why they had sent out the couriers to the east. “We sent them out,” was the reply, “to see what was in the land, and to see if there were any people like ourselves here.” “And what did your couriers tell you?” asked the Swallows. “They told us that they came to the edge of the world, yet found no plant and no living thing in all the land.” (The same questions were asked and the same answers given for the other points of the compass.) “They spoke the truth,” said the Swallow People. “Had you asked us in the beginning what the land contained, we would have told you and saved you all your trouble. Until you came, no one has ever dwelt in all this land but ourselves.” The people then said to the Swallows: “You understand our language and are much like us. You have legs, feet, bodies, heads, and wings, as we have: why cannot your people and our people become friends?” “Let it be as you wish,” said the Swallows, and both parties began at once to treat each other as members of one tribe; they mingled one among the other, and addressed one another by the terms of relationship, as, my brother, my sister, my father, my son, etc.23 [66]

147. The first world was red; the second world, which the people had now entered, was blue.22 They sent out two messengers, a Locust and a White Locust, to the east to explore the land and see if there were any people like themselves. After two days, the messengers returned and said that in one day's travel they had reached the edge of the world—a high cliff rising from an abyss so deep they couldn't see the bottom. But in all their journey, they found no people, no animals, no trees, no grass, no sagebrush, no mountains—nothing but barren, flat ground. The same messengers were then sent to the south, west, and north in turn. They were gone for two days each time, and when they returned, they reported, just like before, that they had reached the edge of the world and discovered nothing but an empty wasteland. The strangers then realized they were in the center of a vast, barren plain with no food or familiar people. After the messengers returned from the north, the Swallows came to visit the camp of the newcomers and asked why they had sent messengers to the east. “We sent them out,” they replied, “to see what was in the land and if there were any people like us here.” “And what did your messengers tell you?” asked the Swallows. “They told us they reached the edge of the world but found no plants or living things in all the land.” (The same questions were asked and the same answers were given for the other directions.) “They spoke the truth,” said the Swallow People. “If you had asked us at the beginning what the land held, we would have told you and saved you all this trouble. Until you arrived, no one has ever lived in this land except us.” The people then said to the Swallows: “You understand our language and are quite like us. You have legs, feet, bodies, heads, and wings, just like we do. Why can’t your people and our people become friends?” “Let it be as you wish,” said the Swallows, and both groups immediately began treating each other as members of one tribe; they mixed with one another and addressed each other as family, calling one another my brother, my sister, my father, my son, etc.23 [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

148. They all lived together pleasantly and happily for twenty-three days; but on the twenty-fourth night one of the strangers made too free with the wife of the Swallow chief, and next morning, when the latter found out what had happened, he said to the strangers: “We have treated you as friends, and thus you return our kindness. We doubt not that for such crimes you were driven from the lower world, and now you must leave this. This is our land and we will have you here no longer. Besides, this is a bad land. People are dying here every day, and, even if we spare you, you cannot live here long.” The Locusts took the lead on hearing this; they soared upwards; the others followed, and all soared and circled till they reached the sky.

148. They all lived together happily for twenty-three days; but on the twenty-fourth night, one of the strangers got too close to the wife of the Swallow chief, and the next morning, when the chief found out what had happened, he said to the strangers: “We have treated you as friends, and this is how you repay our kindness. We have no doubt that for such offenses you were cast out from the lower world, and now you must leave here. This is our land, and we will not have you here any longer. Besides, this is a bad land. People are dying here every day, and even if we let you stay, you won't be able to survive here long.” The Locusts took the lead upon hearing this; they flew upward; the others followed, and together they soared and circled until they reached the sky.

149. When they reached the sky they found it, like the sky of the first world, smooth and hard with no opening; but while they were circling round under it, they saw a white face peering out at them,—it was the face of Nĭ′ltsi, the Wind. He called to them and told them if they would fly to the south they would find a hole through which they could pass; so off they flew, as bidden, and soon they discovered a slit in the sky which slanted upwards toward the south; through this slit they flew, and soon entered the third world in the south.

149. When they reached the sky, they found it smooth and hard, just like the sky of the first world, with no openings. As they circled beneath it, they noticed a white face looking down at them—it was Nĭ′ltsi, the Wind. He called out to them and said that if they flew south, they would find a hole to pass through. So they took off, as instructed, and soon spotted a slit in the sky that angled upward toward the south. They flew through this slit and quickly entered the third world in the south.

150. The color of the third world was yellow.22 Here they found nothing but the Grasshopper People. The latter gathered around the wanderers in great numbers, but said nothing. They lived in holes in the ground along the banks of a great river which flowed through their land to the east. The wanderers sent out the same Locust messengers that they had sent out in the second world to explore the land to the east, to the south, to the west, to the north, to find out what the land contained, and to see if there were any kindred people in it; but the messengers returned from each journey after an absence of two days, saying they had reached the end of the world, and that they had found a barren land with no people in it save the Grasshoppers.24

150. The color of the third world was yellow.22 Here they found nothing but the Grasshopper People. The Grasshopper People gathered around the wanderers in large numbers but didn’t say anything. They lived in holes in the ground along the banks of a big river that flowed through their land to the east. The wanderers sent out the same Locust messengers that they had sent in the second world to explore the land to the east, south, west, and north, to find out what the land held and to see if there were any people like them; however, the messengers returned from each journey after two days, saying they had reached the end of the world and had found a barren land with no one in it except for the Grasshoppers.24

151. When the couriers returned from their fourth journey, the two great chiefs of the Grasshoppers visited the strangers and asked them why they had sent out the explorers, and the strangers answered that they had sent them out to see what grew in the land, and to find if there were any people like themselves in it. “And what did your couriers find?” said the Grasshopper chiefs. “They found nothing save the bare land and the river, and no people but yourselves.” “There is nothing else in the land,” said the chiefs. “Long we have lived here, but we have seen no other people but ourselves until you came.”

151. When the messengers came back from their fourth journey, the two main leaders of the Grasshoppers met with the newcomers and asked them why they had sent out the explorers. The newcomers replied that they had sent them to check out what was growing in the land and to see if there were any other people like them living there. “And what did your messengers discover?” asked the Grasshopper leaders. “They found nothing but the bare land and the river, and no people except for you,” they said. “There’s nothing else in the land,” the leaders said. “We've lived here for a long time, but we've only seen ourselves until you arrived.”

152. The strangers then spoke to the Grasshoppers, as they had [67]spoken to the Swallows in the second world, and begged that they might join them and become one people with them. The Grasshoppers consented, and the two peoples at once mingled among one another and embraced one another, and called one another by the endearing terms of relationship, as if they were all of the same tribe.

152. The strangers then talked to the Grasshoppers, just like they had [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] talked to the Swallows in the second world, and asked to join them and become one community. The Grasshoppers agreed, and the two groups immediately mixed together and embraced each other, calling one another endearing names as if they were all part of the same family.

153. As before, all went well for twenty-three days; but on the twenty-fourth one of the strangers served a chief of the Grasshoppers as the chief of the Swallows had been served in the lower world. In the morning, when the wrong was discovered, the chief reviled the strangers and bade them depart. “For such crimes,” he said, “I suppose you were chased from the world below: you shall drink no more of our water, you shall breathe no more of our air. Begone!”

153. Just like before, everything went smoothly for twenty-three days; but on the twenty-fourth day, one of the outsiders treated a chief of the Grasshoppers in the same way that the chief of the Swallows had been treated in the lower world. In the morning, when the wrongdoing was found out, the chief angrily scolded the outsiders and told them to leave. “For crimes like this,” he said, “I guess you were chased out of the world below: you won’t drink our water anymore, you won’t breathe our air anymore. Get out!”

154. Up they all flew again, and circled round and round until they came to the sky above them, and they found it smooth and hard as before. When they had circled round for some time, looking in vain for an entrance, they saw a red head stuck out of the sky, and they heard a voice which told them to fly to the west. It was the head of Red Wind which they saw, and it was his voice that spoke to them. The passage which they found in the west was twisted round like the tendril of a vine; it had thus been made by the wind. They flew up in circles through it and came out in the fourth world. Four of the Grasshoppers came with them; one was white, one blue, one yellow, and one black. We have grasshoppers of these four colors with us to this day.25

154. They all took off again, circling around and around until they reached the sky above them, which felt just as smooth and hard as before. After flying in circles for a while, searching in vain for an opening, they spotted a red head poking out of the sky and heard a voice telling them to fly west. It was the head of Red Wind, and it was his voice they heard. The passage they found in the west twisted like a vine tendril, shaped by the wind. They spiraled through it and emerged in the fourth world. Four Grasshoppers accompanied them; one was white, one blue, one yellow, and one black. We still have grasshoppers of these four colors today.25

155. The surface of the fourth world was mixed black and white. The colors in the sky were the same as in the lower worlds, but they differed in their duration. In the first world, the white, the blue, the yellow, and the black all lasted about an equal length of time every day. In the second world the blue and the black lasted a little longer than the other two colors. In the third world they lasted still longer. In the fourth world there was but little of the white and yellow; the blue and the black lasted most of the time. As yet there was neither sun, moon, nor star.

155. The surface of the fourth world was a mix of black and white. The colors in the sky were the same as in the lower worlds, but they lasted for different amounts of time. In the first world, the white, blue, yellow, and black colors all lasted about the same duration each day. In the second world, blue and black lasted a bit longer than the other two colors. In the third world, they lasted even longer. In the fourth world, there was very little white and yellow; blue and black dominated most of the time. At this point, there was neither sun, moon, nor stars.

156. When they arrived on the surface of the fourth world they saw no living thing; but they observed four great snow-covered peaks sticking up at the horizon,—one at the east, one at the south, one at the west, and one at the north.

156. When they reached the surface of the fourth world, they found no signs of life; instead, they noticed four massive snow-covered peaks rising on the horizon—one to the east, one to the south, one to the west, and one to the north.

157. They sent two couriers to the east. These returned at the end of two days. They related that they had not been able to reach the eastern mountain, and that, though they had travelled far, they had seen no track or trail or sign of life. Two couriers were then sent to the south. When they returned, at the end of two days, they related that they had reached a low range of mountains this [68]side of the great peak; that they had seen no living creature, but had seen two different kinds of tracks, such as they had never seen before, and they described such as the deer and the turkey make now. Two couriers were next sent to the west. In two days these returned, having failed to reach the great peak in the west, and having seen no living thing and no sign of life. At last two couriers were sent to the north. When these got back to their kindred they said they had found a race of strange men, who cut their hair square in front, who lived in houses in the ground and cultivated fields. These people, who were engaged in gathering their harvest, the couriers said, treated them very kindly and gave them food to eat. It was now evident to the wanderers that the fourth world was larger than any of the worlds below.

157. They sent two messengers to the east. They came back after two days. They reported that they hadn't reached the eastern mountain and that, even though they had traveled a long distance, they had seen no paths, trails, or signs of life. Two messengers were then sent to the south. When they returned after two days, they reported that they had reached a low range of mountains this [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]side of the great peak; they hadn’t seen any living creatures but found two different kinds of tracks they had never seen before, which resembled those made by deer and turkey. Next, two messengers were sent to the west. In two days, they returned without reaching the great peak in the west and saw no living things or signs of life. Finally, two messengers were sent to the north. When they returned to their people, they said they had encountered a group of strange men who cut their hair straight across the front, lived in houses built into the ground, and farmed the land. These people, who were busy gathering their harvest, treated the messengers very kindly and gave them food to eat. It was now clear to the wanderers that the fourth world was larger than any of the worlds below.

158. The day following the return of the couriers who went to the north, two of the newly discovered race—Kisáni (Pueblos) they were called—entered the camp of the exiles and guided the latter to a stream of water. The water was red, and the Kisáni told the wanderers they must not walk through the stream, for if they did the water would injure their feet. The Kisáni showed them a square raft made of four logs,—a white pine, a blue spruce, and yellow pine, and a black spruce,—on which they might cross; so they went over the stream and visited the homes of the Kisáni.

158. The day after the couriers returned from the north, two members of the newly discovered race—called the Kisáni (Pueblos)—entered the exiles' camp and led them to a stream of water. The water was red, and the Kisáni warned the wanderers not to walk through the stream, as it would hurt their feet. The Kisáni pointed out a square raft made from four logs—a white pine, a blue spruce, a yellow pine, and a black spruce—that they could use to cross; so they went over the stream and visited the homes of the Kisáni.

159. The Kisáni gave the wanderers corn and pumpkins to eat, and the latter lived for some time on the food given to them daily by their new friends. They held a council among themselves, in which they resolved to mend their manners for the future and do nothing to make the Kisáni angry. The land of the Kisáni had neither rain nor snow; the crops were raised by irrigation.

159. The Kisáni offered the travelers corn and pumpkins to eat, and they survived for a while on the food provided daily by their new friends. They held a meeting among themselves, where they decided to improve their behavior going forward and avoid anything that might upset the Kisáni. The Kisáni's land experienced neither rain nor snow; the crops were grown through irrigation.

160. Late in the autumn they heard in the east the distant sound of a great voice calling. They listened and waited, and soon heard the voice nearer and louder. They listened still and heard the voice a third time, nearer and louder than before. Once more they listened, and soon they heard the voice louder still, and clear like the voice of one near at hand. A moment later four mysterious beings appeared to them.26 These were: Bĭtsís Lakaí, or White Body, a being like the god of this world whom the Navahoes call Hastséyalti; Bĭtsís Dotlĭ′z, or Blue Body, who was like the present Navaho god Tóʻnenĭli, or Water Sprinkler; Bĭtsís Lĭtsói, or Yellow Body; and Bĭtsís Lĭzĭ′n, or Black Body, who was the same as the present Navaho god of fire, Hastsézĭni.

160. Late in the fall, they heard a distant voice calling from the east. They listened and waited, and soon the voice grew closer and louder. They listened again and heard the voice a third time, now even nearer and louder than before. Once more they listened, and soon the voice was even clearer, as if someone was right beside them. A moment later, four mysterious beings appeared to them.26 These were: Bĭtsís Lakaí, or White Body, a being like the god of this world whom the Navahoes call Hastséyalti; Bĭtsís Dotlĭ′z, or Blue Body, who resembled the current Navaho god Tóʻnenĭli, or Water Sprinkler; Bĭtsís Lĭtsói, or Yellow Body; and Bĭtsís Lĭzĭ′n, or Black Body, who was the same as the current Navaho god of fire, Hastsézĭni.

161. These beings, without speaking, made many signs to the people, as if instructing them; but the latter did not understand them. When the gods had gone, the people long discussed the mysterious visit, and tried to make out what the gods meant by the [69]signs they had made. Thus the gods visited four days in succession. On the fourth day, when the other three had departed, Black Body remained behind and spoke to the people in their own language. He said: “You do not seem to understand the signs that these gods make you, so I must tell you what they mean. They want to make more people, but in form like themselves. You have bodies like theirs; but you have the teeth, the feet, and the claws of beasts and insects. The new creatures are to have hands and feet like ours. But you are uncleanly, you smell badly. Have yourselves well cleansed when we return; we will come back in twelve days.”

161. These beings, without speaking, made many gestures to the people, as if teaching them; but the latter didn't get it. After the gods left, the people talked for a long time about the mysterious visit and tried to figure out what the gods meant by the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] gestures they had made. The gods visited for four days in a row. On the fourth day, when the other three had left, Black Body stayed behind and spoke to the people in their own language. He said: “You don’t seem to understand the signs that these gods are showing you, so I need to explain what they mean. They want to create more people, but in a form like theirs. You have bodies like theirs; but you have the teeth, the feet, and the claws of beasts and insects. The new beings will have hands and feet like ours. But you are unclean, you have a bad smell. Clean yourselves properly when we return; we will come back in twelve days.”

162. On the morning of the twelfth day the people washed themselves well. The women dried themselves with yellow corn-meal; the men with white corn-meal.27 Soon after the ablutions were completed they heard the distant call of the approaching gods. It was shouted, as before, four times,—nearer and louder at each repetition,—and, after the fourth call, the gods appeared. Blue Body and Black Body each carried a sacred buckskin. White Body carried two ears of corn, one yellow, one white, each covered at the end completely with grains.28

162. On the morning of the twelfth day, the people cleaned themselves thoroughly. The women dried off with yellow cornmeal, while the men used white cornmeal. 27 Soon after they finished washing, they heard the distant call of the approaching gods. It was shouted, as before, four times—getting closer and louder with each call—and after the fourth call, the gods appeared. Blue Body and Black Body each carried a sacred buckskin. White Body carried two ears of corn, one yellow and one white, each fully covered with kernels at the end. 28

163. The gods laid one buckskin on the ground with the head to the west; on this they placed the two ears of corn, with their tips to the east, and over the corn they spread the other buckskin with its head to the east; under the white ear they put the feather of a white eagle, under the yellow ear the feather of a yellow eagle. Then they told the people to stand at a distance and allow the wind to enter. The white wind blew from the east, and the yellow wind blew from the west, between the skins. While the wind was blowing, eight of the Mirage People came and walked around the objects on the ground four times, and as they walked the eagle feathers, whose tips protruded from between the buckskins, were seen to move. When the Mirage People had finished their walk the upper buckskin was lifted,—the ears of corn had disappeared; a man and a woman lay there in their stead.

163. The gods laid one buckskin on the ground with the head pointing west; on this, they placed two ears of corn, tips facing east, and over the corn, they spread the other buckskin with its head pointing east. Under the white ear, they placed a white eagle feather, and under the yellow ear, a yellow eagle feather. Then they told the people to stand back and let the wind come in. The white wind blew from the east, and the yellow wind blew from the west, flowing between the skins. While the wind was blowing, eight of the Mirage People came and walked around the objects on the ground four times, and as they walked, the eagle feathers, sticking out from between the buckskins, were seen to move. When the Mirage People finished their walk, the upper buckskin was lifted—where the ears of corn had been, a man and a woman lay in their place.

164. The white ear of corn had been changed into a man, the yellow ear into a woman. It was the wind that gave them life. It is the wind that comes out of our mouths now that gives us life. When this ceases to blow we die. In the skin at the tips of our fingers we see the trail of the wind; it shows us where the wind blew when our ancestors were created.

164. The white ear of corn became a man, and the yellow ear turned into a woman. It was the wind that brought them to life. Now, it's the wind that comes from our mouths that gives us life. When this stops blowing, we die. In the skin at the tips of our fingers, we can see the trace of the wind; it reveals where the wind blew when our ancestors were formed.

165. The pair thus created were First Man and First Woman (Atsé Hastín and Atsé Estsán). The gods directed the people to build an enclosure of brushwood for the pair. When the enclosure was finished, First Man and First Woman entered it, and the gods said to them: “Live together now as husband and wife.” At the [70]end of four days hermaphrodite29 twins were born, and at the end of four days more a boy and a girl were born, who in four days grew to maturity and lived with one another as husband and wife. The primal pair had in all five pairs of twins, the first of which only was barren, being hermaphrodites.

165. The couple created were First Man and First Woman (Atsé Hastín and Atsé Estsán). The gods instructed the people to construct a attachment of brushwood for them. Once the attachment was complete, First Man and First Woman entered it, and the gods said to them: “Now live together as husband and wife.” At the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]end of four days, hermaphrodite 29 twins were born, and after another four days, a boy and a girl were born, who grew to maturity in just four days and lived together as husband and wife. The original couple had a total of five pairs of twins, only the first pair being barren, as they were hermaphrodites.

166. In four days after the last pair of twins was born, the gods came again and took First Man and First Woman away to the eastern mountain where the gods dwelt, and kept them there for four days. When they returned all their children were taken to the eastern mountain and kept there for four days. Soon after they all returned it was observed that they occasionally wore masks, such as Hastséyalti and Hastséhogan wear now, and that when they wore these masks they prayed for all good things,—for abundant rain and abundant crops. It is thought, too, that during their visit to the eastern mountain they learned the awful secrets of witchcraft, for the antíhi (witches, wizards) always keep such masks with them and marry those too nearly related to them.

166. Four days after the last pair of twins was born, the gods returned and took First Man and First Woman to the eastern mountain where the gods lived, keeping them there for four days. When they came back, all their children were taken to the eastern mountain and kept there for four days as well. Shortly after they all returned, it was noticed that they sometimes wore masks, like those that Hastséyalti and Hastséhogan wear now, and that when they wore these masks, they prayed for good things—like plentiful rain and abundant crops. It’s also believed that during their time at the eastern mountain, they discovered the terrible secrets of witchcraft, because the antíhi (witches, wizards) always keep such masks with them and often marry people who are too closely related.

167. When they returned from the eastern mountain the brothers and sisters separated; and, keeping the fact of their former unlawful marriages secret, the brothers married women of the Mirage People and the sisters married men of the Mirage People. They kept secret, too, all the mysteries they had learned in the eastern mountain. The women thus married bore children every four days, and the children grew to maturity in four days, were married, and in their turn had children every four days. This numerous offspring married among the Kisáni, and among those who had come from the lower world, and soon there was a multitude of people in the land.

167. When they came back from the eastern mountain, the brothers and sisters split up; and, keeping their previous illegal marriages a secret, the brothers married women from the Mirage People while the sisters married men from the Mirage People. They also kept all the mysteries they had learned in the eastern mountain hidden. The women they married had children every four days, and those children grew up in four days, got married, and also had children every four days. This large number of offspring married among the Kisáni and among those who came from the lower world, and soon there was a huge population in the land.

168. These descendants of First Man and First Woman made a great farm. They built a dam and dug a wide irrigating ditch. But they feared the Kisáni might injure their dam or their crops; so they put one of the hermaphrodites to watch the dam and the other to watch the lower end of the field. The hermaphrodite who watched at the dam invented pottery. He made first a plate, a bowl, and a dipper, which were greatly admired by the people. The hermaphrodite who lived at the lower end of the farm invented the wicker water-bottle.30 Others made, from thin split boards of cottonwood, implements which they shoved before them to clear the weeds out of the land. They made also hoes from shoulder-blades of deer and axes of stone. They got their seeds from the Kisáni.

168. The descendants of First Man and First Woman created a large farm. They built a dam and dug a wide irrigation ditch. However, they were worried that the Kisáni might damage their dam or their crops, so they assigned one of the hermaphrodites to watch over the dam and the other to keep an eye on the lower part of the field. The hermaphrodite at the dam invented pottery, making a plate, a bowl, and a dipper that everyone admired. The hermaphrodite at the lower end of the farm invented a wicker water bottle. Others crafted tools from thin, split cottonwood boards to push in front of them to clear the weeds from the land. They also made hoes out of deer shoulder blades and axes from stone. They obtained their seeds from the Kisáni.

169. Once they killed a little deer, and some one among them thought that perhaps they might make, from the skin of the head, a mask, by means of which they could approach other deer and kill them. They tried to make such a mask but failed; they could not make it fit. They debated over the invention and considered it for [71]four days, but did not succeed. On the morning of the fifth day they heard the gods shouting in the distance. As on a previous occasion, they shouted four times, and after the fourth call they made their appearance. They brought with them heads of deer and of antelope. They showed the people how the masks were made and fitted, how the eye-holes were cut, how the motions of the deer were to be imitated, and explained to them all the other mysteries of the deer-hunt.31 Next day hunters went out and several deer were killed; from these more masks were made, and with these masks more men went out to hunt; after that time the camp had abundance of meat. The people dressed the deerskins and made garments out of them.

169. Once they killed a small deer, and someone suggested that they could create a mask from the skin of its head, allowing them to approach other deer and kill them. They tried to make the mask but couldn't get it to fit. They debated the idea and thought about it for [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]four days, but didn't succeed. On the morning of the fifth day, they heard the gods calling out from a distance. Just like before, they shouted four times, and after the fourth call, they showed up. They brought with them deer and antelope heads. They demonstrated how to make and fit the masks, how to cut the eye-holes, how to imitate the movements of the deer, and explained all the other secrets of deer hunting. 31 The next day, hunters went out, and several deer were killed; from these, more masks were made, and with those masks, more people went out to hunt. After that, the camp had plenty of meat. The people processed the deer skins and made clothes from them.

170. The people from the third world had been in the fourth world eight years when the following incident occurred: One day they saw the sky stooping down and the earth rising up to meet it. For a moment they came in contact, and then there sprang out of the earth, at the point of contact, the Coyote and the Badger. We think now that the Coyote and the Badger are children of the sky. The Coyote rose first, and for this reason we think he is the elder brother of the Badger. At once the Coyote came over to the camp and skulked round among the people, while the Badger went down into the hole that led to the lower world.

170. The people from the third world had been in the fourth world for eight years when the following incident happened: One day, they saw the sky bending down and the earth lifting up to meet it. For a moment, they touched, and then from the earth, at the point of contact, emerged the Coyote and the Badger. We now believe that the Coyote and the Badger are children of the sky. The Coyote appeared first, which is why we consider him the older brother of the Badger. Right away, the Coyote approached the camp and sneaked around among the people, while the Badger went down into the hole that led to the lower world.

171. First Man told the people the names of the four mountains which rose in the distance. They were named the same as the four mountains that now bound the Navaho land. There was Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni in the east, Tsótsĭl in the south, Dokoslíd in the west, and Depĕ′ntsa in the north, and he told them that a different race of people lived in each mountain.

171. First Man informed the people about the names of the four mountains visible in the distance. They were named the same as the four mountains that now surround the Navajo land. There was Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni in the east, Tsótsĭl in the south, Dokoslíd in the west, and Depĕ′ntsa in the north, and he explained that a different group of people lived on each mountain.

172. First Man was the chief of all these people in the fourth world, except the Kisáni. He was a great hunter, and his wife, First Woman, was very corpulent. One day he brought home from the hunt a fine fat deer. The woman boiled some of it and they had a hearty meal. When they were done the woman wiped her greasy hands on her dress, and made a remark which greatly enraged her husband; they had a quarrel about this, which First Man ended by jumping across the fire and remaining by himself in silence for the rest of the night.32

172. First Man was the leader of all these people in the fourth world, except for the Kisáni. He was a skilled hunter, and his wife, First Woman, was quite heavyset. One day he came back from the hunt with a nice, fat deer. The woman cooked some of it, and they enjoyed a hearty meal. After they finished, the woman wiped her greasy hands on her dress and made a comment that really angered her husband; they ended up having a fight about it. First Man resolved the issue by jumping over the fire and spending the rest of the night in silence by himself.32

173. Next morning First Man went out early and called aloud to the people: “Come hither, all ye men,” he said; “I wish to speak to you, but let all the women stay behind; I do not wish to see them.” Soon all the males gathered, and he told them what his wife had said the night before. “They believe,” he said, “that they can live without us. Let us see if they can hunt game and till the fields without our help. Let us see what sort of a living they can make [72]by themselves. Let us leave them and persuade the Kisáni to come with us. We will cross the stream, and when we are gone over we will keep the raft on the other side.” He sent for the hermaphrodites. They came, covered with meal, for they had been grinding corn. “What have you that you have made yourselves?” he asked. “We have each two mealing-stones, and we have cups and bowls and baskets and many other things,” they answered. “Then take these all along with you,” he ordered, “and join us to cross the stream.” Then all the men and the hermaphrodites assembled at the river and crossed to the north side on the raft, and they took over with them their stone axes and farm implements and everything they had made. When they had all crossed they sent the raft down to the Kisáni for them to cross. The latter came over,—six gentes of them,—but they took their women with them. While some of the young men were crossing the stream they cried at parting with their wives; still they went at the bidding of their chief. The men left the women everything the latter had helped to make or raise.

173. The next morning, First Man went out early and called out to the people: “Come here, all you men,” he said; “I want to talk to you, but all the women should stay back; I don’t want to see them.” Soon all the men gathered, and he told them what his wife had said the night before. “They think,” he said, “that they can live without us. Let’s see if they can hunt and farm without our help. Let’s see what kind of living they can make [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]on their own. Let’s leave them and convince the Kisáni to come with us. We will cross the stream, and once we're over, we’ll keep the raft on the other side.” He sent for the hermaphrodites. They came, covered in flour because they had been grinding corn. “What have you made yourselves?” he asked. “We have two grinding stones each, along with cups and bowls and baskets and many other things,” they replied. “Then take all of that with you,” he ordered, “and join us to cross the stream.” The men and the hermaphrodites then gathered at the river and crossed to the north side on the raft, bringing their stone axes, farming tools, and everything they had made. Once they had all crossed, they sent the raft down to the Kisáni for them to use. The Kisáni came over—six groups of them—but they brought their women with them. As some of the young men were crossing the stream, they shouted as they parted from their wives; still, they went at their chief’s command. The men left the women everything the women had helped to make or cultivate.

174. As soon as they had crossed the river some of the men went out hunting, for the young boys needed food, and some set to work to chop down willows and build huts. They had themselves all sheltered in four days.

174. As soon as they crossed the river, some of the men went out to hunt because the young boys needed food, while others started chopping down willows to build huts. They had all set up shelter within four days.

175. That winter the women had abundance of food, and they feasted, sang, and had a merry time. They often came down to the bank of the river and called across to the men and taunted and reviled them. Next year the men prepared a few small fields and raised a little corn; but they did not have much corn to eat, and lived a good deal by hunting. The women planted all of the old farm, but they did not work it very well; so in the winter they had a small crop, and they did not sing and make merry as in the previous winter. In the second spring the women planted less, while the men planted more, cleared more land, and increased the size of their farm. Each year the fields and crops of the men increased, while those of the women diminished and they began to suffer for want of food. Some went out and gathered the seeds of wild plants to eat. In the autumn of the third year of separation many women jumped into the river and tried to swim over; but they were carried under the surface of the water and were never seen again. In the fourth year the men had more food than they could eat; corn and pumpkins lay untouched in the fields, while the women were starving.

175. That winter, the women had plenty of food, and they celebrated, sang, and had a great time. They frequently went down to the riverbank and shouted across to the men, mocking and insulting them. The following year, the men prepared a few small fields and grew a little corn; however, they didn’t have much corn to eat and relied a lot on hunting. The women planted the entire old farm, but they didn’t manage it very well, so in the winter, they had a small crop and didn’t sing or celebrate like they did the previous winter. In the second spring, the women planted less, while the men planted more, cleared additional land, and expanded their farm. Each year, the men’s fields and crops grew, while the women’s decreased, and they started to struggle with food shortages. Some went out and gathered wild plant seeds to eat. In the autumn of the third year of separation, several women jumped into the river and attempted to swim across; unfortunately, they were pulled under the water and were never seen again. In the fourth year, the men had more food than they could eat; corn and pumpkins lay untouched in the fields, while the women were starving.

176. First Man at length began to think what the effect of his course might be. He saw that if he continued to keep the men and the women apart the race might die out, so he called the men and spoke his thoughts to them. Some said, “Surely our race will perish,” and others said, “What good is our abundance to us? We [73]think so much of our poor women starving in our sight that we cannot eat.” Then he sent a man to the shore to call across the stream to find if First Woman were still there, and to bid her come down to the bank if she were. She came to the bank, and First Man called to her and asked if she still thought she could live alone. “No,” she replied, “we cannot live without our husbands.” The men and the women were then told to assemble at the shores of the stream; the raft was sent over and the women were ferried across. They were made to bathe their bodies and dry them with meal. They were put in a corral and kept there until night, when they were let out to join the men in their feasts.33

176. Eventually, First Man started to consider the consequences of his actions. He realized that if he kept the men and women separated, the human race could vanish. So, he gathered the men and shared his concerns. Some responded, “Our race is definitely at risk,” while others said, “What good is our surplus if our poor women are starving right in front of us? We can't even eat.” He then sent a man to the shore to call across the stream to see if First Woman was still there and to ask her to come to the bank if she was. She came to the bank, and First Man called out to her, asking if she still believed she could live independently. “No,” she replied, “we cannot survive without our husbands.” The men and women were then instructed to gather at the riverbank; a raft was sent over, and the women were ferried across. They were made to bathe and dry themselves with meal. They were kept in a corral until nightfall, when they were allowed to join the men in their celebrations.33

177. When they were let out of the corral it was found that three were missing. After dark, voices were heard calling from the other side of the river; they were the voices of the missing ones,—a mother and her two daughters. They begged to be ferried over, but the men told them it was too dark, that they must wait until morning. Hearing this, they jumped into the stream and tried to swim over. The mother succeeded in reaching the opposite bank and finding her husband. The daughters were seized by Tiéholtsodi, the water monster, and dragged down under the water.

177. When they were released from the corral, it turned out that three were missing. After dark, voices were heard calling from the other side of the river; they belonged to the missing individuals—a mother and her two daughters. They pleaded to be ferried across, but the men told them it was too dark and they had to wait until morning. Upon hearing this, they jumped into the water and tried to swim over. The mother managed to reach the other side and find her husband. The daughters were grabbed by Tiéholtsodi, the water monster, and pulled under the water.

178. For three nights and three days the people heard nothing about the young women and supposed them lost forever. On the morning of the fourth day the call of the gods was heard,—four times as usual,—and after the fourth call White Body made his appearance, holding up two fingers and pointing to the river. The people supposed that these signs had reference to the lost girls. Some of the men crossed the stream on the raft and looked for the tracks of the lost ones; they traced the tracks to the edge of the water, but no farther. White Body went away, but soon returned, accompanied by Blue Body. White Body carried a large bowl of white shell, and Blue Body a large bowl of blue shell. They asked for a man and a woman to accompany them, and they went down to the river. They put both the bowls on the surface of the water and caused them to spin around. Beneath the spinning bowls the water opened, for it was hollow, and gave entrance to a large house of four rooms. The room in the east was made of the dark waters, the room in the south of the blue waters, the room in the west of the yellow waters, and the room in the north of waters of all colors.36

178. For three nights and three days, the people heard nothing about the young women and assumed they were lost forever. On the morning of the fourth day, the call of the gods was heard—four times as usual—and after the fourth call, White Body appeared, holding up two fingers and pointing to the river. The people thought these signs referred to the lost girls. Some of the men crossed the stream on the raft and searched for the tracks of the lost ones; they traced the tracks to the edge of the water but no further. White Body left but soon returned, accompanied by Blue Body. White Body carried a large bowl made of white shell, while Blue Body held a large bowl made of blue shell. They requested a man and a woman to join them, and they went down to the river. They placed both bowls on the surface of the water and made them spin. As the bowls spun, the water below opened up, revealing a large house with four rooms. The room in the east was made of dark waters, the room in the south of blue waters, the room in the west of yellow waters, and the room in the north of waters of all colors.36

179. The man and the woman descended and Coyote followed them. They went first into the east room, but there they found nothing; then they went into the south room, but there they found nothing; next they went into the west room, where again they found nothing; at last they went into the north room, and there they [74]beheld the water monster Tiéholtsodi, with the two girls he had stolen and two children of his own. The man and the woman demanded the children, and as he said nothing in reply they took them and walked away. But as they went out Coyote, unperceived by all, took the two children of Tiéholtsodi and carried them off under his robe. Coyote always wore his robe folded close around him and always slept with it thus folded, so no one was surprised to see that he still wore his robe in this way when he came up from the waters, and no one suspected that he had stolen the children of Tiéholtsodi.

179. The man and the woman went down, followed by Coyote. They first entered the east room, but found nothing; then they checked the south room, but again found nothing; next, they moved to the west room, where they still found nothing; finally, they entered the north room, and there they [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] encountered the water monster Tiéholtsodi, along with the two girls he had taken and two of his own children. The man and the woman asked for the children, and when he didn’t respond, they took them and left. However, as they exited, Coyote, unnoticed by anyone, took Tiéholtsodi's two children and hid them under his robe. Coyote always wore his robe tightly wrapped around him and slept with it that way, so no one was surprised to see him still wearing it when he came out of the water, nor did anyone suspect that he had stolen Tiéholtsodi's children.

180. Next day the people were surprised to see deer, turkey, and antelope running past from east to west, and to see animals of six different kinds (two kinds of Hawks, two kinds of Squirrels, the Hummingbird, and the Bat) come into their camp as if for refuge. The game animals ran past in increasing numbers during the three days following. On the morning of the fourth day, when the white light rose, the people observed in the east a strange white gleam along the horizon, and they sent out the Locust couriers to see what caused this unusual appearance. The Locusts returned before sunset, and told the people that a vast flood of waters was fast approaching from the east. On hearing this the people all assembled together, the Kisáni with the others, in a great multitude, and they wailed and wept over the approaching catastrophe. They wept and moaned all night and could not sleep.

180. The next day, the people were shocked to see deer, turkey, and antelope running from east to west, along with animals of six different kinds (two types of hawks, two types of squirrels, a hummingbird, and a bat) coming into their camp as if seeking shelter. The game animals passed by in increasing numbers over the next three days. On the morning of the fourth day, when the sunlight broke, the people noticed a strange white glow on the horizon to the east, and they sent out the Locust couriers to find out what was causing this unusual sight. The Locusts returned before sunset and informed the people that a massive flood was rapidly approaching from the east. Hearing this, everyone gathered together, including the Kisáni, in a large crowd, and they mourned and wept over the impending disaster. They cried and moaned all night and couldn’t sleep.

181. When the white light arose in the east, next morning, the waters were seen high as mountains encircling the whole horizon, except in the west, and rolling on rapidly. The people packed up all their goods as fast as they could, and ran up on a high hill near by, for temporary safety. Here they held a council. Some one suggested that perhaps the two Squirrels (Hazáitso and Hazáistozi) might help them. “We will try what we can do,” said the Squirrels. One planted a piñon seed, the other a juniper seed, and they grew so very fast that the people hoped that they would soon grow so tall that the flood could not reach their tops, and that all might find shelter there. But after the trees grew a little way they began to branch out and grew no higher. Then the frightened people called on the Weasels (Gloʻdsĭlkái and Gloʻdsĭlzĭ′ni). One of these planted a spruce seed and one a pine seed. The trees sprouted at once and grew fast, and again the people began to hope; but soon the trees commenced to branch, and they dwindled to slender points at the top and ceased to grow higher. Now they were in the depths of despair, for the waters were coming nearer every moment, when they saw two men approaching the hill on which they were gathered.

181. When the white light appeared in the east the next morning, the waters rose high like mountains around the entire horizon, except in the west, and surged forward quickly. The people hurried to pack all their belongings and ran up a nearby hill for temporary safety. They held a meeting there. Someone suggested that perhaps the two Squirrels (Hazáitso and Hazáistozi) could help them. “We'll see what we can do,” said the Squirrels. One of them planted a piñon seed, and the other planted a juniper seed, and they grew so quickly that the people hoped they would soon reach a height beyond the flood's reach, providing shelter for everyone. But after the trees grew for a while, they started to branch out and stopped growing taller. Frightened, the people called on the Weasels (Gloʻdsĭlkái and Gloʻdsĭlzĭ′ni). One Weasel planted a spruce seed, and the other planted a pine seed. The trees sprouted immediately and grew rapidly, rekindling hope among the people; but soon, the trees also began to branch out and shrank to slender points at the top, ceasing to grow taller. Now they were in deep despair, as the waters drew nearer with each passing moment, when they saw two men approaching the hill where they had gathered.

182. One of the approaching men was old and grayhaired; the [75]other, who was young, walked in advance. They ascended the hill and passed through the crowd, speaking to no one. The young man sat down on the summit, the old man sat down behind him, and the Locust sat down behind the old man,—all facing the east. The elder took out seven bags from under his robe and opened them. Each contained a small quantity of earth. He told the people that in these bags he had earth from the seven sacred mountains. There were in the fourth world seven sacred mountains, named and placed like the sacred mountains of the present Navaho land. “Ah! Perhaps our father can do something for us,” said the people. “I cannot, but my son may be able to help you,” said the old man. Then they bade the son to help them, and he said he would if they all moved away from where he stood, faced to the west, and looked not around until he called them; for no one should see him at his work. They did as he desired, and in a few moments he called them to come to him. When they came, they saw that he had spread the sacred earth on the ground and planted in it thirty-two reeds, each of which had thirty-two joints. As they gazed they beheld the roots of the reeds striking out into the soil and growing rapidly downward. A moment later all the reeds joined together and became one reed of great size, with a hole in its eastern side. He bade them enter the hollow of the reed through this hole. When they were all safely inside, the opening closed, and none too soon, for scarcely had it closed when they heard the loud noise of the surging waters outside, saying, “Yin, yin, yin.”37

182. One of the men approaching was old and gray-haired; the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]other, who was younger, walked ahead. They climbed the hill and moved through the crowd without speaking to anyone. The young man sat down at the top, the old man sat behind him, and the Locust sat behind the old man—all facing east. The elder pulled out seven bags from under his robe and opened them. Each bag held a small amount of earth. He told the people that he had earth from the seven sacred mountains in these bags. In the fourth world, there were seven sacred mountains, named and positioned like the sacred mountains in present-day Navajo territory. “Ah! Maybe our father can do something for us,” the people said. “I cannot, but my son might be able to help you,” the old man replied. They urged the son to assist them, and he agreed, but only if they all moved away from where he was, faced west, and didn’t look around until he called them; for no one should see him while he worked. They complied with his request, and in a few moments, he called them to come back. When they arrived, they saw he had spread the sacred earth on the ground and planted thirty-two reeds, each with thirty-two joints. As they watched, the roots of the reeds shot down into the soil and grew quickly. Moments later, all the reeds fused into one large reed, with a hole on its eastern side. He instructed them to enter the hollow of the reed through this hole. Once they were all safely inside, the opening closed, just in time, as they heard the loud sound of rushing waters outside, which said, “Yin, yin, yin.”37

183. The waters rose fast, but the reed grew faster, and soon it grew so high that it began to sway, and the people inside were in great fear lest, with their weight, it might break and topple over into the water. White Body, Blue Body, and Black Body were along. Black Body blew a great breath out through a hole in the top of the reed; a heavy dark cloud formed around the reed and kept it steady. But the reed grew higher and higher; again it began to sway, and again the people within were in great fear, whereat he blew and made another cloud to steady the reed. By sunset it had grown up close to the sky, but it swayed and waved so much that they could not secure it to the sky until Black Body, who was uppermost, took the plume out of his head-band and stuck it out through the top of the cane against the sky, and this is why the reed (Phragmites communis) always carries a plume on its head now.38

183. The water rose quickly, but the reed grew even faster, and soon it was so tall that it began to sway, making the people inside very scared that their weight might cause it to break and topple into the water. White Body, Blue Body, and Black Body were present. Black Body blew a powerful breath out through a hole at the top of the reed; a thick dark cloud formed around the reed and kept it steady. But the reed continued to grow taller and started to sway again, putting the people inside in fear once more, prompting him to create another cloud to steady the reed. By sunset, it had grown nearly to the sky, but it swayed so much that they couldn't secure it to the sky until Black Body, who was at the top, removed the plume from his headband and poked it out through the top of the cane towards the sky, which is why the reed (Phragmites communis) always has a plume on its head now.38

184. Seeing no hole in the sky, they sent up the Great Hawk, Ginĭ′tso, to see what he could do. He flew up and began to scratch in the sky with his claws, and he scratched and scratched till he was lost to sight. After a while he came back, and said that he [76]scratched to where he could see light, but that he did not get through the sky. Next they sent up a Locust.39 He was gone a long time, and when he came back he had this story to tell: He had gotten through to the upper world, and came out on a little island in the centre of a lake. When he got out he saw approaching him from the east a black Grebe, and from the west a yellow Grebe.40 One of them said to him: “Who are you and whence come you?” But he made no reply. The other then said: “We own half of this world,—I in the east, my brother in the west. We give you a challenge. If you can do as we do, we shall give you one half of the world; if you cannot, you must die.” Each had an arrow made of the black wind. He passed the arrow from side to side through his heart and flung it down to Wonĭstsídi, the Locust.41 The latter picked up one of the arrows, ran it from side to side through his heart, as he had seen the Grebes do, and threw it down.42 The Grebes swam away, one to the east and one to the west, and troubled him no more. When they had gone, two more Grebes appeared, a blue one from the south and a shining one from the north. They spoke to him as the other Grebes had spoken, and gave him the same challenge. Again he passed the arrow through his heart and the Grebes departed, leaving the land to the locust. To this day we see in every locust’s sides the holes made by the arrows. But the hole the Locust made in ascending was too small for many of the people, so they sent Badger up to make it larger. When Badger came back his legs were stained black with the mud, and the legs of all badgers have been black ever since. Then First Man and First Woman led the way and all the others followed them, and they climbed up through the hole to the surface of this—the fifth—world.

184. Not seeing a hole in the sky, they sent up the Great Hawk, Ginĭ′tso, to see what he could do. He flew up and started scratching at the sky with his claws, scratching and scratching until he disappeared from view. After a while, he returned and said that he [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] scratched until he could see light, but he couldn’t break through the sky. Next, they sent up a Locust.39 He was gone for a long time, and when he came back, he had this story to tell: He had made it to the upper world and emerged on a small island in the middle of a lake. When he got out, he saw a black Grebe approaching from the east and a yellow Grebe from the west.40 One of them asked him, “Who are you and where do you come from?” But he didn’t respond. The other then said, “We own half of this world—me in the east, my brother in the west. We challenge you. If you can do what we do, we will give you half of the world; if not, you must die.” Each Grebe had an arrow made from the black wind. He passed the arrow back and forth through his heart and threw it down to Wonĭstsídi, the Locust.41 The latter picked up one of the arrows, ran it back and forth through his heart, just like the Grebes did, and threw it down.42 The Grebes swam away, one to the east and one to the west, leaving him in peace. After they left, two more Grebes showed up, a blue one from the south and a shining one from the north. They spoke to him as the first Grebes had and gave him the same challenge. Again, he passed the arrow through his heart, and the Grebes left, leaving the land to the locust. To this day, we can see the holes in every locust’s sides made by the arrows. But the hole the Locust created when he rose was too small for many of the people, so they sent Badger up to make it larger. When Badger came back, his legs were stained black with mud, and all badgers’ legs have been black ever since. Then First Man and First Woman led the way, and everyone else followed them as they climbed through the hole to the surface of this—the fifth—world.

Plate III. DISTANT VIEW OF SAN MATEO MOUNTAIN (TSÓTSĬL), NEW MEXICO.54

Plate III. DISTANT VIEW OF SAN MATEO MOUNTAIN (TSÓTSĬL), NEW MEXICO.54

Plate 3. DISTANT VIEW OF SAN MATEO MOUNTAIN (TSÓTSĬL), NEW MEXICO.54

(The sacred mountain of the South.)

(The sacred mountain of the South.)

II. EARLY EVENTS IN THE FIFTH WORLD.

185. The lake43 was bounded by high cliffs, from the top of which stretched a great plain. There are mountains around it now, but these have been created since the time of the emergence. Finding no way to get out of the lake, they called on Blue Body to help them. He had brought with him from the lower world four stones; he threw one of these towards each of the four cardinal points against the cliffs, breaking holes, through which the waters flowed away in four different directions.44 The lake did not altogether drain out by this means; but the bottom became bare in one place, connecting the island with the mainland. But the mud was so deep in this place that they still hesitated to cross, and they prayed to Nĭ′ltsi Dĭlkóhi, Smooth Wind, to come to their aid.45 Nĭ′ltsi Dĭlkóhi [77]blew a strong wind, and in one day dried up the mud so that the people could easily walk over. While they were waiting for the ground to dry, the Kisáni camped on the east side of the island and built a stone wall (which stands to this day), to lean against and to shelter them from the wind.46 The other people set up a shelter of brushwood. The women erected four poles, on which they stretched a deerskin, and under the shelter of this they played the game of three-sticks,47 tsĭndĭ′, one of the four games which they brought with them from the lower world.

185. The lake was surrounded by high cliffs, and from the top of these cliffs stretched a vast plain. There are mountains around it now, but they were formed after the emergence. Unable to find a way out of the lake, they called on Blue Body for help. He had brought four stones from the lower world and threw one towards each of the four cardinal directions against the cliffs, breaking openings through which the water flowed away in four different directions. The lake didn’t completely drain this way, but one spot at the bottom became exposed, connecting the island to the mainland. However, the mud there was so deep that they hesitated to cross it, so they prayed to Nĭ′ltsi Dĭlkóhi, Smooth Wind, for assistance. Nĭ′ltsi Dĭlkóhi [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] blew a strong wind, which dried up the mud in just one day, making it easy for the people to walk across. While they waited for the ground to dry, the Kisáni set up camp on the east side of the island and built a stone wall (which still stands today) for support and shelter from the wind. The others constructed a brushwood shelter. The women raised four poles and stretched a deerskin over them, under which they played the game of three-sticks, tsĭndĭ′, one of the four games they brought with them from the lower world.

186. When they reached the mainland they sought to divine their fate. To do this some one threw a hide-scraper into the water, saying: “If it sinks we perish, if it floats we live.” It floated, and all rejoiced. But Coyote said: “Let me divine your fate.” He picked up a stone, and saying, “If it sinks we perish; if it floats we live,” he threw it into the water. It sank, of course, and all were angry with him and reviled him; but he answered them saying: “If we all live, and continue to increase as we have done, the earth will soon be too small to hold us, and there will be no room for the cornfields. It is better that each of us should live but a time on this earth and then leave and make room for our children.” They saw the wisdom of his words and were silent. The day they arrived at the shore they had two visitors,—Puma and Wolf. “We have heard,” said these, “that some new people had come up out of the ground, and we have come over to see them.” Puma took a bride from among the new people.

186. When they arrived on the mainland, they tried to figure out their destiny. To do this, someone threw a hide-scraper into the water, saying, “If it sinks, we perish; if it floats, we live.” It floated, and everyone celebrated. But Coyote said, “Let me determine your fate.” He picked up a stone and declared, “If it sinks, we perish; if it floats, we live,” and then threw it into the water. It sank, of course, and everyone got angry with him and insulted him; but he replied, “If we all survive and keep growing like we have, soon the earth will be too small to hold us, and there won’t be any room for fields of corn. It’s better for each of us to live for a time on this earth and then leave to make space for our children.” They recognized the wisdom in his words and fell silent. On the day they reached the shore, they had two visitors—Puma and Wolf. “We’ve heard,” they said, “that some new people have come up from the ground, and we’ve come over to see them.” Puma took a bride from among the newcomers.

187. On the fourth day of the emergence some one went to look at the hole through which they had come out, and he noticed water welling up there; already it was nearly on a level with the top of the hole, and every moment it rose higher. In haste he ran back to his people and told them what he had seen. A council was called at once to consider the new danger that threatened them. First Man, who rose to speak, said, pointing to Coyote: “Yonder is a rascal, and there is something wrong about him. He never takes off his robe, even when he lies down. I have watched him for a long time, and have suspected that he carries some stolen property under his robe. Let us search him.”48 They tore the robe from Coyote’s shoulders, and two strange little objects dropped out that looked something like buffalo calves, but were spotted all over in various colors; they were the young of Tiéholtsodi. At once the people threw them into the hole through which the waters were pouring; in an instant the waters subsided, and rushed away with a deafening noise to the lower world.49

187. On the fourth day after they emerged, someone went to check the hole they had come out of and noticed water rising there; it was almost at the top of the hole and rising higher by the moment. In a hurry, he ran back to his people and reported what he had seen. A council was immediately called to discuss the new threat facing them. First Man, who stood up to speak, pointed to Coyote and said, “That one over there is suspicious, and there’s something off about him. He never takes off his robe, even when he lies down. I’ve been watching him for a while, and I think he’s hiding something stolen under his robe. Let’s search him.”48 They ripped the robe from Coyote’s shoulders, and two strange little objects fell out that looked like spotted buffalo calves in various colors; they were the young of Tiéholtsodi. Immediately, the people threw them into the hole where the waters were flowing in; in an instant, the waters calmed down and rushed away with a deafening roar to the lower world.49

188. On the fifth night one of the twin hermaphrodites ceased to breathe. They left her alone all that night, and, when morning [78]came, Coyote proposed to lay her at rest among the rocks. This they did; but they all wondered what had become of her breath. They went in various directions to seek for its trail, but could find it nowhere. While they were hunting, two men went near the hole through which they had come from the lower world. It occurred to one of them to look down into the hole. He did so, and he saw the dead one seated by the side of the river, in the fourth world, combing her hair. He called to his companion and the latter came and looked down, too. They returned to their people and related what they had seen; but in four days both these men died, and ever since the Navahoes have feared to look upon the dead, or to behold a ghost, lest they die themselves.60

188. On the fifth night, one of the twin hermaphrodites stopped breathing. They left her alone all night, and when morning [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]came, Coyote suggested laying her to rest among the rocks. They did just that, but they all wondered what had happened to her breath. They split up to search for its trail but found nothing. While they were looking, two men approached the hole through which they had come from the lower world. One of them had the idea to look down into the hole. He did, and he saw the dead one sitting by the river in the fourth world, combing her hair. He called his companion over, who also looked down. They went back to their people and shared what they had seen; however, within four days, both of these men died, and ever since, the Navahoes have been afraid to look at the dead or see a ghost, fearing they would die themselves.60

189. After this it was told around that the Kisáni, who were in camp at a little distance from the others, had brought with them from the lower world an ear of corn for seed. Some of the unruly ones proposed to go to the camp of the Kisáni and take the corn away from them; but others, of better counsel, said that this would be wrong, that the Kisáni had had as much trouble as the rest, and if they had more foresight they had a right to profit by it. In spite of these words, some of the young men went and demanded the corn of the Kisáni. The latter said, after some angry talk on both sides, “We will break the ear in two and give you whichever half you choose.” The young men agreed to this bargain, and the woman who owned the ear broke it in the middle and laid the pieces down for the others to choose. The young men looked at the pieces, and were considering which they would take, when Coyote, getting impatient, picked up the tip end of the ear and made off with it. The Kisáni kept the butt, and this is the reason the Pueblo Indians have to-day better crops of corn than the Navahoes. But the Pueblos had become alarmed at the threats and angry language of their neighbors and moved away from them, and this is why the Navahoes and Pueblos now live apart from one another.

189. After that, word spread that the Kisáni, who were camping a bit away from everyone else, had brought an ear of corn for seed from the lower world. Some of the troublemakers suggested going to the Kisáni's camp to take the corn from them, but others, thinking more clearly, argued that this would be wrong. They said that the Kisáni had worked just as hard as everyone else, and if they had been smarter, they deserved to benefit from it. Despite this advice, some of the young men went and demanded the corn from the Kisáni. After some angry exchanges, the Kisáni said, “We’ll split the ear in two and you can take whichever half you want.” The young men agreed to this deal, and the woman who owned the ear broke it in half and set the pieces down for them to choose from. As the young men looked at the pieces, deciding which to take, Coyote, growing impatient, grabbed the tip of the ear and ran off with it. The Kisáni kept the base, and that’s why the Pueblo Indians today have better corn crops than the Navahoes. However, the Pueblos became frightened by the threats and harsh words from their neighbors and moved away, which is why the Navahoes and Pueblos now live separately.

190. After the Kisáni moved away, First Man and First Woman, Black Body and Blue Body, set out to build the seven sacred mountains of the present Navaho land. They made them all of earth which they had brought from similar mountains in the fourth world. The mountains they made were Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni in the east, Tsótsĭl (Taylor, San Mateo) in the south, Dokoslíd (San Francisco) in the west, Depĕ′ntsa (San Juan) in the north, with Dsĭlnáotĭl, Tsolíhi, and Akĭdanastáni (Hosta Butte) in the middle of the land.61

190. After the Kisáni left, First Man and First Woman, Black Body and Blue Body, began to create the seven sacred mountains of what is now Navajo land. They constructed them using earth that they had brought from similar mountains in the fourth world. The mountains they created were Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni in the east, Tsótsĭl (Taylor, San Mateo) in the south, Dokoslíd (San Francisco) in the west, Depĕ′ntsa (San Juan) in the north, along with Dsĭlnáotĭl, Tsolíhi, and Akĭdanastáni (Hosta Butte) in the center of the land.61

191. Through Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni,62 in the east, they ran a bolt of lightning to fasten it to the earth. They decorated it with white shells, white lightning, white corn, dark clouds, and he-rain. They set a big dish or bowl of shell on its summit, and in it they put two eggs [79]of the Pigeon to make feathers for the mountain. The eggs they covered with a sacred buckskin to make them hatch (there are many wild pigeons in this mountain now). All these things they covered with a sheet of daylight, and they put the Rock Crystal Boy and the Rock Crystal Girl53 into the mountain to dwell.

191. Through Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni,62 in the east, they connected a bolt of lightning to the earth. They decorated it with white shells, white lightning, white corn, dark clouds, and rain meant for men. They placed a large dish or bowl made of shells on top of it, and in it they put two eggs [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] from the Pigeon to create feathers for the mountain. They covered the eggs with a sacred buckskin to help them hatch (there are now many wild pigeons on this mountain). All of these items were covered with a sheet of daylight, and they placed the Rock Crystal Boy and the Rock Crystal Girl53 into the mountain to live.

192. Tsótsĭl,54 the mountain of the south, they fastened to the earth with a great stone knife, thrust through from top to bottom. They adorned it with turquoise, with dark mist, she-rain, and all different kinds of wild animals. On its summit they placed a dish of turquoise; in this they put two eggs of the Bluebird, which they covered with sacred buckskin (there are many bluebirds in Tsótsĭl now), and over all they spread a covering of blue sky. The Boy who Carries One Turquoise and the Girl who Carries One Grain of Corn55 were put into the mountain to dwell.

192. Tsótsĭl,54 the mountain in the south, was anchored to the ground with a massive stone knife, driven through from the top to the bottom. It was decorated with turquoise, dark mist, she-rain, and various wild animals. At the peak, they placed a turquoise dish; in it, they set two Bluebird eggs, which were wrapped in sacred buckskin (there are plenty of bluebirds in Tsótsĭl today), and over everything, they spread a blanket of blue sky. The Boy who Carries One Turquoise and the Girl who Carries One Grain of Corn55 were placed inside the mountain to live.

193. Dokoslíd,56 the mountain of the west, they fastened to the earth with a sunbeam. They adorned it with haliotis shell, with black clouds, he-rain, yellow corn, and all sorts of wild animals. They placed a dish of haliotis shell on the top, and laid in this two eggs of the Yellow Warbler, covering them with sacred buckskins. There are many yellow warblers now in Dokoslíd. Over all they spread a yellow cloud, and they sent White Corn Boy and Yellow Corn Girl57 to dwell there.

193. Dokoslíd,56 the mountain in the west, they secured to the ground with a sunbeam. They decorated it with haliotis shell, dark clouds, rain, yellow corn, and various wild animals. They placed a haliotis shell dish on top and put in it two Yellow Warbler eggs, covering them with sacred buckskins. There are now many yellow warblers in Dokoslíd. They spread a yellow cloud over everything and sent White Corn Boy and Yellow Corn Girl57 to live there.

194. Depĕ′ntsa, the mountain in the north, they fastened with a rainbow. They adorned it with black beads (pászĭni), with the dark mist, with different kinds of plants, and many kinds of wild animals. On its top they put a dish of pászĭni; in this they placed two eggs of the Blackbird, over which they laid a sacred buckskin. Over all they spread a covering of darkness. Lastly they put the Pollen Boy and Grasshopper Girl59 in the mountain, to dwell there.

194. Depĕ′ntsa, the mountain in the north, they tied with a rainbow. They decorated it with black beads (pászĭni), dark mist, various plants, and many types of wild animals. At the top, they placed a dish of pászĭni; in this, they set two Blackbird eggs, over which they laid a sacred buckskin. They covered everything with darkness. Finally, they placed the Pollen Boy and Grasshopper Girl59 in the mountain to live there.

195. Dsĭlnáotĭl,60 was fastened with a sunbeam. They decorated it with goods of all kinds, with the dark cloud, and the male rain. They put nothing on top of it; they left its summit free, in order that warriors might fight there; but they put Boy Who Produces Goods and Girl Who Produces Goods61 there to live.

195. Dsĭlnáoitl was secured with a sunbeam. It was adorned with all sorts of items, along with the dark cloud and the male rain. They left the top clear so warriors could battle there; however, they allowed Boy Who Produces Goods and Girl Who Produces Goods to make their home there.

196. The mountain of Tsolíhi62 they fastened to the earth with nĭ′ltsatlol (the streak or cord of rain). They decorated it with pollen, the dark mist, and the female rain. They placed on top of it a live bird named Tsozli,68—such birds abound there now,—and they put in the mountain to dwell Boy Who Produces Jewels and Girl Who Produces Jewels.64

196. They secured the mountain of Tsolíhi62 to the earth with nĭ′ltsatlol (the streak or cord of rain). They adorned it with pollen, the dark mist, and the female rain. On top of it, they placed a live bird called Tsozli,68—such birds are common there now—and they included in the mountain the Boy Who Produces Jewels and the Girl Who Produces Jewels.64

197. The mountain of Akĭdanastáni66 they fastened to the earth with a sacred stone called tseʻhadáhonige, or mirage-stone. They decorated it with black clouds, the he-rain, and all sorts of plants. They placed a live Grasshopper on its summit, and they put the Mirage-stone Boy and the Carnelian Girl there to dwell.66 [80]

197. They secured the mountain of Akĭdanastáni to the earth with a sacred stone known as tseʻhadáhonige, or mirage-stone. They adorned it with dark clouds, the he-rain, and various plants. A live Grasshopper was placed on its peak, along with the Mirage-stone Boy and the Carnelian Girl to live there.66 [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

198. They still had the three lights and the darkness, as in the lower worlds. But First Man and First Woman thought they might form some lights which would make the world brighter. After much study and debate they planned to make the sun and moon. For the sun they made a round flat object, like a dish, out of a clear stone called tséʻtsagi. They set turquoises around the edge, and outside of these they put rays of red rain, lightning, and snakes of many kinds. At first they thought of putting four points on it, as they afterwards did on the stars, but they changed their minds and made it round. They made the moon of tséʻtson (star-rock, a kind of crystal); they bordered it with white shells and they put on its face hadĭlkĭ′s (sheet lightning), and tóʻlanastsi (all kinds of water).67

198. They still had the three lights and the darkness, just like in the lower worlds. But First Man and First Woman thought they could create some lights that would make the world brighter. After a lot of study and discussion, they decided to make the sun and moon. For the sun, they fashioned a round flat object, like a dish, from a clear stone called tséʻtsagi. They set turquoises around the edge, and outside those, they added rays made of red rain, lightning, and various snakes. Initially, they considered putting four points on it, like they did later on the stars, but they changed their minds and decided to keep it round. They created the moon from tséʻtson (star-rock, a type of crystal); they outlined it with white shells and decorated its face with hadĭlkĭ′s (sheet lightning) and tóʻlanastsi (all kinds of water).67

199. Then they counseled as to what they should do with the sun; where they should make it rise first. The Wind of the East begged that it might be brought to his land, so they dragged it off to the edge of the world where he dwelt; there they gave it to the man who planted the great cane in the lower world, and appointed him to carry it. To an old gray-haired man, who had joined them in the lower world, the moon was given to carry. These men had no names before, but now the former received the name of Tsóhanoai, or Tsínhanoai, and the latter the name of Kléhanoai. When they were about to depart, in order to begin their labors, the people were sorry, for they were beloved by all. But First Man said to the sorrowing people: “Mourn not for them, for you will see them in the heavens, and all that die will be theirs in return for their labors.68 (See notes 69 and 70 for additions to the legend.)

199. Then they discussed what to do with the sun and where it should first rise. The East Wind pleaded to have it brought to his land, so they dragged it to the edge of the world where he lived; there they handed it to the man who planted the great cane in the lower world and assigned him to carry it. The moon was given to an old gray-haired man who had joined them in the lower world. These men had no names before, but now the former was named Tsóhanoai, or Tsínhanoai, and the latter was called Kléhanoai. As they were about to leave to start their tasks, the people felt sad because they were loved by everyone. But First Man said to the grieving people: "Don't mourn for them, for you will see them in the heavens, and all who die will belong to them in return for their efforts.68 (See notes 69 and 70 for additions to the legend.)

200. Then the people (Dĭnéʻ, Navahoes) began to travel. They journeyed towards the east, and after one day’s march they reached Nihahokaí (White Spot on the Earth) and camped for the night. Here a woman brought forth, but her offspring was not like a child; it was round, misshapen, and had no head. The people counselled, and determined that it should be thrown into a gully. So they threw it away; but it lived and grew up and became the monster Téelgĕt,131 who afterwards destroyed so many of the people.

200. Then the people (Dĭnéʻ, Navahoes) began their journey. They traveled east, and after a day of walking, they reached Nihahokaí (White Spot on the Earth) and set up camp for the night. Here, a woman gave birth, but her baby was not like a typical child; it was round, oddly shaped, and had no head. The people discussed what to do and decided it should be thrown into a gully. So, they discarded it; but it survived and grew up to become the monster Téelgĕt,131 who later destroyed many of the people.

201. Next day they wandered farther to the east, and camped at night at Tseʻtaiská (Rock Bending Back). Here was born another misshapen creature, which had something like feathers on both its shoulders. It looked like nothing that was ever seen before, so the people concluded to throw this away also. They took it to an alkali bed close by and cast it away there. But it lived and grew and became the terrible Tseʻnă′hale,135 of whom I shall have much to tell later.

201. The next day, they traveled further east and set up camp at night at Tseʻtaiská (Rock Bending Back). Here, another deformed creature was born, which had something that resembled feathers on both its shoulders. It looked like nothing anyone had ever seen before, so the people decided to discard it as well. They took it to a nearby alkali bed and left it there. But it survived, grew, and became the fearsome Tseʻnă′hale,135 about whom I will have much to say later.

202. The next night, travelling still to the east, they camped at Tseʻbináhotyel, a broad high cliff like a wall, and here a woman [81]bore another strange creature. It had no head, but had a long pointed end where the head ought to be. This object was deposited in the cliff, in a hole which was afterwards sealed up with a stone. They left it there to die, but it grew up and became the destroyer Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli,142 of whom we shall tell hereafter. Because he was closed into the rock, his hair grew into it and he could not fall.

202. The next night, still traveling east, they camped at Tseʻbináhotyel, a wide, high cliff that looked like a wall. Here, a woman [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]gave birth to another strange creature. It didn’t have a head, but instead had a long pointed end where the head should have been. This creature was placed in a hole in the cliff, which was later sealed up with a stone. They left it there to die, but it grew up and became the destroyer, Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli,142 of whom we will speak about later. Because he was trapped in the rock, his hair grew into it, and he couldn’t escape.

203. The next night, when they stopped at Tseʻahalzĭ′ni (Rock with Black Hole), twins were born. They were both roundish with one end tapering to a point. There were no signs of limbs or head, but there were depressions which had somewhat the appearance of eyes. The people laid them on the ground, and next day, when they moved camp, abandoned them. Tseʻahalzĭ′ni is shaped like a Navaho hut, with a door in the east. It is supposed that, when they were abandoned to die, the twin monsters went into this natural hut to dwell. They grew up, however, and became the Bĭnáye Aháni, who slew with their eyes, and of whom we shall have more to tell.

203. The next night, when they stopped at Tseʻaalzĭ′ni (Rock with Black Hole), twins were born. They were both roundish, tapering to a point at one end. There were no signs of limbs or heads, but there were depressions that looked somewhat like eyes. The people laid them on the ground, and the next day, when they moved camp, they left them behind. Tseʻaalzĭ′ni is shaped like a Navajo hut, with a door facing east. It is believed that, when they were abandoned to die, the twin monsters went into this natural hut to live. However, they grew up and became the Bĭnáye Aáni, who could slay with their eyes, and we will have more to share about them.

204. All these monsters were the fruit of the transgressions of the women in the fourth world, when they were separated from the men. Other monsters were born on the march, and others, again, sprang from the blood which had been shed during the birth of the first monsters,71 and all these grew up to become enemies and destroyers of the people.

204. All these monsters were born from the wrongdoings of the women in the fourth world when they were apart from the men. Some monsters were created during the journey, and others emerged from the blood shed during the birth of the first monsters, 71 and all of them grew up to be enemies and destroyers of the people.

205. When they left Tseʻahalzĭ′ni they turned toward the west, and journeyed until they came to a place called Toʻĭntsósoko (Water in a Narrow Gully), and here they remained for thirteen years, making farms and planting corn, beans, and pumpkins every spring.

205. When they left Tseʻahalzĭ′ni, they headed west and traveled until they reached a place called Toʻĭntsósoko (Water in a Narrow Gully). They stayed there for thirteen years, farming and planting corn, beans, and pumpkins every spring.

206. In those days the four-footed beasts, the birds, and the snakes were people also, like ourselves, and built houses and lived near our people close to Depĕ′ntsa. They increased and became the cliff-dwellers. It must have been the flying creatures who built the dwellings high on the cliffs, for if they had not wings how could they reach their houses?

206. Back then, the four-legged animals, the birds, and the snakes were also like us, building homes and living among our people near Depĕ′ntsa. They thrived and became the cliff-dwellers. It must have been the flying creatures that constructed the homes up high on the cliffs because if they didn’t have wings, how could they get to their houses?

207. From Toʻĭntsósoko they moved to Tseʻlakaíia (Standing White Rock), and here they sojourned again for thirteen years. From the latter place they moved to Tseʻpahalkaí (White on Face of Cliff), and here, once more, they remained for a period of thirteen years. During this time the monsters began to devour the people.

207. From Toʻĭntsósoko they moved to Tseʻlakaíia (Standing White Rock), where they stayed for another thirteen years. After that, they went to Tseʻpahalkaí (White on Face of Cliff), and once again, they lingered there for thirteen years. During this time, the monsters started to eat the people.

208. From Tseʻpahalkaí they moved to the neighborhood of Kĭntyél72 (Broad House), in the Chaco Canyon, where the ruins of the great pueblo still stand. When the wanderers arrived the pueblo was in process of building, but was not finished. The way it came to be built you shall now hear:— [82]

208. From Tseʻpahalkaí they moved to the area of Kĭntyél72 (Broad House) in Chaco Canyon, where the ruins of the great pueblo are still visible. When they arrived, the pueblo was still being constructed and was not yet complete. Here’s how it came to be built:— [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

209. Some time before, there had descended among the Pueblos, from the heavens, a divine gambler, or gambling-god, named Nohoílpi, or He Who Wins Men (at play); his talisman was a great piece of turquoise. When he came he challenged the people to all sorts of games and contests, and in all of these he was successful. He won from them, first, their property, then their women and children, and finally some of the men themselves. Then he told them he would give them part of their property back in payment if they would build a great house; so when the Navahoes came, the Pueblos were busy building in order that they might release their enthralled relatives and their property. They were also busy making a race-track, and preparing for all kinds of games of chance and skill.

209. Some time before, a divine gambler, or gambling god, named Nohoílpi, meaning He Who Wins Men (at play), had come down from the heavens to the Pueblos; his talisman was a large piece of turquoise. When he arrived, he challenged the people to all kinds of games and competitions, and he won at every one. First, he took their possessions, then their women and children, and eventually even some of the men. Then he told them he would return some of their belongings in exchange for building a large house; so when the Navahoes arrived, the Pueblos were busy constructing it to free their captured relatives and recover their property. They were also working on a racetrack and getting ready for all sorts of games of chance and skill.

210. When all was ready, and four days’ notice had been given, twelve men came from the neighboring pueblo of Kĭ′ndotz, Blue House, to compete with the great gambler. They bet their own persons, and after a brief contest they lost themselves to Nohoílpi. Again a notice of four days was given, and again twelve men of Kĭ′ndotz—relatives of the former twelve—came to play, and these also lost themselves. For the third time an announcement, four days in advance of a game, was given; this time some women were among the twelve contestants, and they, too, lost themselves. All were put to work on the building of Kĭntyél as soon as they forfeited their liberty. At the end of another four days the children of these men and women came to try to win back their parents, but they succeeded only in adding themselves to the number of the gambler’s slaves. On a fifth trial, after four days’ warning, twelve leading men of Blue House were lost, among them the chief of the pueblo. On a sixth duly announced gambling day, twelve more men, all important persons, staked their liberty and lost it. Up to this time the Navahoes had kept count of the winnings of Nohoílpi, but afterwards people from other pueblos came in such numbers to play and lose that they could keep count no longer. In addition to their own persons the later victims brought in beads, shells, turquoise, and all sorts of valuables, and gambled them away. With the labor of all these slaves it was not long until the great Kĭntyél was finished.

210. When everything was set, and after giving four days' notice, twelve men came from the nearby pueblo of Kĭ′ndotz, Blue House, to challenge the great gambler. They bet their own freedom, and after a brief contest, they lost themselves to Nohoílpi. Once again, a four-day notice was given, and once more, twelve men from Kĭ′ndotz—relatives of the previous twelve—came to play, and they too lost. For the third time, an announcement was made four days before a game, this time including some women among the twelve contestants, and they also lost their freedom. All were put to work on the construction of Kĭntyél as soon as they forfeited their liberty. After another four days, the children of these men and women came to try to win back their parents, but they only ended up adding themselves to the gambler’s slaves. On the fifth attempt, after four days' notice, twelve leading men of Blue House lost, including the chief of the pueblo. On the sixth announced gambling day, twelve more important men staked their freedom and lost it. Up until this point, the Navahoes had kept track of Nohoílpi's winnings, but after that, people from other pueblos came in such large numbers to play and lose that they could no longer keep count. Along with their own freedom, the later victims brought beads, shells, turquoise, and all kinds of valuables, and gambled them away. Thanks to the labor of all these slaves, it wasn't long before the great Kĭntyél was completed.

211. But all this time the Navahoes had been merely spectators, and had taken no part in the games. One day the voice of the beneficent god, Hastséyalti,73 was heard faintly in the distance crying his usual call, “Wuʻhuʻhuʻhú.” His voice was heard, as it is always heard, four times, each time nearer and nearer, and immediately after the last call, which was loud and clear, Hastséyalti appeared at the door of a hut where dwelt a young couple who had no children, and with them he communicated by means of signs. He told them that the people of Kĭ′ndotz had lost at game with [83]Nohoílpi two great shells, the greatest treasures of the pueblo; that the Sun had coveted these shells and had begged them from the gambler; that the latter had refused the request of the Sun and the Sun was angry. In consequence of all this, as Hastséyalti related, in twelve days from his visit certain divine personages would meet in the mountains, in a place which he designated, to hold a great ceremony. He invited the young man to be present at the ceremony and disappeared.

211. All this time, the Navahoes had just been watching and hadn't joined in the games. One day, the voice of the kind god, Hastséyalti, was heard faintly in the distance, calling out his usual phrase, “Wuʻhuʻhuʻhú.” His voice echoed, as always, four times, getting louder and closer each time. Right after the last call, which was strong and clear, Hastséyalti appeared at the door of a hut where a young couple lived who had no children. He communicated with them using signs and told them that the people of Kindoitliz had lost two great shells, the most valuable treasures of the pueblo, in a game to [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Nohoílpi; that the Sun had wanted these shells and had asked the gambler for them; however, the gambler had refused the Sun's request, which made the Sun angry. Because of all this, Hastséyalti explained that in twelve days from his visit, certain divine beings would gather in the mountains at a specific location he pointed out to hold a major ceremony. He invited the young man to attend the ceremony and then vanished.

212. The Navaho kept count of the passing days; on the twelfth day he repaired to the appointed place, and there he found a great assemblage of the gods. There were Hastséyalti, Hastséhogan74 and his son, Nĭ′ltsi75 (Wind), Tsall (Darkness), Tsápani (Bat), Lĭstsó (Great Snake), Tsĭlkáli (a little bird), Nasĭ′zi (Gopher), and many others. Besides these there were present a number of pets or domesticated animals belonging to the gambler, who were dissatisfied with their lot, were anxious to be free, and would gladly obtain their share of the spoils in case their master was ruined. Nĭ′ltsi (Wind) had spoken to them, and they had come to enter into the plot against Nohoílpi. All night the gods danced and sang and performed their mystic rites for the purpose of giving to the son of Hastséhogan powers, as a gambler, equal to those of Nohoílpi. When the morning came they washed the young neophyte all over, dried him with meal, dressed him in clothes exactly like those the gambler wore, and in every way made him look as much like the gambler as possible, and then they counselled as to what other means they should take to outwit Nohoílpi.

212. The Navaho kept track of the days that passed; on the twelfth day he went to the designated spot, where he found a large gathering of the gods. There were Hastséyalti, Hastehogan74 and his son, Nĭ′ltsi75 (Wind), Tsall (Darkness), Tsápani (Bat), Lĭstsó (Great Snake), Tsĭlkáli (a little bird), Nasĭ′zi (Gopher), and many others. In addition to these, there were several pets or domesticated animals belonging to the gambler, who were unhappy with their situation, eager for freedom, and would gladly claim their share of the winnings if their master lost. Nĭ′ltsi (Wind) had talked to them, and they had come to join in the plan against Nohoílpi. All night, the gods danced, sang, and performed their rituals to bestow powers on the son of Hastséhogan as a gambler, equal to those of Nohoílpi. When morning arrived, they washed the young initiate all over, dried him with meal, dressed him in clothing identical to what the gambler wore, and did everything they could to make him resemble the gambler as much as possible, then they discussed what additional strategies they should use to outsmart Nohoílpi.

213. In the first place, they desired to find out how he felt about having refused to his father, the Sun, the two great shells. “I will do this,” said Nĭ′ltsi (Wind), “for I can penetrate everywhere, and no one can see me;” but the others said: “No; you can go everywhere, but you cannot travel without making a noise and disturbing people. Let Tsall (Darkness) go on this errand, for he also goes wherever he wills, yet he makes no noise.” So Tsall went to the gambler’s house, entered his room, went all through his body while he slept, and searched well his mind, and he came back saying, “Nohoílpi is sorry for what he has done.” Nĭ′ltsi, however, did not believe this; so, although his services had been before refused, he repaired to the chamber where the gambler slept, and went all through his body and searched well his mind; but he, too, came back saying Nohoílpi was sorry that he had refused to give the great shells to his father.

213. First, they wanted to know how he felt about having refused his father, the Sun, the two great shells. “I’ll do this,” said Nĭ′ltsi (Wind), “because I can go anywhere, and no one can see me.” But the others said, “No; you can go anywhere, but you can't travel without making noise and disturbing people. Let's send Tsall (Darkness) on this mission, because he can go wherever he wants without making a sound.” So Tsall went to the gambler’s house, entered his room, went all through his body while he slept, and thoroughly searched his mind. He returned saying, “Nohoílpi regrets what he did.” However, Nĭ′ltsi didn’t believe this. So, even though his help had been previously rejected, he went to the room where the gambler slept, went all through his body, and searched his mind thoroughly. He, too, returned saying that Nohoílpi regretted refusing to give the great shells to his father.

214. One of the games they proposed to play is called taká-thad-sáta, or the thirteen chips. (It is played with thirteen thin flat pieces of wood, which are colored red on one side and left white or uncolored [84]on the other side. Success depends on the number of chips which, being thrown upwards, fall with their white sides up.) “Leave the game to me,” said the Bat; “I have made thirteen chips that are white on both sides. I will hide myself in the ceiling, and when our champion throws up his chips I will grasp them and throw down my chips instead.”

214. One of the games they suggested playing is called taká-thad-sáta, or the thirteen chips. (It uses thirteen thin flat pieces of wood, which are colored red on one side and left white or uncolored [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] on the other side. Winning depends on the number of chips that, when tossed into the air, land with their white sides facing up.) “Leave the game to me,” said the Bat; “I’ve made thirteen chips that are white on both sides. I’ll hide in the ceiling, and when our champion tosses his chips, I’ll grab them and throw down my chips instead.”

215. Another game they were to play is called nánzoz.76 (It is played with two long sticks or poles, of peculiar shape and construction, one marked with red and the other with black, and a single hoop. A long, many-tailed string, called the “turkey-claw,” is secured to the end of each pole.) “Leave nánzoz to me,” said Great Snake; “I will hide myself in the hoop and make it fall where I please.”

215. Another game they were going to play is called nánzoz.76 (It's played with two long sticks or poles that have a unique shape and construction, one marked in red and the other in black, along with a single hoop. A long, multi-tailed string, called the “turkey-claw,” is attached to the end of each pole.) “Leave nánzoz to me,” said Great Snake; “I’ll hide inside the hoop and make it drop wherever I want.”

216. Another game was one called tsĭ′nbetsil, or push-on-the-wood. (In this the contestants push against a tree until it is torn from its roots and falls.) “I will see that this game is won,” said Nasĭ′zi, the Gopher; “I will gnaw the roots of the tree, so that he who shoves it may easily make it fall.”

216. Another game was called tsĭ′nbetsil, or push-on-the-wood. (In this game, the players push against a tree until it comes out of the ground and falls down.) “I will make sure this game is won,” said Nasĭ′zi, the Gopher; “I will gnaw at the roots of the tree so that the one pushing it can easily make it fall.”

217. In the game tsol, or ball, the object was to hit the ball so that it would fall beyond a certain line. “I will win this game for you,” said the little bird Tsĭlkáli, “for I will hide within the ball, and fly with it wherever I want to go. Do not hit the ball hard; give it only a light tap, and depend on me to carry it.”

217. In the game tsol, or ball, the goal was to hit the ball so it would land beyond a specific line. “I will win this game for you,” said the little bird Tsĭlkáli, “because I will hide inside the ball and fly with it wherever I choose. Don't hit the ball hard; just give it a light tap, and trust me to take it.”

218. The pets of the gambler begged the Wind to blow hard, so that they might have an excuse to give their master for not keeping due watch when he was in danger, and in the morning the Wind blew for them a strong gale. At dawn the whole party of conspirators left the mountain, and came down to the brow of the canyon to watch until sunrise.

218. The gambler's pets asked the Wind to blow fiercely, hoping for a reason to explain to their master why they hadn’t kept a close eye on him when he was in danger. In the morning, the Wind granted them a strong gust. At dawn, the entire group of conspirators left the mountain and arrived at the edge of the canyon to wait for sunrise.

219. Nohoílpi had two wives, who were the prettiest women in the whole land. Wherever she went, each carried in her hand a stick with something tied on the end of it, as a sign that she was the wife of the great gambler.

219. Nohoílpi had two wives, who were the most beautiful women in the entire land. Wherever they went, each carried a stick with something tied to the end of it, as a sign that she was the wife of the great gambler.

220. It was their custom for one of them to go every morning at sunrise to a neighboring spring to get water. So at sunrise the watchers on the brow of the cliff saw one of the wives coming out of the gambler’s house with a water-jar on her head, whereupon the son of Hastséhogan descended into the canyon and followed her to the spring. She was not aware of his presence until she had filled her water-jar; then she supposed it to be her own husband, whom the youth was dressed and adorned to represent, and she allowed him to approach her. She soon discovered her error, however, but, deeming it prudent to say nothing, she suffered him to follow her into the house. As he entered, he observed that many of the slaves [85]had already assembled; perhaps they were aware that some trouble was in store for their master. The latter looked up with an angry face; he felt jealous when he saw the stranger entering immediately after his wife. He said nothing of this, however, but asked at once the important question, “Have you come to gamble with me?” This he repeated four times, and each time the young Hastséhogan said “No.” Thinking the stranger feared to play with him, Nohoílpi went on challenging him recklessly. “I’ll bet myself against yourself;” “I’ll bet my feet against your feet;” “I’ll bet my legs against your legs;” and so on he offered to bet every and any part of his body against the same part of his adversary, ending by mentioning his hair.

220. It was their routine for one of them to go every morning at sunrise to a nearby spring to collect water. So at sunrise, the watchers on the edge of the cliff saw one of the wives coming out of the gambler’s house with a water jar balanced on her head. The son of Hastséhogan went down into the canyon and followed her to the spring. She didn't notice him until she had filled her water jar; then she thought he was her husband, who the young man was dressed up to mimic, and she allowed him to get close. She quickly realized her mistake, but deciding it was better to keep quiet, she let him follow her back into the house. As he entered, he saw that many of the slaves [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]had already gathered; maybe they sensed that trouble was coming for their master. The latter looked up with an angry expression, feeling jealous when he saw the stranger walking in right after his wife. He didn’t mention this, though; instead, he immediately asked the important question, “Have you come to gamble with me?” He repeated this four times, and each time the young Hastséhogan replied “No.” Thinking the stranger was afraid to play, Nohoílpi continued to challenge him boldly. “I’ll bet myself against you;” “I’ll bet my feet against your feet;” “I’ll bet my legs against your legs;” and he went on offering to bet any part of his body against the same part of his opponent’s, finally mentioning his hair.

221. In the mean time the party of divine ones, who had been watching from above, came down, and people from the neighboring pueblos came in, and among these were two boys, who were dressed in costumes similar to those worn by the wives of the gambler. The young Hastséhogan pointed to these and said, “I will bet my wives against your wives.” The great gambler accepted the wager, and the four persons, two women and two mock-women, were placed sitting in a row near the wall. First they played the game of thirteen chips. The Bat assisted, as he had promised the son of Hastséhogan and the latter soon won the game, and with it the wives of Nohoílpi.

221. In the meantime, the group of divine beings who had been watching from above came down, and people from the nearby pueblos arrived, including two boys dressed in outfits that resembled those worn by the gambler's wives. The young Hastséhogan pointed to them and said, “I’ll bet my wives against your wives.” The great gambler accepted the bet, and four individuals—two women and two mock-women—were seated in a row near the wall. First, they played the game of thirteen chips. The Bat helped out, as he had promised the son of Hastséhogan, and he soon won the game, along with the wives of Nohoílpi.

222. This was the only game played inside the house; then all went out of doors, and games of various kinds were played. First they tried nánzoz. The track already prepared lay east and west, but, prompted by the Wind God, the stranger insisted on having a track made from north to south, and again, at the bidding of Wind, he chose the red stick. The son of Hastséhogan threw the wheel; at first it seemed about to fall on the gambler’s pole, in the “turkey-claw” of which it was entangled; but to the great surprise of the gambler it extricated itself, rolled farther on, and fell on the pole of his opponent. The latter ran to pick up the ring, lest Nohoílpi in doing so might hurt the snake inside; but the gambler was so angry that he threw his stick away and gave up the game, hoping to do better in the next contest, which was that of pushing down trees.

222. This was the only game played inside the house; then everyone went outside, and they played various games. First, they tried nánzoz. The track that was already set up ran east and west, but, encouraged by the Wind God, the stranger insisted on making a track from north to south, and again, at the Wind’s request, he chose the red stick. The son of Hastséhogan threw the wheel; at first, it looked like it was going to land on the gambler’s pole, which it got stuck in like a “turkey-claw”; but to everyone’s surprise, it freed itself, rolled further, and landed on his opponent's pole. The opponent rushed to grab the ring, worried that Nohoílpi might hurt the snake inside while doing so; but the gambler was so furious that he threw his stick away and gave up the game, hoping to perform better in the next contest, which involved knocking down trees.

223. For this the great gambler pointed out two small trees, but his opponent insisted that larger trees must be found. After some search they agreed upon two of good size, which grew close together, and of these the Wind told the youth which one he must select. The gambler strained with all his might at his tree, but could not move it, while his opponent, when his turn came, shoved the other tree prostrate with little effort, for its roots had all been severed by Gopher. [86]

223. For this, the great gambler pointed out two small trees, but his opponent insisted that they needed to find larger ones. After some searching, they agreed on two that were a decent size and grew close together. The Wind directed the young man on which one he should choose. The gambler pulled with all his strength at his tree but couldn't move it, while his opponent, when it was his turn, easily pushed the other tree down with minimal effort because Gopher had cut all its roots. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

224. Then followed a variety of games, on which Nohoílpi staked his wealth in shells and precious stones, his houses, and many of his slaves, and lost all.

224. Then came a variety of games, where Nohoílpi bet his wealth in shells and gems, his houses, and many of his slaves, and lost everything.

225. The last game was that of the ball. On the line over which the ball was to be knocked all the people were assembled; on one side were those who still remained slaves; on the other side were the freedmen and those who had come to wager themselves, hoping to rescue their kinsmen. Nohoílpi bet on this game the last of his slaves and his own person. The gambler struck his ball a heavy blow, but it did not reach the line; the stranger gave his but a light tap, and the bird within it flew with it far beyond the line, whereat the released captives jumped over the line and joined their people.

225. The final game was the ball game. Everyone gathered around the line where the ball was supposed to be knocked. On one side were those who were still enslaved; on the other side were the freedmen and those who had come to stake their freedom, hoping to save their loved ones. Nohoílpi bet the last of his slaves and his own freedom. The gambler hit his ball hard, but it didn’t make it to the line; the stranger gave his ball a light tap, and the bird inside it soared far beyond the line, causing the freed captives to jump over and reunite with their people.

226. The victor ordered all the shells, beads, and precious stones, and the great shells, to be brought forth. He gave the beads and shells to Hastséyalti, that they might be distributed among the gods; the two great shells were given to the Sun.77

226. The winner had all the shells, beads, and precious stones, along with the large shells, brought out. He gave the beads and shells to Hastséyalti for distribution among the gods; the two large shells were handed over to the Sun.77

227. In the mean time Nohoílpi sat to one side saying bitter things, bemoaning his fate, and cursing and threatening his enemies. “I will kill you all with the lightning. I will send war and disease among you. May the cold freeze you! May the fire burn you! May the waters drown you!” he cried. “He has cursed enough,” whispered Nĭ′ltsi to the son of Hastséhogan. “Put an end to his angry words.” So the young victor called Nohoílpi to him and said: “You have bet yourself and have lost; you are now my slave and must do my bidding. You are not a god, for my power has prevailed against yours.” The victor had a bow of magic power named Etĭ′n Dĭlyĭ′l, or the Bow of Darkness; he bent this upwards, and placing the string on the ground he bade his slave stand on the string; then he shot Nohoílpi up into the sky as if he had been an arrow. Up and up he went, growing smaller and smaller to the sight till he faded to a mere speck and finally disappeared altogether. As he flew upwards he was heard to mutter in the angry tones of abuse and imprecation, until he was too far away to be heard; but no one could distinguish anything he said as he ascended.

227. Meanwhile, Nohoílpi sat off to the side, saying bitter things, lamenting his fate, and cursing and threatening his enemies. “I will kill you all with lightning. I will bring war and disease upon you. May the cold freeze you! May the fire burn you! May the waters drown you!” he cried. “He’s cursed enough,” whispered Nĭ′ltsi to the son of Hastséhogan. “Put an end to his angry words.” So the young victor called Nohoílpi to him and said, “You’ve bet everything and lost; you are now my slave and must do what I say. You are not a god, for my power has beaten yours.” The victor had a magic bow called Etĭ′n Dĭlyĭ′l, or the Bow of Darkness. He bent it upwards, placed the string on the ground, and told his slave to stand on the string; then he shot Nohoílpi up into the sky as if he were an arrow. Up and up he went, getting smaller and smaller until he faded to a tiny speck and finally disappeared completely. As he soared upward, he could be heard muttering angrily until he was too far away to hear, but no one could make out what he was saying as he ascended.

228. He flew up in the sky until he came to the home of Békotsĭdi,78 the god who carries the moon, and who is supposed by the Navahoes to be identical with the God of the Americans. He is very old, and dwells in a long row of stone houses. When Nohoílpi arrived at the house of Békotsĭdi he related to the latter all his misadventures in the lower world and said, “Now I am poor, and this is why I have come to see you.” “You need be poor no longer,” said Békotsĭdi; “I will provide for you.” So he made for the gambler pets or domestic animals of new kinds, different to those which he had in the Chaco valley; he made for him sheep, asses, horses, [87]swine, goats, and fowls. He also gave him bayeta,79 and other cloths of bright colors, more beautiful than those woven by his slaves at Kĭntyél. He made, too, a new people, the Mexicans, for the gambler to rule over, and then he sent him back to this world again, but he descended far to the south of his former abode, and reached the earth in old Mexico.

228. He flew up into the sky until he reached the home of Békotsĭdi, the god who carries the moon, believed by the Navahoes to be the same as the God of the Americans. He is very old and lives in a long row of stone houses. When Nohoílpi arrived at Békotsĭdi's house, he told him all about his misadventures in the lower world and said, “Now I am poor, and that’s why I’ve come to see you.” “You don’t have to be poor anymore,” said Békotsĭdi; “I will take care of you.” So he created for the gambler new kinds of pets or domestic animals, different from the ones he had in the Chaco valley; he made sheep, donkeys, horses, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]pigs, goats, and birds. He also gave him bayeta,79 and other brightly colored cloths, more beautiful than those woven by his slaves at Kĭntyél. He also created a new people, the Mexicans, for the gambler to rule over, and then he sent him back to the world, but he descended far to the south of his previous home and arrived on the earth in old Mexico.

229. Nohoílpi’s people increased greatly in Mexico, and after a while they began to move towards the north, and build towns along the Rio Grande. Nohoílpi came with them until they arrived at a place north of Santa Fé. There they ceased building, and he returned to old Mexico, where he still lives, and where he is now the Nakaí Dĭgíni, or God of the Mexicans.

229. Nohoílpi’s people grew significantly in Mexico, and eventually, they started moving north and building towns along the Rio Grande. Nohoílpi accompanied them until they reached a spot just north of Santa Fé. There, they stopped constructing, and he returned to old Mexico, where he still resides and is now the Nakaí Dĭgíni, or God of the Mexicans.

230. The Navaho who went at the bidding of the Sun to the tryst of the gods stayed with them till the gambler was shot into the sky. Then he returned to his people and told all he had seen. The young stranger went back to Tseʻgíhi, the home of the yéi.

230. The Navaho who went at the request of the Sun to meet the gods stayed with them until the gambler was shot into the sky. After that, he returned to his people and shared everything he had witnessed. The young stranger went back to Tseʻgíhi, the home of the yéi.

231. The wanderers were not long at Kĭntyél, but while they were they met some of the Daylight People. From Kĭntyél they moved to Toʻĭ′ndotsos, and here Mai,80 the Coyote, married a Navaho woman. He remained in the Navaho camp nine days, and then he went to visit Dasáni, the Porcupine. The latter took a piece of bark, scratched his nose with it till the blood flowed freely out over it, put it on the fire, and there roasted it slowly until it turned into a piece of fine meat. Porcupine then spread some clean herbs on the ground, laid the roasted meat on these, and invited his visitor to partake. Coyote was delighted; he had never had a nicer meal, and when he was leaving he invited his host to return the visit in two days. At the appointed time Porcupine presented himself at the hut of Coyote. The latter greeted his guest, bade him be seated, and rushed out of the house. In a few minutes he returned with a piece of bark. With this he scratched his nose, as he had seen Porcupine doing, and allowed the blood to flow. He placed the bloody bark over the fire, where in a moment it burst into flames and was soon reduced to ashes. Coyote hung his head in shame and Porcupine went home hungry.

231. The wanderers didn’t stay long at Kĭntyél, but while they were there, they met some of the Daylight People. From Kĭntyél, they moved to Toʻĭ′ndotsos, and here Mai, the Coyote, married a Navaho woman. He stayed in the Navaho camp for nine days, then went to visit Dasáni, the Porcupine. Porcupine took a piece of bark, scratched his nose with it until the blood flowed freely, then put it on the fire and roasted it slowly until it turned into a nice piece of meat. Porcupine then spread some clean herbs on the ground, placed the roasted meat on top, and invited his guest to eat. Coyote was thrilled; he had never had a nicer meal, and when he was leaving, he invited his host to visit him in two days. At the agreed time, Porcupine showed up at Coyote's hut. Coyote welcomed his guest, told him to sit down, and rushed out of the house. A few minutes later, he returned with a piece of bark. Following what he had seen Porcupine do, he scratched his nose, allowing the blood to flow. He held the bloody bark over the fire, where it quickly caught fire and soon turned to ashes. Coyote hung his head in shame, and Porcupine went home hungry.

232. Soon after this Coyote visited Maítso,80 the Wolf. The latter took down, from among the rafters of his hut, two of the old-fashioned reed arrows with wooden heads, such as the Navahoes used in the ancient days; he pulled out the wooden points, rolled them on his thigh, moistened them in his mouth, and buried them in the hot ashes beside the fire. After waiting a little while and talking to his guest, he raked out from the ashes, where he had buried the arrow points, two fine cooked puddings of minced meat; these he laid on a mat of fresh herbs and told Coyote to help himself. [88]Coyote again enjoyed his meal greatly, and soon after, when he rose to leave, he invited Wolf to pay him a visit in two days. Wolf went in due time to the house of Coyote, and when he had seated himself the host took two arrow-heads, as Wolf had done, rolled them on his thigh, put them in his mouth, and buried them in the hot ashes. After waiting a while, he raked the ashes and found nothing but two pieces of charred wood where he had placed the arrow-heads. This time he gave no evidence of his disappointment, but sat and talked with his guest just as if nothing had happened, until Wolf, seeing no sign of dinner and becoming very hungry, got up and went home.

232. Soon after this, Coyote visited Maítso, the Wolf. The Wolf took down two old-style reed arrows with wooden tips from the rafters of his hut, similar to those the Navahoes used in the old days. He removed the wooden tips, rolled them on his thigh, moistened them in his mouth, and buried them in the hot ashes next to the fire. After waiting a bit and chatting with his guest, he dug into the ashes where he had buried the arrow tips and pulled out two nicely cooked puddings of minced meat; he placed them on a mat of fresh herbs and told Coyote to help himself. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] Coyote enjoyed his meal greatly, and when he got up to leave, he invited Wolf to visit him in two days. Wolf showed up at Coyote's house on time, and once he sat down, the host took two arrowheads, just like Wolf had done, rolled them on his thigh, put them in his mouth, and buried them in the hot ashes. After waiting a bit, he checked the ashes and found only two pieces of burnt wood where he had placed the arrowheads. This time, he didn’t show any signs of disappointment but sat and chatted with his guest as if nothing had happened, until Wolf, noticing there was no sign of dinner and getting very hungry, stood up and went home.

233. In those days the Chicken-hawks and the Hummingbirds were known as great hunters. They were friendly to one another and dwelt together in one camp.

233. Back then, the Chicken-hawks and the Hummingbirds were recognized as skilled hunters. They got along well and lived together in the same camp.

234. Coyote went to pay them a visit, and when he arrived at the camp he entered one of the huts of the Hummingbirds. He found therein two beautiful Hummingbird maidens, gayly dressed, with rows of deer-hoof pendants on their skirts and shoulders. He lay down in the lodge and said to the maidens: “Where is everybody to-day? I heard there were many people camped here, but the camp seems deserted.” The maidens replied: “There are many people camped here, but to-day the men are all out hunting.”

234. Coyote went to visit them, and when he got to the camp, he walked into one of the Hummingbirds' huts. Inside, he found two beautiful Hummingbird maidens, dressed in vibrant clothes with rows of deer-hoof pendants on their skirts and shoulders. He lay down in the lodge and said to the maidens, “Where is everyone today? I heard there were a lot of people camping here, but it seems empty.” The maidens replied, “There are many people here, but today the men are all out hunting.”

235. Now, Coyote was a dandy; he was always beautifully dressed; he had a nice otter-skin quiver and his face was painted in spots. The maidens, when they had looked well at him, bent their heads together and whispered to one another, “He is a handsome young man. He is beautifully dressed. He must be a person of some importance.” He spent the day gossipping with the maidens and telling them wonderful tales about himself. “Would you know who I am?” he said. “I am the God of Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni Mountain. I have no need to hunt. All I have to do is to will the death of an animal and it dies. Your people have no need to wear themselves out hunting for game. I can kill all they want without labor.”

235. Coyote was quite the show-off; he was always dressed to impress. He had a nice otter-skin quiver, and his face was painted with spots. The young women, after taking a good look at him, leaned in and whispered to each other, “He’s a good-looking guy. He’s dressed really well. He must be someone important.” He spent the day chatting with the young women and sharing amazing stories about himself. “Do you want to know who I am?” he said. “I’m the God of Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni Mountain. I don’t need to hunt. All I have to do is will an animal's death, and it dies. Your people don’t need to exhaust themselves hunting for food. I can kill as much as they want without any effort.”

236. At nightfall, when the hunters returned, the maidens left the lodge, went to where their friends were assembled, and told them all about the visitor. When the maidens had finished their story, the chief directed one of the young men to go over to the hut, peep in over the curtain in the doorway, and see what the stranger looked like. The young man did as he was bidden, making no noise, and looked into the lodge unobserved by Coyote. When he returned to the chief he said: “The stranger is a fine-looking man and is beautifully dressed. Perhaps he is indeed a god.” The chief then said: “It may be that all is true which he has told the maidens. We have to travel far in all sorts of weather and to work hard to secure food. [89]He may know some way to save us from labor, so let us be kind to him. Go, one of you maidens, back to the lodge to serve him.” Hearing these words, the younger of the two young women returned to the lodge. Her clothing was ornamented with many pendants of bone and hoof that rattled with every movement she made, and for this reason Coyote named her Tsiké Nazĭ′li, or Young Woman Who Rattles.

236. As night fell and the hunters came back, the young women left the lodge, went to where their friends were gathered, and shared everything about the visitor. Once the young women finished their story, the chief told one of the young men to go over to the hut, peek in through the curtain at the entrance, and see what the stranger looked like. The young man followed the chief's instructions quietly and looked into the lodge without being noticed by Coyote. When he returned to the chief, he said: “The stranger is a very attractive man and is dressed beautifully. He might really be a god.” The chief then replied: “It could be that everything he told the young women is true. We have to travel far in all kinds of weather and work hard to get food. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] He might know a way to save us from this hard work, so let’s treat him kindly. Go, one of you young women, back to the lodge to serve him.” Hearing this, the younger of the two young women went back to the lodge. Her clothing was adorned with many pendants made of bone and hoof that rattled with every move she made, and for this reason, Coyote named her Tsiké Nazĭ′li, or Young Woman Who Rattles.

237. In the morning she went to the lodge where her people were, and where a good breakfast was already prepared, and she brought a large dishful of the food for Coyote to eat. As she was about to depart with the food her people charged her to tell Coyote nothing of certain bad neighbors of theirs, lest he might visit them and work wonders for their benefit. But their injunctions came too late. Already Tsiké Nazĭ′li had told him all about these bad neighbors, and he had made up his mind to visit them.

237. In the morning, she went to the lodge where her family was, and where a hearty breakfast was already ready. She brought a large dish of food for Coyote to eat. Just as she was about to leave with the food, her family warned her not to mention anything about some bad neighbors, for fear he might visit them and do them favors. But their warnings came too late. Tsiké Nazĭ′li had already told him everything about these bad neighbors, and he had decided to pay them a visit.

238. When breakfast was over she said: “Now the hunters are going out.” He replied: “I will go with them.” So he joined the party, and they travelled together till they got to the brow of a high hill which overlooked an extensive country. Here Coyote told his companions to remain concealed while he went into the plain and drove the game toward them. When he got out of sight, he tied to his tail a long fagot of shredded cedar-bark, which he set on fire, and then he ran over the country in a wide circle as fast as he could go. Everywhere the fagot touched it set fire to the grass, and raised a long line of flame and smoke which drove the antelope up to where the hunters were concealed. A great quantity of game was killed; the hunters returned laden with meat, and their faith in Coyote was unbounded.

238. When breakfast was over, she said, “Now the hunters are going out.” He replied, “I’ll go with them.” So he joined the group, and they traveled together until they reached the top of a high hill that overlooked a vast landscape. Here, Coyote instructed his companions to stay hidden while he went down into the plain to drive the game toward them. Once out of sight, he tied a long bundle of shredded cedar bark to his tail, set it on fire, and then ran in a wide circle as fast as he could. Wherever the burning bundle touched, it ignited the grass, creating a long line of flame and smoke that drove the antelope toward the hiding hunters. A large number of animals were killed; the hunters returned with their arms full of meat, and their trust in Coyote was limitless.

239. Next morning they all went out once more to hunt. Again the hunters concealed themselves on the brow of a hill, and again Coyote tied the blazing fagot to his tail and ran. The people on the hilltop watched the line of fire advancing over the plain; but when it turned around as if to come back to the place from which it started, it suddenly ceased. Much game was driven toward the party in ambush; but Coyote did not return, and the hunters went to work cutting up the meat and cooking food for themselves.

239. The next morning, they all set out to hunt again. Once more, the hunters hid on top of a hill, and again Coyote tied the burning bundle to his tail and took off running. The people on the hill watched as the line of fire moved across the plain; but when it seemed to turn around as if it were coming back, it suddenly stopped. A lot of game was driven toward the hidden hunters, but Coyote didn’t come back, so the hunters started cutting up the meat and cooking food for themselves.

240. Coyote, in the mean time, had gone to seek the bad neighbors. He untied his brand at the place where the hunters had seen the line of fire cease, and wandered off in a different direction. After a while he came to two great trees, a spruce and a pine, growing close together, and filled with chattering birds of two kinds. The spruce-tree was filled with birds called Tsĭ′di Béze, and the pine-tree with birds called Tsĭ′di Sási. They were all busily engaged in playing a game which Coyote had never seen before. They would [90]pull out their eyes, toss these up to the top of the tree, cry “Drop back, my eyes! Drop back!” and catch the eyes as they descended in their proper sockets. Coyote watched their play for a long time, and at length, becoming fascinated with the game, he cried out to the Tsĭ′di Sási in the pine-tree, “Pull out my eyes for me. I want to play, too.” “No,” they replied, “we will have nothing to do with you.” Again and again he begged to be allowed to join in the sport, and again and again they refused him. But when he had pleaded for the fourth time, they flew down to where Coyote sat, and, taking sharp sticks, they gouged his eyes out. The eyes were thrown up to the top of the pine-tree, and when they fell down Coyote caught them in his orbits and could see again as well as ever. Coyote was delighted with the result of his first venture, and he begged them to pull his eyes out again, but they said angrily: “We do not want to play with you. We have done enough for you now. Go and leave us.” But he continued to whine and beg until again they pulled out his eyes and tossed them up with the same happy result as before. Thus four times were his eyes pulled out, thrown upward, and caught back again in the head. But when he begged them to pull out his eyes for the fifth time, they went to a distance and held a council among themselves. When they returned they pulled his eyes out once more; but this time they took pains to pull out the strings of the eyes (optic nerves) at the same time; these they tied together, and, when the eyes were again flung up in the tree, they caught on one of the branches and there they stayed. Now Coyote was in mortal distress. “Drop back, my eyes! Drop back!” he cried. But back they never came, and he sat there with his nose pointed up toward the top of the tree, and he howled and prayed and wept. At last the birds took pity on him and said: “Let us make other eyes for him.” So they took a couple of partly dried pieces of pine gum and rolled them into two balls; these were stuck into the empty sockets, and, although they were not good eyes, they gave him sight enough to see his way home. The gum was yellow, and for this reason coyotes have had yellow eyes ever since.

240. Meanwhile, Coyote had gone to find the troublesome neighbors. He untied his brand where the hunters had seen the fire stop and wandered off in another direction. After a while, he came to two big trees, a spruce and a pine, standing close together and filled with chattering birds of two types. The spruce-tree was filled with birds called Tsĭ′di Béze, and the pine-tree with birds called Tsĭ′di Sási. They were all busy playing a game that Coyote had never seen before. They would [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]pull out their eyes, toss them up to the top of the tree, cry “Drop back, my eyes! Drop back!” and catch the eyes as they came down into their proper places. Coyote watched their game for a long time, and eventually, getting fascinated by it, he called out to the Tsĭ′di Sási in the pine-tree, “Pull out my eyes for me. I want to play, too.” “No,” they responded, “we want nothing to do with you.” Again and again he asked to join in the fun, and again and again they turned him down. But after he pleaded for the fourth time, they flew down to where Coyote sat and, using sharp sticks, gouged his eyes out. They tossed the eyes up to the top of the pine-tree, and when they fell, Coyote caught them in his eye sockets and could see again just like before. Coyote was thrilled with the outcome of his first venture, and he begged them to pull his eyes out again, but they said angrily, “We don’t want to play with you. We’ve done enough for you now. Go away.” But he continued to whine and plead until they pulled out his eyes once more and tossed them back up, with the same happy result as before. Thus, they pulled out his eyes four times, threw them up, and he caught them back again in his head. But when he asked them to pull out his eyes for the fifth time, they flew a distance away and held a meeting. When they returned, they pulled his eyes out again; but this time they made sure to pull out the optic nerves at the same time, tying them together. Then, when the eyes were thrown up into the tree, they got stuck on one of the branches and stayed there. Now Coyote was in serious trouble. “Drop back, my eyes! Drop back!” he shouted. But they never came back, and he sat there with his nose pointed up at the top of the tree, howling and crying. Finally, the birds felt sorry for him and said, “Let’s make him new eyes.” So they took a couple of partly dried pieces of pine gum, rolled them into two balls, and stuck them into his empty sockets. Although they weren’t real eyes, they gave him enough sight to find his way home. The gum was yellow, and that’s why coyotes have had yellow eyes ever since.

241. He crept back, as best he could, to the place where he had left the hunters, and where he found them cutting and cooking meat. He sat down facing the fire, but he soon found that his gum eyes were getting soft with the heat, so he turned his side to the fire. The hunters gave him a piece of raw liver, supposing he would cook it himself. Not daring to turn towards the fire, lest his eyes should melt altogether, he threw the liver on the coals without looking, and when he tried afterwards to take it up he thrust his hand at random into the fire and caught nothing but hot coals that burned him. Fearing that his strange action was observed, he tried to pass it off [91]as a joke, and every time he picked up a hot coal he cried: “Don’t burn me, liver! Don’t burn me, liver!” After a while the hunters seated around the fire began to notice his singular motions and words, and one said to another: “He does not act as usual. Go and see what is the matter with him.” The hunter who was thus bidden went over in front of Coyote, looked at him closely, and saw melted gum pouring out from between his eyelids.

241. He quietly made his way back to where he had left the hunters, finding them preparing and cooking meat. He took a seat facing the fire, but soon realized the heat was making his gummy eyes feel soft, so he turned to sit sideways. The hunters offered him a piece of raw liver, thinking he would cook it for himself. Not wanting to face the fire for fear his eyes would completely melt, he tossed the liver onto the coals without looking. When he later tried to pick it up, he reached randomly into the fire and only grabbed hot coals, which burned him. Worried that his strange behavior was being noticed, he laughed it off [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] as a joke, exclaiming each time he picked up a hot coal: “Don’t burn me, liver! Don’t burn me, liver!” Eventually, the hunters around the fire started to notice his odd movements and words, and one said to another: “He’s not acting like he usually does. Go check on him.” The hunter who was asked approached Coyote, examined him closely, and saw melted gum dripping from between his eyelids.

242. It happened that during the day, while Coyote was absent, a messenger had come to the camp of the hunters from another camp to tell them that an individual named Mai, or Coyote, had left his home, and had been seen going toward the camp of the Hummingbirds, and to warn them against him. “He is an idler and a trickster,—beware of him,” said the messenger. So when they found out the condition of their visitor they said: “This must be Coyote of whom we have heard. He has been playing with the Tsĭ′di Sási and has lost his eyes.”

242. It happened that during the day, while Coyote was away, a messenger arrived at the hunters' camp from another camp to inform them that someone named Mai, or Coyote, had left his home and was seen heading toward the Hummingbirds' camp, and to warn them about him. “He’s a slacker and a trickster—watch out for him,” said the messenger. So when they learned about their visitor’s situation, they said, “This must be the Coyote we’ve heard about. He has been messing around with the Tsĭ′di Sási and has lost his eyes.”

243. When they had arrived at this conclusion they started for camp and led the blind Coyote along. In the mean time they devised a plan for getting rid of him. When they got home they took the rattling dress of Tsiké Nazĭ′li and gave her an ordinary garment to wear. Then a Chicken-hawk took the dress in his beak, and, flying a little distance above the ground, shook the dress in front of Coyote. The latter, thinking the maiden was there, approached the sound, and as he did so the Chicken-hawk flew farther away, still shaking the dress. Coyote followed the rattling sound, and was thus led on to the brink of a deep canyon. Here the hawk shook the dress beyond the edge of the precipice. Coyote jumped toward where he heard the sound, fell to the bottom of the canyon, and was dashed to pieces.

243. Once they reached this decision, they headed back to camp with the blind Coyote in tow. In the meantime, they came up with a plan to get rid of him. When they got home, they took the rattling dress of Tsiké Nazĭ′li and gave her a regular outfit to wear instead. Then a Chicken-hawk grabbed the dress in its beak and, flying just above the ground, shook it in front of Coyote. Thinking the girl was there, Coyote moved toward the sound, and as he did, the Chicken-hawk flew farther away while still shaking the dress. Coyote followed the rattling noise and was led to the edge of a steep canyon. Here, the hawk shook the dress just beyond the edge of the drop. Coyote leaped toward the sound, fell to the bottom of the canyon, and was smashed to pieces.

244. But for all this he did not die. He did not, like other beings, keep his vital principle in his chest, where it might easily be destroyed; he kept it in the tip of his nose and in the end of his tail, where no one would expect to find it; so after a while he came to life again, went back to the camp of the birds, and asked for Tsiké Nazĭ′li. They told him she was gone away, and ordered him angrily to leave, telling him they knew who he was, and that he was a worthless fellow.

244. Despite all this, he didn't die. Unlike other beings who kept their life force in their chest, making it easy to destroy, he kept it in the tip of his nose and the end of his tail, where no one would think to look for it. Eventually, he came back to life, returned to the birds' camp, and asked for Tsiké Nazĭ′li. They told him she was gone and angrily ordered him to leave, saying they knew who he was and that he was a worthless guy.

245. Coyote left the camp of the birds, and wandered around till he came to the house of one of the anáye, or alien gods, named Yélapahi,71 or Brown Giant. He was half as tall as the tallest pine-tree, and he was evil and cruel. Coyote said to the Brown Giant, “Yélapahi, I want to be your servant; I can be of great help to you. The reason that you often fail to catch your enemies is that you cannot run fast enough. I can run fast and jump far; I can jump over [92]four bushes at one bound. I can run after your enemies and help you to catch them.” “My cousin,” responded Brown Giant, “you can do me service if you will.” Coyote then directed the giant to build a sweat-house for himself, and, while the latter was building it, Coyote set out on another errand.

245. Coyote left the birds' camp and wandered until he reached the house of one of the anáye, or alien gods, named Yélapahi, the Brown Giant. He was half as tall as the tallest pine tree, and he was evil and cruel. Coyote said to the Brown Giant, “Yélapahi, I want to be your servant; I can be really helpful to you. The reason you often fail to catch your enemies is that you can't run fast enough. I can run fast and jump far; I can jump over [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] four bushes in one leap. I can chase your enemies and help you catch them.” “My cousin,” replied the Brown Giant, “you can help me if you want.” Coyote then told the giant to build a sweat house for himself, and while the giant was building it, Coyote set off on another task.

246. In those days there was a maiden of renowned beauty in the land. She was the only sister of eleven divine brothers.81 She had been sought in marriage by the Sun and by many potent gods, but she had refused them all because they could not comply with certain conditions which she imposed op all suitors. It was to visit her that Coyote went when he left Yélapahi at work on the sweat-house.

246. In those days, there was a maiden known for her incredible beauty in the land. She was the only sister among eleven divine brothers. She had been pursued for marriage by the Sun and many powerful gods, but she turned them all down because they couldn’t meet the specific conditions she set for all suitors. It was to visit her that Coyote went when he left Yélapahi working on the sweat-house.

247. “Why have you refused so many beautiful gods who want you for a wife?” said Coyote to the maiden after he had greeted her. “It would profit you nothing to know,” she replied, “for you could not comply with any one of my demands.” Four times he asked her this question, and three times he got the same reply. When he asked her the fourth time she answered: “In the first place, I will not marry any one who has not killed one of the anáye.” When he heard this Coyote arose and returned to the place where he had left Yélapahi.

247. “Why have you turned down so many handsome gods who want to marry you?” Coyote asked the maiden after greeting her. “It wouldn’t help you to know,” she replied, “because you couldn’t meet any of my requirements.” He asked her this question four times, and three times he received the same answer. When he asked her the fourth time, she said: “First of all, I won’t marry anyone who hasn’t killed one of the anáye.” When Coyote heard this, he stood up and went back to where he had left Yélapahi.

248. On his way back he looked carefully for the bone of some big animal which Great Wolf had slain and eaten. At length he found a long thigh-bone which suited his purpose. He took this home with him, concealing it under his shirt. When Coyote got back, Yélapahi had finished the sweat-house.82 Together they built the fire, heated the stones, and spread the carpet of leaves. Coyote hung over the doorway four blankets of sky,—one white, one blue, one yellow, and one black, and put the hot stones into the lodge. Then they hung their arms and clothes on a neighboring tree, entered the sudatory, and sat down.83

248. On his way back, he searched carefully for the bone of a large animal that Great Wolf had killed and eaten. Eventually, he found a long thigh bone that worked for him. He took it home, hiding it under his shirt. When Coyote returned, Yélapahi had finished the sweat-house.82 Together, they built the fire, heated the stones, and spread out the carpet of leaves. Coyote hung four blankets of sky over the doorway—one white, one blue, one yellow, and one black—and placed the hot stones into the lodge. Then they hung their arms and clothes on a nearby tree, entered the sudatory, and sat down.83

249. “Now,” said Coyote, “if you want to become a fast runner, I will show you what to do. You must cut the flesh of your thigh down to the bone and then break the bone. It will heal again in a moment, and when it heals you will be stronger and swifter than ever. I often do this myself, and every time I do it I am fleeter of foot than I was before. I will do it now, so that you may observe how it is done.” Coyote then produced a great stone knife and pretended to cut his own thigh, wailing and crying in the mean time, and acting as if he suffered great pain. After a while of this pretence he put the old femur on top of his thigh, held it by both ends, and said to the giant: “I have now reached the bone. Feel it.” When the giant had put forth his hand, in the absolute darkness of the sweat-house, and felt the bare bone, Coyote shoved the hand away and struck the bone hard with the edge of his knife several [93]times until he broke the bone, and he made the giant feel the fractured ends. Then he threw away the old bone, rubbed spittle on his thigh, prayed and sang, and in a little while presented his sound thigh to the giant for his examination, saying: “See! my limb is healed again. It is as well as ever.” When he had thus spoken Coyote handed his knife to Yélapahi, and the latter with many tears and loud howls slowly amputated his own thigh. When the work was done he put the two severed ends together, spat upon them, sang and prayed, as Coyote had done. “Tóhe! Tóhe! Tóhe!”84 he cried, “Heal together! Grow together!” he commanded; but the severed ends would not unite. “Cousin,” he called to Coyote, “help me to heal this leg.” Coyote thought it was now time to finish his work. He ran from the sweat-house, seized his bow, and discharged his arrows into the helpless Yélapahi, who soon expired with many wounds.

249. “Now,” said Coyote, “if you want to become a fast runner, I’ll show you what to do. You need to cut the flesh on your thigh down to the bone and then break the bone. It will heal in no time, and when it does, you’ll be stronger and faster than ever. I do this often, and each time, I end up quicker on my feet than before. I’ll do it now, so you can see how it’s done.” Coyote then took out a big stone knife and pretended to cut into his own thigh, wailing and crying as if he was in great pain. After a while of this act, he placed an old femur on top of his thigh, held it at both ends, and said to the giant: “I’ve reached the bone now. Feel it.” When the giant reached out his hand in the complete darkness of the sweat-house and touched the bare bone, Coyote pushed his hand away and struck the bone hard with the edge of his knife several [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] times until he broke the bone and made the giant feel the fractured ends. Then he tossed away the old bone, rubbed spit on his thigh, prayed and sang, and soon showed his healed thigh to the giant, saying: “Look! My leg is all healed. It’s as good as new.” After saying this, Coyote handed his knife to Yélapahi, who, crying and howling loudly, slowly amputated his own thigh. Once he was done, he brought the two severed ends together, spat on them, sang, and prayed just like Coyote had done. “Tóhe! Tóhe! Tóhe!” 84 he cried, “Heal together! Grow together!” he commanded; but the severed ends wouldn’t join. “Cousin,” he called to Coyote, “help me heal this leg.” Coyote decided it was time to finish his work. He ran out of the sweat-house, grabbed his bow, and shot arrows into the defenseless Yélapahi, who soon died from numerous wounds.

250. Coyote scalped his victim, and tied the scalp to the top of a branch which he broke from a cedar-tree; as further evidence of his victory, he took the quiver and weapons of the slain and set out for the lodge of the maiden. He knew she could not mistake the scalp, for the yéi, in those days, had yellow hair,85 such as no other people had. When he reached the lodge he said to the maiden: “Here is the scalp and here are the weapons of one of the anáye. Now you must marry me.” “No,” said the maiden, “not yet; I have not told you all that one must do in order to win me. He must be killed four times and come to life again four times.” “Do you speak the truth? Have you told me all?” said Coyote. “Yes; I speak only the truth,” she replied. Four times he asked this question, and four times he received the same answer. When she had spoken for the fourth time Coyote said: “Here I am. Do with me as you will.” The maiden took him a little distance from the lodge, laid him on the ground, beat him with a great club until she thought she had smashed every bone in his body, and left him for dead. But the point of his nose and the end of his tail she did not smash. She hurried back to her hut, for she had much work to do. She was the only woman in a family of twelve. She cooked the food and tanned the skins, and besides she made baskets. At this particular time she was engaged in making four baskets. When she returned to the lodge she sat down and went on with her basket-work; but she had not worked long before she became aware that some one was standing in the doorway, and, looking up, she beheld Coyote. “Here I am,” he said; “I have won one game; there are only three more to win.”

250. Coyote scalped his victim and tied the scalp to the top of a branch that he broke off from a cedar tree. As further proof of his victory, he took the quiver and weapons of the slain and headed for the maiden's lodge. He knew she wouldn't mistake the scalp, because the yéi, back then, had yellow hair, which no one else had. When he arrived at the lodge, he said to the maiden, “Here is the scalp and these are the weapons of one of the anáye. Now you must marry me.” “No,” the maiden replied, “not yet; I haven't told you everything that needs to be done to win me. You must be killed four times and come back to life four times.” “Are you serious? Have you told me everything?” asked Coyote. “Yes; I only speak the truth,” she answered. He asked her this question four times, and each time he received the same response. After she had answered for the fourth time, Coyote said, “Here I am. Do with me as you wish.” The maiden took him a short distance from the lodge, laid him on the ground, and hit him with a large club until she thought she had crushed every bone in his body, then left him for dead. However, she didn’t smash the tip of his nose or the end of his tail. She rushed back to her hut because she had a lot of work to do. She was the only woman in a family of twelve. She cooked the meals, tanned the hides, and also made baskets. At that moment, she was in the middle of making four baskets. When she returned to the lodge, she sat down and continued her basket work; but soon she noticed someone standing in the doorway, and when she looked up, she saw Coyote. “Here I am,” he said; “I’ve won one game; there are three more to go.”

251. She made no reply, but took him off farther than she had taken him before, and pounded him to pieces with a club. She threw [94]the pieces away in different directions and returned to her work again; but she had not taken many stitches in her basket when again the resurrected Coyote appeared in the doorway, saying: “I have won two games; there are only two more to win.”

251. She didn’t say anything but led him further away than before and smashed him to bits with a club. She tossed [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] the pieces in different directions and went back to her work; however, she hadn’t taken many stitches in her basket when the revived Coyote showed up in the doorway, saying: “I’ve won two games; I just need to win two more.”

252. Again she led him forth, but took him still farther away from the lodge than she had taken him before, and with a heavy club pounded him into a shapeless mass, until she thought he must certainly be dead. She stood a long time gazing at the pounded flesh, and studying what she would do with it to make her work sure. She carried the mass to a great rock, and there she beat it into still finer pieces. These she scattered farther than she had scattered the pieces before, and went back to the house. But she had still failed to injure the two vital spots. It took the Coyote a longer time on this occasion than on the previous occasions to pull himself together; still she had not wrought much on her basket when he again presented himself and said: “I have won three games; there is but one more game to win.”

252. Once more, she took him out but led him even farther from the lodge than before, and with a heavy club, she bludgeoned him into a formless mass, convinced he must be dead. She stood for a long time looking at the battered flesh, contemplating what to do next to ensure her work was complete. She carried the mass to a large rock and continued to break it into even finer pieces. She scattered these pieces farther than she had before and returned to the house. However, she still hadn’t managed to harm the two critical spots. This time, it took the Coyote longer to regroup than it had on previous occasions; still, she had not made much progress on her basket when he appeared again and said, “I have won three games; there is only one more game to win.”

253. The fourth time she led him farther away than ever. She not only mashed him to pieces, but she mixed the pieces with earth, ground the mixture, like corn, between two stones, until it was ground to a fine powder, and scattered this powder far and wide. But again she neglected to crush the point of the nose and the tip of the tail. She went back to the lodge and worked a long time undisturbed. She had just begun to entertain hopes that she had seen the last of her unwelcome suitor when again he entered the door. Now, at last, she could not refuse him. He had fulfilled all her conditions, and she consented to become his wife. He remained all the afternoon. At sunset they heard the sound of approaching footsteps, and she said: “My brothers are coming. Some of them are evil of mind and may do you harm. You must hide yourself.” She hid him behind a pile of skins, and told him to be quiet.

253. The fourth time she took him further away than ever before. She not only crushed him to bits, but she mixed the pieces with dirt, ground the mixture like corn between two stones, until it was reduced to a fine powder, and scattered it everywhere. But again, she forgot to crush the tip of his nose and the end of his tail. She returned to the lodge and worked for a long time without interruption. Just when she started to hope she had seen the last of her unwanted suitor, he walked in again. Now, she finally couldn’t turn him down. He had met all her conditions, and she agreed to become his wife. He stayed all afternoon. At sunset, they heard footsteps approaching, and she said, “My brothers are coming. Some of them have bad intentions and might hurt you. You need to hide.” She concealed him behind a pile of skins and told him to stay quiet.

254. When the brothers entered the lodge they said to their sister: “Here is some fat young venison which we bring you. Put it down to boil and put some of the fat into the pot, for our faces are burned by the wind and we want to grease them.” The woman slept on the north side of the lodge and kept there her household utensils. She had about half of the lodge to herself. The men slept on the south side, the eldest next to the door.

254. When the brothers walked into the lodge, they said to their sister, “We brought you some fresh young venison. Can you boil it and add some of the fat to the pot? Our faces are sunburned from the wind, and we need some grease.” The woman slept on the north side of the lodge where she kept her household items. She had about half of the lodge to herself. The men slept on the south side, with the eldest next to the door.

255. The pot was put on and the fire replenished, and when it began to burn well an odor denoting the presence of some beast filled the lodge. One of the brothers said: “It smells as if some animal had been in the wood-pile. Let us throw out this wood and get fresh sticks from the bottom of the pile.” They did as he desired; but the unpleasant odors continued to annoy them, and [95]again the wood was taken from the fire and thrown away. Thinking the whole pile of wood was tainted with the smell, they went out, broke fresh branches from trees, and built the fire up again; but this did not abate the rank odor in the least. Then one said: “Perhaps the smell is in the water. Tell us, little sister, where did you get the water in the pot?” “I got it at the spring where I always get it,” she replied. But they got her to throw out the water and fill the pot with snow, and to put the meat down to boil again. In spite of all their pains the stench was as bad as ever. At length one of the brothers turned to his sister and said: “What is the cause of this odor? It is not in the wood. It is not in the water. Whence comes it?” She was silent. He repeated the question three times, yet she made no answer. But when the question had been asked for the fourth time, Coyote jumped out of his hiding-place into the middle of the lodge and cried: “It is I, my brothers-in-law!” “Run out there!” the brothers commanded, and turning to their sister they said: “Run out you with him!”

255 The pot was set on the fire, and once it was burning well, a smell indicating the presence of some animal filled the lodge. One of the brothers said, “It smells like some animal has been in the woodpile. Let's throw out this wood and get fresh sticks from the bottom of the pile.” They did what he suggested, but the unpleasant odors continued to bother them, and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] once again they removed the wood from the fire and tossed it away. Thinking the entire pile of wood was tainted with the smell, they went outside, broke fresh branches from the trees, and built the fire up again; but this didn’t lessen the awful odor at all. Then one of them said, “Maybe the smell is in the water. Tell us, little sister, where did you get the water for the pot?” “I got it at the spring where I always get it,” she replied. But they convinced her to throw out the water, fill the pot with snow, and put the meat back to boil. Despite all their efforts, the stench was just as bad as before. Finally, one of the brothers turned to his sister and asked, “What is causing this odor? It’s not in the wood. It’s not in the water. Where is it coming from?” She remained silent. He repeated the question three times, but she didn’t answer. When he asked for the fourth time, Coyote jumped out from his hiding place into the middle of the lodge and shouted, “It’s me, my brothers-in-law!” “Get out of there!” the brothers ordered, turning to their sister and saying, “You go out with him!”

256. They both departed from the lodge. As Coyote went out he took a brand from the fire, and with this he lighted a new fire. Then he broke boughs from the neighboring trees and built a shelter for himself and his wife to live in. When this was completed she went back to the lodge of her brothers, took out her pots, skins, four awls, baskets, and all her property, and carried them to her new home.

256. They both left the lodge. As Coyote went out, he grabbed a stick from the fire and used it to start a new fire. Then he broke branches from nearby trees and built a shelter for himself and his wife to live in. Once that was done, she went back to her brothers' lodge, took her pots, skins, four awls, baskets, and all her belongings, and carried them to her new home.

257. One of the elder brothers said to the youngest: “Go out to-night and watch the couple, and see what sort of a man this is that we have for a brother-in-law. Do not enter the shelter, but lie hidden outside and observe them.” So the youngest brother went forth and hid himself near the shelter, where he could peep in and see by the light of the fire what took place and hear what was said. The pair sat side by side near the fire. Presently the woman laid her hand in a friendly manner on Coyote’s knee, but Coyote threw it away. These motions were repeated four times, and when he had thrown her hand away for the fourth time he said: “I have sworn never to take a woman for a wife until I have killed her four times.” For a while the woman remained silent and gazed at the fire. At length she said: “Here I am. Do with me as you will.” (The myth then relates four deaths and resurrections of the woman, similar to those of the Coyote, but it does not state how or where she preserved her vital principle.) When she returned for the fourth time she lay down, and Coyote soon followed her to her couch. From time to time during the night they held long, low conversations, of which the listener could hear but little. At dawn the watcher went home. In reply to the questions of his brothers he said: “I cannot [96]tell you all that I saw and heard, and they said much that I could not hear; but all that I did hear and behold was tsĭndás” (devilish, evil).

257. One of the older brothers said to the youngest: “Go out tonight and watch the couple, and see what kind of guy this is that we have as a brother-in-law. Don't go inside, but hide outside and observe them.” So the youngest brother went out and hid himself near the shelter, where he could peek in and see by the light of the fire what was happening and hear what was being said. The couple sat side by side near the fire. Soon, the woman placed her hand in a friendly way on Coyote’s knee, but Coyote pushed it away. This happened four times, and after he had pushed her hand away for the fourth time, he said: “I have sworn never to take a woman as a wife until I have killed her four times.” For a while, the woman stayed silent, staring at the fire. Finally, she said: “Here I am. Do with me as you please.” (The myth then describes four deaths and resurrections of the woman, similar to those of the Coyote, but it doesn’t explain how or where she kept her vital essence.) When she returned for the fourth time, she lay down, and Coyote soon joined her on her bed. Throughout the night, they had long, quiet conversations, of which the listener could hear very little. At dawn, the watcher went home. In response to his brothers' questions, he said: “I can't [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]tell you everything I saw and heard, and they said a lot that I couldn't hear; but all that I did hear and see was tsĭndás” (devilish, evil).

258. Next morning the brothers proposed to go out hunting. While they were getting ready Coyote came and asked leave to join them, but they said to him tauntingly: “No; stay at home with your wife; she may be lonely and may need some one to talk to her,” and they chased him out of the lodge. Just as they were about to leave he came back again and begged them to take him with them. “No,” they replied, “the woman will want you to carry wood; you must stay at home with her.” They bade him begone and set out on their journey. They had not gone far on their way when he overtook them, and for the third time asked to be allowed to join the party; but again they drove him back with scornful words. They travelled on till they came to the edge of a deep canyon bordered with very steep cliffs, and here Coyote was seen again, skulking behind them. For the fourth time he pleaded with them; but now the youngest brother took his part, and suggested that Coyote might assist in driving game towards them. So, after some deliberation, they consented to take Coyote along. At the edge of the canyon they made a bridge of rainbow,86 on which they proceeded to cross the chasm. Before the brothers reached the opposite bluff Coyote jumped on it from the bridge, with a great bound, and began to frolic around, saying: “This is a nice place to play.”

258. The next morning, the brothers decided to go hunting. While they were preparing, Coyote showed up and asked to join them, but they mockingly told him, “No; stay home with your wife; she might be lonely and need someone to talk to,” and they kicked him out of the lodge. Just as they were about to leave, he returned and begged them again to let him come along. “No,” they said, “the woman will want you to gather firewood; you need to stay home with her.” They told him to go away and started their journey. They hadn’t gone far when he caught up with them again and asked for the third time to join the group, but once more they sent him back with scornful remarks. They continued until they reached the edge of a deep canyon with steep cliffs, and there was Coyote again, lurking behind them. For the fourth time, he begged to join them, but this time the youngest brother defended him and suggested that Coyote could help drive the game toward them. After some discussion, they agreed to let Coyote come along. At the edge of the canyon, they created a bridge of rainbow, 86 and crossed the gap. Before the brothers reached the other side, Coyote jumped off the bridge with a great leap and started to play around, saying, “This is a great place to have fun.”

259. They travelled farther on, and after a while came to a mesa, or table-land, which projected into a lower plain, and was connected with the plateau on which they stood by a narrow neck of level land. It was a mesa much like that on which the three eastern towns of the Mokis stand, with high, precipitous sides and a narrow entrance. On the neck of land they observed the tracks of four Rocky Mountain sheep, which had gone in on the mesa but had not returned. They had reason, therefore, to believe that the sheep were still on the mesa. At the neck they built a fire, sat down near it, and sent Coyote in on the mesa to drive the sheep out. Their plans were successful; soon the four sheep came running out over the neck, within easy range of the hunters’ weapons, and were all killed. Presently Coyote returned and lay down on the sand.

259. They continued their journey and eventually reached a mesa, or flat-topped land, that jutted out into a lower plain. It was connected to the plateau where they stood by a narrow strip of flat ground. This mesa was similar to the one where the three eastern towns of the Mokis are located, featuring steep, vertical sides and a small entrance. On the strip of land, they noticed the tracks of four Rocky Mountain sheep that had gone onto the mesa but hadn’t come back. So, they had a good reason to believe the sheep were still there. At the strip, they made a fire, sat down nearby, and sent Coyote onto the mesa to drive the sheep out. Their plan worked; soon the four sheep came rushing out over the strip, within easy reach of the hunters’ weapons, and they were all killed. Shortly after, Coyote came back and lay down on the sand.

260. In those days the horns of the Rocky Mountain sheep were flat and fleshy and could be eaten. The eldest brother said: “I will take the horns for my share.” “No,” said Coyote, “the horns shall be mine: give them to me.” Three times each repeated the same declaration. When both had spoken for the fourth time, the eldest brother, to end the controversy, drew out his knife and began to cut one of the horns; as he did so Coyote cried out, “Tsĭnántlehi! [97]Tsĭnántlehi! Tsĭnántlehi! Tsĭnántlehi!” (Turn to bone! Turn to bone! Turn to bone! Turn to bone!) Each time he cried, the horn grew harder and harder, and the knife slipped as it cut, hacking but not severing the horn. This is why the horns of the Rocky Mountain sheep are now hard, not fleshy, and to this day they bear the marks of the hunter’s knife. “Tsĭ′ndi! Tsĭndás bilnáalti!” (You devil! You evil companion in travel!) said the hunter to Coyote.

260. Back then, the horns of Rocky Mountain sheep were soft and meaty and could be eaten. The oldest brother said, “I’ll take the horns for my share.” “No,” Coyote responded, “the horns are mine: give them to me.” They repeated the same statements three times. When they spoke for the fourth time, the older brother, to settle the argument, pulled out his knife and started to cut one of the horns. As he did this, Coyote shouted, “Tsĭnántlehi! [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Tsĭnántlehi! Tsĭnántlehi! Tsĭnántlehi!” (Turn to bone! Turn to bone! Turn to bone! Turn to bone!) Each time he shouted, the horn grew harder, and the knife slipped while cutting, chopping but not breaking the horn. This is why the horns of Rocky Mountain sheep are hard now, not soft, and they still show the marks of the hunter’s knife. “Tsĭ′ndi! Tsĭndás bilnáalti!” (You devil! You evil travel companion!) the hunter said to Coyote.

261. The hunters gathered all the meat into one pile, and by means of the mystic power which they possessed they reduced it to a very small compass. They tied it in a small bundle which one person might easily carry, and they gave it to Coyote to take home, saying to him, “Travel round by the head of the canyon over which we crossed and go not through it, for they are evil people who dwell there, and open not your bundle until you get home.”

261. The hunters collected all the meat into one pile, and with their magical abilities, they shrank it down to a very small size. They wrapped it in a small bundle that one person could easily carry, and they handed it to Coyote to take home, saying to him, “Make your way around the head of the canyon we crossed and don’t go through it, because those who live there are bad people, and don’t open your bundle until you get home.”

262. The bundle was lifted to his back and he started for home, promising to heed all that had been told him. But as soon as he was well out of sight of his companions he slipped his bundle to the ground and opened it. At once the meat expanded and became again a heap of formidable size, such that he could not bind it up again or carry it; so he hung some of it up on the trees and bushes; he stuck part of it into crevices in the rocks; a portion he left scattered on the ground; he tied up as much as he could carry in a new bundle, and with this he continued on his journey.

262. He lifted the bundle onto his back and started heading home, promising to remember everything he had been told. But as soon as he was far enough away from his friends, he dropped the bundle to the ground and opened it. Instantly, the meat expanded and became a huge pile, so big that he couldn't wrap it back up or carry it; so he hung some of it on trees and bushes, stuffed part of it into cracks in the rocks, left some scattered on the ground, and tied up as much as he could carry into a new bundle. With that, he continued on his way.

263. When he came to the edge of the forbidden canyon he looked down and saw some birds playing a game he had never witnessed before. They rolled great stones down the slope, which extended from the foot of the cliff to the bottom of the valley, and stood on the stones while they were rolling; yet the birds were not upset or crushed or hurt in the least by this diversion. The sight so pleased Coyote that he descended into the canyon and begged to be allowed to join in the sport. The birds rolled a stone gently for him; he got on it and handled himself so nimbly that he reached the bottom of the slope without injury. Again and again he begged them to give him a trial until he thus three times descended without hurting himself. When he asked the birds for the fourth time to roll a stone for him they became angry and hurled it with such force that Coyote lost his footing, and he and the stone rolled over one another to the bottom of the slope, and he screamed and yelped all the way down.

263. When he reached the edge of the forbidden canyon, he looked down and saw some birds playing a game he had never seen before. They rolled big stones down the slope, which went from the base of the cliff to the bottom of the valley, and stood on the stones as they rolled; yet the birds weren’t bothered or crushed or hurt at all by this activity. The sight thrilled Coyote so much that he went down into the canyon and asked to join in on the fun. The birds rolled a stone gently for him; he got on it and was so agile that he made it to the bottom of the slope without a scratch. Time and time again, he asked them to give him a turn until he had successfully gone down three times without getting hurt. When he asked the birds for the fourth time to roll a stone for him, they got angry and threw it with such force that Coyote lost his balance, and he and the stone tumbled over each other to the bottom of the slope, screaming and yelping all the way down.

264. After this experience he left the birds and travelled on until he observed some Otters at play by the stream at the bottom of the canyon. They were playing the Navaho game of nánzoz. They bet their skins against one another on the results of the game. But when one lost his skin at play he jumped into the water and came [98]out with a new skin. Coyote approached the Otters and asked to be allowed to take part in the game, but the Otters had heard about him and knew what a rascal he was. They refused him and told him to begone; but still he remained and pleaded. After a while they went apart and talked among themselves, and when they returned they invited Coyote to join them in their game. Coyote bet his skin and lost it. The moment he lost, the Otters all rushed at him, and, notwithstanding his piteous cries, they tore the hide from his back, beginning at the root of his tail and tearing forward. When they came to the vital spot at the end of his nose his wails were terrible. When he found himself denuded of his skin he jumped into the water, as he had seen the Otters doing; but, alas! his skin did not come back to him. He jumped again and again into the water; but came out every time as bare as he went in. At length he became thoroughly exhausted, and lay down in the water until the Otters took pity on him and pulled him out. They dragged him to a badger hole, threw him in there, and covered him up with earth. Previous to this adventure Coyote had a beautiful, smooth fur like that of the otter. When he dug his way out of the badger hole he was again covered with hair, but it was no longer the glossy fur which he once wore; it was coarse and rough, much like that of the badger, and such a pelt the coyotes have worn ever since.

264. After this experience, he left the birds and continued on until he saw some otters playing by the stream at the bottom of the canyon. They were playing the Navajo game of nánzoz. They were betting their skins against each other based on the results of the game. But when one of them lost his skin, he jumped into the water and came out with a new skin. Coyote approached the otters and asked to join the game, but the otters knew about him and what a troublemaker he was. They refused and told him to go away; but he stayed and begged. After a while, they huddled together and talked among themselves, and when they returned, they invited Coyote to join their game. Coyote bet his skin and lost. As soon as he lost, the otters all rushed at him, and despite his desperate cries, they tore the hide from his back, starting at the base of his tail and pulling forward. When they reached the sensitive spot at the end of his nose, his wails were awful. When he realized he was without his skin, he jumped into the water, just like he had seen the otters do; but, unfortunately, his skin didn’t come back to him. He jumped in again and again, but each time he came out just as bare as before. Eventually, he became completely exhausted and lay down in the water until the otters took pity on him and pulled him out. They dragged him to a badger hole, threw him in there, and covered him with dirt. Before this adventure, Coyote had beautiful, smooth fur like that of the otter. When he dug his way out of the badger hole, he was covered in hair again, but it was no longer the glossy fur he once had; it was coarse and rough, more like that of a badger, and that’s the kind of pelt coyotes have worn ever since.

265. But this sad experience did not make him mend his ways. He again went round challenging the Otters to further play, and betting his new skin on the game. “Your skin is of no value; no one would play for it. Begone!” they said. Being often refused and insolently treated, he at length became angry, retired to a safe distance, and began to revile the Otters shamefully. “You are braggarts,” he cried; “you pretend to be brave, but you are cowards. Your women are like yourselves: their heads are flat; their eyes are little; their teeth stick out; they are ugly; while I have a bride as beautiful as the sun.” He shook his foot at them as if to say, “I am fleeter than you.” He would approach them, and when they made motion as if to pursue him, he would take a big jump and soon place himself beyond their reach. When they quieted down, he would approach them again and continue to taunt and revile them. After a while he went to the cliff, to a place of safety, and shouted from there his words of derision. The Otters talked together, and said they could suffer his abuse no longer, that something must be done, and they sent word to the chiefs of the Spiders, who lived farther down the stream, telling them what had occurred, and asking for their aid.

265. But this unfortunate experience didn’t change his behavior. He kept going around challenging the Otters to play again, betting his new skin on the game. “Your skin isn’t worth anything; no one would play for it. Get lost!” they told him. After being turned down multiple times and treated rudely, he eventually got angry, backed off to a safe distance, and started to insult the Otters. “You’re all talk,” he shouted; “you pretend to be brave, but really you’re cowards. Your females are just like you: their heads are flat, their eyes are small, their teeth stick out, they’re ugly; meanwhile, I have a bride as beautiful as the sun.” He shook his foot at them as if to say, “I’m faster than you.” He would get closer, and when they seemed like they might chase him, he’d jump away and quickly put himself out of their reach. When they calmed down, he would come back and keep mocking them. After a while, he went up to the cliff, a safe spot, and shouted his insults from there. The Otters talked among themselves and decided they couldn’t put up with his abuse any longer; something had to be done, so they sent word to the chiefs of the Spiders, who lived further down the stream, explaining what had happened and asking for their help.

266. The Spiders crept up the bluff, went round behind where Coyote sat cursing and scolding, and wove strong webs in the trees [99]and bushes. When their work was finished they told the Otters what they had done, and the latter started to climb the bluff and attack Coyote. Conscious of his superior swiftness, he acted as if indifferent to them, and allowed them to come quite close before he turned to run; but he did not run far until he was caught in the webs of the Spiders. Then the Otters seized him and dragged him, howling, to the foot of the hill. He clung so hard to the grasses and shrubs as he passed that they were torn out by the roots. When the Otters got him to the bottom of the hill they killed him, or seemed to kill him. The Cliff Swallows (Hastsósi)21 flew down from the walls of the canyon and tore him in pieces; they carried off the fragments to their nests, leaving only a few drops of blood on the ground; they tore his skin into strips and made of these bands which they put around their heads, and this accounts for the band which the cliff swallow wears upon his brow to-day.

266. The Spiders climbed up the cliff, went around behind where Coyote sat complaining and scolding, and spun strong webs in the trees [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] and bushes. Once they finished their work, they informed the Otters about what they had done, and the Otters began to climb the cliff to confront Coyote. Knowing he was faster, Coyote acted like he didn’t care and let them get pretty close before he turned to escape; but he didn’t run far before getting caught in the Spiders' webs. Then the Otters grabbed him and dragged him, howling, to the bottom of the hill. He held onto the grasses and shrubs so tightly that they were ripped out by the roots. When the Otters reached the bottom of the hill, they killed him, or at least it seemed that way. The Cliff Swallows (Hastsósi)21 swooped down from the canyon walls and tore him apart; they took the pieces back to their nests, leaving only a few drops of blood on the ground. They shredded his skin into strips and made bands from it, which they wore around their heads, and that’s why the cliff swallow has a band around its brow today.

267. It was nightfall when the brothers came home. They saw that Coyote had not yet returned, and they marvelled what had become of him. When they entered the lodge and sat down, the sister came and peeped in over the portière, scanned the inside of the lodge, and looked inquiringly at them. They did not speak to her until she had done this four times, then the eldest brother said: “Go back and sleep, and don’t worry about that worthless man of yours. He is not with us, and we know not what has become of him. We suppose he has gone into the canyon, where we warned him not to go, and has been killed.” She only said, “What have you done with him?” and went away in anger.

267. It was nighttime when the brothers got home. They noticed that Coyote still hadn’t returned, and they wondered what had happened to him. After they entered the lodge and sat down, their sister came over and peeked in through the curtain, surveyed the inside of the lodge, and looked at them with questions in her eyes. They didn’t say anything to her until she had done this four times. Then the oldest brother said, “Go back and get some sleep, and stop worrying about that useless guy of yours. He’s not here with us, and we have no idea where he is. We assume he went into the canyon, where we told him not to go, and he’s probably been killed.” All she said was, “What have you done with him?” before she stormed off in anger.

268. Before they lay down to sleep they sent the youngest brother out to hide where he had hidden the night before to watch their sister, and this is what he saw: At first she pretended to go to sleep. After a while she rose and sat facing the east. Then she faced in turn the south, the west, and the north, moving sunwise. When this was done she pulled out her right eye-tooth, broke a large piece from one of her four bone awls and inserted it in the place of the tooth, making a great tusk where the little tooth had once been. As she did this she said aloud: “He who shall hereafter dream of losing a right eye-tooth shall lose a brother.” After this she opened her mouth to the four points of the compass in the order in which she had faced them before, tore out her left eye-tooth and inserted in its place the pointed end of another awl. As she made this tusk she said: “He who dreams of losing his left eye-tooth shall lose a sister.”

268. Before they went to sleep, they sent the youngest brother out to hide in the same spot he had the night before to keep an eye on their sister, and this is what he saw: At first, she pretended to sleep. After a while, she sat up facing the east. Then she turned to face the south, the west, and the north, moving clockwise. Once she finished this, she pulled out her right canine, broke off a large piece from one of her four bone awls, and fitted it in the space where the tooth had been, creating a great tusk where the small tooth once was. As she did this, she said aloud: “Whoever dreams of losing a right canine in the future will lose a brother.” After that, she opened her mouth toward the four directions in the order she had faced them before, tore out her left canine, and inserted the pointed end of another awl in its place. As she formed this tusk, she said: “Whoever dreams of losing their left canine will lose a sister.”

269. The watcher then returned to his brothers and told them what he had seen and heard. “Go back,” said they, “and watch her again, for you have not seen all her deeds.” When he went [100]back he saw her make, as she had done before, two tusks in her lower jaw. When she had made that on the right she said: “He who dreams of losing this tooth (right lower canine) shall lose a child;” and when she made that on the left she said: “He who dreams of losing this tooth (left lower canine) shall lose a parent.”

269. The watcher returned to his brothers and told them what he had seen and heard. “Go back,” they said, “and watch her again, because you haven’t seen all her actions.” When he went [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]back, he saw her, just like before, create two tusks in her lower jaw. After she made the one on the right, she said: “Anyone who dreams of losing this tooth (right lower canine) will lose a child;” and after she made the one on the left, she said: “Anyone who dreams of losing this tooth (left lower canine) will lose a parent.”

270. When she first began to pull out her teeth, hair began to grow on her hands; as she went on with her mystic work the hair spread up her arms and her legs, leaving only her breasts bare. The young man now crept back to the lodge where his brethren waited and told them what he had seen. “Go back,” they said, “and hide again. There is more for you to see.”

270. When she first started to pull out her teeth, hair began to grow on her hands; as she continued her mystical work, the hair spread up her arms and legs, leaving only her breasts bare. The young man then sneaked back to the lodge where his friends were waiting and told them what he had seen. “Go back,” they said, “and hide again. There's more for you to see.”

271. When he got back to his hiding-place the hair had grown over her breasts, and she was covered with a coat of shaggy hair like that of a bear. She continued to move around in the direction of the sun’s apparent course, pausing and opening her mouth at the east, the south, the west, and the north as she went. After a while her ears began to wag, her snout grew long, her teeth were heard to gnash, her nails turned into claws. He watched her until dawn, when, fearing he might be discovered, he returned to his lodge and told his brothers all that had happened. They said: “These must be the mysteries that Coyote explained to her the first night.”

271. When he returned to his hiding spot, her hair had grown over her breasts, and she was covered in a shaggy coat like a bear's. She kept moving in the direction of the sun, pausing to open her mouth to the east, south, west, and north as she moved. After a while, her ears started to twitch, her snout elongated, her teeth could be heard grinding, and her nails turned into claws. He watched her until dawn, but worried he might be discovered, he went back to his lodge and told his brothers everything that had happened. They said, “These must be the mysteries that Coyote explained to her on the first night.”

272. In a moment after the young man had told his story they heard the whistling of a bear, and soon a she-bear rushed past the door of the lodge, cracking the branches as she went. She followed the trail which Coyote had taken the day before and disappeared in the woods.

272. Moments after the young man finished his story, they heard a bear whistling, and soon a she-bear dashed past the lodge door, breaking branches as she moved. She followed the path that Coyote had taken the day before and vanished into the woods.

273. At night she came back groaning. She had been in the fatal canyon all day, fighting the slayers of Coyote, and she had been wounded in many places. Her brothers saw a light in her hut, and from time to time one of their number would go and peep in through an aperture to observe what was happening within. All night she walked around the fire. At intervals she would, by means of her magic, draw arrow-heads out of her body and heal the wounds.

273. At night, she returned groaning. She had spent the whole day in the deadly canyon, battling Coyote's slayers, and she had wounds all over her body. Her brothers noticed a light in her hut, and occasionally one of them would sneak a peek through a small opening to see what was going on inside. All night, she walked around the fire. From time to time, she would use her magic to pull arrowheads out of her body and heal her wounds.

274. Next morning the bear-woman again rushed past the lodge of her brethren, and again went off toward the fatal canyon. At night she returned, as before, groaning and bleeding, and again spent the long night in drawing forth missiles and healing her wounds by means of her magic rites.

274. The next morning, the bear-woman once more sprinted past her brothers' lodge and headed toward the deadly canyon. That night, she returned, as before, moaning and injured, and once again spent the long night removing the projectiles and healing her wounds through her magical rituals.

275. Thus she continued to do for four days and four nights; but at the end of the fourth day she had conquered all her enemies; she had slain many, and those she had not killed she had dispersed. The swallows flew up into the high cliffs to escape her vengeance; the otters hid themselves in the water; the spiders retreated into holes in the ground,87 and in such places these creatures have been obliged to dwell ever since. [101]

275. So she kept this up for four days and four nights; by the end of the fourth day, she had defeated all her enemies. She had killed many, and those she hadn't killed were scattered. The swallows flew up to the high cliffs to escape her wrath; the otters hid in the water; the spiders retreated into holes in the ground, 87 and ever since, these creatures have had to live in those places. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

276. During these four days, the brothers remained in their camp; but at the end of that time, feeling that trouble was in store for them, they decided to go away. They left the youngest brother at home, and the remaining ten divided themselves into four different parties; one of which travelled to the east, another to the south, another to the west, and another to the north.

276. During these four days, the brothers stayed in their camp; but after that time, sensing trouble ahead, they decided to leave. They left the youngest brother at home, and the other ten split into four different groups; one traveled east, another south, another west, and the last one north.

277. When they were gone, the Whirlwind, Níyol, and the Knife Boy, Pésasike, came to the lodge to help the younger brother who had remained behind. They dug for him a hole under the centre of the hogán; and from this they dug four branching tunnels, running east, south, west, and north, and over the end of each tunnel they put a window of gypsum to let in light from above. They gave him four weapons,—atsĭniklĭ′ska, the chain-lightning arrow; hatsoilhálka (an old-fashioned stone knife as big as the open hand); natsilĭ′tka, the rainbow arrow; and hatsĭlkĭ′ska, the sheet-lightning arrow. They roofed his hiding-place with four flat stones, one white, one blue, one yellow, and one black. They put earth over all these, smoothing the earth and tramping it down so that it should look like the natural floor of the lodge. They gave him two monitors, Nĭ′ltsi, the Wind, at his right ear, to warn him by day of the approach of danger; and Tsall, darkness, at his left ear, to warn him by night.

277. After they left, the Whirlwind, Níyol, and the Knife Boy, Pésasike, arrived at the lodge to assist the younger brother who had stayed behind. They dug a hole for him under the center of the hogán; from this, they created four branching tunnels that extended east, south, west, and north. They placed a gypsum window over the end of each tunnel to allow light to enter from above. They provided him with four weapons: atsĭniklĭ′ska, the chain-lightning arrow; hatsoilhálka (an old-style stone knife the size of an open hand); natsilĭ′tka, the rainbow arrow; and hatsĭlkĭ′ska, the sheet-lightning arrow. They covered his hiding spot with four flat stones: one white, one blue, one yellow, and one black. They topped everything with dirt, smoothing and packing it down to make it look like the natural floor of the lodge. They assigned him two guardians: Nĭ′ltsi, the Wind, at his right ear, to alert him during the day of any impending danger; and Tsall, darkness, at his left ear, to warn him at night.

278. When morning came and the bear-woman went forth she discovered that her brothers had departed. She poured water on the ground (halĭ′z) to see which way they had gone. The water flowed to the east; she rushed on in that direction and soon overtook three of the fugitives, whom she succeeded in killing. Then she went back to her hut to see what had become of her other brothers. Again she poured water on the level ground and it flowed off to the south; she followed in that direction and soon overtook three others, whom she likewise slew. Returning to the lodge she again performed her divination by means of water. This time she was directed to the west, and, going that way, she overtook and killed three more of the men. Again she sought the old camp and poured on the ground water, which flowed to the north; going on in this direction she encountered but one man, and him she slew. Once more she went back to discover what had become of her last brother. She poured water for the fifth time on the level ground; it sank directly into the earth.

278. When morning came and the bear-woman went outside, she found that her brothers had left. She poured water on the ground (halĭ′z) to see where they had gone. The water flowed to the east; she rushed in that direction and soon caught up with three of the escapees, whom she was able to kill. Then she went back to her hut to check on her other brothers. Again, she poured water on the flat ground, and it flowed off to the south; she followed that way and quickly caught up with three more, whom she also killed. Returning to the lodge, she performed her water divination again. This time, it pointed west, so she went that way and caught up with and killed three more men. Once again, she returned to the old camp and poured water on the ground, which flowed to the north; she followed this path and encountered just one man, and she killed him. Once more, she went back to find out what happened to her last brother. She poured water for the fifth time on the flat ground; it sank directly into the earth.

279. The brothers had always been very successful hunters and their home was always well supplied with meat. In consequence of this they had had many visitors who built in their neighborhood temporary shelters, such as the Navahoes build now when they come to remain only a short time at a place, and the remains of these shelters surrounded the deserted hut. She scratched in all these [102]places to find traces of the fugitive, without success, and in doing so she gradually approached the deserted hut. She scratched all around outside the hut and then went inside. She scratched around the edge of the hut and then worked toward the centre, until at length she came to the fireplace. Here she found the earth was soft as if recently disturbed, and she dug rapidly downward with her paws. She soon came to the stones, and, removing these, saw her last remaining brother hidden beneath them. “I greet you, my younger brother! Come up, I want to see you,” she said in a coaxing voice. Then she held out one finger to him and said: “Grasp my finger and I will help you up.” But Wind told him not to grasp her finger; that if he did she would throw him upwards, that he would fall half dead at her feet and be at her mercy. “Get up without her help,” whispered Nĭ′ltsi.

279. The brothers had always been great hunters, so their home was consistently stocked with meat. Because of this, they had many visitors who built temporary shelters nearby, similar to how the Navahoes do today when they stay somewhere for only a short time, and the remnants of these shelters surrounded the abandoned hut. She searched all these [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]areas for signs of the fugitive, but found nothing, slowly making her way toward the deserted hut. She examined the outside of the hut before going inside. She looked around the edge of the hut and then moved to the center until she finally reached the fireplace. There, she found the ground was soft as if it had recently been disturbed, and she quickly dug downward with her paws. Soon, she hit the stones, and after removing them, she discovered her last remaining brother hidden beneath. “I greet you, my younger brother! Come up, I want to see you,” she said in a gentle voice. Then she extended one finger to him and said: “Grab my finger, and I will help you up.” But Wind warned him not to take her finger; if he did, she would throw him upward, and he would land half-dead at her feet and be completely at her mercy. “Get up without her help,” whispered Nĭ′ltsi.

280. He climbed out of the hole on the east side and walked toward the east. She ran toward him in a threatening manner, but he looked at her calmly and said: “It is I, your younger brother.” Then she approached him in a coaxing way, as a dog approaches one with whom he wishes to make friends, and she led him back toward the deserted hogán. But as he approached it the Wind whispered: “We have had sorrow there, let us not enter,” so he would not go in, and this is the origin of the custom now among the Navahoes never to enter a house in which death had occurred.91

280. He climbed out of the hole on the east side and walked toward the east. She ran toward him aggressively, but he looked at her calmly and said, “It’s me, your younger brother.” Then she approached him in a friendly way, like a dog wanting to make friends, and she led him back to the empty hogán. But as he got closer, the Wind whispered, “We’ve experienced sadness there; let’s not go in,” so he chose not to enter, and that’s how the custom started among the Navahoes to never enter a house where someone has died.91

281. “Come,” she then said, “and sit with your face to the west, and let me comb your hair.” (It was now late in the afternoon.) “Heed her not,” whispered Wind; “sit facing the north, that you watch her shadow and see what she does. It is thus that she has killed your brothers.” They both sat down, she behind him, and she untied his queue and proceeded to arrange his hair, while he watched her out of the corner of his eye. Soon he observed her snout growing longer and approaching his head, and he noticed that her ears were wagging. “What does it mean that your snout grows longer and that your ears move so?” he asked. She did not reply, but drew her snout in and kept her ears still. When these occurrences had taken place for the fourth time, Wind whispered in his ear: “Let not this happen again. If she puts out her snout the fifth time she will bite your head off. Yonder, where you see that chattering squirrel, are her vital parts. He guards them for her. Now run and destroy them.” He rose and ran toward the vital parts and she ran after him. Suddenly, between them a large yucca88 sprang up to retard her steps, and then a cane cactus,89 and then another yucca, and then another cactus of a different kind. She ran faster than he, but was so delayed in running around the plants that he reached the vitals before her, and heard the lungs breathing [103]under the weeds that covered them. He drew forth his chain-lightning arrow, shot it into the weeds, and saw a bright stream of blood spurting up. At the same instant the bear-woman fell with the blood streaming from her side.

281. “Come,” she said, “and sit facing west while I comb your hair.” (It was late afternoon.) “Don’t listen to her,” whispered Wind; “sit facing north so you can watch her shadow and see what she does. This is how she’s killed your brothers.” They both sat down, her behind him, and she untied his hair and began to style it while he kept an eye on her. Soon, he noticed her snout getting longer and inching towards his head, and her ears twitching. “Why is your snout getting longer and your ears moving?” he asked. She didn’t answer but pulled her snout back and stayed still. After this happened for the fourth time, Wind whispered in his ear: “Don’t let this happen again. If she sticks out her snout a fifth time, she’ll bite your head off. Over there, by that chattering squirrel, are her vital parts. He watches over them for her. Now go and destroy them.” He got up and ran towards the vital parts, and she chased after him. Suddenly, a large yucca88 appeared between them to slow her down, then a cane cactus,89 followed by another yucca, and then another different cactus. She ran faster than him, but she was delayed trying to navigate around the plants, and he reached the vital parts before her, hearing the lungs breathing [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] underneath the weeds covering them. He pulled out his chain-lightning arrow, shot it into the weeds, and saw a bright stream of blood shoot up. At that moment, the bear-woman fell with blood streaming from her side.

282. “See!” whispered Nĭ′ltsi, the Wind, “the stream of blood from her body and the stream from her vitals flow fast and approach one another. If they meet she will revive, and then your danger will be greater than ever. Draw, with your stone knife, a mark on the ground between the approaching streams.” The young man did as he was bidden, when instantly the blood coagulated and ceased to flow.

282. “Look!” whispered Nĭ′ltsi, the Wind, “the streams of blood from her body and from her insides are flowing quickly and getting closer together. If they meet, she’ll come back to life, and then you’ll be in even greater danger. Use your stone knife to draw a mark on the ground between the two streams.” The young man followed the instructions, and immediately the blood stopped flowing and began to clot.

283. Then the young man said: “You shall live again, but no longer as the mischievous Tsiké Sas Nátlehi.90 You shall live in other forms, where you may be of service to your kind and not a thing of evil.” He cut off the head and said to it: “Let us see if in another life you will do better. When you come to life again, act well, or again I will slay you.” He threw the head at the foot of a piñon-tree and it changed into a bear, which started at once to walk off. But presently it stopped, shaded its eyes with one paw, and looked back at the man, saying: “You have bidden me to act well; but what shall I do if others attack me?” “Then you may defend yourself,” said the young man; “but begin no quarrel, and be ever a friend to your people, the Dĭnéʻ. Go yonder to Black Mountain (Dsĭllĭzĭ′n) and dwell there.” There are now in Black Mountain many bears which are descended from this bear.

283. Then the young man said: “You will live again, but no longer as the troublesome Tsiké Sas Nátlehi.90 You will exist in different forms, where you can help your kind and not be a source of evil.” He cut off the head and said to it: “Let’s see if you’ll do better in another life. When you come back to life, behave yourself, or I will slay you again.” He tossed the head at the base of a piñon-tree, and it transformed into a bear, which immediately began to walk away. But soon it stopped, shaded its eyes with one paw, and looked back at the man, saying: “You told me to behave well; but what should I do if others attack me?” “Then you can defend yourself,” said the young man; “but don’t start any fights, and always be a friend to your people, the Dĭnéʻ. Go over to Black Mountain (Dsĭl'lizĭ'n) and live there.” There are now many bears in Black Mountain that are descendants of this bear.

284. The hero cut off the nipples and said to them: “Had you belonged to a good woman and not to a foolish witch, it might have been your luck to suckle men. You were of no use to your kind; but now I shall make you of use in another form.” He threw the nipples up into a piñon-tree, heretofore fruitless, and they became edible pine nuts.

284. The hero chopped off the nipples and said to them: “If you had belonged to a good woman instead of a silly witch, you might have been lucky enough to nourish men. You were useless to your kind, but now I’ll turn you into something useful in a different way.” He tossed the nipples into a previously fruitless piñon tree, and they turned into edible pine nuts.

285. Next he sought the homes of his friends, the holy ones, Níyol and Pésasike. They led him to the east, to the south, to the west, and to the north, where the corpses of his brothers lay, and these they restored to life for him. They went back to the place where the brothers had dwelt before and built a new house; but they did not return to the old home, for that was now a tsĭ′ndi hogán and accursed.91

285. Next, he went to visit the homes of his friends, the holy ones, Níyol and Pésasike. They guided him to the east, to the south, to the west, and to the north, where the bodies of his brothers were. They brought them back to life for him. They returned to the place where the brothers used to live and built a new house, but they did not go back to the old home, because that was now a tsĭ′ndi hogán and cursed. 91

286. The holy ones then gave to the young hero the name of Léyaneyani, or Reared Under the Ground, because they had hidden him in the earth when his brethren fled from the wrath of his sister. They bade him go and dwell at a place called Atáhyĭtsoi (Big Point on the Edge), which is in the shape of a hogán, or Navaho hut, and here we think he still dwells. [104]

286. The holy ones then gave the young hero the name Léyaneyani, which means Reared Under the Ground, because they had hidden him in the earth when his siblings ran away from his sister’s anger. They told him to go and live at a place called Atáhyĭtsoi (Big Point on the Edge), which is shaped like a hogán or Navaho hut, and we believe he still lives there. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

III. THE WAR GODS.

287. The Dĭnéʻ now removed to Tseʻlakaíia (White Standing Rock), where, a few days after they arrived, they found on the ground a small turquoise image of a woman; this they preserved. Of late the monsters (anáye, alien gods) had been actively pursuing and devouring the people, and at the time this image was found there were only four persons remaining alive;92 these were an old man and woman and their two children, a young man and a young woman. Two days after the finding of the image, early in the morning, before they rose, they heard the voice of Hastséyalti, the Talking God, crying his call of “Wuʻhuʻhuʻhu” so faint and far that they could scarcely hear it. After a while the call was repeated a second time, nearer and louder than at first. Again, after a brief silence, the call was heard for the third time, still nearer and still louder. The fourth call was loud and clear, as if sounded near at hand;26 as soon as it ceased, the shuffling tread of moccasined feet was heard, and a moment later the god Hastséyalti stood before them.

287. The Dĭnéʻ moved to Tseʻlakaíia (White Standing Rock), where, a few days after their arrival, they discovered a small turquoise figure of a woman on the ground; they kept it safe. Recently, the monsters (anáye, alien gods) had been actively hunting and consuming the people, and at the time this figure was found, only four individuals were still alive;92 these were an elderly man and woman and their two children, a young man and a young woman. Two days after discovering the figure, early in the morning, before they got up, they heard the voice of Hastséyalti, the Talking God, calling out “Wuʻhuʻhuʻhu” so softly and distantly that they could barely hear it. After a while, the call was repeated a second time, closer and louder than before. Again, after a brief pause, the call was heard for a third time, still closer and even louder. The fourth call was loud and clear, as if it were right next to them;26 as soon as it stopped, the shuffling sound of moccasined feet was heard, and a moment later, the god Hastséyalti stood before them.

Plate IV. NAYÉNĔZGẠNI. (See pars. 76 and 105 and note 269.)

Plate IV. NAYÉNĔZGẠNI. (See pars. 76 and 105 and note 269.)

Plate IV. NAYÉNĔZGẠNI. (See sections __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ and note __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.)

288. He told the four people to come up to the top of Tsolíhi after twelve nights had passed, bringing with them the turquoise image they had found, and at once he departed. They pondered deeply on his words, and every day they talked among themselves, wondering why Hastséyalti had summoned them to the mountain.

288. He told the four people to come up to the top of Tsolíhi after twelve nights had passed, bringing with them the turquoise image they had found, and then he left. They thought carefully about what he said, and every day they discussed among themselves, wondering why Hastséyalti had called them to the mountain.

289. On the morning of the appointed day they ascended the mountain by a holy trail,93 and on a level spot, near the summit, they met a party that awaited them there. They found there Hastséyalti, Hastséhogan (the Home God), White Body (who came up from the lower world with the Dĭnéʻ), the eleven brothers (of Maid Who Becomes a Bear), the Mirage Stone People, the Daylight People standing in the east, the Blue Sky People standing in the south, the Yellow Light People standing in the west, and the Darkness People standing in the north. White Body stood in the east among the Daylight People, bearing in his hand a small image of a woman wrought in white shell, about the same size and shape as the blue image which the Navahoes bore.

289. On the morning of the scheduled day, they climbed the mountain along a sacred path, and on a flat area near the top, they met a group that was waiting for them. They found there Hastséyalti, Hastséhogan (the Home God), White Body (who had come up from the underworld with the Dĭnéʻ), the eleven brothers (of the Maid Who Becomes a Bear), the Mirage Stone People, the Daylight People in the east, the Blue Sky People in the south, the Yellow Light People in the west, and the Darkness People in the north. White Body was in the east with the Daylight People, holding a small figure of a woman made from white shell, about the same size and shape as the blue figure that the Navajos carried.

290. Hastséyalti laid down a sacred buckskin with its head toward the west. The Mirage Stone People laid on the buckskin, heads west, the two little images,—of turquoise and white shell,—a white and a yellow ear of corn, the Pollen Boy, and the Grasshopper Girl. On top of all these Hastséyalti laid another sacred buckskin with its head to the east, and under this they now put Nĭ′ltsi (Wind).

290. Hastséyalti spread out a sacred buckskin with its head facing west. The Mirage Stone People were placed on the buckskin, heads to the west, along with two small figures—made of turquoise and white shell—a white and a yellow ear of corn, the Pollen Boy, and the Grasshopper Girl. On top of all these, Hastséyalti placed another sacred buckskin with its head toward the east, and underneath this, they now put Nĭ′ltsi (Wind).

291. Then the assembled crowd stood so as to form a circle, leaving in the east an opening through which Hastséyalti and Hastséhogan [105]might pass in and out, and they sang the sacred song of Hozóngisĭn. Four times the gods entered and raised the cover. When they raised it for the fourth time, the images and the ears of corn were found changed to living beings in human form: the turquoise image had become Estsánatlehi, the Woman Who Changes (or rejuvenates herself); the white shell image had become Yolkaí Estsán, the White Shell Woman; the white ear of corn had become Natálkai Asiké; the White Corn Boy and the yellow ear of corn, Natáltsoi Atét, the Yellow Corn Girl.94 After the ceremony, White Body took Pollen Boy, Grasshopper Girl, White Corn Boy, and Yellow Corn Girl with him into Tsolíhi; the rest of the assembly departed, and the two divine sisters, Estsánatlehi95 and Yolkaí Estsán,96 were left on the mountain alone.

291. Then the crowd gathered to form a circle, leaving an opening to the east for Hastséyalti and Hastséhogan [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] to pass through. They sang the sacred song of Hozóngisĭn. The gods entered four times and lifted the cover. When they lifted it for the fourth time, the images and ears of corn had transformed into living beings in human form: the turquoise image turned into Estsánatlehi, the Woman Who Changes (or rejuvenates herself); the white shell image became Yolkaí Estsán, the White Shell Woman; the white ear of corn changed into Natálkai Asiké, the White Corn Boy; and the yellow ear of corn became Natáltsoi Atét, the Yellow Corn Girl.94 After the ceremony, White Body took Pollen Boy, Grasshopper Girl, White Corn Boy, and Yellow Corn Girl with him into Tsolíhi; the rest of the group left, leaving the two divine sisters, Estsánatlehi95 and Yolkaí Estsán,96 alone on the mountain.

292. The women remained here four nights; on the fourth morning Estsánatlehi said: “Sitĕ′zi (younger sister), why should we remain here? Let us go to yonder high point and look around us.” They went to the highest point of the mountain, and when they had been there several days Estsánatlehi said: “It is lonely here; we have no one to speak to but ourselves; we see nothing but that which rolls over our heads (the sun), and that which drops below us (a small dripping waterfall). I wonder if they can be people. I shall stay here and wait for the one in the morning, while you go down among the rocks and seek the other.”

292. The women stayed here for four nights; on the fourth morning, Estsánatlehi said: “Sitĕ′zi (younger sister), why should we stay here? Let’s go to that high point over there and take a look around.” They climbed to the highest spot on the mountain, and after being there for several days, Estsánatlehi said: “It’s lonely here; we only have each other to talk to; all we see is the sun above us and the small waterfall below us. I wonder if there are any people around. I’ll stay here and wait for the one in the morning while you go down among the rocks and look for the other.”

293. In the morning Estsánatlehi found a bare, flat rock and lay on it with her feet to the east, and the rising sun shone upon her. Yolkaí Estsán went down where the dripping waters descended and allowed them to fall upon her. At noon the women met again on the mountain top and Estsánatlehi said to her sister: “It is sad to be so lonesome. How can we make people so that we may have others of our kind to talk to?” Yolkaí Estsán answered: “Think, Elder Sister; perhaps after some days you may plan how this is to be done.”

293. In the morning, Estsánatlehi found a flat, bare rock and lay on it with her feet facing east as the rising sun shone on her. Yolkaí Estsán went down to where the dripping waters fell and let them wash over her. At noon, the women met again on the mountaintop, and Estsánatlehi said to her sister, “It’s sad to feel so lonely. How can we create people so we can have others like us to talk to?” Yolkaí Estsán replied, “Think, Elder Sister; maybe after a few days, you can figure out how to make this happen.”

294. Four days after this conversation Yolkaí Estsán said: “Elder Sister, I feel something strange moving within me; what can it be?” and Estsánatlehi answered: “It is a child. It was for this that you lay under the waterfall. I feel, too, the motions of a child within me. It was for this that I let the sun shine upon me.” Soon after the voice of Hastséyalti was heard four times, as usual, and after the last call he and Tóʻnenĭli98 appeared. They came to prepare the women for their approaching delivery.99

294. Four days after this conversation, Yolkaí Estsán said: “Elder Sister, I feel something strange moving inside me; what could it be?” Estsánatlehi replied: “It’s a child. That’s why you lay under the waterfall. I can also feel the movements of a child within me. That’s why I let the sun shine on me.” Soon after, the voice of Hasteyalti was heard four times, as usual, and after the last call, he and Tóʻnenĭli98 appeared. They came to prepare the women for their impending delivery.99

295. In four days more they felt the commencing throes of labor, and one said to the other: “I think my child is coming.” She had scarcely spoken when the voice of the approaching god was heard, and soon Hastséyalti and Tóʻnenĭli (Water Sprinkler) were seen [106]approaching. The former was the accoucheur of Estsánatlehi, and the latter of Yolkaí Estsán.100 To one woman a drag-rope of rainbow was given, to the other a drag-rope of sunbeam, and on these they pulled when in pain, as the Navaho woman now pulls on the rope. Estsánatlehi’s child was born first.101 Hastséyalti took it aside and washed it. He was glad, and laughed and made ironical motions, as if he were cutting the baby in slices and throwing the slices away. They made for the children two baby-baskets, both alike; the foot-rests and the back battens were made of sunbeam, the hoods of rainbow, the side-strings of sheet lightning, and the lacing strings of zigzag lightning. One child they covered with the black cloud, and the other with the female rain.102 They called the children Sĭnáli (grandchildren), and they left, promising to return at the end of four days.

295. In four more days, they felt the onset of labor, and one of them said to the other: “I think my baby is coming.” She had barely finished speaking when the voice of the approaching god was heard, and soon Hastséyalti and Tóʻnenĭli (Water Sprinkler) were seen [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]approaching. The former was the midwife of Estsánatlehi, and the latter of Yoλkaí Estsán.100 One woman was given a drag-rope made of rainbow, while the other received a drag-rope made of sunlight, and they pulled on these when they were in pain, just like a Navajo woman does today. Estsánatlehi’s child was born first.101 Hastséyalti took the baby aside and washed it. He was joyful, laughing and making mocking gestures, as if he were slicing the baby and tossing the pieces away. They created two identical baby baskets for the children; the footrests and back supports were made from sunlight, the hoods from rainbows, the side strings from sheet lightning, and the lacing strings from zigzag lightning. One child was covered with the black cloud, and the other with the female rain.102 They named the children Sĭnáli (grandchildren) and departed, promising to return in four days.

296. When the gods (yéi) returned at the end of four days, the boys had grown to be the size of ordinary boys of twelve years of age. The gods said to them: “Boys, we have come to have a race with you.” So a race was arranged that should go all around a neighboring mountain, and the four started,—two boys and two yéi. Before the long race was half done the boys, who ran fast, began to flag, and the gods, who were still fresh, got behind them and scourged the lads with twigs of mountain mahogany.103 Hastséyalti won the race, and the boys came home rubbing their sore backs. When the gods left they promised to return at the end of another period of four days.

296. When the gods (yéi) came back after four days, the boys had grown to the size of typical twelve-year-olds. The gods said to them, “Boys, we’re here to race you.” So, a race was set up that would go all the way around a nearby mountain, and the four of them started—two boys and two yéi. Before the long race was halfway done, the boys, who were running fast, began to tire, and the gods, who were still fresh, caught up with them and whipped the boys with twigs from mountain mahogany. Hastséyalti won the race, and the boys came home rubbing their sore backs. When the gods left, they promised to return in another four days.

297. As soon as the gods were gone, Nĭ′ltsi, the Wind, whispered to the boys and told them that the old ones were not such fast runners, after all, and that if the boys would practice during the next four days they might win the coming race. So for four days they ran hard, many times daily around the neighboring mountain, and when the gods came back again the youths had grown to the full stature of manhood. In the second contest the gods began to flag and fall behind when half way round the mountain, where the others had fallen behind in the first race, and here the boys got behind their elders and scourged the latter to increase their speed. The elder of the boys won this race, and when it was over the gods laughed and clapped their hands, for they were pleased with the spirit and prowess they witnessed.

297. As soon as the gods left, Nĭ′ltsi, the Wind, whispered to the boys that the elders weren't actually that fast after all, and if the boys practiced for the next four days, they might win the upcoming race. So for four days, they trained hard, running multiple times a day around the nearby mountain. When the gods returned, the young men had grown into full adulthood. In the second contest, the gods started to tire and fall behind halfway around the mountain, where the elders had lagged in the first race. Here, the boys got behind their elders and urged them on to pick up the pace. The oldest of the boys won this race, and when it was finished, the gods laughed and clapped their hands, pleased with the spirit and skill they had witnessed.

298. The night after the race the boys lay down as usual to sleep; but hearing the women whispering together, they lay awake and listened. They strained their attention, but could not hear a word of what was uttered. At length they rose, approached the women, and said: “Mothers, of what do you speak?” and the women answered: “We speak of nothing.” The boys then said: “Grandmothers, [107]of what do you speak?” but the women again replied: “We speak of nothing.” The boys then questioned: “Who are our fathers?” “You have no fathers,” responded the women; “you are yutáski (illegitimate).” “Who are our fathers?” again demanded the boys, and the women answered: “The round cactus and the sitting cactus104 are your fathers.”

298. The night after the race, the boys went to bed as usual, but when they heard the women whispering together, they stayed awake and listened. They tried hard to hear what was being said, but they couldn't catch any words. Eventually, they got up, approached the women, and asked, “Mothers, what are you talking about?” The women replied, “We're not talking about anything.” The boys then asked, “Grandmothers, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] what are you talking about?” but the women answered again, “We're not talking about anything.” The boys pressed on, “Who are our fathers?” “You have no fathers,” the women said; “you are yutáski (illegitimate).” “Who are our fathers?” the boys asked again, and the women replied, “The round cactus and the sitting cactus104 are your fathers.”

299. Next day the women made rude bows of juniper wood, and arrows, such as children play with, and they said to the boys: “Go and play around with these, but do not go out of sight from our hut, and do not go to the east.” Notwithstanding these warnings the boys went to the east the first day, and when they had travelled a good distance they saw an animal with brownish hair and a sharp nose. They drew their arrows and pointed them toward the sharp-nosed stranger; but before they could shoot he jumped down into a canyon and disappeared. When they returned home they told the women—addressing them as “Mother” and “Grandmother”—what they had seen. The women said: “That is Coyote which you saw. He is a spy for the anáye Téelgĕt.”

299. The next day, the women made rustic bows out of juniper wood and some arrows like the ones kids use for play. They told the boys, “Go play with these, but stay within sight of our hut and don’t head east.” Despite these warnings, the boys went east on the first day, and after walking for a while, they spotted an animal with brownish fur and a sharp nose. They drew their arrows and aimed them at the strange creature, but before they could shoot, it jumped down into a canyon and vanished. When they came back home, they told the women—referring to them as “Mother” and “Grandmother”—about what they had seen. The women replied, “That was Coyote you saw. He’s a spy for the anáye Téelgĕt.”

300. On the following day, although again strictly warned not to go far from the lodge, the boys wandered far to the south, and there they saw a great black bird seated on a tree. They aimed their arrows at it; but just as they were about to shoot the bird rose and flew away. The boys returned to the hogán and said to the women: “Mothers, we have been to the south to-day, and there we saw a great black bird which we tried to shoot; but before we could let loose our arrows it flew off. “Alas!” said the women. “This was Raven that you saw. He is the spy of the Tseʻnă′hale, the great winged creatures that devour men.”

300. The next day, even though they were warned again not to stray far from the lodge, the boys ventured far to the south and spotted a large black bird perched on a tree. They aimed their arrows at it, but just as they were about to shoot, the bird lifted off and flew away. The boys came back to the hogán and told the women: “Mothers, we went south today, and we saw a big black bird that we tried to shoot, but before we could release our arrows, it flew away. “Oh no!” said the women. “That was Raven you saw. He is the spy of the Tseʻnă′hale, the great winged beasts that prey on men.”

301. On the third day the boys slipped off unknown to the anxious women, who would fain keep them at home, and walked a long way toward the west. The only living thing they saw was a great dark bird with a red skinny head that had no feathers on it. This bird they tried to shoot also; but before they could do so it spread its wings and flew a long way off. They went home and said to the women: “Mothers, we have been to the west, and we have seen a great dark bird whose head was red and bare. We tried to shoot it, but it flew away before we could discharge our arrows.” “It was Dzéso, the Buzzard, that you saw,” said the women. “He is the spy for Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli, he who kicks men down the cliffs.”

301. On the third day, the boys quietly left without the worried women noticing, who would have preferred to keep them at home, and walked a long way to the west. The only living thing they encountered was a large dark bird with a red, bare head that had no feathers. They tried to shoot this bird too; but before they could, it spread its wings and flew far away. They returned home and said to the women: “Mothers, we went to the west, and we saw a big dark bird with a red, bare head. We aimed to shoot it, but it flew away before we could release our arrows.” “That was Dzéso, the Buzzard, you saw,” the women replied. “He is the spy for Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli, the one who pushes men off the cliffs.”

302. On the fourth day the boys stole off as usual, and went toward the north. When they had travelled a long way in that direction, they saw a bird of black plumage perched on a tree on the edge of a canyon. It was talking to itself, saying “aʻaʻiʻ.” They aimed at it, but before they could let fly their arrows it spread its [108]wings and tail and disappeared down the canyon. As it flew, the boys noticed that its plumes were edged with white. When they got home they told their mothers, as before, what they had seen. “This bird that you saw,” said the women, “is the Magpie. He is the spy for the Bĭnáye Aháni, who slay people with their eyes. Alas, our children! What shall we do to make you hear us? What shall we do to save you? You would not listen to us. Now the spies of the anáye (the alien gods) in all quarters of the world have seen you. They will tell their chiefs, and soon the monsters will come here to devour you, as they have devoured all your kind before you.”

302. On the fourth day, the boys snuck out as usual and headed north. After traveling for a long time in that direction, they spotted a black bird sitting on a tree at the edge of a canyon. It seemed to be talking to itself, saying “aʻaʻiʻ.” They took aim at it, but just before they could shoot their arrows, it spread its [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]wings and tail and disappeared into the canyon. As it flew away, the boys noticed that its feathers had white edges. When they got home, they told their mothers what they had seen. “This bird you saw,” said the women, “is the Magpie. It’s a spy for the Bĭnáye Aháni, who kill people with their gaze. Oh, our children! What can we do to make you listen to us? What can we do to save you? You wouldn’t heed our warnings. Now the spies of the anáye (the alien gods) all over the world have seen you. They will inform their leaders, and soon the monsters will come here to devour you, just as they have consumed all your kind before.”

303. The next morning the women made a corncake and laid it on the ashes to bake. Then Yolkaí Estsán went out of the hogán, and, as she did so, she saw Yéitso,105 the tallest and fiercest of the alien gods, approaching. She ran quickly back and gave the warning, and the women hid the boys under bundles and sticks. Yéitso came and sat down at the door, just as the women were taking the cake out of the ashes. “That cake is for me,” said Yéitso. “How nice it smells!” “No,” said Estsánatlehi, “it was not meant for your great maw.” “I don’t care,” said Yéitso. “I would rather eat boys. Where are your boys? I have been told you have some here, and I have come to get them.” “We have none,” said Estsánatlehi. “All the boys have gone into the paunches of your people long ago.” “No boys?” said the giant. “What, then, has made all the tracks around here?” “Oh! these tracks I have made for fun,” replied the woman. “I am lonely here, and I make tracks so that I may fancy there are many people around me.” She showed Yéitso how she could make similar tracks with her fist. He compared the two sets of tracks, seemed to be satisfied, and went away.

303. The next morning, the women cooked a corncake and placed it on the hot ashes to bake. Then Yo'lkai Estsán stepped out of the hogán and saw Yéitso, the tallest and most fearsome of the alien gods, coming towards her. She quickly ran back to warn the others, and the women hid the boys under piles of sticks and bundles. Yéitso arrived and sat at the door just as the women were taking the cake out of the ashes. “That cake is for me,” said Yéitso. “It smells so good!” “No,” replied Estsánatlehi, “it wasn’t meant for your big mouth.” “I don’t care,” Yéitso replied. “I’d rather eat boys. Where are your boys? I’ve heard you have some here, and I’ve come to take them.” “We don’t have any,” Estsánatlehi said. “All the boys were eaten by your people long ago.” “No boys?” asked the giant. “Then what made all these tracks around here?” “Oh! I made those tracks for fun,” the woman answered. “I’m lonely here, so I make tracks to imagine there are many people around me.” She showed Yéitso how she could create similar tracks with her fist. He compared the two sets of tracks, seemed satisfied, and left.

304. When he was gone, Yolkaí Estsán, the White Shell Woman, went up to the top of a neighboring hill to look around, and she beheld many of the anáye hastening in the direction of her lodge. She returned speedily, and told her sister what she had seen. Estsánatlehi took four colored hoops, and threw one toward each of the cardinal points,—a white one to the east, a blue one to the south, a yellow one to the west, and a black one to the north. At once a great gale arose, blowing so fiercely in all directions from the hogán that none of the enemies could advance against it.

304. After he left, Yolkaí Estsán, the White Shell Woman, climbed to the top of a nearby hill to take a look around, and she saw many of the anáye rushing toward her lodge. She quickly returned and told her sister what she had observed. Estsánatlehi took four colored hoops and tossed one toward each cardinal direction—a white one to the east, a blue one to the south, a yellow one to the west, and a black one to the north. Immediately, a strong wind stirred up, blowing so fiercely in all directions from the hogán that none of the enemies could move against it.

305. Next morning the boys got up before daybreak and stole away. Soon the women missed them, but could not trace them in the dark. When it was light enough to examine the ground the women went out to look for fresh tracks. They found four footprints of each of the boys, pointing in the direction of the mountain of Dsĭlnáotĭl, but more than four tracks they could not find. They came to the conclusion that the boys had taken a holy trail, so they gave up further search and returned to the lodge. [109]

305. The next morning, the boys woke up before dawn and sneaked away. The women soon noticed they were missing but couldn’t find them in the dark. When there was enough light to see the ground, the women went outside to search for fresh tracks. They discovered four footprints from each boy, all leading toward the mountain of Dsĭlnáotĭl, but they couldn’t find any more than that. They concluded that the boys had taken a sacred path, so they stopped searching and returned to the lodge. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

306. The boys travelled rapidly in the holy trail,93 and soon after sunrise, near Dsĭlnáotĭl, they saw smoke arising from the ground. They went to the place where the smoke rose, and they found it came from the smoke-hole of a subterranean chamber. A ladder, black from smoke, projected through the hole. Looking down into the chamber they saw an old woman, the Spider Woman,106 who glanced up at them and said: “Welcome, children. Enter. Who are you, and whence do you two come together walking?” They made no answer, but descended the ladder. When they reached the floor she again spoke to them, asking: “Whither do you two go walking together?” “Nowhere in particular,” they answered; “we came here because we had nowhere else to go.” She asked this question four times, and each time she received a similar answer. Then she said: “Perhaps you would seek your father?” “Yes,” they answered, “if we only knew the way to his dwelling.” “Ah!” said the woman, “it is a long and dangerous way to the house of your father, the Sun. There are many of the anáye dwelling between here and there, and perhaps, when you get there, your father may not be glad to see you, and may punish you for coming. You must pass four places of danger,—the rocks that crush the traveller, the reeds that cut him to pieces, the cane cactuses that tear him to pieces, and the boiling sands that overwhelm him. But I shall give you something to subdue your enemies and preserve your lives.” She gave them a charm called nayéatsos, or feather of the alien gods, which consisted of a hoop with two life-feathers (feathers plucked from a living eagle) attached, and another life-feather, hyĭná bĭltsós,107 to preserve their existence. She taught them also this magic formula, which, if repeated to their enemies, would subdue their anger: “Put your feet down with pollen.108 Put your hands down with pollen. Put your head down with pollen. Then your feet are pollen; your hands are pollen; your body is pollen; your mind is pollen; your voice is pollen. The trail is beautiful (bĭké hozóni). Be still.”109

306. The boys moved quickly along the sacred path, 93 and soon after sunrise, near Dsĭlnáotĭl, they noticed smoke rising from the ground. They approached the source of the smoke and discovered it was coming from a smoke-hole leading to an underground chamber. A ladder, blackened from smoke, stuck out through the hole. Looking down into the chamber, they saw an old woman, the Spider Woman, 106 who looked up at them and said: “Welcome, kids. Come in. Who are you, and where do you both come from?” They didn’t answer but climbed down the ladder. Once they reached the floor, she asked again: “Where are you two going together?” “Nowhere in particular,” they replied; “we came here because we had nowhere else to go.” She asked this question four times, and each time they gave a similar answer. Then she said: “Maybe you should seek your father?” “Yes,” they replied, “if we only knew the way to his home.” “Ah!” said the woman, “It’s a long and dangerous journey to your father’s house, the Sun. There are many anáye living between here and there, and perhaps, when you arrive, your father might not be happy to see you and could punish you for coming. You must pass through four dangerous areas: the rocks that crush travelers, the reeds that slice them apart, the cane cacti that tear them to shreds, and the scalding sands that bury them. But I will give you something to help overcome your enemies and keep you alive.” She gave them a charm called nayéatsos, or feather of the alien gods, which was a hoop with two life-feathers (feathers taken from a living eagle) attached, and another life-feather, hyĭná bĭltsós, 107 to ensure their survival. She also taught them this magic chant, which, if recited to their enemies, would calm their anger: “Place your feet down with pollen.108 Place your hands down with pollen. Place your head down with pollen. Then your feet are pollen; your hands are pollen; your body is pollen; your mind is pollen; your voice is pollen. The path is beautiful (bĭké hozóni). Be still.” 109

307. Soon after leaving the house of Spider Woman, the boys came to Tseʻyeintĭ′li (the rocks that crush). There was here a narrow chasm between two high cliffs. When a traveller approached, the rocks would open wide apart, apparently to give him easy passage and invite him to enter; but as soon as he was within the cleft they would close like hands clapping and crush him to death. These rocks were really people; they thought like men; they were anáye. When the boys got to the rocks they lifted their feet as if about to enter the chasm, and the rocks opened to let them in. Then the boys put down their feet, but withdrew them quickly. The rocks closed with a snap to crush them; but the boys remained safe on [110]the outside. Thus four times did they deceive the rocks. When they had closed for the fourth time the rocks said: “Who are ye; whence come ye two together, and whither go ye?” “We are children of the Sun,” answered the boys. “We come from Dsĭlnáotĭl, and we go to seek the house of our father.” Then they repeated the words the Spider Woman had taught them, and the rocks said: “Pass on to the house of your father.” When next they ventured to step into the chasm the rocks did not close, and they passed safely on.

307. Soon after leaving Spider Woman's house, the boys arrived at Tseʻyeintĭ′li (the rocks that crush). There was a narrow gap between two tall cliffs. When a traveler approached, the rocks would open wide, seemingly to grant easy passage and invite them in; but as soon as they were inside the gap, the rocks would slam shut like clapping hands and crush them to death. These rocks were actually people; they thought like humans; they were anáye. When the boys got to the rocks, they lifted their feet as if they were about to step into the chasm, and the rocks opened to let them in. Then the boys placed their feet down but quickly pulled them back. The rocks snapped shut to crush them, but the boys remained safely outside. They tricked the rocks four times. After the fourth time they closed, the rocks asked, “Who are you? Where do you come from, and where are you going?” “We are children of the Sun,” the boys replied. “We come from Dsĭlnáotĭl, and we are going to seek our father’s house.” Then they repeated the words Spider Woman had taught them, and the rocks said, “Proceed to your father’s house.” When they tried stepping into the chasm again, the rocks did not close, and they passed through safely.

308. The boys kept on their way and soon came to a great plain covered with reeds that had great leaves on them as sharp as knives. When the boys came to the edge of the field of reeds (Lokáadikĭsi), the latter opened, showing a clear passage through to the other side. The boys pretended to enter, but retreated, and as they did so the walls of reeds rushed together to kill them. Thus four times did they deceive the reeds. Then the reeds spoke to them, as the rocks had done; they answered and repeated the sacred words. “Pass on to the house of your father,” said the reeds, and the boys passed on in safety.

308. The boys continued on their journey and soon reached a vast plain filled with reeds that had sharp, knife-like leaves. When they got to the edge of the reed field (Lokáadikĭsi), the reeds parted, revealing a clear path to the other side. The boys pretended to enter but quickly pulled back, and as they did, the walls of reeds rushed together to trap them. They tricked the reeds like this four times. Then the reeds spoke to them, just like the rocks had; they listened and repeated the sacred words. “Go on to your father’s house,” said the reeds, and the boys continued safely on their way.

309. The next danger they encountered was in the country covered with cane cactuses.89 These cactuses rushed at and tore to pieces whoever attempted to pass through them. When the boys came to the cactuses the latter opened their ranks to let the travellers pass on, as the reeds had done before. But the boys deceived them as they had deceived the reeds, and subdued them as they had subdued the reeds, and passed on in safety.

309. The next danger they faced was in the area filled with cane cacti. These cacti lunged at and shredded anyone who tried to get through them. When the boys reached the cacti, they parted their ranks to allow the travelers to pass, just like the reeds had done before. But the boys outsmarted them just as they had outsmarted the reeds, and they subdued them like they had subdued the reeds, continuing on safely.

310. After they had passed the country of the cactus they came, in time, to Saitád, the land of the rising sands. Here was a great desert of sands that rose and whirled and boiled like water in a pot, and overwhelmed the traveller who ventured among them. As the boys approached, the sands became still more agitated and the boys did not dare venture among them. “Who are ye?” said the sands, “and whence come ye?” “We are children of the Sun, we came from Dsĭlnáotĭl, and we go to seek the house of our father.” These words were four times said. Then the elder of the boys repeated his sacred formula; the sands subsided, saying: “Pass on to the house of your father,” and the boys continued on their journey over the desert of sands.110

310. After they passed through the land of cacti, they eventually arrived at Saitád, the place of the rising sands. Here was a vast desert where the sands rose, swirled, and boiled like water in a pot, overwhelming any traveler who dared to enter. As the boys got closer, the sands became even more restless, and they hesitated to approach. “Who are you?” the sands asked, “and where do you come from?” “We are children of the Sun, we come from Dsĭlnáotĭl, and we seek the house of our father.” They repeated these words four times. Then the eldest boy recited his sacred formula; the sands calmed down and said: “Continue on to the house of your father,” and the boys proceeded on their journey across the desert of sands.110

311. Soon after this adventure they approached the house of the Sun. As they came near the door they found the way guarded by two bears that crouched, one to the right and one to the left, their noses pointing toward one another. As the boys drew near, the bears rose, growled angrily, and acted as if about to attack the intruders; but the elder boy repeated the sacred words the Spider [111]Woman had taught him, and when he came to the last words, “Be still,” the bears crouched down again and lay still. The boys walked on. After passing the bears they encountered a pair of sentinel serpents, then a pair of sentinel winds, and, lastly, a pair of sentinel lightnings. As the boys advanced, all these guardians acted as if they would destroy them; but all were appeased with the words of prayer.111

311. Soon after this adventure, they approached the House of the Sun. As they got close to the door, they found it guarded by two bears, one on the right and one on the left, their noses pointing at each other. As the boys got nearer, the bears stood up, growled angrily, and seemed ready to attack the intruders; but the older boy recited the sacred words that the Spider [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] Woman had taught him, and when he reached the final words, “Be still,” the bears crouched back down and lay still. The boys continued on. After passing the bears, they came across a pair of sentinel snakes, then a pair of sentinel winds, and finally, a pair of sentinel lightnings. As the boys moved forward, all these guardians acted like they would destroy them; but all were calmed by the words of prayer.111

312. The house of the Sun God was built of turquoise; it was square like a pueblo house, and stood on the shore of a great water. When the boys entered they saw, sitting in the west, a woman; in the south, two handsome young men;112 and in the north, two handsome young women. The women gave a glance at the strangers and then looked down. The young men gazed at them more closely, and then, without speaking, they rose, wrapped the strangers in four coverings of the sky, and laid them on a shelf.113

312. The house of the Sun God was made of turquoise; it was square like a pueblo house and stood by a large body of water. When the boys walked in, they saw a woman sitting in the west, two handsome young men in the south, and two beautiful young women in the north. The women glanced at the strangers and then looked down. The young men stared at them more intently, and then, without saying a word, they got up, wrapped the strangers in four layers of the sky, and placed them on a shelf. 113

313. The boys had lain there quietly for some time when a rattle that hung over the door shook and one of the young women said: “Our father is coming.” The rattle shook four times, and soon after it shook the fourth time, Tsóhanoai, the bearer of the sun, entered his house. He took the sun off his back and hung it up on a peg on the west wall of the room, where it shook and clanged for some time, going “tla, tla, tla, tla,” till at last it hung still.

313. The boys had been lying there quietly for a while when a rattle hanging over the door started shaking, and one of the young women said, “Our father is coming.” The rattle shook four times, and shortly after the fourth shake, Tsóhanoai, the sun bearer, walked into his house. He took the sun off his back and hung it on a peg on the west wall of the room, where it rattled and clanged for a bit, going “tla, tla, tla, tla,” until it finally hung still.

314. Then Tsóhanoai turned to the woman and said, in an angry tone: “Who are those two who entered here to-day?” The woman made no answer and the young people looked at one another, but each feared to speak. Four times he asked this question, and at length the woman said: “It would be well for you not to say too much. Two young men came hither to-day, seeking their father. When you go abroad, you always tell me that you visit nowhere, and that you have met no woman but me. Whose sons, then, are these?” She pointed to the bundle on the shelf, and the children smiled significantly at one another.

314. Then Tsóhanoai turned to the woman and asked angrily, “Who are those two who came in here today?” The woman didn’t respond, and the young people exchanged glances, each too afraid to speak. He asked the question four times, and finally, the woman said, “You should be careful about how much you say. Two young men came here today looking for their father. Whenever you go out, you always tell me you don’t visit anyone and that I’m the only woman you’ve met. So whose sons are these?” She pointed to the bundle on the shelf, and the children exchanged knowing smiles.

315. He took the bundle from the shelf. He first unrolled the robe of dawn with which they were covered, then the robe of blue sky, next the robe of yellow evening light, and lastly the robe of darkness. When he unrolled this the boys fell out on the floor. He seized them, and threw them first upon great, sharp spikes of white shell that stood in the east; but they bounded back, unhurt, from these spikes, for they held their life-feathers tightly all the while. He then threw them in turn on spikes of turquoise in the south, on spikes of haliotis in the west, and spikes of black rock in the north; but they came uninjured from all these trials and Tsóhanoai said: “I wish it were indeed true that they were my children.”

315. He took the bundle from the shelf. He first unwrapped the robe of dawn that covered them, then the robe of blue sky, next the robe of yellow evening light, and finally the robe of darkness. When he unfolded this last one, the boys fell out onto the floor. He grabbed them and threw them onto the sharp, white shell spikes that stood in the east; but they bounced back, unharmed, from these spikes, because they held their life-feathers tightly all the while. He then tossed them one by one onto the turquoise spikes in the south, the haliotis spikes in the west, and the black rock spikes in the north; but they emerged unscathed from all these challenges and Tsóhanoai said: “I wish it were really true that they were my children.”

316. He said then to the elder children,—those who lived with [112]him,—“Go out and prepare the sweat-house and heat for it four of the hardest boulders you can find. Heat a white, a blue, a yellow, and a black boulder.” When the Winds heard this they said: “He still seeks to kill his children. How shall we avert the danger?” The sweat-house was built against a bank. Wind dug into the bank a hole behind the sudatory, and concealed the opening with a flat stone. Wind then whispered into the ears of the boys the secret of the hole and said: “Do not hide in the hole until you have answered the questions of your father.” The boys went into the sweat-house, the great hot boulders were put in and the opening of the lodge was covered with the four sky-blankets. Then Tsóhanoai called out to the boys: “Are you hot?” and they answered: “Yes, very hot.” Then they crept into the hiding-place and lay there. After a while Tsóhanoai came and poured water through the top of the sweat-house on the stones, making them burst with a loud noise, and a great heat and steam was raised. But in time the stones cooled and the boys crept out of their hiding-place into the sweat-house. Tsóhanoai came and asked again: “Are you hot?” hoping to get no reply; but the boys still answered: “Yes, very hot.” Then he took the coverings off the sweat-house and let the boys come out. He greeted them in a friendly way and said: “Yes, these are my children,” and yet he was thinking of other ways by which he might destroy them if they were not.

316. He then said to the older kids—those who lived with [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]him—“Go out and prepare the sweat lodge and heat up four of the hardest rocks you can find. Heat a white rock, a blue one, a yellow one, and a black one.” When the Winds heard this, they said, “He still wants to kill his kids. How can we prevent this danger?” The sweat lodge was built against a bank. Wind dug a hole into the bank behind the sweat lodge and covered the opening with a flat stone. Wind then whispered into the boys’ ears the secret about the hole and said, “Don’t hide in the hole until you’ve answered your father’s questions.” The boys entered the sweat lodge, the big hot rocks were placed inside, and the entrance of the lodge was covered with the four sky blankets. Then Tsóhanoai called out to the boys: “Are you hot?” and they replied, “Yes, very hot.” Then they crawled into the hiding spot and lay there. After a while, Tsóhanoai came and poured water through the top of the sweat lodge onto the stones, causing them to burst with a loud noise, creating intense heat and steam. But after some time, the stones cooled, and the boys crawled out of their hiding spot into the sweat lodge. Tsóhanoai asked again, “Are you hot?” hoping for no response; but the boys still answered, “Yes, very hot.” Then he removed the coverings from the sweat lodge and let the boys come out. He greeted them warmly and said, “Yes, these are my children,” while secretly thinking of other ways to destroy them if they weren’t.

317. The four sky-blankets were spread on the ground one over another, and the four young men were made to sit on them, one behind another, facing the east. “My daughters, make these boys to look like my other sons,” said Tsóhanoai. The young women went to the strangers, pulled their hair out long, and moulded their faces and forms so that they looked just like their brethren. Then Sun bade them all rise and enter the house. They rose and all went, in a procession, the two strangers last.

317. The four sky-blankets were laid out on the ground, one on top of the other, and the four young men were seated on them, one behind the other, facing east. “My daughters, make these boys look like my other sons,” said Tsóhanoai. The young women approached the strangers, let their hair grow long, and shaped their faces and bodies so they resembled their brothers. Then Sun instructed them all to stand and enter the house. They stood up and proceeded to walk in, with the two strangers bringing up the rear.

318. As they were about to enter the door they heard a voice whispering in their ears: “St! Look at the ground.” They looked down and beheld a spiny caterpillar called Wasekede, who, as they looked, spat out two blue spits on the ground. “Take each of you one of these,” said Wind, “and put it in your mouth, but do not swallow it. There is one more trial for you,—a trial by smoking.” When they entered the house Tsóhanoai took down a pipe of turquoise that hung on the eastern wall and filled it with tobacco. “This is the tobacco he kills with,” whispered Nĭ′ltsi to the boys. Tsóhanoai held the pipe up to the sun that hung on the wall, lit it, and gave it to the boys to smoke. They smoked it, and passed it from one to another till it was finished. They said it tasted sweet, but it did them no harm. [113]

318. As they were about to enter the door, they heard a voice whispering in their ears: “Hey! Look at the ground.” They looked down and saw a spiny caterpillar called Wasekede, who, as they watched, spat out two blue spits on the ground. “Each of you take one of these,” said Wind, “and put it in your mouth, but don’t swallow it. There’s one more challenge for you—a trial by smoking.” When they entered the house, Tsóhanoai took down a turquoise pipe that hung on the eastern wall and filled it with tobacco. “This is the tobacco he kills with,” whispered Nĭ′ltsi to the boys. Tsóhanoai held the pipe up to the sun that hung on the wall, lit it, and gave it to the boys to smoke. They smoked it and passed it around until it was finished. They said it tasted sweet, but it didn’t harm them. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

319. When the pipe was smoked out and Tsóhanoai saw the boys were not killed by it, he was satisfied and said: “Now, my children, what do you want from me? Why do you seek me?” “Oh, father!” they replied, “the land where we dwell is filled with the anáye, who devour the people. There are Yéitso and Téelgĕt, the Tseʻnáhale, the Bĭnáye Aháni, and many others. They have eaten nearly all of our kind; there are few left; already they have sought our lives, and we have run away to escape them. Give us, we beg, the weapons with which we may slay our enemies. Help us to destroy them.”

319. When the pipe was smoked out and Tsóhanoai saw that the boys weren't killed by it, he felt relieved and said, “Now, my children, what do you want from me? Why are you looking for me?” “Oh, father!” they answered, “the land where we live is overrun with the anáye, who consume the people. There are Yéitso and Téelgĕt, the Tseʻnáhale, the Bĭnáye Aháni, and many others. They have eaten almost all of our kind; there are very few left; they have already tried to take our lives, and we have fled to escape them. Please, give us the weapons we need to defeat our enemies. Help us to destroy them.”

320. “Know,” said Tsóhanoai, “that Yéitso who dwells at Tsótsĭl is also my son, yet I will help you to kill him. I shall hurl the first bolt at him, and I will give you those things that will help you in war.” He took from pegs where they hung around the room and gave to each a hat, a shirt, leggings, moccasins, all made of pes (iron or knives),114 a chain-lightning arrow, a sheet-lightning arrow, a sunbeam arrow, a rainbow arrow, and a great stone knife or knife club (peshál).115 “These are what we want,” said the boys. They put on the clothes of pes, and streaks of lightning shot from every joint.116

320. “Listen,” said Tsóhanoai, “Yéitso, who lives at Tsótsĭl, is also my son, but I will help you kill him. I will strike the first blow, and I’ll give you what you need for the battle.” He took down items hanging on pegs around the room and handed each of them a hat, a shirt, leggings, and moccasins, all made of pes (iron or knives), 114 a chain-lightning arrow, a sheet-lightning arrow, a sunbeam arrow, a rainbow arrow, and a large stone knife or knife club (peshál). 115 “These are what we need,” said the boys. They put on the pes clothing, and streaks of lightning shot from every joint. 116

321. Next morning Tsóhanoai led the boys out to the edge of the world, where the sky and the earth came close together, and beyond which there was no world. Here sixteen wands or poles leaned from the earth to the sky; four of these were of white shell, four of turquoise, four of haliotis shell, and four of red stone.117 A deep stream flowed between them and the wands. As they approached the stream, Nĭ′ltsi, the Wind, whispered: “This is another trial;” but he blew a great breath and formed a bridge of rainbow,86 over which the brothers passed in safety. Nĭ′ltsi whispered again: “The red wands are for war, the others are for peace;” so when Tsóhanoai asked his sons: “On which wands will ye ascend?” they answered: “On the wands of red stone,” for they sought war with their enemies. They climbed up to the sky on the wands of red stone, and their father went with them.118

321. The next morning, Tsóhanoai took the boys to the edge of the world, where the sky and the earth met, and beyond which there was nothing. Here, sixteen wands or poles leaned from the earth towards the sky; four were made of white shell, four of turquoise, four of haliotis shell, and four of red stone.117 A deep stream flowed between them and the wands. As they got closer to the stream, Nĭ′ltsi, the Wind, whispered: “This is another trial;” but he took a deep breath and created a rainbow bridge,86 which the brothers crossed safely. Nĭ′ltsi whispered again: “The red wands are for war, the others are for peace;” so when Tsóhanoai asked his sons: “Which wands will you ascend?” they replied: “The wands of red stone,” because they wanted to go to war with their enemies. They climbed up to the sky on the wands of red stone, and their father went with them.118

322. They journeyed on till they came to Yágahoka, the sky-hole, which is in the centre of the sky.119 The hole is edged with four smooth, shining cliffs that slope steeply downwards,—cliffs of the same materials as the wands by which they had climbed from the earth to the sky. They sat down on the smooth declivities,—Tsóhanoai on the west side of the hole, the brothers on the east side. The latter would have slipped down had not the Wind blown up and helped them to hold on. Tsóhanoai pointed down and said: “Where do you belong in the world below? Show me your home.” The brothers looked down and scanned the land; but they could distinguish [114]nothing; all the land seemed flat; the wooded mountains looked like dark spots on the surface; the lakes gleamed like stars, and the rivers like streaks of lightning. The elder brother said: “I do not recognize the land, I know not where our home is.” Now Nĭ′ltsi prompted the younger brother, and showed him which were the sacred mountains and which the great rivers, and the younger exclaimed, pointing downwards: “There is the Male Water (San Juan River), and there is the Female Water (Rio Grande); yonder is the mountain of Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni; below us is Tsótsĭl; there in the west is Dokoslíd; that white spot beyond the Male Water is Depĕ′ntsa; and there between these mountains is Dsĭlnáotĭl, near which our home is.” “You are right, my child, it is thus that the land lies,” said Tsóhanoai. Then, renewing his promises, he spread a streak of lightning; he made his children stand on it,—one on each end,—and he shot them down to the top of Tsótsĭl (Mt. San Mateo, Mt. Taylor).

322. They traveled on until they reached Yágahoka, the sky-hole, located at the center of the sky.119 The hole is surrounded by four smooth, shiny cliffs that slope steeply downward—cliffs made of the same material as the wands they used to climb from the earth to the sky. They sat down on the smooth slopes—Tsóhanoai on the west side of the hole, and the brothers on the east side. The latter would have slipped down if the Wind hadn't blown up to help them hold on. Tsóhanoai pointed down and asked, “Where do you belong in the world below? Show me your home.” The brothers looked down and scanned the land, but they could see [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] nothing; it all seemed flat; the wooded mountains appeared as dark spots on the surface; the lakes shone like stars, and the rivers glistened like streaks of lightning. The elder brother said, “I don’t recognize the land; I don’t know where our home is.” Then Nĭ′ltsi nudged the younger brother, pointing out the sacred mountains and the major rivers, and the younger brother exclaimed, pointing downward: “There’s the Male Water (San Juan River), and there’s the Female Water (Rio Grande); over there is the mountain of Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni; below us is Tsótsĭl; out in the west is Dokoslíd; that white spot beyond the Male Water is Depĕ′ntsa; and between these mountains is Dsĭlnáotĭl, near where our home is.” “You’re right, my child; that’s how the land is laid out,” said Tsóhanoai. Then, renewing his promises, he spread a streak of lightning; he made his children stand on it—one on each end—and he shot them down to the top of Tsótsĭl (Mt. San Mateo, Mt. Taylor).

Plate V. EL CABEZON, NEAR SAN MATEO MOUNTAIN.128

Plate V. EL CABEZON, NEAR SAN MATEO MOUNTAIN.128

Plate V. EL CABEZON, NEAR SAN MATEO MOUNTAIN.128

(Heads of Yéitso and other giants slain by the Navaho War Gods.)

(Heads of Yéitso and other giants killed by the Navaho War Gods.)

323. They descended the mountain on its south side and walked toward the warm spring at Tóʻsato.120 As they were walking along under a high bluff, where there is now a white circle, they heard voices hailing them. “Whither are you going? Come hither a while.” They went in the direction in which they heard the voices calling and found four holy people,—Holy Man, Holy Young Man, Holy Boy, and Holy Girl. The brothers remained all night in a cave with these people, and the latter told them all about Yéitso.121 They said that he showed himself every day three times on the mountains before he came down, and when he showed himself for the fourth time he descended from Tsótsĭl to Tóʻsato to drink; that, when he stooped down to drink, one hand rested on Tsótsĭl and the other on the high hills on the opposite side of the valley, while his feet stretched as far away as a man could walk between sunrise and noon.

323. They went down the mountain on the south side and headed toward the warm spring at Tóʻsato.120 As they walked beneath a high bluff, where there’s now a white circle, they heard voices calling to them. “Where are you going? Come here for a bit.” They followed the voices and found four holy people—Holy Man, Holy Young Man, Holy Boy, and Holy Girl. The brothers spent the night in a cave with these people, who shared stories about Yéitso.121 They said he appeared three times each day on the mountains before coming down, and when he appeared for the fourth time, he descended from Tsótsĭl to Tóʻsato to drink; that when he bent down to drink, one hand rested on Tsótsĭl and the other on the high hills across the valley, while his feet stretched as far as a man could walk between sunrise and noon.

324. They left the cave at daybreak and went on to Tóʻsato, where in ancient days there was a much larger lake than there is now. There was a high, rocky wall in the narrow part of the valley, and the lake stretched back to where Blue Water is to-day. When they came to the edge of the lake, one brother said to the other: “Let us try one of our father’s weapons and see what it can do.” They shot one of the lightning arrows at Tsótsĭl; it made a great cleft in the mountain, which remains to this day, and one said to the other: “We cannot suffer in combat while we have such weapons as these.”

324. They left the cave at dawn and headed to Tóʻsato, where there used to be a much larger lake than there is now. There was a steep, rocky wall in the narrow part of the valley, and the lake extended back to where Blue Water is today. When they arrived at the edge of the lake, one brother said to the other: “Let’s try out one of our dad’s weapons and see what it can do.” They shot one of the lightning arrows at Tsótsĭl; it created a huge cleft in the mountain, which is still there today, and one said to the other: “We can’t be defeated in battle as long as we have weapons like these.”

325. Soon they heard the sound of thunderous footsteps, and they beheld the head of Yéitso peering over a high hill in the east; it was withdrawn in a moment. Soon after, the monster raised his head [115]and chest over a hill in the south, and remained a little longer in sight than when he was in the east. Later he displayed his body to the waist over a hill in the west; and lastly he showed himself, down to the knees, over Tsótsĭl in the north.122 Then he descended the mountain, came to the edge of the lake, and laid down a basket which he was accustomed to carry.

325. Soon they heard the sound of loud footsteps, and they saw Yéitso's head peeking over a tall hill in the east; it disappeared in an instant. Shortly after, the monster lifted his head [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]and chest over a hill in the south, and stayed visible a bit longer than when he was in the east. Later, he showed his body up to the waist over a hill in the west; and finally, he revealed himself down to the knees over Tsótsĭl in the north.122 Then he came down the mountain, reached the edge of the lake, and set down a basket he usually carried.

326. Yéitso stooped four times to the lake to drink, and, each time he drank, the waters perceptibly diminished; when he had done drinking, the lake was nearly drained.123 The brothers lost their presence of mind at sight of the giant drinking, and did nothing while he was stooping down. As he took his last drink they advanced to the edge of the lake, and Yéitso saw their reflection in the water. He raised his head, and, looking at them, roared: “What a pretty pair have come in sight! Where have I been hunting?” (i.e., that I never saw them before). Yiniketóko! Yiniketóko!”124 “Throw (his words) back in his mouth,” said the younger to the elder brother. “What a great thing has come in sight! Where have we been hunting?” shouted the elder brother to the giant. Four times these taunts were repeated by each party. The brothers then heard Nĭ′ltsi whispering quickly, “Akóʻ! Akóʻ! Beware! Beware!” They were standing on a bent rainbow just then; they straightened the rainbow out, descending to the ground, and at the same instant a lightning bolt, hurled by Yéitso, passed thundering over their heads. He hurled four bolts rapidly; as he hurled the second, they bent their rainbow and rose, while the bolt passed under their feet; as he discharged the third they descended, and let the lightning pass over them. When he threw the fourth bolt they bent the rainbow very high, for this time he aimed higher than before; but his weapon still passed under their feet and did them no harm. He drew a fifth bolt to throw at them; but at this moment the lightning descended from the sky on the head of the giant and he reeled beneath it, but did not fall.125 Then the elder brother sped a chain-lightning arrow; his enemy tottered toward the east, but straightened himself up again. The second arrow caused him to stumble toward the south (he fell lower and lower each time), but again he stood up and prepared himself to renew the conflict. The third lightning arrow made him topple toward the west, and the fourth to the north. Then he fell to his knees, raised himself partly again, fell flat on his face, stretched out his limbs, and moved no more.

326. Yéitso bent down four times to drink from the lake, and each time he did, the water noticeably receded; by the time he finished drinking, the lake was almost empty.123 The brothers lost their nerve when they saw the giant drinking and didn't do anything while he was stooping down. As he took his last drink, they stepped to the edge of the lake, and Yéitso saw their reflection in the water. He lifted his head, looked at them, and roared: “What a pretty pair I see! Where have I been hunting?” (i.e., that I never saw them before). Yiniketóko! Yiniketóko!”124 “Throw his words back at him,” said the younger brother to the elder. “What a great sight! Where have we been hunting?” shouted the elder brother at the giant. Each side repeated these taunts four times. The brothers then heard Nĭ′ltsi quickly whispering, “Akóʻ! Akóʻ! Be careful! Be careful!” They were standing on a bent rainbow at that moment; they straightened the rainbow out, coming down to the ground, and just then, a lightning bolt thrown by Yéitso thundered overhead. He quickly hurled four bolts; as he threw the second one, they bent the rainbow and rose, letting the bolt pass under their feet; when he fired the third, they descended, allowing the lightning to go over them. For the fourth bolt, they bent the rainbow up high since this time he aimed higher than before; but his weapon still passed under them and didn't harm them. He pulled back a fifth bolt to throw at them; but at that moment, lightning struck the giant from the sky, and he staggered from it but didn’t fall.125 Then the elder brother shot a chain-lightning arrow; his enemy wobbled toward the east but steadied himself again. The second arrow made him stumble toward the south (he kept falling lower each time), but once more he stood up and got ready to continue the fight. The third lightning arrow knocked him over toward the west, and the fourth to the north. Then he knelt, partially rose again, fell flat on his face, stretched out his limbs, and moved no more.

327. When the arrows struck him, his armor was shivered in pieces and the scales flew in every direction. The elder brother said: “They may be useful to the people in the future.”126 The brothers then approached their fallen enemy and the younger [116]scalped him. Heretofore the younger brother bore only the name of Toʻbadzĭstsíni, or Child of the Water; but now his brother gave him also the warrior name of Naídikĭsi (He Who Cuts Around). What the elder brother’s name was before this we do not know; but ever after he was called Nayénĕzgạni (Slayer of the Alien Gods).127

327. When the arrows hit him, his armor shattered into pieces and the scales flew everywhere. The older brother said, “They might be useful to people in the future.”126 The brothers then approached their fallen enemy, and the younger [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]scalped him. Until then, the younger brother was only known as Toʻbadzĭstsíni, or Child of the Water; but now his brother also gave him the warrior name of Naídikĭsi (He Who Cuts Around). We don't know what the older brother's name was before this; but from that point on, he was called Nayénĕzgạni (Slayer of the Alien Gods).127

328. They cut off his head and threw it away to the other side of Tsótsĭl, where it may be seen to-day on the eastern side of the mountain.128 The blood from the body now flowed in a great stream down the valley, so great that it broke down the rocky wall that bounded the old lake and flowed on. Nĭ′ltsi whispered to the brothers: “The blood flows toward the dwelling of the Bĭnáye Aháni; if it reaches them, Yéitso will come to life again.” Then Nayénĕzgạni took his peshál, or knife club, and drew with it across the valley a line. Here the blood stopped flowing and piled itself up in a high wall. But when it had piled up here very high it began to flow off in another direction, and Nĭ′ltsi again whispered: “It now flows toward the dwelling of Sasnalkáhi, the Bear that Pursues; if it reaches him, Yéitso will come to life again.” Hearing this, Nayénĕzgạni again drew a line with his knife on the ground, and again the blood piled up and stopped flowing. The blood of Yéitso fills all the valley to-day, and the high cliffs in the black rock that we see there now are the places where Nayénĕzgạni stopped the flow with his peshál.129

328. They cut off his head and threw it to the other side of Tsótsĭl, where you can still see it today on the eastern side of the mountain.128 The blood from the body flowed in a massive stream down the valley, so strong that it broke through the rocky wall that bordered the old lake and kept flowing. Nĭ′ltsi whispered to the brothers: “The blood is heading toward the home of the Bĭnáye Aháni; if it reaches them, Yéitso will come back to life.” Then Nayénĕzgạni took his peshál, or knife club, and drew a line across the valley. At this point, the blood stopped flowing and formed a tall wall. But when it built up high enough, it started flowing off in a different direction, and Nĭ′ltsi whispered again: “It’s now flowing toward the home of Sasnalkáhi, the Bear that Pursues; if it reaches him, Yéitso will come back to life.” Hearing this, Nayénĕzgạni drew another line with his knife on the ground, and once again the blood piled up and stopped flowing. The blood of Yéitso fills the entire valley today, and the high cliffs in the black rock that we see there now are the spots where Nayénĕzgạni stopped the flow with his peshál.129

329. They then put the broken arrows of Yéitso and his scalp into his basket and set out for their home near Dsĭlnáotĭl. When they got near the house, they took off their own suits of armor and hid these, with the basket and its contents, in the bushes. The mothers were rejoiced to see them, for they feared their sons were lost, and they said: “Where have you been since you left here yesterday, and what have you done?” Nayénĕzgạni replied: “We have been to the house of our father, the Sun. We have been to Tsótsĭl and we have slain Yéitso.” “Ah, my child,” said Estsánatlehi, “do not speak thus. It is wrong to make fun of such an awful subject.” “Do you not believe us?” said Nayénĕzgạni; “come out, then, and see what we have brought back with us.” He led the women out to where he had hidden the basket and showed them the trophies of Yéitso. Then they were convinced and they rejoiced, and had a dance to celebrate the victory.130

329. They put the broken arrows of Yéitso and his scalp into his basket and headed home near Dsĭlnáotĭl. When they got close to the house, they took off their armor and hid it, along with the basket and its contents, in the bushes. The mothers were thrilled to see them, as they feared their sons were lost. They asked, “Where have you been since you left here yesterday, and what did you do?” Nayénĕzgạni replied, “We went to our father’s house, the Sun. We went to Tsótsĭl and we killed Yéitso.” “Oh, my child,” said Estsánatlehi, “don’t speak like that. It’s wrong to joke about such a serious matter.” “Don’t you believe us?” Nayénĕzgạni asked; “come see what we brought back.” He led the women to where he had hidden the basket and showed them Yéitso’s trophies. Then they were convinced, rejoiced, and held a dance to celebrate the victory.130

330. When their rejoicings were done, Nayénĕzgạni said to his mother: “Where does Téelgĕt131 dwell?” “Seek not to know,” she answered, “you have done enough. Rest contented. The land of the anáye is a dangerous place. The anáye are hard to kill.” “Yes, and it was hard for you to bear your child,” the son replied (meaning [117]that she triumphed notwithstanding). “He lives at Bikehalzĭ′n,” she said. Then the brothers held a long council to determine what they should do. They made two cigarette kethawns of a plant called azeladĭltéhe,132 one black and one blue, each three finger-widths long; to these they attached a sunbeam and laid them in a turquoise dish. “I shall go alone to fight Téelgĕt,” said Nayénĕzgạni, “while you, younger brother, remain at home and watch these kethawns. If they take fire from the sunbeam, you may know that I am in great danger; as long as they do not take fire, you may know that I am safe.” This work was finished at sundown.133

330. After they finished celebrating, Nayénĕzgạni asked his mother, “Where does Téelgĕt131 live?” “Don’t seek to know,” she replied, “you’ve done enough. Be content. The land of the anáye is a dangerous place. The anáye are tough to kill.” “Yes, and it was hard for you to have me,” the son responded (meaning [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] that she succeeded despite that). “He lives at Bikehalzĭ′n,” she said. Then the brothers held a long meeting to figure out what to do. They made two cigarette kethawns from a plant called azeladĭltéhe,132 one black and one blue, each three finger-widths long; they attached a sunbeam to them and placed them in a turquoise dish. “I will go alone to fight Téelgĕt,” Nayénĕzgạni declared, “while you, younger brother, stay home and watch these kethawns. If they catch fire from the sunbeam, you’ll know I am in grave danger; as long as they don’t ignite, you’ll know I am safe.” This work was completed at sundown.133

331. Nayénĕzgạni arose early next morning and set out alone to find Téelgĕt. He came, in time, to the edge of a great plain, and from one of the hills that bordered it he saw the monster lying down a long way off. He paused to think how he could approach nearer to him without attracting his attention, and in the mean time he poised one of his lightning arrows in his hand, thinking how he should throw it. While he stood thus in thought, Nasĭ′zi, the Gopher, came up to him and said: “I greet you, my friend! Why have you come hither?” “Oh, I am just wandering around,” said Nayénĕzgạni. Four times this question was asked and this answer was given. Then Nasĭ′zi said: “I wonder that you come here; no one but I ever ventures in these parts, for all fear Téelgĕt. There he lies on the plain yonder.” “It is him I seek,” said Nayénĕzgạni; “but I know not how to approach him.” “Ah, if that is all you want, I can help you,” said Gopher; “and if you slay him, all I ask is his hide. I often go up to him, and I will go now to show you.” Having said this, Nasĭ′zi disappeared in a hole in the ground.

331. Nayénĕzgạni woke up early the next morning and set out alone to find Téelgĕt. Eventually, he reached the edge of a vast plain, and from one of the hills nearby, he spotted the monster lying far off. He stopped to think about how he could get closer without catching its attention, and in the meantime, he held one of his lightning arrows in his hand, considering how to throw it. While he was deep in thought, Nasĭ′zi, the Gopher, approached him and said, “Hello, my friend! Why are you here?” “Oh, I’m just wandering around,” Nayénĕzgạni replied. This exchange happened four times, with the question asked and the same answer given. Then Nasĭ′zi said, “I find it surprising that you’ve come here; no one but me dares to venture into these parts because everyone fears Téelgĕt. There he lies on the plain over there.” “That’s who I’m looking for,” Nayénĕzgạni said, “but I don’t know how to get close to him.” “Ah, if that's all you need, I can help you,” said the Gopher. “If you defeat him, all I want is his hide. I often go close to him, and I will show you how.” With that, Nasĭ′zi disappeared into a hole in the ground.

332. While he was gone Nayénĕzgạni watched Téelgĕt. After a while he saw the great creature rise, walk from the centre in four different directions, as if watching, and lie down again in the spot where he was first seen. He was a great, four-footed beast, with horns like those of a deer. Soon Nasĭ′zi returned and said: “I have dug a tunnel up to Téelgĕt, and at the end I have bored four tunnels for you to hide in, one to the east, one to the south, one to the west, and one to the north. I have made a hole upwards from the tunnel to his heart, and I have gnawed the hair off near his heart. When I was gnawing the hair he spoke to me and said: ‘Why do you take my hair?’ and I answered, ‘I want it to make a bed for my children.’ Then it was that he rose and walked around; but he came back and lay down where he lay before, over the hole that leads up to his heart.”

332. While he was away, Nayénĕzgạni kept an eye on Téelgĕt. After some time, he saw the huge creature get up, walk away from the center in four different directions, as if it was looking around, then lie back down in the same spot where it was first seen. It was a massive four-legged animal, with antlers like those of a deer. Soon, Nasĭ′zi came back and said, “I’ve dug a tunnel up to Téelgĕt, and at the end, I’ve created four tunnels for you to hide in—one to the east, one to the south, one to the west, and one to the north. I’ve made a hole going up from the tunnel to his heart, and I’ve chewed off the hair near his heart. While I was chewing the hair, he spoke to me and asked, ‘Why are you taking my hair?’ I replied, ‘I need it to make a bed for my children.’ That’s when he got up and walked around, but then he came back and lay down again over the hole that leads to his heart.”

333. Nayénĕzgạni entered the tunnel and crawled to the end. When he looked up through the ascending shaft of which Nasĭ′zi had told him, he saw the great heart of Téelgĕt beating there. He sped [118]his arrow of chain-lightning and fled into the eastern tunnel. The monster rose, stuck one of his horns into the ground, and ripped the tunnel open. Nayénĕzgạni fled into the south tunnel; Téelgĕt then tore the south tunnel open with his horns, and the hero fled into the west tunnel. When the west tunnel was torn up he fled into the north tunnel. The anáye put his horn into the north tunnel to tear it up, but before he had half uncovered it he fell and lay still. Nayénĕzgạni, not knowing that his enemy was dead, and still fearing him, crept back through the long tunnel to the place where he first met Nasĭ′zi, and there he stood gazing at the distant form of Téelgĕt.

333. Nayénĕzgạni entered the tunnel and crawled to the end. When he looked up through the ascending shaft that Nasĭ′zi had mentioned, he saw the great heart of Téelgĕt beating there. He shot his arrow of chain-lightning and hurried into the eastern tunnel. The monster rose, drove one of his horns into the ground, and ripped open the tunnel. Nayénĕzgạni ran into the south tunnel; Téelgĕt then tore the south tunnel open with his horns, and the hero escaped into the west tunnel. When the west tunnel was ripped apart, he fled into the north tunnel. The anáye put his horn into the north tunnel to tear it open, but before he had half uncovered it, he fell and lay still. Nayénĕzgạni, unaware that his enemy was dead and still fearing him, crept back through the long tunnel to the spot where he first encountered Nasĭ′zi, and there he stood gazing at the distant form of Téelgĕt.

Plate VI. LAVA FLOW IN THE VALLEY OF THE SAN JOSÉ, NEW MEXICO.129

Plate VI. LAVA FLOW IN THE VALLEY OF THE SAN JOSÉ, NEW MEXICO.129

Plate 6. LAVA FLOW IN THE VALLEY OF SAN JOSÉ, NEW MEXICO.129

(The blood of Yéitso.)

(The blood of Yéitso.)

334. While he was standing there in thought, he observed approaching him a little old man dressed in tight leggings and a tight shirt, with a cap and feather on his head; this was Hazaí, the Ground Squirrel. “What do you want here, my grandchild?” said Hazaí. “Nothing; I am only walking around,” replied the warrior. Four times this question was asked and four times a similar answer given, when Ground Squirrel spoke again and inquired: “Do you not fear the anáye that dwells on yonder plain?” “I do not know,” replied Nayénĕzgạni; “I think I have killed him, but I am not certain.” “Then I can find out for you,” said Hazaí. “He never minds me. I can approach him any time without danger. If he is dead I will climb up on his horns and dance and sing.” Nayénĕzgạni had not watched long when he saw Hazaí climbing one of the horns and dancing on it. When he approached his dead enemy he found that Hazaí had streaked his own face with the blood of the slain (the streaks remain on the ground squirrel’s face to this day), and that Nasĭ′zi had already begun to remove the skin by gnawing on the insides of the fore-legs. When Gopher had removed the skin, he put it on his own back and said: “I shall wear this in order that, in the days to come, when the people increase, they may know what sort of a skin Téelgĕt wore.” He had a skin like that which covers the Gopher to-day. Hazaí cut out a piece of the bowel, filled it with blood, and tied the ends; he cut out also a piece of one of the lungs, and he gave these to Nayénĕzgạni for his trophies.134

334. While he was standing there lost in thought, he noticed a little old man approaching him, dressed in snug leggings and a fitted shirt, with a cap and feather on his head; this was Hazaí, the Ground Squirrel. “What do you want here, my child?” said Hazaí. “Nothing; I'm just taking a walk,” replied the warrior. This question was asked four times, and four times a similar answer was given, until Ground Squirrel spoke again and asked: “Aren't you afraid of the anáye that lives on that plain over there?” “I don’t know,” replied Nayénĕzgạni; “I think I killed him, but I'm not sure.” “Then I can find out for you,” said Hazaí. “He doesn’t mind me. I can go up to him anytime without fear. If he’s dead, I’ll climb up on his horns and dance and sing.” Nayénĕzgạni didn’t have to wait long when he saw Hazaí climbing one of the horns and dancing on it. When he got closer to his dead enemy, he found that Hazaí had smeared his own face with the blood of the slain (the streaks are still on the ground squirrel’s face today), and that Nasĭ′zi had already started to skin him by gnawing on the insides of the forelegs. When Gopher had removed the skin, he put it on his own back and said: “I will wear this so that, in the future, when the people multiply, they will know what kind of skin Téelgĕt wore.” He had a skin like the one that covers the Gopher today. Hazaí cut out a piece of the intestine, filled it with blood, and tied the ends; he also cut out a piece of one of the lungs, and he gave these to Nayénĕzgạni as his trophies.134

335. When Nayénĕzgạni came home again, he was received with great rejoicing, for his mother had again begun to fear he would never more return. “Where have you been, my son, and what have you done since you have been gone?” she queried. “I have been to Bikehalzĭ′n and I have slain Téelgĕt,” he replied. “Ah, speak not thus, my son,” she said; “he is too powerful for you to talk thus lightly about him. If he knew what you said he might seek you out and kill you.” “I have no fear of him,” said her son. “Here is his blood, and here is a piece of his liver. Do you not now believe I have slain him?” Then he said: “Mother, grandmother, tell me, [119]where do the Tseʻnă′hale135 dwell?” “They dwell at Tséʻbĭt (Winged Rock),”136 she answered, “but do not venture near them; they are fierce and strong.”

335. When Nayénĕzgạni got home, he was welcomed with great joy, as his mother had started to worry he might never return. “Where have you been, my son, and what have you done while you were gone?” she asked. “I went to Bikehalzĭ′n and I killed Téelgĕt,” he answered. “Oh, don’t talk like that, my son,” she warned; “he's too powerful for you to speak so casually about him. If he knew what you said, he might come after you and kill you.” “I’m not afraid of him,” her son replied. “Here is his blood, and here is a piece of his liver. Do you now believe I killed him?” Then he asked: “Mother, grandmother, tell me, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] where do the Tseʻnă′hale135 live?” “They live at Tséʻbĭt (Winged Rock),” she replied, “but don’t go near them; they are fierce and strong.”

336. Next morning early he stole away, taking with him the piece of bowel filled with blood. He climbed the range of mountains where the hill of Tsúskai rises, and travelled on till he came to a place where two great snakes lay. Since that day these snakes have been changed into stone. He walked along the back of one of the snakes, and then he stepped from one snake to the other and went out on the plain that stretched to the east of the mountains, until he came close to Tséʻbĭtaï, which is a great black rock that looks like a bird. While he was walking along he heard a tremendous rushing sound overhead, like the sound of a whirlwind, and, looking up, he saw a creature of great size, something like an eagle in form, flying toward him from the east. It was the male Tseʻnă′hale. The warrior had barely time to cast himself prone on the ground when Tseʻnă′hale swooped over him. Thus four times did the monster swoop at him, coming each time from a different direction. Three times Nayénĕzgạni escaped; but the fourth time, flying from the north, the monster seized him in his talons and bore him off to Tséʻbĭtaï.

336. The next morning, he quietly slipped away, taking with him a piece of organ filled with blood. He climbed the mountain range where the hill of Tsúskai stands and continued on until he reached a spot where two enormous snakes lay. Since that day, those snakes have turned to stone. He walked along the back of one snake, then jumped from one snake to the other and moved out onto the plain that extended east of the mountains, until he got close to Tséʻbĭt, a large black rock that resembles a bird. While he was walking, he heard a huge rushing sound overhead, like the roar of a whirlwind, and looking up, he saw a massive creature, somewhat like an eagle, flying toward him from the east. It was the male Tseʻnă′hale. The warrior barely had time to drop to the ground when Tseʻnă′hale swooped over him. This happened four times, with the monster approaching from a different direction each time. Three times, Nayénĕzgạni managed to escape; but on the fourth attempt, coming from the north, the monster grabbed him in its talons and carried him off to Tséʻbĭt.

337. There is a broad, level ledge on one side of Tséʻbĭtaï, where the monster reared his young; he let the hero drop on this ledge, as was his custom to do with his victims, and perched on a pinnacle above. This fall had killed all others who had dropped there; but Nayénĕzgạni was preserved by the life-feather, the gift of Spider Woman, which he still kept. When the warrior fell he cut open the bag of bowel that he carried and allowed the blood of Téelgĕt to flow out over the rock, so that the anáye might think he was killed. The two young approached to devour the body of the warrior, but he said “Sh!” at them. They stopped and cried up to their father: “This thing is not dead; it says ‘Sh!’ at us.” “That is only air escaping from the body,” said the father; “Never mind, but eat it.” Then he flew away in search of other prey. When the old bird was gone, Nayénĕzgạni hid himself behind the young ones and asked them, “When will your father come back, and where will he sit when he comes?” They answered: “He will return when we have a he-rain,137 and he will perch on yonder point” (indicating a rock close by on the right). Then he inquired: “When will your mother return, and where will she sit?” “She will come when we have a she-rain,137 and will sit on yonder point” (indicating a crag on the left). He had not waited long when drops of rain began to fall, the thunder rolled, lightning flashed, the male Tseʻnă′hale returned and perched on the rock which the young had pointed out. Then [120]Nayénĕzgạni hurled a lightning arrow and the monster tumbled to the foot of Winged Rock dead. After a while rain fell again, but there was neither thunder nor lightning with it. While it still poured, there fell upon the ledge the body of a Pueblo woman, covered with fine clothes and ornamented with ear pendants and necklaces of beautiful shells and turquoise. Nayénĕzgạni looked up and beheld the female Tseʻnă′hale soaring overhead (she preyed only on women, the male only on men). A moment later she glided down, and was just about to light on her favorite crag, when Nayénĕzgạni hurled another lightning arrow and sent her body down to the plain to join that of her mate.

337. There's a flat ledge on one side of Tséʻbĭtaï, where the monster raised his young; he dropped the hero onto this ledge, as he usually did with his victims, and sat on a peak above. The fall had killed everyone else who had dropped there, but Nayénĕzgạni was saved by the life-feather, a gift from Spider Woman, which he still had. When the warrior fell, he cut open the bag of intestines he carried and let the blood of Téelgĕt flow over the rock, so that the anáye would think he was dead. The two young ones came close to eat the warrior's body, but he said, “Sh!” to them. They stopped and called up to their father: “This thing isn't dead; it said ‘Sh!’ to us.” “That's just air escaping from the body,” said the father; “Don’t worry, just eat it.” Then he flew off to find other prey. When the old bird was gone, Nayénĕzgạni hid behind the young ones and asked them, “When will your father come back, and where will he sit when he does?” They replied: “He’ll return when we have a he-rain,137 and he will sit on that point” (pointing to a nearby rock on the right). Then he asked, “When will your mother return, and where will she sit?” “She’ll come when we have a she-rain,137 and will sit on that point” (pointing to a crag on the left). He didn't wait long when rain started to fall, thunder rolled, lightning flashed, and the male Tseʻnă′hale returned and perched on the rock the young had pointed out. Then [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Nayénĕzgạni shot a lightning arrow and the monster fell dead at the base of Winged Rock. After a while, it rained again, but there was no thunder or lightning with it. While it poured, the body of a Pueblo woman fell onto the ledge, dressed in fine clothes and adorned with earrings and beautiful shell and turquoise necklaces. Nayénĕzgạni looked up and saw the female Tseʻnă′hale flying overhead (she only hunted women, while the male only hunted men). A moment later, she glided down and was about to land on her favorite crag when Nayénĕzgạni shot another lightning arrow and sent her body down to the ground to join her mate.

338. The young ones now began to cry, and they said to the warrior: “Will you slay us, too?” “Cease your wailing,” he cried. “Had you grown up here you would have been things of evil; you would have lived only to destroy my people; but I shall now make of you something that will be of use in the days to come when men increase in the land.” He seized the elder and said to it, “You shall furnish plumes for men to use in their rites, and bones for whistles.” He swung the fledgling back and forth four times; as he did so it began to change into a beautiful bird with strong wings, and it said: “Sŭk, sŭk, sŭk, sŭk.” Then he threw it high in the air. It spread its pinions and soared out of sight, an eagle. To the younger he said: “In the days to come men will listen to your voice to know what will be their future: sometimes you will tell the truth; sometimes you will lie.” He swung it back and forth, and as he did so its head grew large and round; its eyes grew big; it began to say, “Uwú, uwú, uwú, uwú,” and it became an owl. Then he threw it into a hole in the side of the cliff and said: “This shall be your home.”138

338. The young ones started to cry and asked the warrior, “Are you going to kill us, too?” “Stop your crying,” he shouted. “If you had grown up here, you would have been a source of evil; you would have lived only to harm my people. But now, I will turn you into something useful for the future when people multiply on the earth.” He took the elder and said to it, “You will provide feathers for people to use in their ceremonies, and bones for whistles.” He swung the fledgling back and forth four times; as he did, it began to transform into a beautiful bird with strong wings, and it exclaimed: “Sŭk, sŭk, sŭk, sŭk.” Then he threw it high into the air. It spread its wings and soared out of sight, becoming an eagle. To the younger one, he said: “In the days to come, people will listen to your voice to learn about their future: sometimes you will speak the truth, and other times you will lie.” He swung it back and forth, and as he did, its head grew large and round, its eyes became big, it started to say, “Uwú, uwú, uwú, uwú,” and it transformed into an owl. Then he tossed it into a hole in the cliff and said: “This will be your home.”138

339. As he had nothing more to do at Tséʻbĭtaï, he determined to go home, but he soon found that there was no way for him to descend the rock; nothing but a winged creature could reach or leave the ledge on which he stood. The sun was about half way down to the horizon when he observed the Bat Woman walking along near the base of the cliff. “Grandmother,” he called aloud, “come hither and take me down.” “Tsĕ′dăni,”139 she answered, and hid behind a point of rock. Again she came in view, and again he called her; but she gave him the same reply and hid herself again. Three times were these acts performed and these words said. When she appeared for the fourth time and he begged her to carry him down, he added: “I will give you the feathers of the Tseʻnă′hale if you will take me off this rock.” When she heard this she approached the base of the rock, and soon disappeared under the ledge where he stood. Presently he heard a strange flapping sound,140 and a voice [121]calling to him: “Shut your eyes and go back, for you must not see how I ascend.” He did as he was bidden, and soon after the Bat Woman stood beside him. “Get into this basket, and I will carry you down,” she demanded. He looked at the large carrying-basket which she bore on her back, and observed that it hung on strings as thin as the strings of a spider’s web. “Grandmother,” he said, “I fear to enter your basket; the strings are too thin.” “Have no fear,” she replied; “I often carry a whole deer in this basket: the strings are strong enough to bear you.” Still he hesitated, and still she assured him. The fourth time that he expressed his fear she said: “Fill the basket with stones and you will see that I speak the truth.” He did as he was bidden, and she danced around with the loaded basket on her back; but the strings did not break, though they twanged like bowstrings. When he entered the basket she bade him keep his eyes shut till they reached the bottom of the cliff, as he must not see how she managed to descend. He shut his eyes, and soon felt himself gradually going down; but he heard again the strange flapping against the rock, which so excited his curiosity that he opened his eyes. Instantly he began to fall with dangerous rapidity, and the flapping stopped; she struck him with her stick and bade him shut his eyes. Again he felt himself slowly descending, and the flapping against the rock began. Three times more he disobeyed her, but the last time they were near the bottom of the cliff, and both fell to the ground unhurt.

339. Since he had nothing else to do at Tséʻbĭtaï, he decided to head home, but soon realized he couldn’t get down the rock; only a winged creature could get to or from the ledge where he stood. The sun was halfway down to the horizon when he saw the Bat Woman walking near the base of the cliff. “Grandmother,” he called out, “come here and take me down.” “Tsĕ′dăni,” she replied, hiding behind a rock. She came back into view, and again he called her; but she gave the same reply and hid away again. This happened three times. When she showed up for the fourth time and he pleaded with her to carry him down, he added, “I’ll give you the feathers of the Tseʻnă′hale if you take me off this rock.” Hearing this, she approached the base of the rock and then disappeared under the ledge where he stood. Soon, he heard a strange flapping sound, and a voice [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] called to him: “Shut your eyes and go back; you must not see how I rise.” He did as instructed, and not long after, the Bat Woman stood beside him. “Get into this basket, and I’ll carry you down,” she insisted. He looked at the large carrying-basket on her back and saw that it hung on strings as thin as spider silk. “Grandmother,” he said, “I’m afraid to get into your basket; the strings are too thin.” “Don’t worry,” she replied; “I often carry a whole deer in this basket: the strings are strong enough for you.” He still hesitated, and she reassured him. When he expressed his fear for the fourth time, she said, “Fill the basket with stones, and you’ll see I'm telling the truth.” He did as she said, and she danced around with the loaded basket on her back; yet the strings didn’t break, though they twanged like bowstrings. When he finally entered the basket, she told him to keep his eyes shut until they reached the bottom of the cliff, as he wasn’t supposed to see how she descended. He closed his eyes and soon felt himself slowly going down; but he heard the strange flapping against the rock, which stirred his curiosity, so he opened his eyes. Instantly, he began to fall rapidly, and the flapping stopped; she hit him with her stick and told him to shut his eyes. He felt himself descending slowly again, and the flapping resumed. Three more times he disobeyed her, but the last time they were close to the bottom of the cliff, and they both fell to the ground unharmed.

340. Together they plucked the two Tseʻnă′hale, put the feathers in her basket, and got the basket on her back. He reserved only the largest feather from one wing of each bird for his trophies. As she was starting to leave he warned her not to pass through either of two neighboring localities, which were the dry beds of temporary lakes; one was overgrown with weeds, the other with sunflowers. Despite his warning she walked toward the sunflowers. As she was about to enter them he called after her again, and begged her not to go that way, but she heeded him not and went on. She had not taken many steps among the sunflowers when she heard a fluttering sound behind her, and a little bird of strange appearance flew past her close to her ear. As she stepped farther on she heard more fluttering and saw more birds of varying plumage, such as she had never seen before, flying over her shoulders and going off in every direction. She looked around, and was astonished to behold that the birds were swarming out of her own basket. She tried to hold them in, to catch them as they flew out, but all in vain. She laid down her basket and watched, helplessly, her feathers changing into little birds of all kinds,—wrens, warblers, titmice, and the like,—and flying away, until her basket was empty. Thus it was that the little birds were created.141 [122]

340. Together they picked the two Tseʻnă′hale, put the feathers in her basket, and got the basket on her back. He kept only the largest feather from one wing of each bird as his trophies. As she was about to leave, he warned her not to go through either of two nearby areas, which were dry beds of temporary lakes; one was overrun with weeds, and the other with sunflowers. Ignoring his warning, she walked toward the sunflowers. Just as she was about to step into them, he called out again and urged her not to go that way, but she didn’t listen and continued on. She hadn’t taken many steps into the sunflowers when she heard a fluttering sound behind her, and a little bird with a strange appearance flew past close to her ear. As she moved further in, she heard more fluttering and saw more birds of different colors and patterns that she had never seen before, flying over her shoulders and scattering in every direction. She looked around, astonished to see that the birds were swarming out of her own basket. She tried to keep them in, to catch them as they flew out, but it was hopeless. She set down her basket and watched helplessly as her feathers transformed into little birds of all kinds—wrens, warblers, titmice, and others—flying away until her basket was empty. And that’s how the little birds were created.141 [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

341. When he got home Toʻbadzĭstsíni said to him: “Elder brother, I have watched the kethawns all the time you were gone. About midday the black cigarette took fire, and I was troubled, for I knew you were in danger; but when it had burned half way the fire went out and then I was glad, for I thought you were safe again.” “Ah, that must have been the time when Tseʻnă′hale carried me up and threw me on the rocks,” said Nayénĕzgạni. He hung his trophies on the east side of the lodge, and then he asked his mother where Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli142 dwelt. She told him he lived at Tseʻtezáʻ; but, as on previous occasions, she warned him of the power of the enemy, and tried to dissuade him from seeking further dangers. Next morning he set out to find Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli, He Who Kicks (People) Down the Cliff. This anáye lived on the side of a high cliff, a trail passed at his feet, and when travellers went that way he kicked them down to the bottom of the precipice. Nayénĕzgạni had not travelled long when he discovered a well-beaten trail; following this, he found that it led him along the face of a high precipice, and soon he came in sight of his enemy, who had a form much like that of a man. The monster reclined quietly against the rock, as if he meditated no harm, and Nayénĕzgạni advanced as if he feared no danger, yet watching his adversary closely. As he passed, the latter kicked at him, but he dodged the kick and asked: “Why did you kick at me?” “Oh, my grandchild,” said the anáye, “I was weary lying thus, and I only stretched out my leg to rest myself.” Four times did Nayénĕzgạni pass him, and four times did the monster kick at him in vain. Then the hero struck his enemy with his great stone knife over the eyes, and struck him again and again till he felt sure that he had slain him; but he was surprised to find that the body did not fall down the cliff. He cut with his knife under the corpse in different places, but found nothing that held it to the rock until he came to the head, and then he discovered that the long hair grew, like the roots of a cedar, into a cleft in the rock. When he cut the hair,143 the body tumbled down out of sight. The moment it fell a great clamor of voices came up from below. “I want the eyes,” screamed one; “Give me an arm,” cried another; “I want the liver,” said a third; “No, the liver shall be mine,” yelled a fourth; and thus the quarrelling went on. “Ah!” thought Nayénĕzgạni, “these are the children quarrelling over the father’s corpse. Thus, perhaps, they would have been quarrelling over mine had I not dodged his kicks.”

341. When he got home, Toʻbadzĭstsíni said to him, “Older brother, I kept an eye on the kethawns the whole time you were gone. Around midday, the black cigarette caught fire, and I got worried, knowing you were in danger. But when it burned halfway, the fire went out, and I felt relieved, thinking you were safe again.” “Ah, that must have been when Tseʻnă′hale carried me up and threw me onto the rocks,” Nayénĕzgạni replied. He hung his trophies on the east side of the lodge and then asked his mother where Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli lived. She told him he lived at Tseʼtezáʼ; but, just like before, she warned him about the enemy's power and tried to talk him out of seeking more danger. The next morning, he set off to find Tseʻ< i >tahotsĭltáʻli, He Who Kicks (People) Down the Cliff. This anáye lived on the side of a steep cliff, and there was a trail at his feet. Whenever travelers passed that way, he kicked them off the edge. Nayénĕzgạni hadn’t traveled long before he found a well-worn trail; following it, he discovered it ran along the face of a high cliff, and soon he spotted his enemy, who looked much like a man. The monster was resting against the rock as if he meant no harm, and Nayénĕzgạni approached, pretending not to be afraid but keeping a close watch on his adversary. As he walked by, the monster kicked at him, but he dodged the kick and asked, “Why did you kick at me?” “Oh, my grandchild,” said the anáye, “I was tired lying here, and I just stretched out my leg to rest.” Nayénĕzgạni passed him four times, and each time the monster kicked at him without success. Finally, the hero struck the monster with his great stone knife over the eyes, hitting him again and again until he believed he had killed him; but to his surprise, the body didn’t fall off the cliff. He cut underneath the corpse at different spots but found nothing holding it to the rock until he got to the head, where he discovered that the long hair had grown, like the roots of a cedar, into a crack in the rock. When he cut the hair, 143 the body tumbled down out of sight. As soon as it fell, a loud clamor of voices rose up from below. “I want the eyes,” screamed one; “Give me an arm,” cried another; “I want the liver,” said a third; “No, the liver shall be mine,” yelled a fourth; and the arguing continued. “Ah!” thought Nayénĕzgạni, “these are the children fighting over their father’s corpse. They would have fought over mine too if I hadn’t dodged his kicks.”

342. He tried to descend along the trail he was on, but found it led no farther. Then he retraced his steps till he saw another trail that seemed to lead to the bottom of the cliff. He followed it and soon came to the young of the anáye, twelve in number, who had [123]just devoured their father’s corpse; the blood was still streaming from their mouths. He ran among them, and hacked at them in every direction with his great stone knife. They fled; but he pursued them, and in a little while he had killed all but one. This one ran faster than the rest, and climbed among some high rocks; but Nayénĕzgạni followed him and caught him. He stopped to take breath; as he did so he looked at the child and saw that he was disgustingly ugly and filthy. “You ugly thing,” said Nayénĕzgạni; “when you ran from me so fleetly I thought you might be something handsome and worth killing; but now that I behold your face I shall let you live. Go to yonder mountain of Natsĭsaán144 and dwell there. It is a barren land, where you will have to work hard for your living, and will wander ever naked and hungry.” The boy went to Natsĭsaán, as he was told, and there he became the progenitor of the Pahutes, a people ugly, starved, and ragged, who never wash themselves and live on the vermin of the desert.145

342. He tried to go down the trail he was on, but it didn’t lead anywhere. Then he retraced his steps until he found another trail that looked like it might lead to the bottom of the cliff. He followed it and soon came across the young of the anáye, twelve in total, who had [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] just eaten their father's corpse; blood was still dripping from their mouths. He ran among them and attacked in every direction with his large stone knife. They ran away, but he chased them and soon had killed all but one. This one was faster than the rest and climbed among some high rocks; but Nayénĕzgạni followed and caught him. He stopped to catch his breath; as he did, he looked at the child and saw that he was incredibly ugly and filthy. “You ugly thing,” said Nayénĕzgạni; “when you ran away so quickly I thought you might be something beautiful worth killing; but now that I see your face, I’ll let you live. Go to that mountain of Natsĭsaán144 and live there. It’s a barren land where you’ll have to work hard for survival and will always be wandering naked and hungry.” The boy went to Natsĭsaán as instructed, and there he became the ancestor of the Pahutes, a people who are ugly, starved, and ragged, who never wash themselves and live off the pests of the desert.145

343. He went to where he had first found the children of Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli. Nothing was left of the father’s corpse but the bones and scalp. (This anáye used to wear his hair after the manner of a Pueblo Indian.) The hero cut a piece of the hair from one side of the head and carried it home as a trophy. When he got home there were the usual questions and answers and rejoicings, and when he asked his mother, “Where is the home of the Bĭnáye Aháni, the people who slay with their eyes,” she begged him, as before, to rest contented and run no more risks; but she added: “They live at Tseʻahalzĭ′ni, Rock with Black Hole.”146 This place stands to this day, but is changed since the anáye dwelt there. It has still a hole, on one side, that looks like a door, and another on the top that looks like a smoke-hole.

343. He went back to the spot where he had first found the children of Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli. All that was left of the father’s body were the bones and scalp. (This anáye used to style his hair like a Pueblo Indian.) The hero cut a piece of hair from one side of the head and took it home as a trophy. When he got home, there were the usual questions, answers, and celebrations. When he asked his mother, “Where do the Bĭnáye Aháni, the people who kill with their eyes, live?” she pleaded with him, as she had before, to be satisfied and take no more risks. But she added, “They live at Tseʻahalzĭ′ni, Rock with Black Hole.”146 This place still exists today, but it has changed since the anáye lived there. It still has a hole on one side that looks like a door, and another on the top that resembles a smoke-hole.

344. On this occasion, in addition to his other weapons, he took a bag of salt with him on his journey.147 When he came to Tseʻahalzĭ′ni he entered the rock house and sat down on the north side. In other parts of the lodge sat the old couple of the Bĭnáye Aháni and many of their children. They all stared with their great eyes at the intruder, and flashes of lightning streamed from their eyes toward him, but glanced harmless off his armor. Seeing that they did not kill him, they stared harder and harder at him, until their eyes protruded far from their sockets. Then into the fire in the centre of the lodge he threw the salt, which spluttered and flew in every direction, striking the eyes of the anáye and blinding them. While they held down their heads in pain, he struck with his great stone knife and killed all except the two youngest.

344. On this occasion, besides his other weapons, he brought a bag of salt with him on his journey.147 When he arrived at Tseʻahalzĭ′ni, he entered the rock house and sat down on the north side. In other parts of the lodge were the elderly couple from the Bĭnáye Aháni and many of their children. They all stared with wide eyes at the stranger, and flashes of lightning seemed to shoot from their eyes toward him, but harmlessly glanced off his armor. Noticing that they weren't going to kill him, they intensified their stares until their eyes bulged out of their sockets. Then he tossed the salt into the fire in the center of the lodge, which splattered and flew everywhere, hitting the eyes of the anáye and blinding them. While they bowed their heads in pain, he struck with his large stone knife and killed everyone except for the two youngest.

345. Thus he spoke to the two which he spared: “Had you grown up here, you would have lived only to be things of evil and to destroy [124]men; but now I shall make you of use to my kind in the days to come when men increase on the earth.” To the elder he said: “You will ever speak to men and tell them what happens beyond their sight; you will warn them of the approach of enemies,” and he changed it into a bird called Tsĭdĭltói148 (shooting or exploring bird). He addressed the younger, saying: “It will be your task to make things beautiful, to make the earth happy.” And he changed it into a bird called Hosdi,149 which is sleepy in the daytime and comes out at night.

345. So he spoke to the two that he spared: “If you had grown up here, you would have lived only to be a source of evil and to destroy [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]men; but now I will make you useful to my kind in the future when men multiply on the earth.” To the elder he said: “You will always communicate with men and tell them what happens beyond their sight; you will warn them of approaching enemies,” and he transformed it into a bird called Tsĭdĭltói148 (the shooting or exploring bird). He turned to the younger one, saying: “Your job will be to create beauty, to bring happiness to the earth.” And he transformed it into a bird called Hosdi,149 which is drowsy during the day and comes out at night.

346. When he reached home with his trophies, which were the eyes150 of the first Bĭnáye Aháni he had killed, and told what he had done, Estsánatlehi took a piece of the lung of Téelgĕt (which he had previously brought home), put it in her mouth, and, dancing sang this song:—

346. When he got home with his trophies, which were the eyes of the first Bĭnáye Aháni he had killed, and shared what he had done, Estsánatlehi took a piece of the lung of Téelgĕt (which he had brought home earlier), put it in her mouth, and, dancing, sang this song:—

Nayénĕzgạni brings for me,

Nayénĕzgạni brings me,

Of Téelgĕt he brings for me,

Of Téelgĕt he brings for me,

Truly a lung he brings for me,

Truly, he brings a lung for me,

The people are restored.

The people are healed.

Toʻbadzĭstsíni brings for me,

Toʻbadzĭstínī brings for me,

Of Tseʻnă′hale he brings for me,

Of Tseʻnă′hale he brings for me,

Truly a wing he brings for me,

Truly, he brings a wing for me,

The people are restored.

The people are back.

Léyaneyani brings for me,

Léyaneyani brings me,

Of Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli he brings for me,

Of Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli he brings for me,

Truly a side-lock he brings for me,

Truly, a side-lock he brings for me,

The people are restored.

The people have been restored.

Tsówenatlehi151 brings for me,

Tsówenatlehi__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ offers me,

Of Bĭnáye Aháni he brings for me,

Of Bĭnáye Aháni he brings for me,

Truly an eye he brings for me,

Truly, he brings an eye for me,

The people are restored.276

The people are back.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

347. When she had finished her rejoicings he asked, “Where shall I find Sasnalkáhi (Bear that Pursues)?” “He lives at Tseʻbahástsĭt (Rock that Frightens),” she replied; but again she pleaded with him, pictured to him the power of the enemy he sought, and begged him to venture no more.

347. When she finished celebrating, he asked, “Where can I find Sasnalkáhi (Bear that Pursues)?” “He lives at Tseʻbahástsĭt (Rock that Frightens),” she replied; but once again she asked urgently with him, described the strength of the enemy he was looking for, and urged him not to go any further.

348. Next morning he went off to Rock that Frightens and walked all around it, without meeting the bear or finding his trail. At length, looking up to the top of the rock, he saw the bear’s head sticking out of a hole, and he climbed up. The bear’s den was in the shape of a cross, and had four entrances. Nayénĕzgạni looked into the east entrance, the south entrance, and the west entrance without getting sight of his enemy. As he approached the north entrance he saw the head of the watching bear again; but it was [125]instantly withdrawn, and the bear went toward the south entrance. The hero ran round fast and lay in wait. In a little while the bear thrust forth his head to look, and Nayénĕzgạni cut it off with his great stone knife.

348. The next morning, he headed to Rock that Frightens and walked all around it, without encountering the bear or finding its trail. Eventually, he looked up at the top of the rock and saw the bear's head poking out of a hole, so he climbed up. The bear's den was shaped like a cross and had four entrances. Nayénĕzgạni looked into the east entrance, the south entrance, and the west entrance without spotting his enemy. As he approached the north entrance, he saw the bear’s head again; however, it was [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]quickly pulled back, and the bear moved towards the south entrance. The hero quickly ran around and waited. After a short while, the bear poked its head out to take a look, and Nayénĕzgạni cut it off with his large stone knife.

349. He addressed the head, saying: “You were a bad thing in your old life, and tried only to do mischief; but in new shapes I shall make you of use to the people; in the future, when they increase upon the earth, you will furnish them with sweet food to eat, with foam to cleanse their bodies, and with threads for their clothing.” He cut the head into three pieces: he threw one to the east, where it became tsási, or haskán (Yucca baccata); he threw another to the west, where it became tsásitsoz (Yucca angustifolia); and he threw the third to the south, where it became nóta (mescal). He cut off the left forepaw to take home as a trophy.

349. He spoke to the head, saying: “You were a harmful entity in your previous life, only causing trouble; but in new forms, I will make you useful to the people. In the future, as they multiply on the earth, you will provide them with sweet food to eat, foam to cleanse their bodies, and fibers for their clothing.” He sliced the head into three parts: he threw one to the east, where it turned into tsási, or haskán (Yucca baccata); he tossed another to the west, where it became tsásitsoz (Yucca angustifolia); and he threw the third to the south, where it transformed into nóta (mescal). He chopped off the left forepaw to take home as a trophy.

350. “Where shall I find Tséʻnagahi (Travelling Stone)?” he said after he had returned from his encounter with Pursuing Bear and shown his trophy to his people. “You will find him in a lake near where Tséʻespai points up,” answered Estsánatlehi; but she implored him not to go near the lake. He did not heed her, and next morning he went off to seek the Travelling Stone.

350. “Where can I find Tséʻnagahi (Travelling Stone)?” he asked after coming back from meeting Pursuing Bear and showing his trophy to his people. “You’ll find him in a lake near where Tséʻespai points up,” replied Estsánatlehi; but she urged him not to go near the lake. He didn’t listen to her and the next morning he set off to look for the Travelling Stone.

351. He approached the lake on the north side, while the wind was blowing from the south, but he saw nothing of the stone. Thence he went around to the south side of the lake. When he got here the stone scented him, rose to the surface, poised itself a moment, and flew toward Nayénĕzgạni as if hurled by a giant hand. Raising his lightning arrow, he held it in the course of the stone and knocked a piece off the latter. When the stone fell he struck another piece off with his knife. Tséʻnagahi now saw it had a powerful foe to contend against; so, instead of hurling itself at him again, it fled and Nayénĕzgạni went in pursuit. He chased it all over the present Navaho land, knocking pieces off it in many places152 as he followed, until at length he chased it into the San Juan River at Tsĭntáhokata, where a point of forest runs down toward the river.

351. He approached the lake from the north while the wind blew from the south, but he couldn’t see the stone. So, he went around to the south side of the lake. When he got there, the stone sensed him, rose to the surface, paused for a moment, and then shot toward Nayénĕzgạni as if thrown by a giant hand. Raising his lightning arrow, he aimed it at the stone and knocked off a piece. When the stone fell, he sliced off another piece with his knife. Tséʻnagahi now realized it had a strong opponent to deal with; so, instead of attacking again, it fled, and Nayénĕzgạni chased after it. He followed it all over what is now Navajo land, knocking off pieces as he went, until he finally chased it into the San Juan River at Tsĭntáhokata, where a stretch of forest leads down to the river.

352. Travelling Stone sped down with the current and Nayénĕzgạni ran along the bank after it. Four times he got ahead of the stone, but three times it escaped him by dipping deep into the river. When he headed it off for the fourth time, he saw it gleaming like fire under the water, and he stopped to gaze at it. Then the stone spoke and said: “Sawé (my baby, my darling), take pity on me, and I shall no longer harm your people, but do good to them instead. I shall keep the springs in the mountains open and cause your rivers to flow; kill me and your lands will become barren.” Nayénĕzgạni answered: “If you keep this promise I shall spare you; but if you [126]ever more do evil as you have done before, I shall seek you again, and then I shall not spare you.” Tséʻnagahi has kept his promise ever since, and has become the Tiéholtsodi of the upper world.

352. The Traveling Stone rushed downstream with the current, and Nayénĕzgạni chased it along the bank. He managed to get ahead of the stone four times, but three times it evaded him by plunging deep into the river. On his fourth attempt to intercept it, he noticed it shining like fire beneath the water and stopped to admire it. Then the stone spoke: “Sawé (my baby, my darling), please have mercy on me, and I won’t harm your people anymore; instead, I will do good for them. I will keep the mountain springs flowing and make your rivers run; if you kill me, your lands will turn barren.” Nayénĕzgạni replied: “If you stick to your promise, I will let you live; but if you [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]ever harm my people again, I will find you, and then I won’t spare you.” Tséʻnagahi has honored his promise ever since and has become the Tiéholtsodi of the upper world.

353. He brought home no trophy from the contest with Tséʻnagahi. It had now been eight days since he left the house of the Sun.153 He was weary from his battles with the anáye, and he determined to rest four days. During this time he gave his relatives a full account of his journeys and his adventures from first to last, and as he began he sang a song:—

353. He returned home without any prize from the contest with Tséʻnagahi. It had been eight days since he had left the house of the Sun.153 He was tired from his fights with the anáye, and he decided to take four days to rest. During this time, he shared a complete story of his travels and experiences from beginning to end, and as he started, he sang a song:—

Nayénĕzgạni to Atsé Estsán began to tell,

Nayénĕzgạni started to tell Atsé Estsán,

About Bĭtéelgĕti he began to tell,

About Bĭtéelgĕti he started to talk,

From homes of giants coming, he began to tell.

From the homes of giants, he started to tell his story.

Toʻbadzĭstsíni to Estsánatlehi began to tell,

Toʻbadzĭstsíni to Estsánatlehi began to tell,

About the Tseʻnă′hale he began to tell,

About the Tseʻnă′hale he started to talk,

From homes of giants coming, he began to tell.

From the homes of giants, he started to speak.

Léyaneyani to Atsé Estsán began to tell,

Léyaneyani to Atsé Estsán started to speak,

Of Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli he began to tell,

Of Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli he began to tell,

From homes of giants coming, he began to tell.

From the homes of giants, he began to share.

Tsówenatlehi to Estsánatlehi began to tell,

Tsówenatlehi to Estsánatlehi started to explain,

About Bĭnáye Aháni he began to tell,

About Bĭnáye Aháni he started to share,

From homes of giants coming, he began to tell.277

From the homes of giants, he started to speak.277

354. There were still many of the anáye to kill; there was White under the Rock, Blue under the Rock, Yellow under the Rock, Black under the Rock, and many yélapahi, or brown giants. Besides these there were a number of stone pueblos, now in ruins, that were inhabited by various animals (crows, eagles, etc.),154 who filled the land and left no room for the people. During the four days of rest, the brothers consulted as to how they might slay all these enemies, and they determined to visit again the house of the Sun. On the morning of the fourth night they started for the east. They encountered no enemies on the way and had a pleasant journey. When they entered the house of the Sun no one greeted them; no one offered them a seat. They sat down together on the floor, and as soon as they were seated lightning began to shoot into the lodge. It struck the ground near them four times. Immediately after the last flash Tsápani, Bat, and Tóʻnenĭli, Water Sprinkler, entered. “Do not be angry with us,” said the intruders; “we flung the lightning only because we feel happy and want to play with you:” still the brothers kept wrathful looks on their faces, until Nĭ′ltsi whispered into their ears: “Be not angry with the strangers. They were once friends of the anáye and did not wish them to die; but now they are friends of yours, since you have conquered the greatest of the anáye.” Then, at last, Tsóhanoai spoke to his children, saying: [127]“These people are rude; they respect no one. Heed them not. Here are seats for you. Be seated.” Saying this, he offered the brothers a seat of shell and a seat of turquoise; but Nĭ′ltsi told the brothers not to take them. “These are seats of peace,” he said; “you still want help in war. Nayénĕzgạni, take the seat of red stone, which is the warrior’s seat; and you, Toʻbadzĭstsíni, stand.” They did as the Wind bade them.

354. There were still many anáye to defeat; there was White under the Rock, Blue under the Rock, Yellow under the Rock, Black under the Rock, and many yélapahi, or brown giants. In addition to these, there were several stone pueblos, now in ruins, that had been home to various animals (crows, eagles, etc.),154 which crowded the land and left no space for the people. During the four days of rest, the brothers discussed how they could eliminate all these foes, and they decided to return to the house of the Sun. On the morning of the fourth night, they set out toward the east. They encountered no enemies on the way and had a pleasant journey. When they entered the house of the Sun, no one welcomed them; no one offered them a seat. They sat down together on the floor, and as soon as they were seated, lightning began to strike the lodge. It hit the ground near them four times. Right after the last flash, Tsápani, Bat, and Tóʻnenĭli, Water Sprinkler, entered. “Don’t be mad at us,” said the newcomers; “we threw the lightning just because we’re happy and want to play with you.” Yet the brothers maintained angry expressions until Nĭ′ltsi whispered in their ears: “Don’t be upset with the strangers. They were once friends of the anáye and didn’t want them to die; but now they're your friends, since you have defeated the greatest of the anáye.” Finally, Tsóhanoai addressed his children, saying: [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]“These people are rude; they respect no one. Don’t pay them any mind. Here are seats for you. Sit down.” With that, he offered the brothers a shell seat and a turquoise seat; but Nĭ′ltsi advised the brothers not to take them. “These are seats of peace,” he said; “you still need help in battle. Nayénĕzgạni, take the seat of red stone, which is the warrior’s seat; and you, Toʻbadzĭstsíni, stand.” They did as the Wind instructed them.

355. “My children, why do you come to me again?” asked Tsóhanoai, the bearer of the sun. “We come for no special purpose; we come only to pass away the time,” Nayénĕzgạni answered. Three times he asked this question and got the same reply. When he asked for the fourth time, he added, “Speak the truth. When you came to me before I gave you all you asked for.” Now it was Toʻbadzĭstsíni who replied: “Oh, father! there are still many of the anáye left, and they are increasing. We wish to destroy them.” “My children,” said Tsóhanoai, “when I helped you before, I asked you for nothing in return. I am willing to help you again; but I wish to know, first, if you are willing to do something for me. I have a long way to travel every day, and often, in the long summer days, I do not get through in time, and then I have no place to rest or eat till I get back to my home in the east. I wish you to send your mother to the west that she may make a new home for me.” “I will do it,” said Nayénĕzgạni; “I will send her there.” But Toʻbadzĭstsíni said: “No, Estsánatlehi is under the power of none; we cannot make promises for her, she must speak for herself, she is her own mistress; but I shall tell her your wishes and plead for you.” The room they were in had four curtains which closed the ways leading into other apartments. Tsóhanoai lifted the curtain in the east, which was black, and took out of the room in the east five hoops: one of these was colored black, another blue, a third yellow, and a fourth white, the fifth was many-colored and shining. Each hoop had attached to it a knife of the same color as itself. He took out also four great hailstones, colored like the four first hoops. He gave all these to his sons and said: “Your mother will know what to do with these things.”

355. “My children, why are you here again?” asked Tsóhanoai, the bearer of the sun. “We don’t have any specific reason; we came just to hang out,” answered Nayénĕzgạni. He asked the question three times and received the same answer. When he asked for the fourth time, he added, “Tell the truth. When you came to me before, I gave you everything you asked for.” It was Toʻbadzĭstsíni who replied, “Oh, father! there are still many of the anáye left, and they’re multiplying. We want to get rid of them.” “My children,” said Tsóhanoai, “when I helped you before, I asked for nothing in return. I’m happy to help you again, but first, I want to know if you’re willing to do something for me. I have a long journey every day, and often during the long summer days, I don’t finish in time, and then I have nowhere to rest or eat until I get back home in the east. I’d like you to send your mother to the west so she can make a new home for me.” “I’ll do it,” said Nayénĕzgạni; “I’ll send her there.” But Toʻbadzĭstsíni said, “No, Estsánatlehi isn’t under anyone's control; we can’t make promises for her, she must speak for herself, she is her own person; but I’ll tell her your wishes and ask on your behalf.” The room they were in had four curtains that blocked the entrances to other spaces. Tsóhanoai lifted the black curtain in the east and retrieved five hoops from the eastern room: one was black, another blue, a third yellow, a fourth white, and the fifth was multi-colored and shiny. Each hoop had a knife of the same color attached to it. He also took out four large hailstones, colored like the first four hoops. He gave all these to his sons and said, “Your mother will know what to do with these.”

356. When they got their gifts they set out on their homeward journey. As they went on their way they beheld a wonderful vision. The gods spread before them the country of the Navahoes as it was to be in the future when men increased in the land and became rich and happy. They spoke to one another of their father, of what he had said to them, of what they had seen in his house, and of all the strange things that had happened. When they got near their journey’s end they sang this song:— [128]

356. After they received their gifts, they started their journey home. As they traveled, they saw an amazing vision. The gods showed them the future land of the Navahoes, a time when people thrived and were prosperous and happy. They talked about their father, what he had told them, what they had experienced in his home, and all the unusual things that had occurred. As they approached the end of their journey, they sang this song:— [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

Nayénĕzgạni, he is holy,

Nayénĕzgạni, he is sacred,

Thus speaks the Sun,

Thus speaks the Sun,

Holy he stands.

He stands holy.

Toʻbadzĭstsíni, he is holy,

He is holy.

Thus speaks the Moon,

Thus speaks the Moon,

Holy he moves.

Wow, he moves fast.

Léyaneyani, he is holy,

Léyaneyani, he is sacred,

Thus speaks the Sun,

Thus speaks the Sun,

Holy he stands.

Holy, he stands.

Tsówenatlehi, he is holy,

Tsówenatlehi, he's sacred,

Thus speaks the Moon,

So says the Moon,

Holy he moves.278

Holy moly, he moves.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

357. When they got within sight of their home they sang this song:—

357. When they could see their home, they sang this song:—

Slayer of Giants,

Giant Slayer,

Through the sky I hear him.

Through the sky, I can hear him.

His voice sounds everywhere,

His voice echoes everywhere,

His voice divine.

His voice is divine.

Child of the Water,

Water Child,

Through the floods I hear him.

Through the floods, I can hear him.

His voice sounds everywhere,

His voice echoes everywhere,

His voice divine.

His voice is divine.

Reared ’neath the Earth,

Raised underground,

Through the earth I hear him.

Through the ground, I hear him.

His voice sounds everywhere,

His voice echoes everywhere,

His voice divine.

His voice is divine.

The Changing Grandchild,

The Evolving Grandchild,

Through the clouds I hear him.

Through the clouds, I hear him.

His voice sounds everywhere,

His voice is everywhere,

His voice divine.279

His voice is divine.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

358. When the brothers got home they said to Estsánatlehi: “Here are the hoops which our father has given us, and he told us you knew all about them. Show us, then, how to use them.” She replied: “I have no knowledge of them.” Three times she thus answered their questions. When they spoke to her for the fourth time and Nayénĕzgạni was becoming angry and impatient, she said: “I have never seen the Sun God except from afar. He has never been down to the earth to visit me. I know nothing of these talismans of his, but I will try what I can do.” She took the black hoop to the east, set it up so that it might roll, and spat through it the black hail, which was four-cornered; at once the hoop rolled off to the east and rolled out of sight. She took the blue hoop to the south, set it up, and spat through it the blue hail, which was six-cornered. Then the hoop rolled away to the south and disappeared. She carried [129]the yellow hoop to the west, set it up, and spat through it the eight-cornered yellow hail; the hoop rolled off to the west and was lost to sight. She bore the white hoop to the north; spat through it the white hail, which had eleven corners, and the hoop sped to the north until it was seen no more. She threw the shining hoop up toward the zenith, threw the four colored knives in the same direction, and blew a powerful breath after them. Up they all went until they were lost to sight in the sky. As each hoop went away thunder was heard.155

358. When the brothers got home, they said to Estsánatlehi: “Here are the hoops that our father gave us, and he said you knew all about them. Show us how to use them.” She replied, “I don't know anything about them.” She answered their questions like this three times. When they asked her for the fourth time, and Nayénĕzgạni was getting angry and impatient, she said, “I've only seen the Sun God from a distance. He has never come down to earth to visit me. I know nothing about his talismans, but I’ll see what I can do.” She took the black hoop to the east, set it up so it could roll, and spat through it the black hail, which was four-cornered; the hoop rolled off to the east and disappeared. She took the blue hoop to the south, set it up, and spat through it the blue hail, which was six-cornered. Then the hoop rolled away to the south and vanished. She carried [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] the yellow hoop to the west, set it up, and spat through it the eight-cornered yellow hail; the hoop rolled off to the west and was lost to sight. She took the white hoop to the north, spat through it the white hail, which had eleven corners, and the hoop sped north until it was no longer visible. She threw the shining hoop up toward the zenith, tossed the four colored knives in the same direction, and blew a strong breath after them. Up they all went until they disappeared into the sky. With each hoop that went away, thunder was heard.155

359. During four days after this nothing of importance happened, and no change came in the weather. At the end of four days they heard thunder high up in the sky, and after this there were four days more of good weather. Then the sky grew dark, and something like a great white cloud descended from above. Estsánatlehi went abroad; she saw in all directions great whirlwinds which uprooted tall trees as if they had been weeds, and tossed great rocks around as if they had been pebbles. “My son, I fear for our house,” she said when she came back. “It is high among the mountains, and the great winds may destroy it.” When he heard this, Nayénĕzgạni went out. He covered the house first with a black cloud, which he fastened to the ground with rainbows; second, with a black fog, which he fastened down with sunbeams; third, with a black cloud, which he secured with sheet-lightning; and fourth, with a black fog, which he secured with chain-lightning. At sunset that evening they caught a little glimpse of the sun; but after that, continuously for four days and four nights, it was dark; a storm of wind and hail prevailed, such as had never been seen before, and the air was filled with sharp stones carried before the wind. The people stayed safe in the lodge, but they could hear the noise of the great storm without. On the morning of the fifth day the tumult ceased, and Nayénĕzgạni, going out, found that all was calm, though it was still dark. He now proceeded to remove the coverings from the lodge and threw them upwards toward the heavens. As the first covering, a sheet of fog, ascended, chain-lightning shot out of it (with chain-lightning it had been fastened down). As the second covering, a cloud, ascended, sheet-lightning came forth from it. As the third covering, a fog, went up, sunbeams streamed from it; and as the fourth cover, a robe of cloud, floated up, it became adorned with rainbows. The air was yet dark, and full of dust raised by the high wind; but a gentle shower of rain came later, laying the dust, and all was clear again. All the inmates of the lodge now came out, and they marvelled to see what changes the storm had wrought: near their house a great canyon had been formed; the shape of the bluffs around had been changed, and solitary pillars of rock156 had been hewn by the winds. [130]

359. For four days after this, nothing significant happened, and the weather stayed the same. After four days, they heard thunder high in the sky, and then there were four more days of nice weather. Then the sky darkened, and a large white cloud descended from above. Estsánatlehi went outside; she saw massive whirlwinds in all directions that uprooted tall trees like they were weeds and tossed large rocks around like pebbles. “My son, I’m worried about our house,” she said when she returned. “It’s high in the mountains, and the strong winds might destroy it.” When Nayénĕzgạni heard this, he went outside. First, he covered the house with a black cloud, which he anchored to the ground with rainbows; then with a black fog, which he secured with sunbeams; next, with another black cloud, which he fastened with sheet-lightning; and lastly, with another black fog, which he secured with chain-lightning. At sunset that evening, they caught a brief glimpse of the sun, but after that, it was dark for four days and four nights. A wind and hailstorm unlike any they had ever seen raged outside, and the air was filled with sharp stones blown by the wind. The people were safe in the lodge, but they could hear the roar of the storm outside. On the morning of the fifth day, the chaos stopped, and Nayénĕzgạni, stepping outside, found everything calm, although it was still dark. He then began removing the coverings from the lodge, throwing them upwards towards the sky. As the first covering, a sheet of fog, rose, chain-lightning shot out of it (because it had been anchored with chain-lightning). As the second covering, a cloud, ascended, sheet-lightning emerged from it. As the third covering, a fog, went up, sunbeams streamed from it; and as the fourth cover, a robe of cloud, floated up, it became adorned with rainbows. The air was still dark and filled with dust stirred up by the strong wind, but later a gentle rain fell, settling the dust, and everything became clear again. All the people in the lodge came out and marveled at the changes the storm had caused: near their house, a deep canyon had formed; the shapes of the surrounding bluffs had changed, and solitary pillars of rock156 had been sculpted by the winds. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

360. “Surely all the anáye are now killed,” said Estsánatlehi. “This storm must have destroyed them.” But Nĭ′ltsi whispered into Nayénĕzgạni’s ear, “San (Old Age) still lives.” The hero said then to his mother: “Where used Old Age to dwell?” His mother would not answer him, though he repeated his question four times. At last Nĭ′ltsi again whispered in his ear and said: “She lives in the mountains of Depĕ′ntsa.”

360 degrees. “Surely all the anáye are dead now,” said Estsánatlehi. “This storm must have wiped them out.” But Nĭ′ltsi quietly said to Nayénĕzgạni, “San (Old Age) is still alive.” The hero then asked his mother, “Where did Old Age used to live?” His mother wouldn’t answer him, even when he asked the same question four times. Finally, Nĭ′ltsi whispered to him again and said, “She lives in the mountains of Depĕ′ntsa.”

361. Next morning he set out for the north, and when, after a long journey, he reached Depĕ′ntsa, he saw an old woman who came slowly toward him leaning on a staff. Her back was bent, her hair was white, and her face was deeply wrinkled. He knew this must be San. When they met he said: “Grandmother, I have come on a cruel errand. I have come to slay you.” “Why would you slay me?” she said in a feeble voice, “I have never harmed any one. I hear that you have done great deeds in order that men might increase on the earth, but if you kill me there will be no increase of men; the boys will not grow up to become fathers; the worthless old men will not die; the people will stand still. It is well that people should grow old and pass away and give their places to the young. Let me live, and I shall help you to increase the people.” “Grandmother, if you keep this promise I shall spare your life,” said Nayénĕzgạni, and he returned to his mother without a trophy.

361. The next morning, he set off to the north, and after a long journey, when he arrived at Depĕ′ntsa, he spotted an old woman slowly approaching him, leaning on a staff. Her back was hunched, her hair was white, and her face was full of deep wrinkles. He realized this must be San. When they met, he said, “Grandmother, I’ve come with a harsh mission. I’ve come to kill you.” “Why would you kill me?” she asked in a weak voice, “I’ve never hurt anyone. I’ve heard that you’ve achieved great things to help people multiply on the earth, but if you kill me, there will be no increase in population; the boys won’t grow up to become fathers, the useless old men won’t die, and people will stagnate. It’s natural for people to grow old and pass on, making way for the young. Let me live, and I’ll help you increase the population.” “Grandmother, if you keep this promise, I will spare your life,” said Nayénĕzgạni, and he returned to his mother without taking a trophy.

362. When he got home Nĭ′ltsi whispered to him: “Hakáz Estsán (Cold Woman) still lives.” Nayénĕzgạni said to Estsánatlehi: “Mother, grandmother, where does Cold Woman dwell?” His mother would not answer him; but Nĭ′ltsi again whispered, saying: “Cold Woman lives high on the summits of Depĕ′ntsa, where the snow never melts.”

362. When he got home, Nĭ′ltsi whispered to him: “Hakáz Estsán (Cold Woman) is still alive.” Nayénĕzgạni asked Estsánatlehi: “Mom, grandma, where does Cold Woman live?” His mother didn’t respond; but Nĭ′ltsi whispered again, saying: “Cold Woman lives high on the peaks of Depĕ′ntsa, where the snow never melts.”

363. Next day he went again to the north and climbed high among the peaks of Depĕ′ntsa, where no trees grow and where the snow lies white through all the summer. Here he found a lean old woman, sitting on the bare snow, without clothing, food, fire, or shelter. She shivered from head to foot, her teeth chattered, and her eyes streamed water. Among the drifting snows which whirled around her, a multitude of snow-buntings were playing; these were the couriers she sent out to announce the coming of a storm. “Grandmother,” he said, “a cruel man I shall be. I am going to kill you, so that men may no more suffer and die by your hand,” and he raised his knife-club to smite her. “You may kill me or let me live, as you will. I care not,” she said to the hero; “but if you kill me it will always be hot, the land will dry up, the springs will cease to flow, the people will perish. You will do well to let me live. It will be better for your people.” He paused and thought upon her words. He lowered the hand he had raised to strike her, saying: “You speak wisely, [131]grandmother; I shall let you live.” He turned around and went home.

363. The next day, he went north again and climbed high among the peaks of Depĕ′ntsa, where no trees grow and where the snow remains white all summer. There, he found a frail old woman sitting on the bare snow, without clothes, food, fire, or shelter. She was shivering all over, her teeth were chattering, and her eyes were streaming with tears. Amid the swirling snow around her, a bunch of snow-buntings were playing; they were the messengers she sent out to signal the approaching storm. “Grandmother,” he said, “I will be a cruel man. I am going to kill you so that people may no longer suffer and die by your hand,” and he raised his knife-club to strike her. “You can kill me or let me live, whatever you choose. I don't care,” she replied to the hero; “but if you kill me, it will always be hot, the land will dry up, the springs will stop flowing, and the people will perish. It would be wise to let me live. It will be better for your people.” He paused and thought about her words. He lowered the hand he had raised to strike her, saying: “You speak wisely, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]grandmother; I will let you live.” Then he turned around and went home.

364. When Nayénĕzgạni got home from this journey, bearing no trophy, Wind again whispered in his ear and said: “Tieín (Poverty) still lives.” He asked his mother where Poverty used to live, but she would not answer him. It was Wind who again informed him. “There are two, and they dwell at Dsĭldasdzĭ′ni.”

364. When Nayénĕzgạni returned home from this journey without any victory, Wind whispered to him again and said, “Tieín (Poverty) is still around.” He asked his mother where Poverty was, but she wouldn’t tell him. It was Wind who informed him once more. “There are two, and they live at Dsĭldasdzĭ′ni.”

365. He went to Dsĭldasdzĭ′ni next day and found there an old man and an old woman, who were filthy, clad in tattered garments, and had no goods in their house. “Grandmother, grandfather,” he said, “a cruel man I shall be. I have come to kill you.” “Do not kill us, my grandchild,” said the old man: “it would not be well for the people, in days to come, if we were dead; then they would always wear the same clothes and never get anything new. If we live, the clothing will wear out and the people will make new and beautiful garments; they will gather goods and look handsome. Let us live and we will pull their old clothes to pieces for them.” So he spared them and went home without a trophy.

365 days. The next day, he went to Dsĭldasdzĭ′ni and found an old man and an old woman there. They were filthy, dressed in torn clothes, and had nothing in their home. “Grandma, Grandpa,” he said, “I’m going to be a cruel person. I’ve come to kill you.” “Please don’t kill us, my grandchild,” said the old man. “It wouldn’t be good for the people if we died; then they would always wear the same clothes and never get anything new. If we live, their clothing will wear out, and they will make new and beautiful garments; they will gather possessions and look good. Let us live, and we’ll tear their old clothes apart for them.” So, he spared them and went home empty-handed.

366. The next journey was to seek Dĭtsĭ′n, Hunger, who lived, as Nĭ′ltsi told him, at Tlóhadaskaí, White Spot of Grass. At this place he found twelve of the Hunger People. Their chief was a big, fat man, although he had no food to eat but the little brown cactus. “I am going to be cruel,” said Nayénĕzgạni, “so that men may suffer no more the pangs of hunger and die no more of hunger.” “Do not kill us,” said the chief, “if you wish your people to increase and be happy in the days to come. We are your friends. If we die, the people will not care for food; they will never know the pleasure of cooking and eating nice things, and they will never care for the pleasures of the chase.” So he spared also the Dĭtsĭ′n, and went home without a trophy.

366. The next journey was to find Dĭtsĭ′n, Hunger, who lived, as Nĭ′ltsi told him, at Tlóhadaskaí, White Spot of Grass. There, he encountered twelve of the Hunger People. Their chief was a big, heavy man, though he had no food to eat except for the little brown cactus. “I’m going to be harsh,” said Nayénĕzgạni, “so that people can stop suffering from hunger and dying from it.” “Please don’t kill us,” the chief replied, “if you want your people to grow and be happy in the future. We are your friends. If we die, people won't care about food; they’ll never experience the joy of cooking and eating delicious meals, and they won’t appreciate the thrill of the hunt.” So he also spared the Dĭtsĭ′n and went home without a trophy.

367. When Nayénĕzgạni came back from the home of Hunger, Nĭ′ltsi spoke to him no more of enemies that lived. The Slayer of the Alien Gods said to his mother: “I think all the anáye must be dead, for every one I meet now speaks to me as a relation; they say to me, ‘my grandson,’ ‘my son,’ ‘my brother.’ ”157 Then he took off his armor—his knife, moccasins, leggings, shirt, and cap—and laid them in a pile; he put with them the various weapons which the Sun had given him, and he sang this song:—

367. When Nayénĕzgạni returned from the home of Hunger, Nĭ′ltsi no longer spoke to him about surviving enemies. The Slayer of the Alien Gods said to his mother: “I think all the anáye must be dead, because everyone I meet now treats me like family; they call me ‘my grandson,’ ‘my son,’ ‘my brother.’ ”157 Then he removed his armor—his knife, moccasins, leggings, shirt, and cap—and placed them in a pile; he also included the various weapons the Sun had given him, and he sang this song:—

Now Slayer of the Alien Gods arrives

Now the Slayer of the Alien Gods arrives

Here from the house made of the dark stone knives.

Here from the house made of dark stone knives.

From where the dark stone knives dangle on high,

From where the dark stone knives hang up high,

You have the treasures, holy one, not I.

You have the treasures, holy one, not me.

The Offspring of the Water now arrives,

The Offspring of the Water now arrives,

Here from the house made of the serrate knives. [132]

Here from the house made of jagged knives. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

From where the serrate knives dangle on high,

From where the jagged knives hang up high,

You have the treasures, holy one, not I.

You have the treasures, holy one, not me.

He who was Reared beneath the Earth arrives,

He who was raised underground arrives,

Here from the house made of all kinds of knives.

Here from the house made of all kinds of knives.

From where all kinds of knives dangle on high,

From where all kinds of knives hang up high,

You have the treasures, holy one, not I.

You have the treasures, sacred one, not me.

The hero, Changing Grandchild, now arrives,

The hero, Changing Grandchild, now arrives,

Here from the house made of the yellow knives.

Here from the house made of yellow knives.

From where the yellow knives dangle on high,

From where the yellow knives hang up high,

You have the treasures, holy one, not I.280

You have the treasures, holy one, not me.280

368. His song had scarcely ceased when they heard, in the far east, a loud voice singing this song:—

368. His song had just ended when they heard, in the far east, a loud voice singing this song:—

With Slayer of the Alien Gods I come,

With Slayer of the Alien Gods I come,

From the house made of dark stone knives I come,

From the house made of dark stone knives, I come,

From where dark knives dangle on high I come,

From where dark blades hang above, I come,

With implement of sacred rites I come,

With the performance of sacred rituals, I arrive,

Dreadful to you.

Awful for you.

With Offspring of the Waters now I come,

With Offspring of the Waters, I'm here now,

From the house made of serrate knives I come,

From the house made of sharp knives I come,

From where the serrate knives hang high I come,

From where the jagged knives hang up high, I come,

With implement of sacred rites I come,

With the performance of holy rituals, I arrive,

Divine to you.

Bless you.

With Reared beneath the Earth now do I come,

With Raised beneath the Earth now do I come,

From house of knives of every kind I come,

From a house filled with all sorts of knives I come,

Where knives of every kind hang high I come,

Where all kinds of knives hang high, I come,

With implement of sacred rites I come,

With the practice of sacred rituals, I arrive,

Dreadful to you.

Terrible for you.

Now with the Changing Grandchild here I come,

Now with the Changing Grandchild, here I come,

From the house made of yellow knives I come,

From the house made of yellow knives, I come,

From where the yellow knives hang high I come,

From where the yellow knives hang high, I come,

With implement of sacred rites I come,

With the practice of sacred rituals, I come,

Dreadful to you.281

Awful for you.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

369. As the voice came nearer and the song continued, Estsánatlehi said to the youths: “Put on quickly the clothes you usually wear, Tsóhanoai is coming to see us; be ready to receive him,” and she left the lodge, that she might not hear them talk about the anáye.

369. As the voice got closer and the song went on, Estsánatlehi said to the young men: “Quick, put on your usual clothes; Tsóhanoai is coming to visit us. Get ready to welcome him,” and she left the lodge so she wouldn't have to listen to them discuss the anáye.

370. When the god had greeted his children and taken a seat, he said to the elder brother: “My son, do you think you have slain all the anáye?” “Yes, father,” replied the son, “I think I have killed all that should die.” “Have you brought home trophies from the slain?” the father questioned again. “Yes, my father,” was the reply; “I have brought back wing-feathers, and lights and hair and [133]eyes, and other trophies of my enemies.” “It is not well,” said Tsóhanoai, “that the bodies of these great creatures should lie where they fell; I shall have them buried near the corpse of Yéitso. (He got the holy ones to carry the corpses to San Mateo and hide them under the blood of Yéitso, and this is the reason we do not see them lying all over the land now, but sometimes see them sticking out of the rocks.)159 He took the trophies and the armor and said: “These I shall carry back to my house in the east and keep them safe. If you ever need them again, come and get them.” Promising to come back again in four days, and meet Estsánatlehi on the top of Tsolíhi, he departed.

370. Once the god had greeted his children and taken a seat, he said to the elder brother: “My son, do you think you have killed all the anáye?” “Yes, father,” replied the son, “I believe I have killed all those who needed to die.” “Did you bring home trophies from the defeated?” the father asked again. “Yes, my father,” he replied; “I have brought back wing feathers, lights, hair, and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]eyes, along with other trophies from my enemies.” “It’s not right,” said Tsóhanoai, “for the bodies of these great creatures to remain where they fell; I will have them buried near the body of Yéitso. (He had the holy ones carry the bodies to San Mateo and conceal them under the blood of Yéitso, and this is why we don’t see them lying all over the land now, but sometimes see them protruding from the rocks.)159 He took the trophies and the armor and said: “I will take these back to my house in the east and keep them safe. If you ever need them again, just come and get them.” He promised to return in four days to meet Estsánatlehi at the top of Tsolíhi, and then he left.

371. At the end of four days Estsánatlehi went to the top of Tsolíhi and sat down on a rock. Tsóhanoai came, sat beside her, and sought to embrace her; but she avoided him, saying: “What do you mean by this? I want none of your embraces.” “It means that I want you for my own,” said the bearer of the Sun. “I want you to come to the west and make a home for me there.” “But I do not wish to do so,” said she. “What right have you to ask me?” “Have I not given your boys the weapons to slay the alien gods?” he inquired, and added: “I have done much for you: now you must reward me.” She replied, “I never besought you to do this. You did not do it on my account; you did it of your own good will, and because your sons asked you.” He urged another reason: “When Nayénĕzgạni visited me in the east, he promised to give you to me.” “What care I for his promise?” she exclaimed; “I am not bound by it. He has no right to speak for me.” Thus four times she repulsed him. When he pleaded for the fifth time, saying: “Come to the west and make a home for me,” she said: “Let me hear first all you have to promise me. You have a beautiful house in the east. I have never seen it, but I have heard how beautiful it is. I want a house just the same built for me in the west; I want to have it built floating on the water, away from the shore, so that in the future, when people increase, they will not annoy me with too many visits. I want all sorts of gems—white shell, turquoise, haliotis, jet, soapstone, agate, and redstone—planted around my house, so that they will grow and increase. Then I shall be lonely over there and shall want something to do, for my sons and my sister will not go with me. Give me animals to take along. Do all this for me and I shall go with you to the west.” He promised all these things to her, and he made elk, buffalo, deer, long-tail deer, mountain sheep, jack-rabbits, and prairie-dogs to go with her.

371. After four days, Estsánatlehi climbed to the top of Tsolíhi and sat on a rock. Tsóhanoai came, sat next to her, and tried to embrace her, but she pushed him away, saying: “What do you mean by this? I don’t want any of your embraces.” “It means that I want you for myself,” replied the bearer of the Sun. “I want you to come to the west and make a home for me there.” “But I don’t want to do that,” she said. “What right do you have to ask me?” “Have I not given your boys the weapons to defeat the foreign gods?” he asked and added, “I’ve done a lot for you: now you must repay me.” She responded, “I never asked you to do this. You didn’t do it for me; you did it because you wanted to, and because your sons asked you.” He gave another reason: “When Nayénĕzgạni visited me in the east, he promised to give you to me.” “What do I care for his promise?” she exclaimed; “I’m not bound by it. He has no right to speak for me.” Thus, she turned him down four times. When he pleaded for the fifth time, saying, “Come to the west and build a home for me,” she replied, “First, let me hear everything you have to promise me. You have a beautiful house in the east. I’ve never seen it, but I’ve heard how stunning it is. I want a house just like that built for me in the west; I want it to be floating on the water, away from the shore, so when people increase in number, they won’t annoy me with too many visits. I want all kinds of gems—white shell, turquoise, haliotis, jet, soapstone, agate, and redstone—planted around my house so that they grow and flourish. Then I’ll be lonely over there and will need something to do since my sons and sister won’t be going with me. Give me animals to take along. Do all this for me, and I will go with you to the west.” He promised her everything, and he created elk, buffalo, deer, long-tail deer, mountain sheep, jackrabbits, and prairie dogs to accompany her.

372. When she started for her new home the Hadáhonestiddĭneʻ and the Hadáhonigedĭneʻ, two tribes of divine people,160 went with [134]her and helped her to drive the animals, which were already numerous. They passed over the Tuĭntsá range at Péslĭtsi (Red Knife or Red Metal), and there they tramped the mountain down so that they formed a pass. They halted in Tsĭnlí valley to have a ceremony161 and a foot-race, and here the animals had become vastly more numerous. When they crossed Dsĭllĭzĭ′n (Black Mountain),162 the herd was so great that it tramped a deep pass whose bottom is almost on a level with the surrounding plain; at Black Mountain all the buffaloes broke from the herd and ran to the east; they never returned to Estsánatlehi and are in the east still. At Hostóditoʻ the elks went to the east and they never returned. From time to time a few, but not all, of the antelope, deer, and other animals left the herd and wandered east. Four days after leaving Tsĭnlí valley they arrived at Dokoslíd (San Francisco Mountain), and here they stopped to perform another ceremony. What happened on the way from this mountain to the great water in the west, we do not know, but after a while Estsánatlehi arrived at the great water and went to dwell in her floating house beyond the shore. Here she still lives, and here the Sun visits her, when his journey is done, every day that he crosses the sky. But he does not go every day; on dark, stormy days he stays at home in the east and sends in his stead the serpents of lightning, who do mischief.

372. When she set out for her new home, the Hadáhonestiddĭneʻ and the Hadáhonigedĭneʻ, two tribes of divine people, went with [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] her and helped her drive the animals, which were already many. They crossed the Tuĭntsá range at Péslĭtsi (Red Knife or Red Metal), and there they trampled the mountain down to create a pass. They stopped in Tsĭnlí valley to hold a ceremony161 and a footrace, and by then the animals had greatly increased in number. When they crossed Dsĭllĭzĭ′n (Black Mountain),162 the herd was so large that it created a deep pass whose bottom is almost level with the surrounding plain; at Black Mountain, all the buffalo broke from the herd and ran east, never to return to Estsánatlehi, and they are still in the east. At Hostóditoʻ, the elks headed east and never came back. Occasionally, a few, but not all, of the antelope, deer, and other animals left the herd to wander east. Four days after leaving Tsĭnlí valley, they arrived at Dokoslid (San Francisco Mountain), where they stopped to conduct another ceremony. What happened on the way from this mountain to the great water in the west is unknown, but eventually, Estsánatlehi arrived at the great water and went to live in her floating house beyond the shore. She still lives there, and the Sun visits her at the end of his journey every day he crosses the sky. However, he doesn’t come every day; on dark, stormy days, he stays home in the east and sends the serpents of lightning in his place, causing trouble.

Plate VII. TOʻBADZĬSTSÍNI. (See pars. 76 and 105 and note 270.)

Plate VII. TOʻBADZĬSTSÍNI. (See pars. 76 and 105 and note 270.)

Plate VII. TOʻBADZĬSTSÍNI. (See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ and __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.)

373. As he journeys toward the west, this is the song he sings:—

373. As he travels west, this is the song he sings:—

In my thoughts I approach,

In my mind I come close,

The Sun God approaches,

The Sun God is coming,

Earth’s end he approaches,

Approaching the end of Earth,

Estsánatlehi’s hearth approaches,

Estsánatlehi's hearth is near,

In old age walking

In old age, walking

The beautiful trail.

The stunning trail.

In my thoughts I approach,

I think about it,

The Moon God approaches,

The Moon God is coming,

Earth’s end he approaches,

The end of the Earth approaches,

Yolkaí Estsán’s hearth approaches,

Yolkaí Estsán’s hearth is near,

In old age walking

In old age, walking

The beautiful trail.282

The stunning trail.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

374. When Estsánatlehi had departed, Nayénĕzgạni and Toʻbadzĭstsíni went, as their father had bidden them, to Toʻyĕ′tli,163 where two rivers join, in the valley of the San Juan; there they made their dwelling, there they are to this day, and there we sometimes still see their forms in the San Juan River.164 The Navahoes still go there to pray, but not for rain, or good crops, or increase of stock; only for success in war, and only the warriors go. [135]

374. After Estsánatlehi left, Nayénĕzgạni and Toʻbadzĭstsíni followed their father's instructions to go to Toʻyĕ′tli, 163 where two rivers meet in the San Juan valley. They set up their home there, and they’re still there today; sometimes we can still see their figures in the San Juan River.164 The Navajos continue to go there to pray, but not for rain, good crops, or more livestock; they pray only for success in battle, and only the warriors go. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

IV. GROWTH OF THE NAVAHO NATION.

375. Before Estsánatlehi left, she said to Yolkaí Estsán: “Now, younger sister, I must leave you. Think well what you would most like to do after I am gone.” The younger sister replied: “I would most like to go back to Depĕ′ntsa, where our people came from.” “Alas! you will be lonely there,” said the elder sister. “You will want for some one around you to make a noise and keep you company.” Still, when Estsánatlehi left, Yolkaí Estsán turned her face toward Depĕ′ntsa. She went with the two brothers as far as Toʻyĕ′tli, and, when these stopped there, she set out alone for the mountains.

375. Before Estsánatlehi left, she said to Yolkaí Estsán: “Now, younger sister, I have to go. Think carefully about what you’d like to do most after I’m gone.” The younger sister replied: “I’d really like to go back to Depĕ′ntsa, where our people came from.” “Oh no! You’ll be lonely there,” said the elder sister. “You’ll wish you had someone around to make some noise and keep you company.” Still, when Estsánatlehi left, Yolkaí Estsán turned her face toward Depĕ′ntsa. She went with the two brothers as far as Toʻyĕ′tli, and when they stopped there, she set out alone for the mountains.

376. When she got to Depĕ′ntsa (the San Juan Mountains), she went first to a place lying east of Hadzinaí (the Place of Emergence), named Dsĭlladĭltéhi; in an old ruined pueblo on its side she rested during the day, and at night she went to the top of the mountain to sleep. On the second day she went to a mountain south of the Place of Emergence, called Dsĭlĭ′ndĭltéhi; rested on the side of the mountain during the day, and on its top at night. She began now to feel lonely, and at night she thought of how men might be made to keep her company. She wandered round in thought during the third day, and on the third night she slept on top of Dsĭltagiĭltéhi, a mountain west of Hadzinaí. On the fourth day she walked around the Place of Emergence, and wandered into the old ruins she found there. On the fourth night she went to the top of Dsĭltĭnĭltéz, the mountain which lies to the north of the Place of Emergence, and there she rested, but did not sleep; for she thought all the time about her loneliness, and of how people might be made. On the fifth day she came down to the shores of the lake which surrounded the Place of Emergence, and built a shelter of brush. “I may as well stay here,” she said to herself; “what does it avail that I wander round?” She sat up late that night thinking of her lonely condition. She felt that she could not stay there longer without companionship. She thought of her sister in the far west, of the Twelve People, of the gods that dwelt in the different mountains, and she thought she might do well to go and live with some of them.

376. When she arrived at Depĕ′ntsa (the San Juan Mountains), she first went to a spot east of Hadzinaí (the Place of Emergence), called Dsĭlladĭltéhi. She rested during the day in an old ruined pueblo on its slope, and at night she climbed to the mountain's peak to sleep. On the second day, she visited a mountain south of the Place of Emergence, known as Dsĭlĭ′ndĭltéhi, resting on its side during the day and on its summit at night. She started to feel lonely, and at night she thought about how men might be created to keep her company. On the third day, she wandered in thought and on the third night she slept on top of Dsĭltagiĭltéhi, a mountain west of Hadzinaí. On the fourth day, she strolled around the Place of Emergence and explored the old ruins she found there. On the fourth night, she climbed to the top of Dsĭltĭnĭltéz, the mountain north of the Place of Emergence, where she rested but did not sleep, as she was preoccupied with thoughts of her loneliness and how people might be made. On the fifth day, she descended to the shores of the lake surrounding the Place of Emergence and built a brush shelter. “I might as well stay here,” she told herself; “what’s the point of wandering around?” She stayed up late that night, reflecting on her solitary state. She realized that she couldn't remain there much longer without companionship. She thought of her sister in the far west, of the Twelve People, and of the gods living in the various mountains, and she considered that it might be good to go and live among some of them.

377. The next morning she heard faintly, in the early dawn, the voice of Hastséyalti shouting his usual “Wuʻhuʻhuʻhú,” in the far east. Four times the cry was uttered, each time louder and nearer. Immediately after the last call the god appeared. “Where did you save yourself?” he asked the White Shell Woman, meaning, “Where were you, that you escaped the anáye when they ravaged [136]the land?” “I was at Dsĭlnáotĭl with my sister,” she said; “but for five nights I have been all alone in these mountains. I have been hoping that something might happen to relieve my great loneliness,—that I might meet some one. Sítsaí (Grandfather), whence do you come?” He replied: “I come from Tseʻgíhi,165 the home of the gods. I pity your loneliness and wish to help you. If you remain where you are, I shall return in four days and bring Estsánatlehi, the divine ones of all the great mountains, and other gods, with me.” When he left, she built for herself a good hut with a storm door. She swept the floor clean, and made a comfortable bed of soft grass and leaves.

377. The next morning, she faintly heard, in the early dawn, the voice of Hastséyalti shouting his usual “Wuʻhuʻhuʻhú,” from the far east. He repeated the cry four times, each time louder and closer. Right after the last call, the god appeared. “Where did you hide?” he asked the White Shell Woman, meaning, “Where were you that you escaped the anáye when they ravaged [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]the land?” “I was at Dsĭlnáotĭl with my sister,” she replied; “but for five nights, I have been all alone in these mountains. I was hoping something would happen to ease my great loneliness—that I might meet someone. Sítsaí (Grandfather), where do you come from?” He answered, “I come from Tseʻgíhi,165 the home of the gods. I feel for your loneliness and want to help you. If you stay where you are, I’ll return in four days and bring Estsánatlehi, the divine ones of all the great mountains, and other gods with me.” After he left, she built herself a solid hut with a storm door. She swept the floor clean and made a comfortable bed of soft grass and leaves.

378. At dawn on the fourth day after the god departed, Yolkaí Estsán heard two voices calling,—the voice of Hastséyalti, the Talking God, and the voice of Hastséhogan, the House God. The voices were heard, as usual, four times, and immediately after the last call the gods appeared. It was dark and misty that day; the sun did not rise. Soon after the arrival of the first two, the other promised visitors came, and they all formed themselves in a circle east of the lodge, each in the place where he or she belonged. Thus the divine ones of Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni stood in the east; those of Tsótsĭl (San Mateo Mountain) in the south; those of Dokoslíd (San Francisco Mountain) in the west; those of Depĕ′ntsa (San Juan Mountain) in the north. Each one present had his appropriate place in the group. At first Yolkaí Estsán stood in the west; but her sister, Estsánatlehi, said to her: “No, my young sister; go you and stand in the east. My place is in the west,” and thus they stood during the ceremony. Estsánatlehi brought with her two sacred blankets called Dĭlpĭ′l-naská, the Dark Embroidered, and Lakaí-naská, the White Embroidered. Hastséhogan brought with him two sacred buckskins, and the Nalkénaaz (a divine couple who came together walking arm in arm) brought two ears of corn,—one yellow, one white,—which the female carried in a dish of turquoise.

378. At dawn on the fourth day after the god left, Yolkaí Estsán heard two voices calling—those of Hastséyalti, the Talking God, and Hastséhogan, the House God. The voices were heard, as usual, four times, and right after the last call, the gods appeared. It was dark and foggy that day; the sun didn’t rise. Shortly after the first two arrived, the other expected visitors showed up, and they all formed a circle to the east of the lodge, each in their designated spot. The divine beings of Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni stood in the east; those of Tsótsĭl (San Mateo Mountain) in the south; those of Dokoslid (San Francisco Mountain) in the west; those of Depĕ′ntsa (San Juan Mountain) in the north. Each one present had their proper place in the group. At first, Yolkaí Estsán stood in the west, but her sister, Estsánatlehi, told her: “No, my younger sister; go stand in the east. My place is in the west,” and so they positioned themselves during the ceremony. Estsánatlehi brought with her two sacred blankets called Dĭlpĭ′l-naská, the Dark Embroidered, and Lakaí-naská, the White Embroidered. Hastséhogan brought two sacred buckskins, and the Nalkénaaz (a divine couple who came together walking arm in arm) brought two ears of corn—one yellow, one white—which the female carried in a dish of turquoise.

379. Hastséyalti laid the sacred blankets on the ground, and spread on top of these one of the sacred buckskins with its head to the west. He took from the dish of the female Nalkénaaz the two ears of corn, handing the white ear to Tseʻgádĭnatĭni Asiké, the Rock Crystal Boy of the eastern mountain, and the yellow ear to Natáltsoi Atét, the Yellow Corn Girl of San Francisco Mountain. These divine ones laid the ears on the buckskin,—the yellow with its tip toward the west, the white with its tip toward the east. Hastséyalti picked up the ears, and nearly laid them down on the buckskin with their tips to the east, but he did not let them touch the buckskin; as he did this he uttered his own cry of “Wuʻhuʻhuʻhú.” Then he nearly laid them down with their tips to the south, giving [137]as he did so Hastséhogan’s cry of “Ha-wa-u-ú.” With similar motions he pointed the ears to the west and the north. Next he raised them toward the sky, and at length laid them down on the buckskin, with their tips to the east. He accompanied each act with a cry of his own or of Hastséhogan, alternating as in the beginning. So the ears were turned in every direction, and this is the reason the Navahoes never abide in one home like the Pueblos, but wander ever from place to place. Over the ears of corn he laid the other sacred buckskin with its head to the east, and then Nĭ′ltsi, the Wind, entered between the skins. Four times, at intervals, Hastséyalti raised the buckskins a little and peeped in. When he looked the fourth time, he saw that the white ear of corn was changed to a man, and the yellow ear to a woman. It was Nĭ′ltsi who gave them the breath of life. He entered at the heads and came out at the ends of the fingers and toes, and to this day we see his trail in the tip of every human finger. The Rock Crystal Boy furnished them with mind, and the Grasshopper Girl gave them voices. When Hastséyalti at last threw off the top buckskin, a dark cloud descended and covered like a blanket the forms of the new pair. Yolkaí Estsán led them into her hogán, and the assembled gods dispersed. Before he left, Hastséyalti promised to return in four days.

379. Hastséyalti laid the sacred blankets on the ground and placed one of the sacred buckskins on top, with its head facing west. He took two ears of corn from the dish of the female Nalkénaaz, handing the white ear to Tseʻgádĭnatĭni Asiké, the Rock Crystal Boy of the eastern mountain, and the yellow ear to Natáltsoi Atét, the Yellow Corn Girl of San Francisco Mountain. These divine beings placed the ears on the buckskin—the yellow ear with its tip towards the west, the white ear with its tip towards the east. Hastséyalti picked up the ears, almost placing them down on the buckskin with their tips to the east, but he didn't let them touch the buckskin; as he did this, he let out his own cry of "Wuʻhuʻhuʻhú." Then he nearly laid them down with their tips to the south, giving [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] as he did so Hastséhogan's cry of "Ha-wa-u-ú." With similar motions, he pointed the ears to the west and the north. Next, he raised them towards the sky, and finally placed them down on the buckskin, tip to the east. He accompanied each action with a cry of his own or of Hastséhogan, alternating as he started. Thus, the ears were turned in every direction, and this is why the Navahoes never settle in one home like the Pueblos but always wander from place to place. Over the ears of corn, he laid down the other sacred buckskin with its head to the east, and then Nĭ′ltsi, the Wind, came between the skins. Four times, at intervals, Hastséyalti raised the buckskins slightly and peeked in. When he looked the fourth time, he saw that the white ear of corn had transformed into a man, and the yellow ear into a woman. It was Nĭ′ltsi who gave them breath. He entered through their heads and came out at the ends of their fingers and toes, and to this day we see his trail in the tip of every human finger. The Rock Crystal Boy provided them with minds, and the Grasshopper Girl gave them voices. When Hastséyalti finally removed the top buckskin, a dark cloud descended and covered the forms of the new pair like a blanket. Yolkaí Estsán led them into her hogán, and the gathered gods dispersed. Before he left, Hastséyalti promised to return in four days.

380. No songs were sung and no prayers uttered during their rites, and the work was done in one day. The hogán near which all these things happened still stands; but since that time it has been transformed into a little hill. To-day (A.D. 1884) seven times old age has killed since this pair was made by the holy ones from the ears of corn. The next very old man who dies will make the eighth time.166

380. No songs were sung and no prayers were said during their ceremonies, and everything was completed in one day. The hogán where all this took place still exists; however, it has been turned into a small hill since then. Today (CE 1884) seven elderly people have died since this couple was created by the holy beings from the ears of corn. The next very old man who dies will be the eighth. 166

381. Early on the fourth morning after his departure Hastséyalti came again as he had promised, announcing his approach by calling four times as usual. When White Shell Woman heard the first call, she aroused the young people and said: “Get up, my children, and make a fire. Hastséyalti is coming.” He brought with him another couple, Hadáhonige Asiké (Mirage Boy) and Hadáhonestid Atét (Ground-heat Girl). He gave Yolkaí Estsán two ears of corn, saying, “Grind only one grain at a time,” and departed. Yolkaí Estsán said to the newly-arrived couple: “This boy and girl of corn cannot marry one another, for they are brother and sister; neither can you marry one another, for you are also brother and sister, yet I must do something for you all.” So she married the boy made of corn to the Ground-heat Girl, and the Mirage Boy to the girl made of corn. After a time each couple had two children,—a boy and a girl. When these were large enough to run around, this family all moved away from Hadzinaí, where they had lived four years, to Tseʻlakaíia [138](White Standing Rock). The two men were busy every day hunting rabbits, rats, and other such animals, for on such game they chiefly lived. From these people are descended the gens of Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni,167 House of the Dark Cliffs; so named because the gods who created the first pair came from the cliff houses of Tseʻgíhi, and brought from there the ears of corn from which this first pair was made.

381. Early on the fourth morning after his departure, Hastséyalti returned as he promised, announcing his arrival by calling four times as usual. When White Shell Woman heard the first call, she woke the young people and said: “Get up, my children, and start a fire. Hastséyalti is coming.” He brought along another couple, Hadáhonige Asiké (Mirage Boy) and Hadáhonestid Atét (Ground-heat Girl). He gave Yolkaí Estsán two ears of corn, saying, “Grind only one grain at a time,” and then he left. Yolkaí Estsán said to the newly-arrived couple: “This boy and girl made of corn cannot marry each other, because they are brother and sister; neither can you two marry one another, since you are also brother and sister, but I must do something for you all.” So she married the corn boy to Ground-heat Girl and Mirage Boy to the corn girl. After some time, each couple had two children—a boy and a girl. When they grew up enough to run around, the whole family moved away from Hadzinaí, where they had lived for four years, to Tseʻlakaíia [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] (White Standing Rock). The two men spent every day hunting rabbits, rats, and other small animals, which were their main food source. This family is the ancestor of the gens of Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni,167 House of the Dark Cliffs; they are named so because the gods who created the first pair came from the cliff houses of Tseʻgíhi and brought with them the ears of corn used to make this first pair.

382. After they had lived thirteen years at Tseʻlakaíia, during which time they had seen no sign of the existence of any people but themselves, they beheld one night the gleam of a distant fire. They sought for the fire all that night and the next day, but could not find it. The next night they saw it again in the same place, and the next day they searched with greater vigilance, but in vain. On the third night, when the distant gleam shone again through the darkness, they determined to adopt some means, better than they had previously taken, to locate it. They drove a forked stick firmly into the ground; one of the men got down on his hands and knees, spreading them as wide apart as possible, and sighted the fire through the fork of the stick. Next morning he carefully placed his hands and knees in the tracks which they had made the night before, and once more looked through the fork. His sight was thus guided to a little wooded hollow on the side of a far-off mountain. One of the men walked over to the mountain and entered the little hollow, which was small and could be explored in a few moments; but he discovered no fire, no ashes, no human tracks, no evidence of the presence of man. On the fourth night all the adults of the party took sight over the forked stick at the far twinkle, and in the morning when they looked again they found they had all sighted the same little grove on the distant mountain-side. “Strange!” said the man who had hunted there the day before; “the place is small. I went all through it again and again. There was no sign of life there, and not a drop of water that could reflect a ray from a star or from the moon.” Then all the males of the family, men and boys, went to explore the little wood. Just as they were about to return, having found nothing, Wind whispered into the ear of one: “You are deceived. That light shines through a crack in the mountain at night. Cross the ridge and you will find the fire.”168 They had not gone far over the ridge when they saw the footprints of men, then the footprints of children, and soon they came to the camp. One party was as much rejoiced as the other to find people like themselves in the wilderness. They embraced one another, and shouted mutual greetings and questions. “Whence do you come?” said the strangers. “From Tseʻlakaíia,” was the response. “And whence come you?” asked the men of [139]the White Standing Rock. “We tarried last,” replied the strangers, “at Toʻĭ′ndotsos, a poor country, where we lived on ducks and snakes.169 We have been here only a few days, and now we live on ground-rats, prairie-dogs, and wild seeds.” The new party consisted of twelve persons,—five men, three women, one grown girl, one grown boy, and two small children. The Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni people took the strangers home with them, and Yolkaí Estsán welcomed them, saying: “Ahaláni sastsíni!” (Greeting, my children!) The place where the Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni found the strangers encamped was called Tséʻtlana (Bend in a Canyon); so they gave them the name of Tseʻtláni, or Tseʻtlánidĭneʻ, and from them is descended the present gens of Tseʻtláni in the Navaho nation.

382. After living in Tseʻlakaíia for thirteen years, during which they hadn’t seen any sign of other people, they spotted a distant glow of a fire one night. They searched for the fire all night and the next day but couldn't find it. The following night, they saw it again in the same spot, and the next day, they searched even more carefully, but without success. On the third night, when the distant glimmer appeared again through the dark, they decided to come up with a better plan to find it. They firmly stuck a forked stick in the ground; one of the men got down on his hands and knees, stretching them wide apart, and aimed at the fire through the fork of the stick. The next morning, he carefully placed his hands and knees in the tracks they had made the night before and looked through the fork once more. His sight led him to a small wooded hollow on the side of a distant mountain. One of the men made his way to the mountain and entered the little hollow, which was small enough to explore in just a few moments; however, he found no fire, no ashes, no human tracks, and no signs of any people. On the fourth night, all the adults in the party looked over the forked stick at the far twinkle, and in the morning, when they looked again, they all observed the same little grove on the distant mountainside. “Strange!” said the man who had searched there the day before; “the place is small. I went through it repeatedly. There was no sign of life there, and not a drop of water that could reflect a star or the moon.” Then all the males of the family, men and boys, went to investigate the little wood. Just as they were about to head back, having found nothing, Wind whispered into the ear of one: “You’re mistaken. That light shines through a crack in the mountain at night. Cross the ridge, and you will find the fire.”168 They hadn’t gone far over the ridge when they saw footprints of men, then footprints of children, and soon they arrived at the camp. Both parties were equally thrilled to discover others like themselves in the wilderness. They embraced each other, shouting greetings and questions. “Where do you come from?” asked the strangers. “From Tseʻlakaíia,” was the reply. “And where do you come from?” asked the men of [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]the White Standing Rock. “We last stayed,” answered the strangers, “at Toʻĭ′ndotsos, a poor area, where we lived on ducks and snakes.169 We’ve only been here a few days, and now we survive on ground-rats, prairie-dogs, and wild seeds.” The new group consisted of twelve people—five men, three women, one grown girl, one grown boy, and two small children. The Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni welcomed the strangers into their home, and Yolkaí Estsán greeted them, saying: “Ahaláni sastsíni!” (Greetings, my children!) The area where the Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni found the strangers camping was called Tséʻtlana (Bend in a Canyon), so they named them Tseʻtláni, or Tseʻtlánidĭneʻ, and from them is descended the current gens of Tseʻtláni in the Navaho nation.

383. The next morning after the arrival of the Tseʻtláni, Hastséyalti came once more to the lodge of the White Shell Woman; but he talked with her apart from the others, and when he was gone she told no one what he said. In three days he came back again; again they talked apart, and when Hastséyalti was gone she remained silent. It was her custom to sleep with one of the little girls, who was her favorite and companion. In the morning after the second visit of Hastséyalti she said to this little girl: “I am going to leave you. The gods of Tseʻgíhi have sent for me; but I shall not forget your people, and shall come often to watch over them and be near them. Tell them this when they waken.” When she had spoken she disappeared from the sight of the little girl, and when the people woke they searched, but could find her nowhere. They supposed she had gone to Tseʻgíhi and tarried there a while before she went to Depĕ′ntsa to dwell forever in the house of White Shell, which had been prepared for her there. The fourth night after the departure of Yolkaí Estsán the little girl had a dream, which she related to her people in the morning. In the vision she saw Yolkaí Estsán, who said to her: “My grandchild, I am going to Depĕ′ntsa to dwell. I would take you with me, for I love you, were it not that your parents would mourn for you. But look always for the she-rain when it comes near your dwelling, for I shall ever be in the she-rain.”

383. The next morning after the Tseʻtláni arrived, Hastséyalti visited the lodge of the White Shell Woman again; he spoke with her privately, away from everyone else, and after he left, she didn't share what they talked about. Three days later, he returned, and once more they talked privately. When Hastséyalti left, she stayed quiet. It was her habit to sleep with one of the little girls, who was her favorite and companion. The morning after Hastséyalti's second visit, she told this little girl, “I’m going to leave you. The gods of Tseʻgíhi have called for me; but I won’t forget your people, and I’ll come often to watch over them and be close to them. Tell them this when they wake up.” After saying this, she vanished from the little girl's sight, and when the people woke up, they searched but couldn’t find her anywhere. They assumed she had gone to Tseʻgíhi and would stay there for a while before moving to Depĕ′ntsa to live forever in the house of White Shell, which had been prepared for her there. On the fourth night after Yolkaí Estsán left, the little girl had a dream, which she shared with her people in the morning. In the dream, she saw Yolkaí Estsán, who said to her, “My grandchild, I am going to Depĕ′ntsa to live. I would take you with me, because I love you, but your parents would be heartbroken. But always look for the she-rain when it comes near your home, because I will always be in the she-rain.”

384. While at White Standing Rock the men wandered much around the country in search of food. Some who had been to Tdokónzi (Saline Water) said the latter was a better place than than that in which they lived; that there were some porcupines there, an abundance of rats, prairie-dogs, and seed-bearing plants; and that there were steep-sided mesa points in the neighborhood where they might surround large game.170 After the departure of Yolkaí Estsán the people all moved to Tdokónzi;171 but they remained here only a few days, and then went to Tsaʻolgáhasze. [140]Here they planted some grains of corn from the two ears that Hastséyalti had given them long ago. This was a very prolific kind of corn; when planted, several stalks sprouted from each grain, and a single grain, when ground, produced a large quantity of meal, which lasted them many days.

384. While at White Standing Rock, the men explored the area a lot in search of food. Some who had visited Tdokónzi (Saline Water) claimed it was a better place than where they were living; they mentioned that there were porcupines, plenty of rats, prairie dogs, and seed-bearing plants there; and that there were steep mesa points nearby where they could surround large game.170 After Yolkaí Estsán left, everyone moved to Tdokónzi;171 but they only stayed for a few days before heading to Tsaʻolgáhasze. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]There, they planted some corn kernels from the two ears that Hastséyalti had given them a long time ago. This variety of corn was very productive; when planted, several stalks grew from each kernel, and one kernel, when ground, yielded a large amount of meal that lasted them many days.

385. When they had been fourteen years at Tsaʻolgáhasze they were joined by another people, who came from the sacred mountain of Dsĭlnáotĭl, and were therefore called Dsĭlnaotĭ′lni, or Dsĭlnaotĭ′ldĭneʻ. These were regarded as dĭnéʻ dĭgíni, or holy people, because they had no tradition of their recent creation, and were supposed to have escaped the fury of the alien gods by means of some miraculous protection. They did not camp at first with the older settlers, but dwelt a little apart, and sent often to the latter to borrow pots and metates. After a while all joined together as one people, and for a long time these three gentes have been as one gens and have become close relations to one another. The new-comers dug among old ruins and found pots and stone axes; with the latter they built themselves huts.

385. After fourteen years in Tsaʻolgáhasze, they were joined by another group that came from the sacred mountain of Dsĭlnáotĭl, and were thus called Dsĭlnaotĭ′lni, or Dsĭlnaotĭ′ldĭneʻ. These people were seen as dĭnéʻ dĭgíni, or holy people, because they didn't have a tradition of recent creation and were believed to have escaped the wrath of the foreign gods through some miraculous protection. Initially, they didn’t camp with the older settlers but lived a bit apart, often sending requests to borrow pots and grinding stones. Eventually, everyone came together as one group, and for a long time, these three clans have acted as one family and formed close relationships with each other. The newcomers dug through old ruins and found pots and stone axes, which they used to build huts.

386. Seven years after the arrival of the Dsĭlnaotĭ′lni a fourth gens joined the Navahoes. The new arrivals said they had been seeking for the Dsĭlnaotĭ′lni all over the land for many years. Sometimes they would come upon the dead bushes of old camps. Sometimes they would find deserted brush shelters, partly green, or, again, quite green and fresh. Occasionally they would observe faint footprints, and think they were just about to meet another people like themselves in the desolate land; but again all traces of humanity would be lost. They were rejoiced to meet at last the people they so long had sought. The new-comers camped close to the Dsĭlnaotĭ′lni, and discovered that they and the latter carried similar red arrow-holders,172 such as the other gentes did not have, and this led them to believe that they were related to the Dsĭlnaotĭ′lni. The Navahoes did not then make large skin quivers such as they have in these days; they carried their arrows in simpler contrivances. The strangers said that they came from a place called Haskánhatso (much Yucca baccata), and that they were the Haskándĭneʻ, or Yucca People; but the older gentes called them Haskánhatso, or Haskanhatsódĭneʻ, from the place whence they came.173

386. Seven years after the arrival of the Dsĭlnaoitilni, a fourth group joined the Navajos. The newcomers said they had been searching for the Dsĭlnaoitilni all over the land for many years. Sometimes they would come across the dead bushes of old camps. Other times, they would find abandoned brush shelters, either partially green or fully green and fresh. Occasionally, they would notice faint footprints and think they were close to encountering another group like themselves in the desolate land, but then all signs of humanity would vanish. They were thrilled to finally meet the people they had long sought. The newcomers camped close to the Dsĭlnaoitilni and discovered that they and the latter used similar red arrow-holders, which the other groups did not have, leading them to believe they were related to the Dsĭlnaoitilni. The Navajos at that time did not make large skin quivers like they do today; they carried their arrows in simpler containers. The strangers said they came from a place called Haskánhatsó (lots of Yucca baccata) and that they were the Haskándine, or Yucca People; however, the older groups referred to them as Haskánhatsó or Haskanhatsodíne, based on the place from which they came.

387. Fourteen years after the accession of the fourth gens, the Navahoes moved to Kĭntyél (which was then a ruin), in the Chaco Canyon. They camped there at night in a scattering fashion, and made so many fires that they attracted the attention of some strangers camped on a distant mountain, and these strangers came down next day to find out who the numerous people were that kindled [141]so many fires. As the strangers, who were also dĭnéʻ dĭgíni, or holy people, said they came from Nahopá (Place of the Brown Horizontal Streak), the Navahoes called them Nahopáni. They joined the tribe, camping near the Haskánhatso and Dsĭlnaotĭ′lni.

387. Fourteen years after the fourth gens took power, the Navajos moved to Kĭntyél (which was then a ruin) in Chaco Canyon. They set up camp there at night in a scattered manner and lit so many fires that they caught the attention of some strangers camping on a distant mountain. These strangers came down the next day to find out who the numerous people were that had started [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]so many fires. Since the strangers, who were also dĭnéʻ dĭgíni, or holy people, said they came from Nahopá (Place of the Brown Horizontal Streak), the Navajos referred to them as Nahopáni. They joined the tribe, camping near the Haskánhatso and Dsĭlnaotĭ′lni.

388. It was autumn when the fifth gens was received. Then the whole tribe moved to the banks of the San Juan River and settled at a place called Tsĭntóʻbetlo174 (Tree Sweeping Water), where a peculiar white tree hangs over the stream and sweeps the surface of the water with its long branches: there is no other tree of its kind near by. Here they determined to remain some time and raise crops; so they built warm huts for the winter, and all the fall and winter, when the days were fair, they worked in the bottom-lands grubbing up roots and getting the soil ready for gardens to be planted in the spring. The elder gentes camped farther down the stream than those more newly arrived.

388. It was autumn when the fifth gens was welcomed. The entire tribe then moved to the banks of the San Juan River and settled in a place called Tsĭntóʻbetlo174 (Tree Sweeping Water), where a unique white tree hangs over the stream and brushes the surface of the water with its long branches: there’s no other tree like it nearby. They decided to stay there for a while and grow crops, so they built warm huts for the winter. Throughout the fall and winter, whenever the weather was nice, they worked in the lowlands, clearing roots and preparing the soil for gardens to be planted in the spring. The older gentes camped further down the stream than the newcomers.

389. In those days the language which the Navahoes spoke was not the same they speak now. It was a poor language then; it is better in these days.

389. Back then, the language the Navajos spoke was different from the one they speak today. It was a limited language then; it's much richer these days.

390. When the tribe had been living six years on the banks of the San Juan, a band joined them who came from Tsĭ′nadzĭn175 (Black Horizontal Forest), and were named as a gens from the place whence they came. The Navahoes observed that in this band there was a man who talked a great deal to the people almost every morning and evening. The Navahoes did not at first understand what this meant; but after a while they learned he spoke to his people because he was their chief. His name was Nabĭnĭltáhi.

390. After the tribe had been living for six years by the banks of the San Juan, a group arrived from Tsĭ′nadzĭn175 (Black Horizontal Forest), and they were identified by the name of their origin. The Navahoes noticed that in this group there was a man who often spoke to the people nearly every morning and evening. At first, the Navahoes didn't understand what this meant, but eventually, they learned that he spoke to his people because he was their chief. His name was Nabĭnĭltáhi.

391. While living at the San Juan the people amused themselves much with games. They played mostly nánzoz76 in the daytime and kĕsĭtsé176 at night. They had as yet no horses, domestic sheep, or goats. They rarely succeeded in killing deer or Rocky Mountain sheep. When they secured deer it was sometimes by still-hunting them, sometimes by surrounding one and making it run till it was exhausted, and sometimes by driving them over precipices. When a man got two skins of these larger animals he made a garment of them by tying the fore-legs together over his shoulders. The woman wore a garment consisting of two webs of woven cedar bark, one hanging in front and one behind; all wore sandals of yucca fibre or cedar bark. They had headdresses made of weasel-skins and rat-skins, with the tails hanging down behind. These headdresses were often ornamented with colored artificial horns, made out of wood, or with the horns of the female mountain sheep shaved thin. Their blankets were made of cedar bark, of yucca fibre, or of skins sewed together.177 Each house had, in front of the door, a long passageway, in which hung two curtains,—one at the [142]outer, the other at the inner end,—made usually of woven cedar bark. In winter they brought in plenty of wood at night, closed both curtains, and made the house warm before they went to sleep. Their bows were of plain wood then; the Navahoes had not yet learned to put animal fibre on the backs of the bows.178 Their arrows were mostly of reeds tipped with wood; but some made wooden arrows.180 The bottom-land which they farmed was surrounded by high bluffs, and hemmed in up-stream and down-stream by jutting bluffs which came close to the river. After a time the tribe became too numerous for all to dwell and farm on this spot, so some went up in the bluffs to live and built stone storehouses in the cliffs,179 while others—the Tsĭnadzĭ′ni—went below the lower promontory to make gardens. Later yet, some moved across the San Juan and raised crops on the other side of the stream.180

391. While living at the San Juan, the people entertained themselves a lot with games. They mostly played nánzoz76 during the day and kĕsĭtsé176 at night. They still didn’t have horses, domesticated sheep, or goats. They rarely managed to hunt deer or Rocky Mountain sheep. When they did catch deer, it was sometimes by quietly stalking them, sometimes by surrounding one and making it run until it was exhausted, and sometimes by driving them off cliffs. When a man got two hides from these larger animals, he made a garment by tying the front legs together over his shoulders. The women wore garments made of two pieces of woven cedar bark, one hanging in front and one in back; everyone wore sandals made of yucca fiber or cedar bark. They had headdresses made from weasel and rat skins, with the tails hanging down behind. These headdresses were often decorated with colorful artificial horns made from wood, or with thinly shaved horns from female mountain sheep. Their blankets were made from cedar bark, yucca fiber, or sewn-together hides.177 Each house had a long passage in front of the door, where two curtains hung—one at the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] outer end and the other at the inner end—typically made from woven cedar bark. In winter, they would bring in plenty of wood at night, close both curtains, and make the house warm before going to sleep. Their bows were made of plain wood back then; the Navahoes had not yet learned to add animal fiber to the backs of the bows.178 Their arrows were mostly made of reeds tipped with wood, though some made wooden arrows.180 The lowland they farmed was surrounded by high cliffs, and it was bordered upstream and downstream by jutting bluffs that came close to the river. After a while, the tribe became too large for everyone to live and farm in that area, so some went up into the cliffs to live and built stone storages in the rock,179 while others—the Tsĭnadzĭ′ni—went below the lower promontory to create gardens. Later on, some moved across the San Juan and cultivated crops on the other side of the stream.180

392. Eight years after the coming of the Tsĭnadzĭ′ni, some fires were observed at night on a distant eminence north of the river, and spies were sent out to see who made them. The spies brought back word that they had found a party of strangers encamped at a place called Thaʻnĕzáʻ, Among the Scattered (Hills). Soon after, this party came in and joined the Navahoes, making a new gens, which was called Thaʻnĕzáʻni. The strangers said they were descended from the Hadáhonigedĭneʻ, or Mirage People. The remains of their old huts are still to be seen at Thaʻnĕzáʻ.

392. Eight years after the arrival of the Tsĭnadzĭ′ni, some fires were spotted at night on a distant hill north of the river, and spies were sent out to find out who was making them. The spies reported back that they had discovered a group of strangers camped at a place called Thaʻnĕzáʻ, Among the Scattered (Hills). Soon after, this group came in and joined the Navahoes, forming a new clan called Thaʻnĕzáʻni. The newcomers claimed they were descendants of the Hadáhonigedĭneʻ, or Mirage People. The remnants of their old huts are still visible at Thaʻnĕzáʻ.

393. Five years after the Thaʻnĕzáʻni were added, another people joined the tribe; but what gods sent them none could tell. They came from a place called Dsĭltláʻ (Base of Mountain), and were given the name of Dsĭltláʻni. As they had headdresses, bows, arrows, and arrow-holders similar to those of the Thaʻnĕzáʻni they concluded they must be related to the latter. Ever since, these two gentes have been very close friends,—so close that a member of one cannot marry a member of the other. The Dsĭltláʻni knew how to make wicker water-bottles, carrying-baskets, and earthen pots, and they taught their arts to the rest of the people.

393. Five years after the Thaʻnĕzáʻni joined the tribe, another group came along; but no one knew what gods brought them. They came from a place called Dsĭltláʻ (Base of Mountain) and were named Dsĭltláʻni. Since they had headdresses, bows, arrows, and quivers similar to those of the Thaʻnĕzáʻni, they assumed they must be related. Ever since then, these two groups have been very close friends—so close that a member of one cannot marry someone from the other. The Dsĭltláʻni knew how to make wicker water bottles, carrying baskets, and clay pots, and they taught their skills to the rest of the tribe.

394. Five years later, they were joined on the San Juan by a numerous band who came originally from a place called Tháʻpahahalkaí, White Valley among the Waters, which is near where the city of Santa Fé now stands. These people had long viewed in the western distance the mountains where the Navahoes dwelt, wondering if any one lived there, and at length decided to go thither. They journeyed westward twelve days till they reached the mountains, and they spent eight days travelling among them before they encountered the Navahoes. Then they settled at Toʻĭ′ndotsos and lived there twelve years, subsisting on ducks and fish,169 but making no farms. All this time they were friendly to the Navahoes and [143]exchanged visits; but, finding no special evidences of relationship with the latter, they dwelt apart. When at length they came to the San Juan to live, marriages had taken place between members of the two tribes, and the people from Among the Waters became a part of the Navaho nation, forming the gens of Tháʻpaha. They settled at a place called Hyíĕtyĭn (Trails Leading Upward), close to the Navahoes. Here was a smooth, sandy plain, which they thought would be good for farming, and the chief, whose name was Góntso, or Big Knee, had stakes set around the plain to show that his people claimed it. The people of the new gens were good hunters, skilled in making weapons and beautiful buckskin shirts, and they taught their arts to the other gentes.

394. Five years later, they were joined on the San Juan by a large group who originally came from a place called Thápaháhlka, White Valley among the Waters, located near what is now the city of Santa Fé. These people had often looked at the mountains in the west where the Navahoes lived, wondering if anyone resided there, and eventually decided to go there. They traveled west for twelve days until they reached the mountains, spending eight days exploring them before they met the Navahoes. They then settled at Toʻĭ′ndotsos and lived there for twelve years, relying on ducks and fish, 169 but not cultivating any farms. Throughout this time, they maintained a friendly relationship with the Navahoes and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] exchanged visits; however, finding no strong ties to the Navahoes, they lived separately. When they finally moved to the San Juan, marriages occurred between members of the two tribes, and the people from Among the Waters became part of the Navaho nation, forming the gens of Tháʻpaha. They set up at a place called Hyíĕtyĭn (Trails Leading Upward), near the Navahoes. Here, they found a smooth, sandy plain that they thought would be suitable for farming, and the chief, named Góntso, or Big Knee, put up stakes around the plain to mark his people’s claim. The members of the new gens were excellent hunters, skilled in crafting weapons and beautiful buckskin shirts, and they shared their skills with the other gentes.

395. The Tháʻpaha then spoke a language more like the modern Navaho than that which the other gentes spoke. The languages were not alike. The chief of the Tsĭnadzĭ′ni and Góntso often visited one another at night, year after year, for the purpose of uniting the two languages and picking out the words in each that were best. But the words of the Tháʻpaha were usually the best and plainest;182 so the new language resembles the Tháʻpaha more than it resembles the old Navaho.

395. The Tháʻpaha spoke a language that was closer to modern Navajo than the languages spoken by the other groups. The languages were quite different from each other. The chiefs of the Tsĭnadzĭ′ni and Góntso would visit each other at night, year after year, with the goal of merging the two languages and choosing the best words from each. However, the words of the Tháʻpaha were generally the best and most straightforward;182 so the new language resembles the Tháʻpaha more than it does the old Navajo.

396. While the Tháʻpaha lived at Hyíĕtyĭn they had always abundant crops,—better crops than their neighbors had. Sometimes they could not harvest all they raised, and let food lie ungathered in the field. They built stone storehouses, something like pueblo houses, among the cliffs, and in these stored their corn. The storehouses stand there yet. The Tháʻpaha remained at Hyíĕtyĭn thirteen years, during which time many important events occurred, as will be told, and then they moved to Azdeltsígi.

396. While the Tháʻpaha lived at Hyíĕtyĭn, they always had plenty of crops—better crops than their neighbors. Sometimes they couldn't harvest everything they grew, leaving food unpicked in the fields. They built stone storage houses, similar to pueblo homes, among the cliffs, where they stored their corn. Those storage houses are still there today. The Tháʻpaha stayed at Hyíĕtyĭn for thirteen years, during which many significant events took place, as will be described, and then they moved to Azdeltsígi.

397. Góntso had twelve wives; four of these were from the gens of Tsĭnadzĭ′ni, four from the gens of Dsĭltláʻni, and four from the gens of Thaʻnĕzáʻni. He used to give much grain from his abundant harvests to the gentes to which his wives belonged; but, in spite of his generosity, his wives were unfaithful to him. He complained to their relations and to their chiefs; these remonstrated with the wives, but failed to improve their ways. At last they lost patience with the women and said to Góntso: “Do with them as you will. We shall not interfere.” So the next wife whom he detected in crime he mutilated in a shameful way, and she died in consequence. He cut off the ears of the next transgressor, and she, too, died. He amputated the breasts of the third wife who offended him, and she died also. He cut off the nose of the fourth; she did not die. He determined then that cutting the nose should, in future, be the greatest punishment imposed on the faithless wife,—something that would disfigure but not kill,—and the rest of the [144]people agreed with him.183 But this had no effect on the remaining wives; they continued to lapse from virtue till all were noseless. Then they got together and began to plot mischief against their husband, Big Knee. They spoke so openly of their evil intentions that he feared to let any of them stay in his lodge at night and he slept alone.

397. Góntso had twelve wives; four of them were from the Tsĭnadzĭ′ni clan, four from the Dsĭltláʻni clan, and four from the Thaʻnĕzáʻni clan. He used to share a lot of grain from his plentiful harvests with the clans to which his wives belonged; however, despite his generosity, his wives were unfaithful to him. He complained to their families and their leaders; they scolded the wives, but it didn’t change their behavior. Eventually, they lost patience with the women and told Góntso: “Do whatever you want with them. We won’t interfere.” So the next wife he caught cheating, he punished in a brutal way, and she died as a result. He cut off the ears of the next woman who betrayed him, and she also died. He amputated the breasts of the third wife who offended him, and she died too. He cut off the nose of the fourth wife; she survived. He then decided that cutting off the nose would be the harshest punishment for an unfaithful wife—something that would disfigure but not kill—and the rest of the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]people agreed with him.183 But this didn’t change the behavior of the other wives; they kept straying until all of them were noseless. Then they banded together and started plotting against their husband, Big Knee. They spoke so openly about their wicked plans that he became afraid to let any of them stay in his lodge at night and began sleeping alone.

398. About this time the people determined to have a great ceremony for the benefit of Big Knee; so they made great preparations and held a rite of nine days’ duration.184 During its progress the mutilated women remained in a hut by themselves, and talked about the unkindness of their people and the vengeance due to their husband. They said one to another: “We should leave our people and go elsewhere.” On the last night of the ceremony there was a series of public exhibitions in a corral, or circle of branches, such as the Navahoes have now on the last night of the ceremony of the mountain chant,185 and among the different alíli, or entertainments of the night, was a dance by the mutilated women. When their time came they entered the circle, each bearing a knife in her hand, and danced around the central fire, peering among the spectators as if searching for their husband; but he was hidden in the wall of branches that formed the circle. As they danced they sang a song the burden of which was “Pésla asilá.” (It was the knife that did it to me.) When they had finished their dance they left the corral, and, in the darkness without, screamed maledictions at their people, saying: “May the waters drown ye! May the winters freeze ye! May the fires burn ye! May the lightnings strike ye!” and much more. Having cursed till they were tired, they departed for the far north, where they still dwell, and now, whenever they turn their faces to the south, we have cold winds and storms and lightning.

398. Around this time, the people decided to hold a big ceremony for Big Knee, so they made extensive preparations and conducted a ritual that lasted nine days.184 During this time, the mutilated women stayed in a hut by themselves, discussing the harshness of their people and the revenge their husbands deserved. They said to each other, “We should leave our people and find a new place.” On the last night of the ceremony, there were public performances in a corral, or circle of branches, similar to what the Navahoes do now during the final night of the mountain chant ceremony.185 Among the various events that night was a dance by the mutilated women. When it was their turn, they entered the circle, each holding a knife, and danced around the central fire, scanning the audience as if searching for their husband, who was hidden behind the wall of branches that made up the circle. As they danced, they sang a song with the refrain “Pésla asilá.” (It was the knife that did it to me.) After finishing their dance, they exited the corral and, in the darkness outside, shouted curses at their people, saying: “May the waters drown you! May the winters freeze you! May the fires burn you! May the lightnings strike you!” and much more. After cursing until they were exhausted, they headed north, where they still live, and now, whenever they look south, we experience cold winds, storms, and lightning.

399. Not long after this memorable ceremony a number of Utes visited the Navahoes. They came when the corn-ears were small, and remained till the corn was harvested. They worked for the Navahoes, and when their stomachs were filled all left except one family, which consisted of an old couple, two girls, and a boy. These at first intended to stay but a short time after their friends had gone; but they tarried longer and longer, and postponed their going from time to time, till they ended by staying with the Navahoes till they died. They made particular friends with the Tháʻpaha, and got into the way of speaking to the latter people as they would to relations. One of the girls, whose name was Tsáʻyĭskĭd (Sage-Brush Hill), lived to be an old woman and the mother of many children. From her is descended the gens of Tsaʻyĭskĭ′dni, which is so closely allied to the Tháʻpaha that a member of one of these gentes may not marry a member of the other. [145]

399. Shortly after this memorable ceremony, a group of Utes visited the Navahoes. They arrived when the corn ears were small and stayed until the corn was harvested. They worked for the Navahoes, and once they were full, everyone left except for one family, which included an elderly couple, two girls, and a boy. Initially, they planned to stay only a short time after their friends had left, but they lingered longer and longer, postponing their departure repeatedly, until they ended up living with the Navahoes until they died. They became particularly close friends with the Tháʻpaha and began to speak to them as if they were relatives. One of the girls, named Tsáʻyĭskĭd (Sage-Brush Hill), lived to be an old woman and had many children. From her descended the gens of Tsaʻyĭskĭ′dni, which is so closely tied to the Tháʻpaha that a member of one group may not marry someone from the other. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

400. Soon after the departure of the Utes the Navahoes were joined by a group of people who, when they came to tell their story, were found to have come from Tháʻpaha-halkaí, and to have made wanderings similar to those of the people who first came from that place. The new people spoke, also, the same language as the Tháʻpaha. For these reasons they were not formed into a new gens, but were joined to the gens of Tháʻpaha.

400. Soon after the Utes left, the Navahoes were joined by a group of people who, when they shared their story, revealed they came from Tháʻpaha-halkaí and had journeys similar to those of the people who first came from that place. The newcomers also spoke the same language as the Tháʻpaha. Because of this, they weren’t organized into a new clan but were incorporated into the clan of Tháʻpaha.

401. Some years later a large band came from the south to the settlement on the San Juan. It consisted of Apaches, who told the Navahoes that they had left their old tribe forever and desired to become Navahoes. They had not come to visit, they said, but to stay. They all belonged to one gens among the Apaches,—the gens of Tseʻzindiaí (Trap-dyke),186 and they were admitted into the tribe as a new gens with their old name. From the beginning they showed a desire to associate with Tháʻpaha, and now they are closely related to the latter and must not marry with them. Another band of Apaches, which came a little later, was added to the same gens.

401. A few years later, a large group came from the south to the settlement on the San Juan. They were Apaches who told the Navahoes that they had left their old tribe for good and wanted to become Navahoes. They claimed they hadn’t come to visit but to settle down. They all belonged to one clan among the Apaches—the clan of Tseʻzindiaí (Trap-dyke)—and they were welcomed into the tribe as a new clan with their original name. From the start, they expressed a desire to connect with Tháʻpaha, and now they are closely related to them and are not allowed to marry within that group. Another band of Apaches arrived a little later and was also added to the same clan.

402. About this time there was a great famine in Zuñi, and some people from this pueblo came to the San Juan to dwell with the Navahoes. They came first to the Tháʻpaha, and, although they had women in the party, they were not formed into a new gens, but added to Tháʻpaha. The gens of Zuñi was formed later.

402. Around this time, there was a severe famine in Zuñi, and some people from this pueblo moved to San Juan to live with the Navahos. They first arrived at Tháʻpaha, and even though there were women in the group, they didn't establish a new clan but joined Tháʻpaha instead. The Zuñi clan was formed later.

403. The famine prevailed also at other pueblos, and some starving people came to the Navahoes from an old pueblo named Klógi, which was near where the pueblo of Jemez now stands. These formed the gens of Klógi, and made special friends of the Tháʻpaha.

403. The famine also affected other pueblos, and some starving people came to the Navahoes from an old pueblo called Klógi, which was near where the pueblo of Jemez is today. They became known as the gens of Klógi and became close friends with the Tháʻpaha.

404. The next accession was a family of seven adults, who came from a place called Tóʻhani (Near the Water). They first visited the Dsĭltláʻni and remained, forming the gens of Tóʻhani, affiliated now with Dsĭltláʻni.

404. The next group was a family of seven adults, who came from a place called Tóʻhani (Near the Water). They initially visited the Dsĭltláʻni and decided to stay, forming the community of Tóʻhani, now connected with Dsĭltláʻni.

405. The people who joined the Navahoes next after the Tóʻhani came from a place called Thaʻtsí, Among the Red (Waters or Banks), which was west of the San Juan settlement. From their traditions it appeared that they were not a newly created people; they had escaped in some way from the alien gods, and were for these reasons regarded as dĭnéʻ dĭgíni, or holy people. They were divided into two gentes, Tháʻtsini and Kaídĭneʻ, or Willow People, and for a while they formed two gentes among the Navahoes; but in these days all traces of this division have been lost, and all their descendants are now called, without distinction, sometimes Tháʻtsini and sometimes Kai or Kaídĭneʻ.

405. The people who joined the Navahoes after the Tóʻhani came from a place called Thaʻtsí, Among the Red (Waters or Banks), which was to the west of the San Juan settlement. From their traditions, it seemed they were not a newly created people; they had somehow escaped from the alien gods and were seen as dĭnéʻ dĭgíni, or holy people. They were split into two groups, Tháʻtsini and Kaídĭneʻ, or Willow People, and for a time, they made up two groups among the Navahoes; but today, all traces of this division have disappeared, and all their descendants are now referred to, without distinction, sometimes as Tháʻtsini and sometimes as Kai or Kaídĭneʻ.

406. Before this time the Navahoes had been a weak and peaceable tribe; but now they found themselves becoming a numerous [146]people and they began to talk of going to war. Of late years they had heard much of the great pueblos along the Rio Grande, but how their people had saved themselves from the anáye the Navahoes did not know. A man named Napaílĭnta got up a war party and made a raid on a pueblo named Kĭnlĭtsí (Red House), and returned with some captives, among whom was a girl captured by Napaílĭnta. From her is descended the gens of Kĭnlĭtsí, whose members are now close relations to Tsĭnadzĭ′ni (the gens of Napaílĭnta), and cannot intermarry with the latter.

406. Before this time, the Navajos had been a small and peaceful tribe; but now they found themselves growing into a large [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]people and began to consider going to war. Recently, they had heard a lot about the great pueblos along the Rio Grande, but they didn't know how those people had defended themselves against the anáye. A man named Napaílĭnta formed a war party and launched a raid on a pueblo called Kĭnlĭtsí (Red House), and returned with some captives, including a girl who had been taken by Napaílĭnta. From her is descended the gens of Kĭnlĭtsí, whose members are now close relatives of Tsĭnadzĭ′ni (the gens of Napaílĭnta), and cannot intermarry with them.

407. The captives from Kĭnlĭtsí were, at first, slaves among the Navahoes;187 but their descendants became free and increased greatly, and from them came another gens, Tlĭziláni, Many Goats, also closely related to Tsĭnadzĭ′ni.

407. The captives from Kĭnlĭtsí were initially slaves among the Navahoes;187 but their descendants eventually became free and thrived, giving rise to another group, Tlĭziláni, Many Goats, which is also closely related to Tsĭnadzĭ′ni.

408. Next in order came a band of Apaches from the south representing two gentes,—Dĕstsíni (Red Streak People), and Tlastsíni (Red Flat Ground People). These were adopted by the Navahoes as two separate gentes and became close relations to the Tsĭnadzĭ′ni.

408. Next, a group of Apaches arrived from the south, representing two clans: Dĕstsíni (Red Streak People) and Tlastsíni (Red Flat Ground People). The Navahoes adopted them as two separate clans, and they formed close ties with the Tsĭnadzĭ′ni.

409. Not long after the arrival of these Apaches some Utes came into the neighborhood of the Navahoes, camping at a place called Tséʻdiʻyikáni (a ridge or promontory projecting into the river), not far from Hyíĕtyĭn. They had good arms of all kinds, and two varieties of shields,—one round and one with a crescentic cut in the top. They lived for a while by themselves, and were at first unruly and impertinent; but in the course of time they merged into the Navahoes, forming the gens of Notá or Notádĭneʻ, Ute People.

409. Shortly after the Apaches arrived, some Utes came into the area near the Navahoes, camping at a spot called Tséʻdiʻyikáni (a ridge or promontory extending into the river), not far from Hyíĕtyĭn. They had a variety of good weapons and two types of shields—one round and one with a crescent shape cut at the top. They lived apart for a while and were initially unruly and disrespectful; but over time, they blended in with the Navahoes, forming the clan of Notá or Notádĭneʻ, Ute People.

410. About the time they were incorporated by the Navahoes, or soon after, a war party of the Utes made a raid on a Mexican settlement, somewhere near where Socorro now is, and captured a Spanish woman. She was their slave; but her descendants became free among the Navahoes and formed the Nakaídĭneʻ (White Stranger People), or Mexican gens, who cannot now intermarry with Notádĭneʻ.

410. Around the time they were taken in by the Navahoes, or shortly after, a group of Utes attacked a Mexican settlement near the area that is now Socorro and captured a Spanish woman. She became their slave; however, her descendants gained their freedom among the Navahoes and formed the Nakaídĭneʻ (White Stranger People), or Mexican group, who are not allowed to intermarry with Notádĭneʻ.

411. Góntso, or Big Knee, chief of the Tháʻpaha, was still alive and was a famous old man; but he had become feeble and had many ailments. There was a great ceremony practised in those days called natsĭ′d, which lasted all winter,184 from harvest-time to planting-time; but the Navahoes have long ceased to celebrate it. This ceremony was held one winter for the benefit of Big Knee at the sacred place of Toʻyĕ′tli, the home of the War Gods. One night, while the rites were being performed, some strangers joined the Navahoes coming from the direction of the river. Adopted by the Navahoes, they formed the gens of Toʻyĕtlíni, and became closely allied to Notádĭneʻ and Nakaídĭneʻ.

411. Góntso, or Big Knee, the chief of the Thápaha, was still living and was a well-known elder; however, he had grown weak and suffered from many health issues. There used to be a significant ceremony back then known as natsĭ′d, which lasted all winter, from harvest time to planting time; but the Navahoes have long stopped observing it. This ceremony was held one winter for Big Knee at the sacred site of Toʻyĕ′tli, the home of the War Gods. One night, while the rituals were taking place, some strangers arrived among the Navahoes from the direction of the river. Adopted by the Navahoes, they became part of the gens of Toʻyĕtlíni and formed a close alliance with Notádĭneʻ and Nakaídĭneʻ.

412. On another occasion during the same winter some Apaches [147]came from their country in the south to witness the ceremony of natsĭ′d. Among the women of the Tháʻpaha was one who visited the Apache camp and remained all night there. She became attached to an Apache youth, with whom she secretly absconded when the visitors left. For a long time her people did not know what had become of her; but many years after, learning where she was, some of her relations went to the Apache country to persuade her to return. She came back an old woman, bringing her husband and a family of three girls. The girls were handsome, had light skins and fair hair. Their grandmother, who admired them very much, insisted that a new gens should be made of them. So they were called Háltso, Yellow Bodies,188 and originated the gens of that name. Their father died an old man among the Navahoes.

412. One winter, some Apaches [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] traveled north to see the natsĭ′d ceremony. Among the women of the Tháʻpaha was one who visited the Apache camp and stayed the night. She fell in love with an Apache young man and secretly ran away with him when the visitors left. For a long time, her family had no idea what happened to her; but many years later, after finding out where she was, some relatives went to the Apache country to try to convince her to come back. She returned as an old woman, bringing her husband and three daughters. The girls were beautiful, had light skin and blonde hair. Their grandmother, who was very proud of them, insisted that they should form a new gens. So, they were named Háltso, Yellow Bodies,188 and they started the gens of that name. Their father passed away an old man among the Navahoes.

413. On another night of the same winter, while the ceremony for Big Knee was going on, two strange men, speaking the Navaho language, entered the camp. They said they were the advanced couriers of a multitude of wanderers who had left the shores of the great waters in the west to join the Navahoes. You shall now hear the story of the people who came from the western ocean:—

413. On another night that winter, while the Big Knee ceremony was happening, two unfamiliar men speaking Navaho entered the camp. They claimed to be the advance messengers of a large group of wanderers who had left the shores of the great waters in the west to join the Navahoes. Now you will hear the story of the people who came from the western ocean:—


414. Surrounding Estsánatlehi’s home were four mountains, located like those at the Place of Emergence—one in the east, one in the south, one in the west, and one in the north. She was in the habit of dancing on these mountains,—on the mountain in the east to bring clouds; on the mountain in the south, to bring all kinds of goods,—jewels, clothing, etc.; on the mountain in the west, to bring plants of all kinds; and on the mountain in the north, to bring corn and animals. On these journeys for dancing she passed from the east mountain to the south, the west, and the north mountain, the way the sun goes; and when she was done dancing on the north mountain she retraced her course (without crossing it) to the east; but she never completed the circle, i.e., she never passed from the north directly to the east. Over the space between the north and the east mountains she never travelled. This is the way her trail lay:— [148]

414. Around Estsánatlehi’s home were four mountains, positioned like those at the Place of Emergence—one to the east, one to the south, one to the west, and one to the north. She often danced on these mountains—on the eastern mountain to summon clouds; on the southern mountain to attract various goods—jewels, clothing, etc.; on the western mountain to bring forth all kinds of plants; and on the northern mountain to gather corn and animals. During her dancing journeys, she went from the east mountain to the south, then to the west, and finally to the north, following the path of the sun. After finishing her dancing on the northern mountain, she retraced her steps (without crossing over) back to the east; however, she never completed the full circle, meaning she never moved directly from the north back to the east. She never traveled the space between the north and east mountains. This is how her trail was laid out:— [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

Fig. 33. Trail of Estsánatlehi.

Fig. 33. Trail of Estsánatlehi.

Fig. 33. Estsánatlehi Trail.

415. Estsánatlehi had not been long in her western home when she began to feel lonely. She had no companions there. The people who had accompanied her thither did not stay with her. She thought she might make people to keep her company, so one day, when she had completed one of her dancing journeys, she sat down on the eastern mountain. Here she rubbed epidermis from under her left arm with her right hand; she held this in her palm and it changed into four persons,—two men and two women,—from whom descended a gens to which no name was then given, but which afterwards (as will be told) received the name of Honagáʻni. She rubbed the epidermis with her left hand from under her right arm, held it in her palm as before, and it became two men and two women, from whom descended the gens afterwards known as Kinaáʻni. In a similar way, of epidermis rubbed from under her left breast she created four people, from whom descended the gens later known as Toʻdĭtsíni; of epidermis from under her right breast, four persons, from whom descended the gens called Bĭtáni; of epidermis from the middle of her chest, the four whose descendants were called Haslĭ′zni; and of epidermis from her back between her shoulders, the four whose descendants were called Bĭtáʻni in later times. [149]

415. Estsánatlehi hadn't been in her western home for long when she started to feel lonely. She had no friends there. The people who had come with her didn't stay. She thought she could create companions, so one day, after finishing one of her dancing journeys, she sat down on the eastern mountain. Here, she rubbed skin from under her left arm with her right hand; she held it in her palm and it turned into four people—two men and two women—who later became part of a group that was unnamed at the time but would eventually be called Honagáʻni. She rubbed skin from under her right arm with her left hand, held it in her palm as before, and it transformed into two men and two women, leading to the group later known as Kinaáʻni. In a similar way, by rubbing skin from under her left breast, she created four people, who became the group known as Toʻdĭtsíni; from skin under her right breast, four people, who formed the group called Bĭtáni; from the middle of her chest, four people, whose descendants were known as Haslĭ′zni; and from skin rubbed from her back between her shoulders, four people, whose descendants would later be called Bĭtáʻni. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

416. She said to these: “I wish you to dwell near me, where I can always see you; but if you choose to go to the east, where your kindred dwell, you may go.” She took them from her floating home to the mainland; here they lived for thirty years, during which time they married and had many children. At the end of this time the Twelve People (Dĭnéʻ Nakidáta), or rather what was left of them, appeared among Estsánatlehi’s people and said to them: “We have lost our sister who kept our house for us; we have no home; we know not where else to go; so we have come here to behold our mother, our grandmother. You have kindred in the far east who have increased until they are now a great people. We do not visit them, but we stand on the mountains and look at them from afar. We know they would welcome you if you went to them.” And many more things they told about the people in the far east.

416. She said to them, “I want you to live close to me so I can always see you. But if you prefer to go east, where your relatives are, you may do so.” She took them from her floating home to the mainland; they lived there for thirty years, during which time they married and had many children. After these thirty years, the Twelve People (Dĭnéʻ Nakidáta), or what was left of them, came to Estsánatlehi’s people and said, “We have lost our sister who took care of our home; we have no place to stay; we don’t know where else to go, so we have come here to see our mother, our grandmother. You have relatives in the far east who have grown until they are now a large population. We don’t visit them, but we stand on the mountains and watch them from a distance. We know they would welcome you if you went to them.” They shared many more stories about the people in the far east.

417. Now all crossed on a bridge of rainbow to the house of Estsánatlehi on the sea, where she welcomed them and embraced them. Of the Dĭnéʻ Nakidáta but ten were left, for, as has been told, they lost their sister and their younger brother; but when they came to the home of Estsánatlehi she made for them two more people out of turquoise, and this completed their original number of twelve. She knew with what thoughts her children had come. She opened four doors leading from the central chamber of her house into four other rooms, and showed them her various treasures, saying: “Stay with me always, my children; these things shall be yours, and we shall be always happy together.”

417. They all crossed a rainbow bridge to Estsánatlehi's house by the sea, where she welcomed and embraced them. Of the Dĭnéʻ Nakidáta, only ten remained, since, as mentioned, they lost their sister and younger brother; but when they arrived at Estsánatlehi's home, she created two more people from turquoise for them, bringing them back to their original number of twelve. She understood the thoughts her children had when they came. She opened four doors from the central room of her house into four other rooms and showed them her many treasures, saying: “Stay with me always, my children; these things will be yours, and we will always be happy together.”

418. When the people went back from the house of Estsánatlehi to the mainland, all was gossip and excitement in their camp about what they had heard of the people in the east. Each one had a different part or version of the tale to tell,—of how the people in the east lived, of what they ate, of the way in which they were divided into gentes, of how the gentes were named, and of other things about them they had heard. “The people are few where we live,” they said; “we would be better off where there are so many.” They talked thus for twelve days. At the end of that time they concluded to depart, and they fixed the fourteenth day after that as the day they should leave.

418. When the people returned from Estsánatlehi to the mainland, there was a buzz of excitement and gossip in their camp about what they had heard regarding the people in the east. Each person had a different version of the story to share—about how the people in the east lived, what they ate, how they were organized into groups, what those groups were called, and other details they had learned. “There are so few people where we are,” they said; “we would be better off where there are so many.” They talked like this for twelve days. By the end of that time, they decided to leave and marked the fourteenth day after that as the day they would depart.

419. Before they left, the Dĭnéʻ Nakidáta and Estsánatlehi came to see them. She said: “It is a long and dangerous journey to where you are going. It is well that you should be cared for and protected on the way. I shall give you five of my pets,189—a bear, a great snake, a deer, a porcupine, and a puma,—to watch over you. They will not desert you. Speak of no evil deeds in the presence of the bear or the snake, for they may do the evil they hear you speak of; but the deer and the porcupine are good,—say whatever you please to say in their presence.” [150]

419. Before they left, the Dĭnéʻ Nakidáta and Estsánatlehi came to see them. She said: “You have a long and dangerous journey ahead. It’s important for you to be taken care of and protected along the way. I will give you five of my animals— a bear, a large snake, a deer, a porcupine, and a puma—to look after you. They will stick by you. Avoid speaking of bad deeds in front of the bear or the snake, as they might act on the evils you mention; however, the deer and the porcupine are good—feel free to say anything around them.” [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

420. Besides these pets she gave them five magic wands. To those who were afterwards named Honagáʻni she gave a wand of turquoise; to those who later were called Kinaáʻni, a wand of white shell; to those who became Toʻdĭtsíni, a wand of haliotis shell; to those who became Bĭtáʻni, a wand of black stone; and to those who in later days became Haslĭ′zni, a wand of red stone. “I give you these for your protection,” she said, “but I shall watch over you myself while you are on your journey.”

420. Besides these pets, she gave them five magic wands. To those who were later named Honagáʻni, she gave a wand made of turquoise; to those who eventually became Kinaáʻni, a wand made of white shell; to those who turned into Toʻdĭtsíni, a wand made of haliotis shell; to those who became Bĭtáʻni, a wand made of black stone; and to those who later came to be known as Haslĭ′zni, a wand made of red stone. “I give you these for your protection,” she said, “but I will watch over you myself while you are on your journey.”

421. On the appointed day they set out on their journey. On the twelfth day of their march they crossed a high ridge and came in sight of a great treeless plain, in the centre of which they observed some dark objects in motion. They could not determine what they were, but suspected they were men. They continued their journey, but did not directly approach the dark objects; they moved among the foothills that surrounded the plain, and kept under cover of the timber. As they went along they discerned the dark objects more plainly, and discovered that these were indeed human beings. They got among the foothills to one side of where the strangers were, and camped in the woods at night.

421. On the scheduled day, they started their journey. On the twelfth day of their march, they crossed a high ridge and saw a vast, treeless plain. In the middle of it, they noticed some dark shapes moving. They couldn’t tell what they were, but suspected they were people. They continued on their path but didn’t get too close to the dark shapes; instead, they moved through the foothills surrounding the plain, staying hidden in the trees. As they traveled, they recognized the dark shapes more clearly and realized they were indeed human beings. They positioned themselves among the foothills, away from where the strangers were, and set up camp in the woods for the night.

422. In spite of all the precautions taken by the travellers, they had been observed by the people of the plain, and at night two of the latter visited their camp. The visitors said they were Kĭltsói, or Kĭltsóidĭneʻ (People of the Bigelovia graveolens); that their tribe was numerous; that the plain in which they dwelt was extensive; and that they had watermelons getting ripe, with corn and other food, in their gardens. The people of the west concluded to remain here a while. The second night they had two more visitors, one of whom became enamored of a maiden among the wanderers, and asked for her in marriage. Her people refused him at first; but when he came the second night and begged for her again, they gave her to him. He stayed with her in the camp of her people as long as they remained in the valley, except the last two nights, when she went and stayed with his people. These gave an abundance of the produce of their fields to the wanderers, and the latter fared well. When the travellers were prepared to move, they implored the young husband to go with them, while he begged to have his wife remain with him in the valley. They argued long; but in the end the woman’s relations prevailed, and the Kĭltsói man joined them on their journey. In the mean time four other men of Kĭltsói had fallen in love with maidens of the wanderers, and asked for them in marriage. The migrating band refused to leave the girls behind, so the enamored young men left their kindred and joined the travellers. The Kĭltsói tried to persuade the others to dwell in their land forever, but without avail. [151]

422. Despite all the precautions taken by the travelers, they were spotted by the locals, and at night two of them came to visit their camp. The visitors identified themselves as Kĭltsói, or Kĭltsóidĭneʻ (People of the Bigelovia graveolens); they mentioned that their tribe was large, that the plain they lived on was vast, and that they had ripe watermelons, corn, and other crops growing in their gardens. The people from the west decided to stay here for a while. On the second night, they had two more visitors, one of whom fell in love with a young woman among the travelers and asked to marry her. Her family initially refused him, but when he returned the following night and asked again, they agreed to his request. He stayed with her in her family's camp for the duration of their time in the valley, except for the last two nights when she went to stay with his family. His family generously shared plenty of their fresh produce with the travelers, and everyone was well-fed. When the travelers were ready to leave, they urged the young husband to come with them, but he requested that his wife stay with him in the valley. They debated for a while, but ultimately the woman’s family prevailed, and the Kĭltsói man decided to join them on their journey. Meanwhile, four other Kĭltsói men had fallen for women in the traveling group and asked to marry them. The migrating group refused to leave the girls behind, so the lovesick young men left their families to join the travelers. The Kĭltsói attempted to persuade the others to settle in their land permanently, but they were unsuccessful. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

423. They broke camp at last early in the morning, and travelled all day. At night a great wind arose, and the bear would not rest, but ran around the camp all night, uneasy and watchful. The men looked out and saw some of the Kĭltsói trying to approach; but the bear warded them off and they disappeared without doing harm. In the morning it was found that the men of the Kĭltsói who had joined them on their journey had now deserted them, and it was supposed that in some way they were in league with their brethren outside.

423. They finally packed up and left early in the morning, traveling all day. That night, a strong wind picked up, and the bear wouldn’t settle down but roamed around the camp all night, restless and alert. The men looked out and saw some of the Kĭltsói trying to get closer, but the bear chased them off, and they vanished without causing any trouble. In the morning, it became clear that the Kĭltsói men who had been traveling with them had now abandoned them, and it was believed that somehow they were in cahoots with their allies outside.

424. The second day they journeyed far, and did not make camp until after dark. As on the previous night, the bear was awake, watchful, and uneasy all night. They supposed he was still looking out for lurking Kĭltsói. Not until daybreak did he lie down and take a little sleep while the people were preparing for the day’s march.

424. On the second day, they traveled a long distance and didn’t set up camp until after dark. Just like the night before, the bear was alert, restless, and stayed awake all night. They thought he was still on guard against hidden Kĭltsói. It wasn’t until dawn that he finally lay down to catch a bit of sleep while the group got ready for the day’s journey.

425. On the third night the bear was again wakeful and on guard, and only lay down in the morning while the people were breaking camp. “My pet, why are you troubled thus every night?” said one of the men to the bear. The latter only grunted in reply, and made a motion with his nose in the direction whence they had come.

425. On the third night, the bear was once again alert and on guard, only lying down in the morning when the people were packing up their camp. “My friend, why are you so restless every night?” one of the men asked the bear. The bear just grunted in response and pointed with his nose in the direction they had come from.

426. On the fourth night they camped, for mutual protection, closer together than they had camped before. The bear sat on a neighboring hill, from which he could watch the sleepers, but slept not himself all night. As before, he took a short sleep in the morning. Before the people set out on their march some one said: “Let us look around and see if we can find what has troubled our pet.” They sent two couriers to the east and two to the west. The former returned, having found nothing. The latter said they had seen strange footprints, as of people who had approached the camp and then gone back far to the west. Their pursuers, they thought, had returned to their homes.

426. On the fourth night they camped, they huddled closer together than before for safety. The bear sat on a nearby hill, watching the sleepers but not sleeping himself all night. Like before, he took a short nap in the morning. Before the group set off on their journey, someone suggested, “Let’s take a look around and see if we can find out what has been bothering our pet.” They dispatched two runners to the east and two to the west. The ones heading east came back empty-handed. The others reported they had seen unusual footprints, like those of people who had approached the camp and then retreated far to the west. They thought their pursuers had gone back to their homes.

427. They had now been four days without finding water, and the children were crying with thirst. On the fifth day’s march they halted at noon and held a council. “How shall we procure water?” said one. “Let us try the power of our magic wands,” said another. A man of the gens who owned the wand of turquoise stuck this wand into the ground, and worked it back and forth and round and round to make a good-sized hole. Water sprang from the hole. A woman of another gens crouched down to taste it. “It is bitter water,” she cried. “Let that, then, be your name and the name of your people,” said those who heard her; thus did the gens of Toʻdĭtsíni, Bitter Water People, receive its name.

427. They had now been four days without finding water, and the kids were crying from thirst. On the fifth day’s march, they stopped at noon and held a meeting. “How are we going to get water?” asked one. “Let’s use the magic wands,” suggested another. A man from the group who had the turquoise wand stuck it into the ground and moved it back and forth, making a decent-sized hole. Water burst forth from the hole. A woman from another group crouched down to taste it. “This water is bitter,” she shouted. “Then let that be your name and the name of your people,” said those who heard her; thus the group of Toʻdĭtsíni, Bitter Water People, got their name.

428. When the people had cooked and eaten food and drunk their fill of the bitter water, they said: “Let us try to reach yonder mountain [152]before night.” So they pushed on to a distant mountain they had beheld in the east. When they got near the mountain they saw moccasin tracks, and knew there must be some other people at hand. At one place, near the base of the mountain, they observed a cluster of cottonwood trees, and, thinking there might be a spring there, they went straight to the cottonwood. Suddenly they found themselves among a strange people who were dwelling around a spring. The strangers greeted the wanderers in a friendly manner, embraced them, and asked them whence they came. The wanderers told their story briefly, and the strangers said: “We were created at this spring and have always lived here. It is called Maitóʻ, Coyote Water (Coyote Spring), and we are the Maídĭneʻ” (Coyote People). The Navahoes called them Maitóʻdĭneʻ.

428. After the people cooked and ate their food and drank enough of the bitter water, they said, “Let’s try to reach that mountain [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] before night.” So they continued on to a distant mountain they had seen in the east. As they approached the mountain, they noticed moccasin tracks and realized there must be other people nearby. At one spot, near the base of the mountain, they saw a cluster of cottonwood trees and thought there might be a spring there, so they headed straight for the cottonwood. Suddenly, they found themselves among a group of unfamiliar people living around a spring. The strangers welcomed the wanderers warmly, embraced them, and asked where they were from. The wanderers briefly shared their story, and the strangers replied, “We were created at this spring and have always lived here. It’s called Maitóʻ, Coyote Water (Coyote Spring), and we are the Maídĭneʻ” (Coyote People). The Navahoes referred to them as Maitóʻdĭneʻ.

429. The travellers tarried four days at the Coyote Spring, during which time they talked much to their new friends, and at length persuaded the latter to join them on their eastern journey. Before they started, the Coyote People declared that their spring was the only water in the neighborhood; that they knew of no other water within two days’ journey in any direction. On the morning of the fifth day they all moved off toward the east. They travelled all day, and made a dry camp at night. The next day at noon they halted on their way, and decided to try again the power of a magic wand. This time the white shell was used by a member of the gens to whom it had been given, in the same way that the turquoise wand was used before. Water sprang up. A woman of another gens said: “It is muddy; it may make the children sick.” “Let your people then be named Haslĭ′zni, Mud People,” cried voices in the crowd. Thus the gens of Haslĭ′z, or Haslĭ′zni, was named.

429. The travelers stayed at Coyote Spring for four days, during which they talked a lot with their new friends and eventually convinced them to join them on their journey to the east. Before they set off, the Coyote People claimed that their spring was the only water source in the area and that there was no other water for two days in any direction. On the morning of the fifth day, everyone headed east. They traveled all day and set up camp in a dry area for the night. The next day around noon, they stopped and decided to test the power of a magic wand again. This time, a member of the respective group used the white shell wand in the same way the turquoise one had been used before. Water suddenly appeared. A woman from another group said, “It’s muddy; it might make the children sick.” “Let your group be called Haslĭ′zni, Mud People,” shouted voices in the crowd. That’s how the group of Haslĭ′z, or Haslĭ′zni, got its name.

430. The second night after leaving Coyote Spring, darkness overtook the wanderers at a place where there was no water, and they rested there for the night. At noon on the following day all were thirsty, and the children were crying. The people halted, and proposed to try again the efficacy of a sacred wand. The wand of haliotis was used this time. When the water sprang up, a woman of the Coyote People stooped first and drank. “It is Tdokónz, alkaline (or sapid) water,” she exclaimed. To her and her children the name Tdokónzi was then given, and from them the present gens of that name is descended. Its members may not marry with Maitóʻdĭneʻ, to whom they are related.

430. On the second night after leaving Coyote Spring, darkness caught up with the travelers at a spot where there was no water, so they rested there for the night. By noon the next day, everyone was thirsty, and the children were crying. The group paused and decided to try using a sacred wand again. This time, they used the haliotis wand. When water emerged, a woman from the Coyote People bent down first and drank. “It’s Tdokónz, alkaline (or flavorful) water,” she shouted. To her and her children, the name Tdokónzi was then given, and from them, the current gens of that name is descended. Its members cannot marry with Maitóʻdĭneʻ, to whom they are connected.

431. On the night after they found the alkaline water, they encamped once more at a place where no water was to be found, and on the following day great were their sufferings from thirst. At midday they rested, and begged the bearers of the black stone wand to try the power of their magic implement. A stream of fine, clear [153]water sprang up when the wand was stuck in the ground. They filled their vessels and all drank heartily, except a boy and a girl of the gens that bore the black stone wand. “Why do you not come and drink before the water is all gone?” some one asked. The children made no reply, but stood and looked at the water. The girl had her arms folded under her dress. They gave then to her and to her gens the name of Bĭtáʻni,190 which signifies the arms under the dress.

431. On the night after they discovered the alkaline water, they set up camp again in a place where there was no water, and the following day they suffered greatly from thirst. At noon, they took a break and asked the bearers of the black stone wand to use their magical tool. A stream of clear, fine [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]water burst forth when the wand was stuck into the ground. They filled their containers and all drank eagerly, except for a boy and a girl from the group that carried the black stone wand. “Why don’t you come and drink before the water runs out?” someone asked. The children didn’t respond but just stared at the water. The girl had her arms folded under her dress. They then named her and her group Bĭtáʻni,190 which means arms under the dress.

432. The night after the Bĭtáʻni was named, the travellers slept once more at a place where no water was to be found, and next day they were very thirsty on their journey. In the middle of the day they stopped, and the power of the red stone wand was tried. It brought forth water from the ground, as the other wands had done, and all drank till they were satisfied; but no member of the gentes still unnamed said anything and no name was given.

432. The night after the Bĭtáʻni was named, the travelers spent the night again at a spot where there was no water, and the next day they were very thirsty on their journey. In the middle of the day, they took a break, and the power of the red stone wand was tested. It summoned water from the ground, just like the other wands had done, and everyone drank until they were satisfied; but no one from the still unnamed groups said anything, and no name was given.

433. After this they camped two nights without water. On the second noon they arrived at a spring in a canyon known to the Maídĭneʻ and called by them Halkaítoʻ, Water of the White Valley. They journeyed no farther that day, but camped by the water all night.

433. After this, they camped for two nights without water. On the second day at noon, they reached a spring in a canyon known to the Maídĭneʻ and called by them Halkaítoʻ, Water of the White Valley. They didn’t travel any further that day but set up camp by the water for the night.

434. From Halkaítoʻ they travelled steadily for twenty-five days, until they came to a little river near San Francisco Mountain, and west of it. During this part of the journey they found sufficient water for their needs every day. They stopped at this river five nights and five days and hunted. Here one man, and one only,—whose name was Baĭnilĭ′ni (Looks on at a Battle),—killed a deer, a large one, which he cut into small pieces and distributed around so that every one might get a taste.

434. From Halkaítoʻ, they traveled steadily for twenty-five days until they reached a small river near San Francisco Mountain, to the west of it. During this part of the journey, they found enough water for their needs every day. They stayed by this river for five nights and five days and went hunting. Here, one man—named Baĭnilĭ′ni (Looks on at a Battle)—killed a large deer, which he then cut into small pieces and shared around so that everyone could have a taste.

435. From the banks of this stream they came to the east side of San Francisco Mountain, to where, beside a little peak, there is a spring that has no name. Here the travellers stopped several days, and built around their camp a stone wall that still stands.

435. From the banks of this stream, they arrived at the east side of San Francisco Mountain, to a spot near a small peak where there's an unnamed spring. The travelers stayed here for several days, building a stone wall around their camp that still stands today.

436. The puma belonged to the gens that bore the black stone wand, and that was afterwards called Kinaáʻni. While the people were camped at this spring he killed a deer. The bear sometimes killed rabbits. The snake and the porcupine were of no use, but were a trouble instead, since they had to be carried along. The deer ran among the crowd and did neither good nor harm. The people lived mostly on rabbits and other small animals and the seeds of wild plants.

436. The puma was part of the group that carried the black stone wand, which was later referred to as Kinaáʻni. While the people were camping at this spring, it killed a deer. The bear sometimes went after rabbits. The snake and the porcupine weren’t helpful and were more of a hassle since they had to be transported. The deer moved through the crowd without causing any benefit or damage. The people primarily survived on rabbits and other small animals, along with wild plant seeds.

437. From the spring near San Francisco Mountain they travelled to Bĭtáhotsi (Red Place on Top),191 and from there to Tséʻzĭntsĭdĭlya. Here they held a council about the big snake. He was of no use to them, and a great encumbrance. They turned him loose among the [154]rocks, and his descendants are there in great numbers to this day. At Natsĭsaán (Navaho Mountain) they turned the porcupine loose, and that is why there are so many porcupines on the Navaho Mountain now.

437. From the spring near San Francisco Mountain, they traveled to Bĭtáhotsi (Red Place on Top),191 and then to Tséʻzĭntsĭdĭlya. Here, they held a meeting about the big snake. He wasn't helpful to them and was quite a load. They released him among the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]rocks, and his descendants are still there in large numbers today. At Natsĭsaán (Navaho Mountain), they set the porcupine free, which is why there are so many porcupines on Navaho Mountain now.

438. They next went to the place now called Agála,192 or Agálani, Much Wool, or Hair, and were now in the land of the Ozaí (Oraibes). They camped all around the peak of Agála and went out hunting. Some who wore deer-masks for decoys, and went to get deer, succeeded in killing a great number. They dressed many skins, and the wind blew the hair from the skins up in a great pile. Seeing this, one of the Honagáʻni proposed that the place be called Agála, so this name was given to it.

438. They then headed to the area now known as Agála,192 or Agálani, Much Wool, or Hair, and were now in the land of the Ozaí (Oraibes). They set up camp around the peak of Agála and went out hunting. Some who wore deer-masks as decoys to attract deer managed to kill a large number. They prepared many skins, and the wind blew the hair from the skins into a huge pile. Noticing this, one of the Honagáʻni suggested that the place be called Agála, and so it was named.

439. From Agála the wanderers went to Tseʻhotsóbiazi, Little Place of Yellow Rocks, and from there to Yótso, Big Bead. On the way they camped often, and sometimes tarried a day or two to hunt. It was now late in the autumn. At Yótso they saw moccasin tracks, evidently not fresh, and they said to one another: “Perhaps these are the footprints of the people whom we seek.” Now there were diverse counsels among the immigrants. Some were in haste to reach the end of the journey, while others, as the season was late, thought it prudent to remain where they were. Thus they became divided into two parties, one of which remained at Yótso, while the other (containing parts of several gentes) continued the journey. Soon after the latter was gone, those who remained at Yótso sent two messengers, and later they sent two more, to induce the seceders to return; but the latter were never overtaken. The couriers came to a place where the runaways had divided into two bands. From one of these the Jicarilla Apaches are supposed to have descended. The other band, it is thought, wandered far off and became part of the Dĭnéʻ Nahotlóni.193

439. From Agála, the travelers went to Tseʻhotsóbiazi, the Little Place of Yellow Rocks, and from there to Yótso, Big Bead. Along the way, they often set up camp and sometimes stayed a day or two to hunt. It was now late autumn. At Yótso, they noticed moccasin tracks that clearly weren’t fresh, and they said to each other, “Maybe these are the footprints of the people we’re looking for.” There were varying opinions among the immigrants. Some were eager to finish the journey quickly, while others thought it wise to stay put since the season was late. Thus, they split into two groups: one stayed at Yótso, while the other (made up of parts of several clans) continued on. Soon after the latter group left, those who stayed at Yótso sent two messengers, and later sent two more, to try to convince the others to come back; but the latter were never caught. The messengers arrived at a point where the escapees had split into two bands. One of these is thought to be the ancestors of the Jicarilla Apaches. The other band likely wandered far away and became part of the Dĭnéʻ Nahotlóni.193

440. The last two messengers sent out pursued one of the fugitive bands some distance, gave up the task, and returned to Yótso. The messengers sent first pursued the other band. After a while they saw its camp-fires; but at such a great distance that they despaired of overtaking it and turned toward the San Juan River, where they found at length the long-sought Navahoes. These two messengers were the men, of whom you have heard before, who entered the camp of Big Knee at Toʻyĕ′tli while the dance of natsĭ′d was going on, and announced the approach of the immigrants from the west. (See par. 143.)

440. The last two messengers that were sent out chased one of the fleeing groups for a while, then gave up and returned to Yótso. The first messengers went after the other group. Eventually, they spotted its campfires, but they were so far away that they lost hope of catching up and headed toward the San Juan River, where they finally found the long-sought Navahoes. These two messengers were the same men you’ve heard about before, who entered Big Knee’s camp at Toʻyĕ′tli while the natsĭ′d dance was happening, and announced the arrival of the immigrants from the west. (See par. 143.)

441. When spring-time came, the people who had remained at Yótso set out again on their journey; but before long some of the Toʻdĭtsíni got tired. They said that the children’s knees were swollen, that their feet were blistered, and that they could not go [155]much farther. Soon after they said this they came to a place where a great lone tree stood, and here they declared: “We shall stop at this tree. After a while the people will come here and find us.” They remained and became the gens of Tsĭnsakádni, People of the (Lone) Tree, who are closely related to Toʻdĭtsíni and cannot marry with the latter.

441. When spring arrived, the people who stayed at Yótso set out again on their journey; but soon some of the Toʻdĭtsíni got tired. They said that the children’s knees were swollen, their feet were blistered, and that they couldn’t go [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]much farther. Shortly after they said this, they came to a place where a big lone tree stood, and here they declared: “We will stop at this tree. Eventually, the others will come here and find us.” They stayed and became the gens of Tsĭnsakádni, People of the (Lone) Tree, who are closely related to Toʻdĭtsíni and cannot marry them.

442. At Pĭntóʻ, Deer Spring, some more of the gens of Toʻdĭtsíni halted, because, they said, their children were lame from walking and could travel no farther. Here they formed a new gens of Pintóʻdĭneʻ, People of Deer Spring,194 who are also closely related to Toʻdĭtsíni. At this place they wanted their pet deer to leave them, but he would not go; he remained at the spring with the people who stayed there. What finally became of him is not known.195

442. At Pĭntóʻ, Deer Spring, some of the group from Toʻdĭtsíni stopped because they said their children were too tired to walk any further. Here, they created a new group called Pintóʻdĭneʻ, People of Deer Spring,194 who are also closely related to Toʻdĭtsíni. At this spot, they wanted their pet deer to leave them, but it wouldn’t go; it stayed at the spring with the people who remained there. What ultimately happened to it is uncertain.195

443. The main body of the immigrants kept on their way, and, soon after passing Deer Spring, arrived at Hyíĕtyĭn, where the people of Tháʻpaha had their farms. Big Knee was still alive when they came; but he was very old and feeble, and was not respected and obeyed as in former days. When Tháʻpaha and Haslĭ′zni met, they traced some relationship between the two gentes: their names had much the same meaning; their headdresses and accoutrements were alike; so the Haslĭ′zni stopped with Tháʻpaha and became great friends with the latter. Yet to-day a member of one of these gentes may marry a member of the other.

443. The main group of immigrants continued on their journey and, shortly after passing Deer Spring, reached Hyíĕtyĭn, where the people of Tháʻpaha had their farms. Big Knee was still alive when they arrived, but he was very old and weak, and no longer commanded the respect and obedience he once did. When Tháʻpaha and Haslĭ′zni met, they discovered some connections between the two groups: their names had similar meanings, and their headdresses and gear were alike. So, the Haslĭ′zni decided to stay with Tháʻpaha and became close friends with them. However, today a member of one of these groups can marry a member of the other.

444. The bear was the last of their five pets which the immigrants retained. When they were done their journey they said to him: “Our pet, you have served us well; but we are now safe among our friends and we need your services no more. If you wish you may leave us. There are others of your kind in Tsúskai (the Chusca Mountains). Go there and play with them.” They turned him loose in Tsúskai, and bears have been numerous there ever since.

444. The bear was the last of the five pets that the immigrants kept. When their journey was over, they said to him, “Our pet, you have been a great help to us, but now we are safe with our friends and no longer need your services. If you want to, you can leave us. There are others like you in Tsúskai (the Chusca Mountains). Go there and have fun with them.” They set him free in Tsúskai, and bears have been plentiful there ever since.

445. Of the people from the west, there was yet one gens—that to which Estsánatlehi had given the wand of turquoise—which had no name. This nameless people did not stay long on the banks of the San Juan before they wandered off far toward the south. One day two men of the party, while hunting, came to a place called Tséʻnahapĭl, where there were high overhanging rocks. Here they saw the fresh prints of unshod human feet. They followed these tracks but a short distance when they beheld a man watching them from a rocky pinnacle. As soon as he saw that he was observed, he crouched and disappeared. They ran quickly behind the rock on which they had seen him and again observed him, running as fast as he could. “Why do you fly from us?” they shouted. “We mean no harm to you.” Hearing this he stopped till they came up [156]to him. Then they found he spoke the same language they did, and they addressed him in terms of relationship. “Where do you live?” they asked. “In a canyon high on the mountain,” he replied. “What do you live on?” they queried. “We live mostly on seeds,” he answered; “but sometimes we catch wood-rats, and we raise small crops.” “We shall have many things to tell one another,” said the hunters; “but your home is too far for our people to reach to-day. Tell your people to come to this spot, and we shall tell ours to come up here and meet them.” When the hunters got home they found their friends cooking rabbits and making mush of wild seeds. When the meal was finished all climbed the mountain to the appointed place and found the strangers awaiting them. The two parties camped together that night and related to one another their histories and adventures. The strangers said that they had been created at the place where they were all then camped only seven years previously; that they were living not far off at a place called Natanbĭlhátĭn, but that they came often to their natal place to pick cactus fruit and yucca fruit. They said they called themselves Tséʻdĭneʻ, or Rock People; but the nameless ones gave them the name of Tseʻnahapĭ′lni, Overhanging Rocks People, from the place where they met. With this name they became a gens of the Navahoes.

445. Among the people from the west, there was still one group—that which Estsánatlehi had given the turquoise wand to—that didn't have a name. This unnamed group didn't stay long by the San Juan River before they moved far to the south. One day, two men from the group were out hunting when they came across a place called Tséʻnahapĭl, where there were tall overhanging rocks. Here, they spotted fresh footprints of bare human feet. They followed these tracks for a short distance until they saw a man watching them from a rocky ledge. As soon as he realized he was being watched, he crouched down and vanished. They hurried behind the rock he had been on and spotted him again, running away as fast as he could. “Why are you running from us?” they called out. “We mean you no harm.” Hearing this, he stopped until they caught up to him. Then they discovered he spoke the same language and addressed him as if they were related. “Where do you live?” they asked. “In a canyon high up on the mountain,” he replied. “What do you eat?” they asked. “We mostly eat seeds,” he said; “but sometimes we catch wood-rats and grow small crops.” “We have a lot to share with each other,” said the hunters; “but your home is too far for our people to get to today. Tell your people to come here, and we’ll tell ours to come meet them.” When the hunters returned home, they found their friends cooking rabbits and making mush from wild seeds. After the meal, everyone climbed the mountain to the designated spot and found the strangers waiting for them. The two groups camped together that night and shared their stories and adventures. The strangers mentioned that they had been created where they were camping only seven years earlier; they lived nearby at a place called Natanbĭlhátĭn but often came back to their birthplace to gather cactus and yucca fruit. They said they called themselves Tséʻdĭneʻ, or Rock People; but the nameless group named them Tseʻnahapĭ′lni, Overhanging Rocks People, after the place where they met. With this name, they became a gens of the Navahoes.

446. The Tseʻnahapĭ′lni told their new friends that they had some corn and pumpkins cached at a distance, and they proposed to open their stores and get ready for a journey. They knew of some Apaches to the south, whom they would all visit together. These Apaches, they said, had some gentes of the same names as those of the Navahoes. Then they all went to where the provisions were stored, and they made corn-cakes to use on the journey. When they were ready they went to the south and found, at a place called Tsóhanaa, the Apaches, who recognized them as friends, and treated their visitors so well that the latter concluded to remain for a while.

446. The Tseʻnahapĭ′lni told their new friends that they had stored some corn and pumpkins nearby, and they suggested they open their supplies and prepare for a trip. They were aware of some Apaches to the south that they all planned to visit together. They mentioned that these Apaches had some clans with the same names as those of the Navahoes. After that, they went to where the food was kept and made corn-cakes to take on the journey. Once they were ready, they headed south and found the Apaches at a place called Tsóhanaa, who recognized them as friends and welcomed their visitors so warmly that the guests decided to stay for a while.

447. At the end of three years the Tseʻnahapĭ′lni went off to join the Navahoes on the San Juan. The nameless people stayed four years longer. About the end of that time they began to talk of leaving, and their Apache friends tried to persuade them to remain, but without avail. When they had all their goods packed and were ready to start, an old woman was observed walking around them. She walked around the whole band, coming back to the place from which she started; then she turned towards them and said: “You came among us without a name, and you have dwelt among us, nameless, for seven years; no one knew what to call you; but you shall not leave us without a name. I have walked around you, and I call you Honagáʻni (Walked-around People).”196 [157]

447. After three years, the Tseʻnahapĭ′lni went to join the Navajos by the San Juan. The nameless people stayed for four more years. Toward the end of that time, they started talking about leaving, and their Apache friends tried to convince them to stay, but it didn't work. When they had packed all their belongings and were ready to go, an old woman was seen walking around them. She walked around the entire group, returning to the spot where she began. Then she turned to them and said: “You came among us without a name, and you’ve lived among us, nameless, for seven years; no one knew what to call you; but you will not leave us without a name. I have walked around you, and I call you Honagáʻni (Walked-around People).”196 [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

448. When the Honagáʻni got back to the San Juan they found that the Tseʻnahapĭ′lni had been long settled there and had become closely related to Tlastsíni, Dĕstsíni, Kĭnlĭtsíni, and Tsĭnadzĭ′ni. The Honagáʻni in time formed close relationships with Thaʻnĕzáʻni, Dsĭltláʻni, Tóʻhani, and Nahopáni. These five gentes are now all the same as one gens, and no member of one may marry a member of another.

448. When the Honagáʻni returned to San Juan, they discovered that the Tseʻnahapĭ′lni had already settled there for a long time and had become closely connected to Tlastsíni, Dĕstsíni, Kĭnlĭtsíni, and Tsĭnadzĭ′ni. Over time, the Honagáʻni developed strong ties with Thaʻnĕzáʻni, Dsĭltláʻni, Tóʻhani, and Nahopáni. These five groups are now essentially one, and no member of one group is allowed to marry a member of another.


449. It happened about this time, while some of the Tháʻpaha were sojourning at Agála, that they sent two children, one night, to a spring to get water. The children carried out with them two wicker bottles, but returned with four. “Where did you get these other bottles?” the parents inquired. “We took them away from two little girls whom we met at the spring,” answered the children. “Why did you do this, and who are the girls?” said the elders. “We do not know. They are strangers,” said the little ones. The parents at once set out for the spring to find the strange children and restore the stolen bottles to them; but on their way they met the little girls coming toward the Tháʻpaha camp, and asked them who they were. The strange children replied: “We belong to a band of wanderers who are encamped on yonder mountain. They sent us two together to find water.” “Then we shall give you a name,” said the Tháʻpaha; “we shall call you Toʻbaznaázi,” Two Come Together for Water. The Tháʻpaha brought the little girls to their hut and bade them be seated. “Stay with us,” they said. “You are too weak and little to carry the water so far. We will send some of our young men to carry it for you.” When the young men found the camp of the strangers they invited the latter to visit them. The Tháʻpaha welcomed the new-comers as friends, and told them they had already a name for them, Toʻbaznaázi. Under this name they became united to the Navahoes as a new gens, and they are now closely affiliated with Tháʻpaha.197

449. Around this time, while some of the Tháʻpaha were staying at Agála, they sent two children one night to a spring to get water. The children took two wicker bottles with them but came back with four. “Where did you get these extra bottles?” the parents asked. “We got them from two little girls we met at the spring,” the kids replied. “Why did you take them, and who are the girls?” the elders asked. “We don’t know. They’re strangers,” the little ones said. The parents immediately headed to the spring to find the strange children and return the stolen bottles; but on their way, they met the little girls coming toward the Tháʻpaha camp and asked them who they were. The strange children replied: “We belong to a group of wanderers camped on that mountain over there. They sent us two together to find water.” “Then we will give you a name,” said the Tháʻpaha; “we will call you Toʻbaznaázi,” Two Come Together for Water. The Tháʻpaha brought the little girls to their hut and invited them to sit down. “Stay with us,” they said. “You are too weak and small to carry the water so far. We will send some of our young men to carry it for you.” When the young men found the strangers' camp, they invited them to visit. The Tháʻpaha welcomed the newcomers as friends and told them they already had a name for them, Toʻbaznaázi. Under this name, they became united with the Navahoes as a new group, and they are now closely affiliated with Tháʻpaha.197

450. Shortly after the coming of Toʻbaznaázi, the Navahoes were joined by a band of Apaches, who were adopted by Tháʻpaha and not formed into a new gens. About the same time a band of Pah Utes came and were likewise adopted by Tháʻpaha. A little later some more Apaches arrived and became a part of Tháʻpaha; but, although no distinct name is now given them, their descendants are known among the Tháʻpaha as a people of different origin from the others.

450. Shortly after Toʻbaznaázi arrived, the Navajos were joined by a group of Apaches, who were adopted by Tháʻpaha but didn’t form a new clan. Around the same time, a group of Pah Utes came and were also adopted by Tháʻpaha. A little later, more Apaches showed up and became part of Tháʻpaha; however, even though they don’t have a distinct name now, their descendants are recognized among the Tháʻpaha as a group with a different background from the others.

451. Another party of Apaches, who came afterwards, dwelt a long time among the Tdokózi; but later they abode with the Tháʻpaha, and became closely related to the latter. They are still affiliated with Tháʻpaha, but these call them Tdokózi. [158]

451. Another group of Apaches, who came later, lived for a long time among the Tdokózi; but eventually they settled with the Tháʻpaha and formed a close bond with them. They are still connected to the Tháʻpaha, but these call them Tdokózi. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

452. Some years passed before the next accession was made. This was another party of Zuñi Indians, and they were admitted into the gens of the Tháʻpaha. Soon after them came the Zuñi People, who were at last formed into a separate gens,—that of Nanastĕ′zin. This is the Navaho name for all the Zuñians, and means Black Horizontal Stripe Aliens.198 All these people deserted the Zuñi villages on account of scarcity of food.

452. Several years went by before the next group joined. This was another party of Zuñi Indians, and they were welcomed into the gens of the Tháʻpaha. Shortly after them, the Zuñi People were finally organized into a separate gens—the Nanastĕ′zin. This is the Navaho name for all the Zuñians, meaning Black Horizontal Stripe Aliens.198 All these people left the Zuñi villages due to a lack of food.

453. A new people, with painted faces, came from the west about the same time as those who formed the gens of Zuñi, or a little later. They are supposed to have been a part of the tribe now called Mohaves on the banks of the Colorado. They bore the name of Dildzéhi, and their descendants now form a gens of that name among the Navahoes. At first they affiliated with Nanastĕ′zin; but to-day they are better friends with Tháʻtsini than with Nanastĕ′zin.

453. A new group of people, with painted faces, arrived from the west around the same time as those who formed the Zuñi clan, or shortly thereafter. They are thought to have been part of the tribe now known as the Mohaves living along the Colorado River. They were called Dildzéhi, and their descendants now belong to a clan of that name among the Navajos. Initially, they were associated with Nanastĕ′zin; however, today they are closer friends with Tháʻtsini than with Nanastĕ′zin.

454. A war-party, consisting of members of different gentes, was now organized among the Navahoes to attack a pueblo called Saíbehogan, House Made of Sand. At that place they captured two girls and brought them home as slaves. There was a salt lake near their old home, and the girls belonged to a gens of Salt People there. So their numerous descendants now among the Navahoes form the gens of Ásihi, or Salt. The captives were taken by members of the Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni, hence Ásihi and Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni are now affiliated.

454. A war party, made up of members from different clans, was organized among the Navajo to attack a pueblo called Saíbehogan, House Made of Sand. There, they captured two girls and brought them back as slaves. Near their old home, there was a salt lake, and the girls were from a clan of Salt People in that area. So, their many descendants now among the Navajo make up the clan of Ásihi, or Salt. The captives were taken by members of the Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni, which is why Ásihi and Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni are now connected.

455. Then a war party was gotten up to attack the people of Jemez pueblo. On this raid one of the Tlastsíni captured a Jemez girl, but sold her to one of the Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni. She was the progenitor of the gens of Maidĕskĭ′zni, People of Wolf Pass (i.e., Jemez), which is now affiliated with Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni.

455. A war party was organized to attack the people of Jemez pueblo. During this raid, one of the Tlastsíni captured a Jemez girl and then sold her to one of the Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni. She became the ancestor of the gens of Maidĕskĭ′zni, the People of Wolf Pass (i.e., Jemez), which is now connected with Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni.

456. After the Navahoes attacked Saíbehogan there was a famine there, and some of the people abandoned their homes and joined the Navahoes. They said that in their pueblo there was a gens of Tháʻpaha, and hearing there was such a gens among the Navahoes they came to join it. Therefore they sought Tháʻpaha till they found it and became a part of it.

456. After the Navajos attacked Saíbehogan, there was a famine, and some people left their homes to join the Navajos. They mentioned that there was a clan of Tháʻpaha in their pueblo, and when they heard there was such a clan among the Navajos, they decided to join it. So, they searched for Tháʻpaha until they found it and became part of it.

457. There came once a party of seven people from a place called Tseʻyanatóʻni, Horizontal Water under Cliffs, to pay a short visit to the Navahoes; but from time to time they delayed their departure, and at last stayed forever with the Navahoes. They formed the gens of Tseʻyanatóʻni, which is now extinct.

457. A group of seven people from a place called Tseʻyanatóʻni, or Horizontal Water under Cliffs, came to visit the Navahoes for a short time. However, they kept delaying their departure and eventually decided to stay with the Navahoes permanently. They became the gens of Tseʻyanatóʻni, which is now extinct.

458. The people whom Estsánatlehi created from the skin under her right arm, and to whom she gave the wand of white shell, was called, after they came among the Navahoes, Kinaáʻni, High Stone House People; not because they built or dwelt in such a house, but because they lived near one.199 [159]

458. The people that Estsánatlehi created from the skin under her right arm, and to whom she gave the white shell wand, were called, after they joined the Navahoes, Kinaáʻni, High Stone House People; not because they built or lived in such a house, but because they lived near one.199 [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

459. When the táʻni were encamped at a place called Tóʻtso, or Big Water, near the Carrizo Mountains, a man and a woman came up out of the water and joined them. From this pair is descended the gens of Tóʻtsoni, People of the Big Water, which is affiliated with Bĭtáʻni. [160]

459. When the táʻni were camped at a place called Tóʻtso, or Big Water, near the Carrizo Mountains, a man and a woman emerged from the water and joined them. From this pair is descended the gens of Tóʻtsoni, People of the Big Water, which is associated with Bĭtáʻni. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

NATĬ′NĔSTHANI.

460. Natĭ′nĕsthani,201 He Who Teaches Himself, lived, with his relations, near the mountain of Dsĭlnáotĭl. The few people who lived there used to wander continually around the mountain, hence its name, Encircled Mountain. Natĭ′nĕsthani delighted in gambling, but was not successful. He lost at game, not only all his own goods, but all the goods and jewels of his relations, until there was only one article of value left—a necklace consisting of several strings of white beads. His parents and brother lived in one lodge; his grandmother and niece lived in another, a little distance from the first. When the gambler had parted with everything except the necklace, his brother took this to the lodge of his grandmother and gave it to her, saying: “My brother has gambled away everything save this. Should he lose this at game, it is the last thing he will ever lose, for then I shall kill him.”

460. Natĭ′nĕsthani,201 He Who Teaches Himself, lived with his family near the mountain of Dsĭlnáotĭl. The few people in the area constantly roamed around the mountain, which is why it was called Encircled Mountain. Natĭ′nĕsthani loved to gamble but was never lucky. He lost not only all his possessions but also all the belongings and jewels of his family, leaving only one valuable item—a necklace made of several strings of white beads. His parents and brother lived in one lodge, while his grandmother and niece lived in another, a bit away from the first. After the gambler had lost everything except for the necklace, his brother took it to their grandmother's lodge and handed it to her, saying, “My brother has gambled away everything except this. If he loses this at the game, it will be the last thing he ever loses, because then I will kill him.”

461. Natĭ′nĕsthani did not spend all his time gambling; sometimes he hunted for wood-rats and rabbits in the mountains. The day the necklace was brought, in returning from his hunt, he came to the house of his grandmother and saw the necklace hanging up there. “Why is this here?” he asked. “It is put here for safe-keeping,” replied his niece. “Your brother values it and has asked us to take care of it. If you lose it in gambling, he has threatened to kill you. I have heard the counsels of the family about you. They are tired of you. If you lose this necklace at play, it is the last thing you will ever lose.” On hearing this he only said to his niece, “I must think what I shall do,” and he lay down to rest.

461. Natĭ′nĕsthani didn't spend all his time gambling; sometimes he went hunting for wood-rats and rabbits in the mountains. The day the necklace was brought, on his way back from his hunt, he stopped by his grandmother's house and saw the necklace hanging there. “Why is this here?” he asked. “It’s here for safekeeping,” replied his niece. “Your brother values it and has asked us to look after it. If you lose it while gambling, he’s threatened to kill you. I've heard what the family thinks about you. They’re fed up with you. If you lose this necklace while playing, it will be the last thing you ever lose.” After hearing this, he just said to his niece, “I need to think about what to do,” and he lay down to rest.

462. Next morning he rose early, made his breakfast of wood-rats, and went out to hunt, travelling toward the east. He stopped at one place, set fall-traps for wood-rats, and slept there all night. During the night he pondered on many plans. He thought at first he would go farther east and leave his people forever; but again he thought, “Who will hunt wood-rats for my niece when I am gone?” and he went back to her lodge and gave her all the little animals he had killed.

462. The next morning, he woke up early, made breakfast with wood-rats, and set out to hunt, heading east. He paused at one spot, set up fall-traps for wood-rats, and spent the night there. Throughout the night, he contemplated various plans. At first, he considered going further east and leaving his people behind for good; but then he thought, “Who will hunt wood-rats for my niece when I'm gone?” so he returned to her lodge and gave her all the little animals he had caught.

463. In the morning he breakfasted again on wood-rats, and said [161]to himself: “I shall go to-day to the south and never return.” Such was his intention as he went on his way. He travelled to the south, and spent the night out again; but in the morning he changed his mind, and came back to his niece with wood-rats and rabbits and the seeds of wild plants that he had gathered. The women cooked some of the wood-rats for his supper that night. When he lay down he thought of his brother’s threats, and made plans again for running away. He had not touched the beads, though he longed to take them.

463. In the morning, he had breakfast again with wood-rats and thought to himself: “I'm going south today and I'm not coming back.” That was his plan as he continued on his journey. He traveled south and spent another night out; but in the morning, he changed his mind and returned to his niece with wood-rats, rabbits, and the seeds of wild plants he had gathered. The women cooked some of the wood-rats for his dinner that night. As he lay down, he thought about his brother’s threats and started making plans to run away again. He hadn’t touched the beads, even though he really wanted to take them.

464. Next morning he went to the west, hunted there all day, and camped out at night as before; but again he could not make up his mind to leave his people, though he thought much about it; so he returned to his niece with such food as he had been able to get for her, and slept in the lodge that night.

464. The next morning, he headed west, spent the whole day hunting, and camped out at night like before; but once again, he struggled to decide to leave his people, even though he thought about it a lot. So, he went back to his niece with whatever food he could gather for her and spent the night in the lodge.

465. On the following day he went to the north and hunted. He slept little at night while camping out, for his mind was filled with sad thoughts. “My brother disowns me,” he said to himself. “My parents refuse me shelter. My niece, whom I love most, barely looks at me. I shall never go back again.” Yet, for all these words, when morning came he returned to the lodge.19

465. The next day he went north to hunt. He barely slept at night while camping out because his mind was filled with sad thoughts. “My brother has turned his back on me,” he told himself. “My parents won’t take me in. My niece, who I love dearly, hardly acknowledges me. I’ll never go back again.” Yet, despite all of this, when morning came, he returned to the lodge.19

466. By this time he was very poor, and so were his grandmother and niece. His sandals, made of grass and yucca-fibre, were worn through, and the blanket made of yucca-fibre and cedar-bark, which covered his back, was ragged.177 But the people in the other lodge were better off. They gave the grandmother and niece food at times; but always watched these closely when they came for food, lest they should carry off something to give the gambler. “Let him live,” said his parents, “on wood-rats and rabbits as well as he can.”

466. At this point, he was really poor, and so were his grandmother and niece. His sandals, made from grass and yucca fiber, were completely worn out, and the blanket made of yucca fiber and cedar bark that he wrapped around himself was tattered.177 However, the people in the other lodge were better off. They sometimes gave food to the grandmother and niece, but always kept a close eye on them when they came for food, in case they tried to take something to give to the gambler. “Let him survive,” said his parents, “on woodrats and rabbits as best as he can.”

467. The night after he returned from his hunt to the north he slept little, but spent the time mostly in thinking and making plans. What these plans were you shall soon know, for the next day he began to carry them out. His thought for his niece was now the only thing that made him care to stay at home.

467. The night after he got back from his hunt up north, he hardly slept, instead spending most of the time thinking and making plans. You’ll soon find out what those plans were, as he started putting them into action the next day. His concern for his niece was now the only thing that made him want to stay at home.

468. In the morning after this night of thought he asked his niece to roast for him four wood-rats; he tied these together and set out for the San Juan River. When he got to the banks of the river he examined a number of cottonwood trees until he found one that suited him. He burned this down and burned it off square at the base. He kept his fire from burning up the whole trunk by applying mud above the place to be burned. His plan was to make a hollow vessel by which he could go down the San Juan River. It was his own plan. He had never heard of such a thing before. The Navahoes had never anything better than rafts, and these were [162]good only to cross the river. He lay down beside the log to see where he should divide it, for he had planned to make the vessel a little longer than himself, and he burned the log across at the place selected. All this he did in one day, and then he went home, collecting rats on the way; but he told his niece nothing about the log. He slept that night in the lodge.

468. The morning after a night full of thought, he asked his niece to roast him four wood rats. He tied them together and headed out for the San Juan River. Once he reached the riverbanks, he checked out several cottonwood trees until he found one that met his needs. He burned it down and squared off the base. To prevent the fire from consuming the entire trunk, he packed mud above the burning area. His idea was to create a hollow vessel that would allow him to navigate the San Juan River. This was his own concept; he had never heard of anything like it before. The Navahoes only had rafts, which were [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] good for crossing the river. He lay down next to the log to determine where to cut it, planning to make the vessel a bit longer than himself, and he burned through the log at the chosen spot. He accomplished all of this in one day, then headed home, collecting rats along the way; but he didn't mention the log to his niece. He spent that night sleeping in the lodge.

469. He went back, next morning, to his log on the banks of the San Juan, and spent the day making the log hollow by means of fire, beginning at the butt end. He succeeded in doing only a part of this work in one day. It took him four days to burn the hole through from one end of the log to the other and to make it wide enough to hold his body. At the end of each day’s work he returned to his grandmother’s lodge, and got wood-rats and rabbits on his way home.

469. He went back the next morning to his log by the San Juan River and spent the day hollowing it out with fire, starting from the thick end. He only managed to do part of the work in one day. It took him four days to burn a hole clear through the log and make it wide enough to fit his body. At the end of each day’s work, he returned to his grandmother’s lodge, picking up wood rats and rabbits on his way home.

470. The next day, after the hole was finished, was spent in making and inserting plugs. He moistened a lot of shredded cedar-bark and pounded it between stones so as to make a soft mass. He shoved a large piece of this in at the butt end and rammed it down to the tip end. In burning out the log, he had burned, where the tree branched, four holes which he did not need, and these he filled with plugs of the cedar-bark. He prepared another plug to be rammed into the butt from the inside, after he entered the log, and when this was finished he went home to his grandmother’s house, collecting wood-rats from his traps as he went.

470. The next day, after finishing the hole, he spent his time making and inserting plugs. He soaked a bunch of shredded cedar bark and pounded it between stones to create a soft mass. He stuffed a large piece of this at the butt end and pushed it down to the tip. While burning out the log, he accidentally created four extra holes where the tree branched, which he filled with plugs of cedar bark. He prepared another plug to ram into the butt from the inside after he climbed into the log, and once that was done, he headed home to his grandmother’s house, collecting wood rats from his traps along the way.

471. The next morning his niece cooked several wood-rats and ground for him a good quantity—as much as could be held in two hands—of the seeds of tloʻtsózi (Sporobolus cryptandrus). This meal she put in a bag of wood-rat skins sewed together. Thus provided he went back to his log. He put the provisions into the hole and then proceeded to enter, in person, to see if the log was sound and the hole big enough. He entered, head foremost, and crawled inwards until half of his chest was in the log, when he heard a voice crying, “Wuʻhuʻhuʻhú!”26 and he came out to see who called. He looked in every direction and examined the ground for tracks, but seeing no signs of any intruder he proceeded again to enter the log. This time he got in as far as his waist, when again he heard the cry of “Wuʻhuʻhuʻhú,” but louder and nearer than before. Again he came out of the log and looked around farther and more carefully than he did the first time, going in his search to the margin of the river; but he saw no one, found no tracks, and returned to his log. On the next trial he entered as far as his knees, when for the third time the cry sounded, and he crept out once more to find whence it came. He searched farther, longer, and more closely than on either of the previous occasions, but without success, and he went back to [163]enter the log again. On the fourth trial, when he had entered as far as his feet, he heard the cry loud and near, and he felt some one shaking the log. He crept out for the fourth time and beheld Hastséyalti, the Talking God,73 standing over him.

471. The next morning, his niece cooked several wood rats and ground up a good amount—about as much as could fit in two hands—of tloʻtsózi seeds (Sporobolus cryptandrus). She packed this meal in a bag made from sewn wood rat skins. Equipped with this, he returned to his log. He placed the supplies into the hole and then decided to crawl inside to check if the log was sturdy and the hole was big enough. He entered headfirst and crawled in until about half of his chest was inside when he suddenly heard a voice call out, “Wuʻhuʻhuʻhú!”26 Curious, he came out to see who was calling. He looked around in every direction and examined the ground for any tracks, but since he found nothing indicating an intruder, he tried to enter the log again. This time, he got in as far as his waist when he heard the cry of “Wuʻhuʻhuʻhú” again, but this time it was louder and closer. Once more, he came out of the log and searched more thoroughly than before, even going to the river's edge, but still saw no one, found no tracks, and went back to the log. On his next attempt, he entered as far as his knees, when for the third time, he heard the cry and crawled out again to locate the source. He looked longer and closer than he had before, but with no luck, so he returned to [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] enter the log once more. On the fourth attempt, when he had gotten in as far as his feet, he heard the cry loud and near, and felt someone shaking the log. He crept out for the fourth time and saw Hastséyalti, the Talking God,73 standing over him.

472. Hastséyalti did not speak at first, but told the man by signs that he must not get into the log, that he would surely be drowned if he did, and that he must go home. Then Hastséyalti walked off a distance from the log and motioned to the Navaho to come to him. When Natĭ′nĕsthani came near the god, the latter spoke, saying: “My grandchild, why are you doing all this work? Where do you intend to go with this log?” The man then told the god all his sad story, and ended by saying: “I am an outcast. I wish to get far away from my people. Take pity on me. Stop me not, but let me go in this log as far as the waters of the Old Age River (San Juan) will bear me.” Hastséyalti replied: “No. You must not attempt to go into that log. You will surely be drowned if you do. I shall not allow you.” Four times Natĭ′nĕsthani pleaded, and four times the god denied him. Then the god said: “Have you any precious stones?” “Yes,” replied the man. “Have you white shell beads? Have you turquoise?” and thus the god went on asking him, one by one, if he had all the original eighteen sacred things202 that must be offered to the gods to gain their favor. To each of his questions the man replied “Yes,” although he had none of these things, and owned nothing but the rags that covered him. “It is well,” said the god. “You need not enter that log to make your journey. Go home and stay there for four nights. At daylight, after the fourth night, you may expect to see me again. Have yourself and your house clean and in order for my coming. Have the floor and all around the house swept carefully. Have the ashes taken out. Wash your body and your hair with yucca suds the night before I arrive, and bid your niece to wash herself also with yucca. I shall go off, now, and tell the other divine ones about you.”

472. Hastséyalti didn't speak at first, but used gestures to tell the man not to get into the log, warning him that he would definitely drown if he did, and that he should go home. Then Hastséyalti walked away from the log and signaled to the Navaho to come closer. When Natĭ′nĕsthani approached the god, he said, “My grandchild, why are you putting in all this effort? Where do you plan to go with that log?” The man then shared his sad tale and concluded, “I’m an outcast. I want to get far away from my people. Have mercy on me. Don’t stop me, but let me travel in this log as far as the waters of the Old Age River (San Juan) can take me.” Hastséyalti responded, “No. You must not try to get into that log. You will definitely drown if you do. I won’t allow it.” Natĭ′nĕsthani begged four times, and four times the god turned him down. Then the god asked, “Do you have any precious stones?” “Yes,” the man replied. “Do you have white shell beads? Do you have turquoise?” and the god continued asking him if he possessed all the original eighteen sacred items202 that must be offered to the gods to win their favor. To each question, the man answered “Yes,” despite having none of those things and owning only the rags on his back. “That’s good,” said the god. “You don’t need to get into that log to make your journey. Go home and stay there for four nights. At dawn after the fourth night, expect to see me again. Make sure you and your home are clean and tidy for my arrival. Sweep the floor and the area around the house thoroughly. Clear out the ashes. Wash your body and hair with yucca suds the night before I come, and ask your niece to wash herself with yucca too. I’ll go now and inform the other divine beings about you.”

473. As soon as he came home, Natĭ′nĕsthani told his niece what things he wanted (except the baskets and the sacred buckskins); but he did not tell her for what purpose he required them, and he asked her to steal them from their neighbors. This she did, a few things at a time, and during many visits. It took her three days to steal them all. On the evening of the third day, after they had washed themselves with the yucca suds, he told her about the baskets and the sacred buckskins which he needed. She went to the neighboring lodge and stole these articles, wrapping the baskets up in the buckskins. When she returned with her booty, he wrapped all the stolen goods up in the skins, put them away in the edge of the lodge, and lay down to rest. He was a good sleeper, and usually [164]slept all night; but on this occasion he woke about midnight, and could not go to sleep again.

473. As soon as he got home, Natĭ′nĕsthani told his niece what he needed (except for the baskets and the sacred buckskins); but he didn't tell her why he needed them and asked her to take them from their neighbors. She did this, taking a few things at a time during many visits. It took her three days to get everything. On the evening of the third day, after they had cleaned themselves with yucca suds, he told her about the baskets and the sacred buckskins he needed. She went to the neighboring lodge and stole those items, wrapping the baskets in the buckskins. When she returned with her haul, he wrapped all the stolen goods in the skins, stored them neatly at the edge of the lodge, and lay down to rest. He was a sound sleeper and usually [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] slept through the night; but this time he woke up around midnight and couldn’t fall back asleep.

474. At dawn he heard, faintly, the distant “Wuʻhuʻhuʻhú” of Hastséyalti. At once he woke his grandmother, saying: “I hear a voice. The dĭgíni (holy ones, divine ones) are coming.” “You fool,” she replied. “Shut your mouth and go to sleep. They would never come to visit such poor people as we are,” and she fell asleep again. In a little while he heard the voice a second time, louder and nearer, and again he shook his grandmother and told her he heard the voices of the gods; but she still would not believe him, and slept again. The third time that he awoke her, when he heard the voices still more plainly, she remained awake, beginning to believe him. The fourth time the call sounded loud and clear, as if cried by one standing at the door. “Hear,” he said to his grandmother. “Is that not truly the voice of a divine one?” At last she believed him, and said in wonder: “Why should the dĭgíni come to visit us?”

474. At dawn, he faintly heard the distant “Wuʻhuʻhuʻhú” of Hastséyalti. Immediately, he woke his grandmother, saying, “I hear a voice. The dĭgíni (holy ones, divine ones) are coming.” “You fool,” she replied. “Shut your mouth and go to sleep. They would never come to visit such poor people as us,” and she fell asleep again. A little while later, he heard the voice again, louder and closer, and once more he shook his grandmother and told her he heard the voices of the gods, but she still wouldn’t believe him and went back to sleep. The third time he woke her, the voices were even clearer, and she stayed awake, starting to believe him. When the call sounded loud and clear for the fourth time, as if someone was standing at the door, he said to his grandmother, “Listen, isn’t that truly the voice of a divine one?” Finally, she believed him, and said in wonder, “Why would the dĭgíni come to visit us?”

475. Hastséyalti and Hastséhogan were at the door, standing on the rainbow on which they had travelled. The former made signs to the man, over the curtain which hung in the doorway, bidding him pull the curtain aside and come out. “Grandmother,” said the Navaho, “Hastséyalti calls me to him.” “It is well,” she answered. “Do as he bids you.” As he went out, bearing his bundle of sacrificial objects, he said: “I go with the divine ones, but I shall come back again to see you.” The niece had a pet turkey203 that roosted on a tree near the lodge, Hastséyalti made signs to the Navaho to take the turkey along. The Navaho said: “My niece, the gods bid me take your turkey, and I would gladly do it, for I am going among strange people, where I shall be lonely. I love the bird; he would be company to me and remind me of my home. Yet I shall not take him against your will.” “Then you may have my turkey pet,” replied the niece. The old woman said to the god: “I shall be glad to have my grandchild back again. Will you let him return to us?” Hastséyalti only nodded his head. The gods turned the rainbow around sunwise, so that its head,204 which formerly pointed to the door of the lodge, now pointed in a new direction. Hastséyalti got on the bow first. He made the Navaho get on behind him. Hastséhogan got on behind the man. “Shut your eyes,” commanded Hastséyalti, and the Navaho did as he was bidden.

475. Hastséyalti and Hastséhogan were at the door, standing on the rainbow they had traveled on. The former gestured to the man through the curtain that hung in the doorway, urging him to pull it aside and come out. “Grandmother,” said the Navaho, “Hastséyalti is calling me.” “That’s fine,” she replied. “Do as he says.” As he stepped outside with his bundle of sacrificial items, he said, “I’m going with the divine beings, but I’ll come back to see you.” The niece had a pet turkey that roosted in a tree near the lodge. Hastséyalti signaled for the Navaho to take the turkey with him. The Navaho said, “My niece, the gods want me to take your turkey, and I would be happy to do it since I’ll be with strangers and might feel lonely. I love the bird; it would keep me company and remind me of home. But I won’t take it without your permission.” “Then you can have my pet turkey,” the niece replied. The old woman said to the god, “I’d be happy to have my grandchild back. Will you let him return to us?” Hastséyalti simply nodded his head. The gods turned the rainbow around sunwise, so that its head, which used to point to the lodge door, now pointed in a new direction. Hastséyalti got on the rainbow first. He had the Navaho get on behind him, and Hastséhogan climbed on behind the man. “Close your eyes,” instructed Hastséyalti, and the Navaho did as he was told.

476. In a moment Hastséyalti cried again: “Open your eyes.” The Navaho obeyed and found himself far away from his home at Tséʻtadi, where the dĭgíni dwelt. They led him into a house in the rock which was full of divine people. It was beautiful inside—the walls were covered with rock crystal, which gave forth a brilliant light. Hastséyalti ordered food brought for his visitor. The latter [165]was handed a small earthen cup only so big (a circle made by the thumb and index finger joined at the tips) filled with mush. “What a poor meal to offer a stranger!” thought the Navaho, supposing he would finish it in one mouthful. But he ate, and ate, and ate, and ate, from the cup and could not empty it. When he had eaten till he was satisfied the little cup was as full as in the beginning.205 He handed the cup, when he was done, back to Hastséyalti, who, with one sweep of his finger, emptied it, and it remained empty. The little cup was then filled with water and given to the guest to drink. He drank till his thirst was satisfied; but the cup was as full when he was done as it was when he began. He handed it again to Hastséyalti, who put it to his own lips and emptied it at a single swallow.

476. In a moment, Hastséyalti called out again, “Open your eyes.” The Navaho obeyed and found himself far away from his home at Tséʻtadi, where the dĭgíni lived. They led him into a house in the rock filled with divine people. It was beautiful inside—the walls were covered with rock crystal, which emitted a brilliant light. Hastséyalti ordered food to be brought for his visitor. The latter [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]was given a small earthen cup, just the size of a circle made by his thumb and index finger touching at the tips, filled with mush. “What a poor meal to offer a stranger!” thought the Navaho, assuming he would finish it in one mouthful. But he ate, and ate, and ate, and ate, from the cup and couldn't empty it. When he had eaten until he was satisfied, the little cup was as full as it was at the beginning.205 He handed the cup back to Hastséyalti, who emptied it with one swipe of his finger, leaving it empty. The little cup was then filled with water and given to the guest to drink. He drank until his thirst was quenched; yet the cup was as full when he finished as it was when he started. He returned it again to Hastséyalti, who brought it to his own lips and drained it in one gulp.

477. The gods opened the bundle of the Navaho and examined the contents to see if he had brought all they required, and they found he had done so. In the mean time he filled his pipe and lighted it. While he was smoking, the gods Nayénĕzgạni, Tóʻbadzĭstsíni, and Hastséoltoi206 arrived from Toʻyĕ′tli and entered the house. Nayénĕzgạni said to the visitor: “I hear that you were found crawling into a hole which you had made in a log by burning. Why were you doing this?” In reply the Navaho told his whole story, as he had told it to Hastséyalti, and ended by saying: “I wished to go to Toʻyĕ′tli, where the rivers meet, or wherever else the waters would bear me. While I was trying to carry out this plan, my grandfather, Hastséyalti, found me and bade me not to go. For this reason only I gave my plan up and went home.” “Do you still wish to go to Toʻyĕ′tli?” said Nayénĕzgạni. “Yes,” said the Navaho, “I wish to go to Toʻyĕ′tli or as far down the San Juan as I can get.” “Then you shall go,” said the god.

477. The gods opened the Navaho's bundle and checked to see if he had brought everything they needed, and they found that he had. In the meantime, he filled his pipe and lit it. While he was smoking, the gods Nayénĕzgạni, Tóʻbadzĭstsíni, and Hastséoltoi206 arrived from Toʻyĕ′tli and entered the house. Nayénĕzgạni asked the visitor, “I hear you were found crawling into a hole you made by burning a log. Why were you doing that?” In response, the Navaho shared his entire story, just as he had told it to Hastséyalti, and concluded by saying, “I wanted to go to Toʻyĕ′tli, where the rivers meet, or wherever the waters would take me. While I was trying to carry out this plan, my grandfather, Hastséyalti, found me and told me not to go. That’s the only reason I gave up my plan and went home.” “Do you still want to go to Toʻyĕ′tli?” Nayénĕzgạni asked. “Yes,” the Navaho replied, “I want to go to Toʻyĕ′tli or as far down the San Juan as I can get.” “Then you shall go,” the god said.

478. Nayénĕzgạni went forth from the house and the other gods followed him. They went to a grove of spruce, and there picked out a tree of unusual size. They tied rainbow ropes to it, so that it might not fall with too great force and break in falling. Nayénĕzgạni and Toʻbadzĭstsíni cut it near the root with their great stone knives, and it fell to the north. Crooked Lightning struck the fallen tree and went through it from butt to tip. Straight Lightning struck it and went through it from tip to butt. Thus the hole was bored in the log, and this was done before the branches were cut away. The hole that Crooked Lightning bored was too crooked. Straight Lightning made it straight, but still it was too small. Black Wind was sent into the hole, and he made it larger, but not large enough. Blue Wind, Yellow Wind, and White Wind entered the hole, each in turn, and each, as he went through, made it a little larger. It was not until White Wind had done his work that the hole was big [166]enough to contain the body of a man. Hastséyalti supplied a bowl of food, a vessel of water, and a white cloud for bedding. They wrapped the Navaho up in the cloud and put him into the log. They plugged the ends with clouds,—a black cloud in the butt and a blue cloud in the tip,—and charged him not to touch either of these cloudy plugs. When they got him into the log some one said: “How will he get light? How will he know when it is night and when it is day?” They bored two holes in the log, one on each side of his head, and they put in each hole, to make a window, a piece of rock crystal, which they pushed in so tightly that water could not leak in around it.

478. Nayénĕzgạni left the house, followed by the other gods. They headed to a spruce grove and chose a tree that was larger than usual. They tied rainbow ropes to it to soften the impact when it fell, preventing it from breaking. Nayénĕzgạni and Toʻbadzĭstsíni chopped it down near the roots with their big stone knives, and it fell to the north. Crooked Lightning struck the fallen tree, piercing it from the base to the tip. Straight Lightning hit it too, going from the tip to the base. This created a hole in the log before the branches were removed. The hole made by Crooked Lightning was too twisted, while Straight Lightning straightened it out, but it was still too small. Black Wind was sent into the hole, and he made it bigger, but not big enough. Then Blue Wind, Yellow Wind, and White Wind took turns entering the hole, each one enlarging it a bit more. It wasn't until White Wind finished that the hole was big [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]enough to hold a man's body. Hastséyalti brought a bowl of food, a container of water, and a white cloud for bedding. They wrapped the Navajo in the cloud and placed him in the log. They sealed the ends with clouds—a black cloud at the base and a blue cloud at the tip—and instructed him not to touch either cloudy plug. Once they had him inside the log, someone asked, “How will he get light? How will he know when it's night and when it's day?” They drilled two holes in the log, one on each side of his head, and inserted a piece of rock crystal into each hole to serve as windows, fitting them tightly so that no water could leak in around them.

479. While some of the gods were preparing the log, others were getting the pet turkey ready for his journey, but they did this unknown to the Navaho. They put about his body black cloud, he-rain, black mist, and she-rain. They put under his wings white corn, yellow corn, blue corn, corn of mixed colors, squash seed, watermelon seed, muskmelon seed, gourd seed, and beans of all colors. These were the six gods who prepared the turkey: four of the Gánaskĭdi207 from a place called Depéhahatil, one Hastséhogan from Tseʻgíhi,165 and the Hastséhogan from Tséʻtadi,—the one who found the Navaho entering his cottonwood log and took him home to the house in the rocks.

479. While some of the gods were getting the log ready, others were preparing the pet turkey for his journey, but they did this without the Navaho knowing. They wrapped his body in black cloud, he-rain, black mist, and she-rain. They placed white corn, yellow corn, blue corn, corn of mixed colors, squash seed, watermelon seed, muskmelon seed, gourd seed, and beans of all colors under his wings. These were the six gods who got the turkey ready: four of the Gánaskĭdi207 from a place called Depéhahatil, one Hastséhogan from Tseʻgíhi,165 and the Hastséhogan from Tséʻtadi,—the one who found the Navaho entering his cottonwood log and took him back to the house in the rocks.

480. The next thing they had to think about was how they should carry the heavy log to the river with the man inside of it. They put under the log (first) a rope of crooked lightning, (second) a rope of rainbow, (third) a rope of straight lightning, and (fourth) another rope of rainbow. They attached a sunbeam to each end of the log. All the gods except those who were engaged in preparing the turkey tried to move the log, but they could not stir it; and they sent for the six who were at work on the turkey to come to their aid. Two of the Gánaskĭdi were now stationed at each end, and two of the Hastséhogan in the middle. The others were stationed at other parts. The Gánaskĭdi put their wands under the log crosswise, thus, X. All lifted together, and the log was carried along. Some of them said: “If strength fail us and we let the log fall, we shall not attempt to raise it again, and the Navaho will not make his journey.” As they went along some became tired and were about to let the log go, but the winds came to help them—Black Wind and Blue Wind in front, Yellow Wind and White Wind behind, and soon the log was borne to the margin of the river. As they went along, Tóʻnenĭli,98 the Water Sprinkler, made fun and played tricks, as he now does in the dances, to show that he was pleased with what they were doing. While the gods were at work the Navaho sang five songs, each for a different part of the work; the significant words of the songs were these:— [167]

480. The next thing they needed to figure out was how to carry the heavy log to the river with the man inside it. They placed under the log (first) a rope of twisted lightning, (second) a rope of rainbow, (third) a rope of straight lightning, and (fourth) another rope of rainbow. They connected a sunbeam to each end of the log. All the gods, except those who were busy preparing the turkey, tried to move the log, but they couldn't budge it; so they called on the six who were working on the turkey to help them. Two of the Gánaskĭdi were now positioned at each end, and two of the Hastséhogan were in the middle. The others were stationed at different spots. The Gánaskĭdi placed their wands under the log crosswise, forming an X. They all lifted together, and the log was carried along. Some of them said, “If we lose our strength and drop the log, we won't try to lift it again, and the Navaho won't complete his journey.” As they moved along, some became tired and were about to let go of the log, but the winds came to help them—Black Wind and Blue Wind in front, Yellow Wind and White Wind behind, and soon the log was brought to the edge of the river. As they went on, Tóʻnenĭli,98 the Water Sprinkler, joked and played tricks, just as he does in the dances, to show he was pleased with what they were doing. While the gods worked, the Navaho sang five songs, each for a different part of the task; the important words of the songs were these:— [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

  • First Song, “A beautiful tree they fell for me.”
  • Second Song, “A beautiful tree they prepare for me.”
  • Third Song, “A beautiful tree they finish for me.”
  • Fourth Song, “A beautiful tree they carry with me.”
  • Fifth Song, “A beautiful tree they launch with me.”283

481. When they threw the log on the surface of the water it floated around in different directions, but would not go down stream, so the gods consulted together to determine what they should do. They covered the log first with black mist and then with black cloud. Some of the gods standing on the banks punched the log with their plumed wands, when it approached the shore or began to whirl round, and they kept this up till it got into a straight course, with its head pointed down stream, and floated on. When the gods were punching the log to get it into the current, the Navaho sang a song, the principal words of which were:—

481. When they tossed the log onto the water, it floated in various directions but wouldn’t drift downstream, so the gods got together to figure out what to do. They first covered the log with black mist and then with black clouds. Some of the gods standing on the shore poked the log with their feathered wands as it got close to the shore or started to spin around, and they kept doing this until it was straightened out, with its front pointed downstream, and it floated on. While the gods were nudging the log to bring it into the current, the Navaho sang a song, the main words of which were:—

1. “A beautiful tree, they push with me.”

1. “A beautiful tree, they push along with me.”

When the log was about to go down the stream, he sang:—

When the log was about to float down the stream, he sang:—

2. “A beautiful tree is about to float along with me,”

2. “A lovely tree is about to drift alongside me,”

and when the log got into the current and went down, he sang:—

and when the log got into the current and floated downstream, he sang:—

3. “A beautiful tree floats along with me.”284

3. “A beautiful tree moves alongside me.”284

482. All went well till they approached a pueblo called Kĭ′ndotz, or Blue House,208 when two of the Kisáni, who were going to hunt eaglets, saw the log floating by, though they could not see the gods that guided its course. Wood was scarce around Blue House. When the men saw the log they said, “There floats a big tree. It would furnish us fuel for many days if we could get it. We must try to bring it to the shore.” The two men ran back to the pueblo and announced that a great log was coming down the river. A number of people turned out to seize it. Most of them ran down the stream to a shallow place where they could all wade in, to await the arrival of the log, while a few went up along the bank to herald its approach. When it came to the shallow place they tried to break off branches, but failed. They tied ropes to the branches, and tried to pull it ashore; but the log, hurried on by the current, carried the crowd with it. But the next time the log got to a shallow place the Kisáni got it stranded, and sent back to the pueblo for axes, intending to cut off branches and make the log light. When the gods saw the people coming with axes they said: “Something must be done.” They sent down a great shower of rain, but the Kisáni held on to the log. They sent hail, with hailstones as big as two fists; but still the Kisáni held on. They sent lightning to the right—the people to the left held on. They sent lightning to the left—the people to the right held on. They sent lightning in all directions [168]four times, when, at last, the Kisáni let go and the log floated on. Now the gods laid upon the log a cloud so thick that no one could see through it; they put a rainbow lengthwise and a rainbow crosswise over it, and they caused the zigzag lightning to flash all around it. When the Kisáni saw all these things they began to fear. “The gods must guard this log,” they said. “Yes,” said the chief. “Go to your homes, and let the log pass on. It must be holy.”

482. Everything went smoothly until they approached a village called Kĭ′ndotz, or Blue House,208 when two of the Kisáni, who were going to hunt eaglets, spotted a log floating by, even though they couldn’t see the gods guiding its path. Wood was hard to come by near Blue House. When the men saw the log, they said, “That’s a big tree. It could provide us with fuel for many days if we can get it. We need to try to bring it to shore.” The two men rushed back to the village and reported that a huge log was coming down the river. A crowd gathered to grab it. Most of them ran downstream to a shallow area where they could wade in and wait for the log’s arrival, while a few headed up the bank to announce its approach. When the log reached the shallow water, they attempted to break off branches but couldn’t. They tied ropes to the branches and tried to pull it ashore, but the current carried the log—and the crowd—along with it. The next time the log came to a shallow spot, the Kisáni managed to get it stuck and sent someone back to the village for axes, planning to cut off branches to lighten the log. When the gods saw the people coming with axes, they said, “Something must be done.” They sent down a heavy rain, but the Kisáni held onto the log. They then unleashed hail, with stones the size of two fists; still, the Kisáni didn’t let go. They struck with lightning to the right—the people on the left held on. They sent lightning to the left—the people on the right held on. They unleashed lightning in all directions [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]four times, before the Kisáni finally released their grip and the log continued floating. Then the gods covered the log with a thick cloud so that no one could see through it; they placed a rainbow along it and another across it, and sent zigzag lightning flashing all around it. When the Kisáni saw all this, they began to feel afraid. “The gods must be protecting this log,” they said. “Yes,” replied the chief. “Go back to your homes and let the log pass by. It must be sacred.”

483. The log floated steadily with the stream till it came to a place where a ridge of rocks, standing nearly straight up, disturbs the current, and here the log became entangled in the rocks. But two of the Fringe-mouths209 of the river raised it from the rocks and set it floating again. They turned the log around, one standing at each end, until they got it lying lengthwise with the current, and then they let it float away.

483. The log floated smoothly with the current until it reached a spot where a ridge of rocks jutted up, disrupting the flow. Here, the log got stuck in the rocks. But two of the Fringe-mouths209 of the river lifted it free and set it floating again. They turned the log around, one at each end, until it was aligned with the current, and then they let it drift away.

484. Thence it floated safely to Tóʻhodotz, where the gods on the bank observed it stopping and slowly sinking, until only a few leaves on the ends of the branches could be seen. It was the sacred people under the water who had pulled the log down this time. These were Tiéholtsodi, Tielín,210 Frog, Fish, Beaver, Otter, and others. They took the Navaho out of the log and bore him down to their home under the water. The gods on the bank held a council to consider why the tree stuck. They shook it and tried to get it loose, but they could not move it. Then they called on Tóʻnenĭli, Water Sprinkler, to help them. He had two magic water jars, Toʻsadĭlyĭ′l, the black jar, which he carried in his right hand, and Toʻsadotlĭ′z, the blue jar, which he carried in his left hand; with these he struck the water to the right and to the left, crying as he did so his call of “Tuʻwuʻwuʻwú!” The water opened before him and allowed him to descend. He went around the tree, and when he came to the butt he found that the plug had been withdrawn and that the Navaho was no longer there. He called up to his friends on the bank and told them what he had found. They spread a short rainbow211 for him to travel on, and he went to the house of the divine ones under the water. This house consisted of four chambers, one under another, like the stories of a pueblo dwelling. The first chamber, that on top, was black; the second was blue; the third yellow; the fourth white.18 Two of the Tielín, or water pets with blue horns, stood at the door facing one another, and roared as Tóʻnenĭli passed. He descended from one story to another, but found no one till he came to the last chamber, and here he saw Tiéholtsodi, the water monster; Tsal, Frog (a big rough frog); Tsa, Beaver, Tábastin, Otter, Tloʻayuĭnlĭ′tigi (a great fish), and the captive Navaho. “I seek my grandchild. Give him to me,” said Tóʻnenĭli. “Shut your mouth and begone,” said Tiéholtsodi. [169]“Such as you cannot come here giving orders. I fear you not, Water Sprinkler; you shall not have your grandchild.” Then Tóʻnenĭli went out again and told his friends what had happened to him, and what had been said in the house of Tiéholtsodi under the water.

484. Then it floated safely to Tóʻhodotz, where the gods on the shore watched as it stopped and began to slowly sink, leaving only a few leaves at the ends of the branches visible. It was the sacred beings beneath the water who had dragged the log down this time. These included Tiéholtsodi, Tielín,210 Frog, Fish, Beaver, Otter, and others. They pulled the Navaho out of the log and took him down to their home below the water. The gods on the shore held a meeting to figure out why the tree got stuck. They shook it and tried to free it, but couldn't move it. Then they called on Tóʻnenĭli, Water Sprinkler, to help. He had two magical water jars: Toʻsadĭlyĭ′l, the black jar in his right hand, and Toʻsadotlĭ′z, the blue jar in his left hand; with these, he struck the water to the right and to the left, shouting his call of “Tuʻwuʻwuʻwú!” The water parted for him, allowing him to dive down. He swam around the log, and when he got to the base, he found that the plug had been pulled out and the Navaho was gone. He called up to his friends on the shore and told them what he had discovered. They spread a short rainbow211 for him to travel on, and he went to the house of the divine beings under the water. This house had four chambers, one below another, like the stories of a pueblo dwelling. The first chamber, on top, was black; the second was blue; the third was yellow; and the fourth was white.18 Two of the Tielín, or water creatures with blue horns, stood at the door facing each other and roared as Tóʻnenĭli passed. He moved from one story to the next but found no one until he reached the last chamber, where he saw Tiéholtsodi, the water monster; Tsal, Frog (a large rough frog); Tsa, Beaver, Tábastin, Otter, Tloʻayuĭnlĭ′tigi (a great fish), and the captive Navaho. “I’m looking for my grandchild. Give him to me,” said Tóʻnenĭli. “Shut up and get lost,” replied Tiéholtsodi. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]“You can’t come here giving orders. I’m not afraid of you, Water Sprinkler; you won’t get your grandchild.” Then Tóʻnenĭli went back out and told his friends what happened to him and what was said in the house of Tiéholtsodi beneath the water.

485. The gods held another council. “Who shall go down and rescue our grandchild?” was the question they asked one another. While they were talking Hastsézĭni212 (Black God), who owns all fire, sat apart and took no part in the council. He had built a fire, while the others waited, and sat with his back to it, as was his custom. “Go tell your grandfather there what has occurred,” said the others to Tóʻnenĭli. The latter went over to where Hastsézĭni sat. “Why are they gathered together yonder and of what do they talk so angrily?” said the Black God. In answer, Tóʻnenĭli told of his adventures under the water and what Tiéholtsodi had said to him. Hastsézĭni was angry when he heard all this. “I fear not the sacred people beneath the water,” he said. “I shall have my grandchild.” He hastened to the river, taking Tóʻnenĭli with him, for Tóʻnenĭli had the power to open the water, and these two descended into the river. When they reached the room where Tiéholtsodi sat, the Black God said, “We come together for our grandchild.” “Run out there, both of you. Such as you may not enter here,” said Tiéholtsodi. “I go not without my grandson. Give him to me, and I shall go,” said the other. “Run out,” repeated Tiéholtsodi, “I shall not release your grandchild.” “I shall take my grandchild. I fear you not.” “I shall not restore him to you. I heed not your words.” “I never recall what I have once spoken. I have come for my grandchild, and I shall not leave without him.” “I said you should not go with him, and I mean what I say. I am mighty.” Thus they spoke defiantly to one another for some time. At length Hastsézĭni said: “I shall beg no longer for my grandchild. You say you are mighty. We shall see which is the more powerful, you or I,” and Tiéholtsodi answered: “Neither shall I ask your permission to keep him. I should like to see how you will take him from me.” When Hastsézĭni heard this he took from his belt his fire-stick and fire-drill.213 He laid the stick on the ground, steadied it with both feet, and whirled the drill around, pausing four times. The first time he whirled the drill there was a little smoke; the second time there was a great smoke; the third time there was flame; the fourth time the surrounding waters all took fire. Then Tiéholtsodi cried: “Take your grandchild, but put out the flames.” “Ah,” said Hastsézĭni, “you told me you were mighty. Why do you implore me now? Why do you not put out the fire yourself? Do you mean what you say this time? Do you really want [170]the fire quenched?” “Oh! yes,” cried Tiéholtsodi. “Take your grandchild, but put out the flames. I mean what I say.” At a sign from Black God, Water Sprinkler took the stoppers out of his jars and scattered water all around him four times, crying his usual “Tuʻwuʻwuʻwú” as he did so, and the flames died out. The water in Tóʻnenĭli’s jars consisted of all kinds of water—he-rain, she-rain, hail, snow, lake-water, spring-water, and water taken from the four quarters of the world. This is why it was so potent.67

485. The gods had another meeting. “Who will go down and save our grandchild?” they asked each other. While they were discussing this, Hastsézĭni212 (Black God), who controls all fire, sat away from the group and remained silent. He had built a fire and was sitting with his back to it, as he usually did. “Go tell your grandfather what has happened,” the others said to Tóʻnenĭli. He walked over to where Hastezini was. “Why are they gathered over there and what are they arguing about?” asked the Black God. In response, Tóʻnenĭli shared his adventures underwater and what Tiéholtsodi had said to him. Hastsézĭni became furious upon hearing this. “I don't fear the sacred beings beneath the water,” he declared. “I will have my grandchild.” He quickly headed to the river, bringing Tóʻnenĭli along, as Tóʻnenĭli had the ability to open the water, and the two of them descended into the river. When they reached the chamber where Tiéholtsodi was, the Black God said, “We are here for our grandchild.” “You both need to leave. You can't enter here,” replied Tiéholtsodi. “I won’t go without my grandson. Give him to me, and I’ll leave,” insisted Hastsézĭni. “Leave,” Tiéholtsodi repeated, “I won't give you your grandchild back.” “I will take my grandchild. I don’t fear you.” “I will not give him back to you. I don’t care what you say.” “I never go back on my word. I have come for my grandchild, and I won’t leave without him.” “I said you can’t take him, and I mean it. I am powerful.” They argued back and forth for a while. Finally, Hastsézĭni said: “I won’t beg for my grandchild anymore. You claim to be powerful. We will see who is stronger, you or me,” and Tiéholtsodi responded: “I will not ask for your permission to keep him. I’m curious to see how you will take him from me.” When Hastsézĭni heard this, he pulled out his fire-stick and fire-drill from his belt.213 He placed the stick on the ground, held it steady with both feet, and spun the drill around, stopping four times. The first time he spun the drill, there was a little smoke; the second time, a lot of smoke; the third time, fire appeared; and in the fourth, the surrounding waters ignited. Then Tiéholtsodi shouted: “Take your grandchild, but put out the flames.” “Oh,” said Hastsézĭni, “you claimed to be powerful. Why are you begging me now? Why don’t you put the fire out yourself? Are you serious this time? Do you really want [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] the fire extinguished?” “Oh! Yes,” cried Tiéholtsodi. “Take your grandchild, but put out the flames. I mean what I say.” At a signal from the Black God, Water Sprinkler removed the stoppers from his jars and splashed water all around him four times, shouting his usual “Tuʻwuʻwuʻwú” as he did so, and the flames extinguished. The water in Tóʻnenĭli’s jars was made up of all types of water—he-rain, she-rain, hail, snow, lake-water, spring-water, and water collected from the four corners of the world. This is why it was so powerful.67

486. When the fire was extinguished the three marched out in single file—Tóʻnenĭli in front, to divide the water, the Navaho in the middle, and Hastsézĭni in the rear. Before they had quite reached the dry land they heard a flopping sound behind them, and, looking around, they saw Tsal, the Frog. “Wait,” said he. “I have something to tell you. We can give disease to those who enter our dwelling, and there are cigarettes, sacred to us, by means of which our spell may be taken away. The cigarette of Tiéholtsodi should be painted black; that of Tielín, blue; those of the Beaver and the Otter, yellow; that of the great fish, and that sacred to me, white.” Therefore, in these days, when a Navaho is nearly drowned in the water, and has spewed the water all out, such cigarettes12 are made to take the water sickness out of him.

486. When the fire was put out, the three walked out in single file—Tóʻnenĭli leading the way to part the water, the Navaho in the middle, and Hastsézĭni at the back. Just before they reached the dry land, they heard a flopping sound behind them, and when they turned around, they saw Tsal, the Frog. “Wait,” he said. “I have something to share with you. We can inflict illness on those who come into our home, and there are cigarettes that are sacred to us, through which our spell can be removed. The cigarette of Tiéholtsodi should be painted black; that of Tielín, blue; those of the Beaver and the Otter, yellow; that of the great fish, and that sacred to me, white.” So nowadays, when a Navaho is almost drowned and has coughed all the water out, such cigarettes12 are made to relieve the water sickness from him.

487. The gods took Natĭ′nĕsthani back to his log. Tóʻnenĭli opened a passage for them through the river, and took the water out of the hollow in the log. The Navaho crawled into the hollow. The gods plugged the butt again, and set the log floating. It floated on and on until it came to a fall in the San Juan River, and here it stuck again. The gods had hard labor trying to get it loose. They tugged and worked, but could not move it. At length the Dsahadoldzá, the Fringe-mouths of the water, came to help. They put the zigzag lightning which was on their bodies209 under the butt of the log,—as if the lightning were a rope,—and soon they got the log loose and sent it floating down the river.

487. The gods took Natĭ′nĕsthani back to his log. Tóʻnenĭli opened a way for them through the river and removed the water from the hollow in the log. The Navaho crawled into the hollow. The gods sealed the end again and set the log afloat. It drifted along until it reached a waterfall in the San Juan River, where it got stuck once more. The gods struggled to free it. They pulled and worked, but it wouldn’t budge. Finally, the Dsahadoldzá, the Fringe-mouths of the water, came to help. They placed the zigzag lightning on their bodies under the end of the log—as if the lightning were a rope—and soon they freed the log and sent it floating down the river.

488. At the end of the San Juan River, surrounded by mountains, there is a whirling lake or large whirlpool called Tóʻnihilin, or End of the Water. When the log entered here it whirled around the lake four times. The first time it went around it floated near the shore, but it gradually approached the centre as it went round again and again. From the centre it pointed itself toward the east and got near the shore; but it retreated again to the centre, pointed itself to the south, and at last stranded on the south shore of the lake. When it came to land four gods stood around it thus: Hastséhogan on the east, Hastséyalti on the south, one Gánaskĭdi on the west, and one on the north. They pried out one of the stoppers with their wands, and the Navaho came out on the land. They took [171]out what remained of the food they had given him, a bow of cedar with the leaves on, and two reed arrows that they had placed in the log before they launched it. This done, they plugged the log again with a black cloud.

488. At the end of the San Juan River, surrounded by mountains, there is a swirling lake or large whirlpool called Tóʻnihilin, or End of the Water. When the log entered here, it swirled around the lake four times. The first time it went around, it floated near the shore, but it gradually moved closer to the center as it went around again and again. From the center, it aimed toward the east and got near the shore; but then it pulled back to the center, aimed south, and finally got stuck on the south shore of the lake. When it reached land, four gods stood around it like this: Hastséhogan in the east, Hastséyalti in the south, one Gánaskĭdi in the west, and one in the north. They pried out one of the stoppers with their wands, and the Navajo came out onto the land. They took [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]what was left of the food they had given him, a cedar bow with the leaves on, and two reed arrows that they had placed in the log before they launched it. After this, they plugged the log again with a black cloud.

489. Then the gods spoke to the Navaho and said: “We have taken you where you wished to go. We have brought you to the end of the river. We have done for you all that in the beginning you asked us to do, and now we shall give you a new name. Henceforth you shall be called Áhodĭseli, He Who Floats. Go sit yonder” (pointing out a place), “and turn your back to us.” He went and sat as he was told, and soon they called to him and bade him go to a hill west of the lake. When he ascended it he looked around and saw the log moving back in the direction whence, he thought, he had come. He looked all around, but could see no one. The gods had disappeared, and he was all alone. He sat down to think. He felt sad and lonely. He was sorry he had come; yet, he thought, “This is my own deed; I insisted on coming here, and had I stayed at home I might have been killed.” Still the more he thought the sadder he felt, and he began to weep.

489. Then the gods spoke to the Navajo and said, “We have taken you where you wanted to go. We have brought you to the end of the river. We have done everything you asked us to do in the beginning, and now we will give you a new name. From now on, you will be called Áhodĭseli, He Who Floats. Go sit over there” (pointing to a place), “and turn your back to us.” He went and sat as instructed, and soon they called to him and told him to go to a hill west of the lake. When he climbed it, he looked around and saw the log moving back toward where he thought he had come from. He looked all around but saw no one. The gods had vanished, and he was all alone. He sat down to think. He felt sad and lonely. He regretted coming; yet, he thought, “This is my own doing; I insisted on coming here, and if I had stayed at home, I might have been killed.” Still, the more he thought, the sadder he felt, and he began to cry.

Fig. 34. Trail of turkey approaching his master.

Fig. 34. Trail of turkey approaching his master.

Fig. 34. A trail of turkeys coming towards their owner.

490. The mountains all around the lake were very precipitous, except on the west side. Here they were more sloping, and he began to think of crossing, when he heard faintly in the distance the gobbling of a turkey. He paused and listened, and soon heard the gobbling again, more distinctly and apparently nearer. In a short time he heard the sound for the third time, but louder and clearer than before. The fourth time that the gobbling was heard it seemed very loud and distinct; and a moment later he beheld, [172]running toward him, his pet turkey, whom he had thought he would never see again. The turkey, which had followed him all the way down the San Juan River, now approached its master from the east, as if it were coming to him at once; but when it got within arm’s length of the man it retreated and went round him sunwise, approaching and retreating again at the south, the west, and the north. When it got to the east again it ran up to its master and allowed itself to be embraced. (Fig. 34 shows the way it approached its master.) “Ahaláni, sĭlín (Welcome, my pet),” said Natĭ′nĕsthani, “I am sorry for you that you have followed me, I pity you; but now that you are here, I thank you for coming.”

490. The mountains surrounding the lake were steep, except for the western side. Here, the slopes were gentler, and he started to consider crossing when he faintly heard a turkey gobbling in the distance. He paused to listen and soon heard the gobbling again, clearer and seemingly closer. In no time, he heard it a third time, but this time it was louder and sharper than before. When the gobbling sounded for the fourth time, it was very loud and distinct; moments later, he saw his pet turkey running toward him, the one he thought he would never see again. The turkey, which had followed him all the way down the San Juan River, now approached from the east as if heading straight for him; but when it got within arm's reach, it backed off and circled him clockwise, coming closer and then retreating from the south, west, and north. When it reached the east again, it rushed up to him and allowed itself to be hugged. (Fig. 34 shows how it approached its master.) “Ahaláni, sĭlín (Welcome, my pet),” said Natĭ′nĕsthani, “I’m sorry you followed me; I feel for you. But now that you’re here, I’m glad you came.”

491. The man now began to think again of crossing the mountain in the west, but suddenly night came on. He had not noticed the light fading until it was too dark to begin the journey, and he felt obliged to seek a resting-place for the night. They went to a gulch near at hand where there were a few small cedar-trees. They spread out, for a bed, the dead leaves and the soft débris which they found under the trees and lay down, side by side, to sleep. The Navaho spread his bark blanket over himself, and the turkey spread one of its wings over its master, and he slept well that night.

491. The man started to consider crossing the mountain in the west again, but suddenly night fell. He hadn’t realized the light was fading until it was too dark to start the journey, so he felt he had to find a place to rest for the night. They went to a nearby gulch with a few small cedar trees. They spread out the dead leaves and soft debris they found under the trees as a bed and lay down side by side to sleep. The Navaho covered himself with his bark blanket, and the turkey spread one of its wings over its owner, and he slept well that night.

492. Next morning they rose early and went out to hunt wood-rats. They went down a small winding valley till they came to a beautiful flat, through which ran a stream of water. “This would be a good place for a farm if I had but the seeds to plant,” said the Navaho aloud. When he had spoken he observed that his turkey began to act in a very peculiar manner. It ran to the western border of the flat, circled round to the north, and then ran directly from north to south, where it rejoined its master, who had in the mean time walked around the edge of the flat from east to west. This (fig. 35) shows how they went. When they met they walked together four times around the flat, gradually approaching the centre as they walked. Here, in the centre, the man sat down and the turkey gambolled around him. “My pet,” said the Navaho, “what a beautiful farm I could make here if I only had the seeds.” The turkey gobbled in reply and spread out its wings.

492. The next morning, they got up early and went out to hunt wood-rats. They walked down a small winding valley until they reached a lovely flat area, where a stream of water flowed. “This would be a great spot for a farm if only I had the seeds to plant,” the Navaho said aloud. After he spoke, he noticed that his turkey started acting strangely. It ran to the western edge of the flat, circled around to the north, and then ran directly from north to south, where it rejoined its owner, who had meanwhile walked around the edge of the flat from east to west. This (fig. 35) shows how they went. When they met, they walked together four times around the flat, gradually getting closer to the center as they walked. In the center, the man sat down, and the turkey frolicked around him. “My pet,” said the Navaho, “what a beautiful farm I could create here if I only had the seeds.” The turkey gobbled in response and spread its wings.

493. Natĭ′nĕsthani had supposed that when the gods were preparing the log for him they had done something to the turkey, but what they had done he knew not. Now that his pet was acting so strangely, it occurred to him that perhaps it could aid him. “My pet,” he said, “can you do anything to help me make a farm here?” The turkey ran a little way to the east and shook its wings, from which four grains of white corn dropped out; then it ran to the south and shook from its wings four grains of blue corn; at the west it shook out four grains of yellow corn, and at the north four [173]grains of variegated corn. Then it ran up to its master from the east and shook its wings four times, each time shaking out four seeds. The first time it dropped pumpkin seeds; the second time, watermelon seeds; the third time, muskmelon seeds; the fourth time, beans. “Eʻyéhe, sĭlín (Thanks, my pet). I thought you had something for me,” said Natĭ′nĕsthani.

493. Natĭ′nĕsthani thought that when the gods were getting the log ready for him, they had done something to the turkey, but he had no idea what it was. Now that his pet was acting so oddly, he wondered if it might help him. “My pet,” he said, “can you do anything to assist me in starting a farm here?” The turkey ran a little to the east and shook its wings, dropping four grains of white corn. Then it ran to the south and shook out four grains of blue corn; to the west, it dropped four grains of yellow corn, and to the north, four grains of variegated corn. After that, it ran up to its master from the east and shook its wings four times, dropping four seeds each time. The first time, it dropped pumpkin seeds; the second time, watermelon seeds; the third time, muskmelon seeds; and the fourth time, beans. “Eʻyéhe, sĭlín (Thanks, my pet). I thought you had something for me,” said Natĭ′nĕsthani.

Fig. 35. Tracks of man and turkey.

Fig. 35. Tracks of man and turkey.

Fig. 35. Footprints of a person and a turkey.

494. He went away from the flat, roasted wood-rats for a meal, and when he had eaten he made two planting sticks, one of greasewood and one of tsĭntlĭ′zi214 (Fendleria rupicola). He returned to the flat and began to make his farm. He dug four holes in the east with the stick of tsĭntlĭ′zi, and dropped into each hole a grain of white corn. He dug four holes in the south with his greasewood stick, and placed in each hole one grain of blue corn. He dug four holes in the west with the tsĭntlĭ′zi stick, and planted in each one grain of yellow corn. He made four holes in the north with the greasewood, and put in each one grain of variegated corn. With the implement of tsĭntlĭ′zi he planted the pumpkin seed between the white corn and the blue corn. With the implement of greasewood he planted watermelon seed between the blue corn and the yellow corn. With the stick of tsĭntlĭ′zi he planted muskmelon seeds between the yellow corn and the variegated corn. With the stick of greasewood he planted beans between the variegated corn and the white corn.215 He looked all around to see if he had done everything properly, and he went to the west of his farm among the foothills and camped there. [174]

494. He left the area, caught some wood rats for a meal, and after eating, he crafted two planting sticks—one from greasewood and the other from tsĭntlĭ′zi214 (Fendleria rupicola). He went back and started working on his farm. He dug four holes in the east using the tsĭntlĭ′zi stick and dropped a grain of white corn into each hole. He then dug four holes in the south with the greasewood stick and placed a grain of blue corn in each. Next, he dug four holes in the west with the tsĭntlĭ′zi stick, planting a grain of yellow corn in each. He made four holes in the north with the greasewood stick and added a grain of variegated corn in each. With the tsĭntlĭ′zi stick, he planted pumpkin seeds between the white and blue corn. Using the greasewood stick, he planted watermelon seeds between the blue and yellow corn. He then used the tsĭntlĭ′zi stick to plant muskmelon seeds between the yellow and variegated corn. Finally, with the greasewood stick, he planted beans between the variegated and white corn.215 He looked around to check if he had done everything correctly, then headed west of his farm among the foothills and set up camp there. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

495. He felt uneasy during the night, fearing that there might be some one else to claim the land, and he determined to examine the surrounding country to see if he had any neighbors. Next day he walked in a circle, sunwise, around the valley, and this he did for four consecutive days, taking a wider circle each day; but he met no people and saw no signs of human life, and he said: “It is a good place for a farm. No one claims the land before me.” Each morning, before he went on his journey, he visited his farm. On the fourth morning he saw that the corn had grown half a finger-length above the ground.

495. He felt uneasy throughout the night, worried that someone else might stake a claim to the land, and he decided to explore the surrounding area to see if he had any neighbors. The next day, he walked in a circle, moving clockwise around the valley, and he did this for four days in a row, expanding his circle each day; but he encountered no people and saw no signs of human life. He said, “This is a great spot for a farm. No one is claiming the land before me.” Each morning, before setting out on his journey, he checked on his farm. On the fourth morning, he noticed that the corn had grown half a finger's length above the ground.

496. On the fourth night, after his long day’s walk around the valley, when darkness fell, he sat by his fire facing the east, and was surprised to see a faint gleam half way up the side of the mountains in the east. “Strange,” he said, “I have travelled all over that ground and have seen neither man nor house nor track nor the remains of fire.” Then he spoke to the turkey, saying: “Stay at home to-morrow, my pet; I must go and find out who builds that fire.”

496. On the fourth night, after his long walk around the valley, when darkness fell, he sat by his fire facing east and was surprised to see a faint glow halfway up the mountains. “Weird,” he said, “I’ve covered all that ground and haven’t seen a single person, house, path, or remnants of a fire.” Then he spoke to the turkey, saying, “Stay home tomorrow, my pet; I need to go see who’s lighting that fire.”

497. Next day, leaving his turkey at home, he went off to search the mountain-side, where he had seen the gleam; but he searched well and saw no signs of human life. When he came home he told all his adventures to his turkey and said: “It must have been a great glow-worm that I beheld.” He got home pretty early in the day and went out to trap wood-rats, accompanied by his turkey. In the evening when he returned to his camp, he looked again, after dark, toward the eastern mountain, and saw the gleam as he had seen it the night before. He set a forked stick in the ground, got down on his hands and knees, and looked at the fire through the fork. (See par. 382.)

497. The next day, leaving his turkey at home, he went off to explore the mountainside where he had seen the light; but he searched thoroughly and found no signs of anyone. When he got home, he shared all his adventures with his turkey and said, “It must have been a huge glow-worm that I saw.” He got back fairly early in the day and went out to catch wood-rats, with his turkey by his side. In the evening, when he returned to his camp, he looked again, after dark, toward the eastern mountain, and saw the light just as he had the night before. He propped a forked stick in the ground, got down on his hands and knees, and peered at the fire through the fork. (See par. 382.)

498. On the following morning he placed himself in the same position he was in the night before,—putting his hands and knees in the tracks then made,—and looked again over the forked stick. He found his sight directed to a spot which he had already explored well. Notwithstanding this he went there again, leaving his turkey behind, and searched wider and farther and with greater care than on previous occasions; but he still saw no traces of human life. When he returned to camp he told his turkey all that had happened to him. That night he saw the light again, and once more he sighted over the forked stick with care.

498. The next morning, he positioned himself the same way he had the night before—placing his hands and knees in the same tracks—and looked again through the forked stick. He found his gaze focused on a spot he had already thoroughly checked. Even so, he went there again, leaving his turkey behind, and searched wider and farther and more carefully than before; but he still saw no signs of human life. When he got back to camp, he told his turkey everything that had happened. That night, he saw the light again, and once more he carefully aimed through the forked stick.

499. When morning came, he found that he had marked the same spot he had marked before; and though he had little hope he set out for the third time to find who made the distant fire. He returned after a time, only to tell his disappointment to his turkey. As usual he spent the rest of the day, accompanied by the turkey, setting traps for wood-rats and other small animals. After dark, [175]when he saw the distant flame again, he set a second forked stick in the ground and laid between the two forks a long, straight stick, which he aimed at the fire as he would aim an arrow. When this was done he went to sleep.

499. When morning came, he realized he had marked the same spot he had before; and even though he didn’t have much hope, he set out for the third time to find out who was making the distant fire. He came back after a while, only to share his disappointment with his turkey. As usual, he spent the rest of the day, with the turkey by his side, setting traps for wood rats and other small animals. After dark, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] when he saw the distant flame again, he stuck a second forked stick into the ground and laid a long, straight stick between the two forks, aiming it at the fire like he would aim an arrow. Once he finished, he went to sleep.

500. Next morning he noted with great care the particular spot to which the straight stick pointed, and set out to find the fire. Before he left he said to his turkey: “I go once more to seek the distant fire; but it is the last time I shall seek it. If I find it not to-day, I shall never try again. Stay here till I return.” While he spoke the turkey turned its back on him, and showed its master that it was angry. It acted like a pouting child. He went to the place on the eastern mountain to which the stick pointed, and here he found, what he had not observed before, a shelf in the rocks, which seemed to run back some distance. He climbed to the shelf and discovered there two nice huts. He thought that wealthy people must dwell in them. He felt ashamed of his ragged bark blanket, of his garment of wood-rat skins, of his worn grass sandals; of his poor bow and arrows; so he took these off, laid them in the fork of a juniper-tree, and, retaining only his breech-cloth of wood-rat skins, his belt, tobacco pouch, and pipe, he approached one of the houses.

500. The next morning, he carefully noted the exact spot the straight stick pointed to and set off to find the fire. Before he left, he told his turkey, “I’m going one last time to look for the distant fire; but if I don’t find it today, I won’t try again. Stay here until I come back.” As he spoke, the turkey turned away from him, showing that it was upset, acting like a sulking child. He went to the eastern mountain, where the stick pointed, and there he noticed something he hadn’t seen before—a ledge in the rocks that seemed to extend back a ways. He climbed up to the ledge and discovered two nice huts. He thought that wealthy people must live there. He felt embarrassed about his ragged bark blanket, his outfit made of wood-rat skins, his worn grass sandals, and his simple bow and arrows, so he took them off and laid them in the fork of a juniper tree. Keeping only his wood-rat skin breech-cloth, belt, tobacco pouch, and pipe, he approached one of the houses.

501. He pushed aside the curtain and saw, sitting inside, a young woman making a fine buckskin shirt which she was garnishing beautifully with fringes and shells. Ashamed of his appearance, he hung his head and advanced, looking at her under his eyebrows. “Where are the men?” he said, and he sat on the ground. The young woman replied: “My father and mother are in the other hut.” Just as the Navaho had made up his mind to go to the other house the father entered. Doubtless the Navaho had been observed while disrobing, for the old man, as he came in, brought the poor rags with him. “Why do you not take in my son-in-law’s goods?” said the old man to his daughter, as he laid the ragged bundle in a conspicuous place on top of a pile of fine fabrics. Poor Natĭ′nĕsthani hung his head again in shame and blushed, while the woman looked sideways and smiled. “Why don’t you spread a skin for my son-in-law to sit on?” said the old man to his daughter. She only smiled and looked sideways again. The old man took a finely dressed Rocky Mountain sheep-skin and a deer-skin,—skins finer than the Navaho had ever seen before,—spread them on the ground beside the woman, and said to the stranger: “Why do you not sit on the skins?” Natĭ′nĕsthani made a motion as if to rise and take the offered seat, but he sank back again in shame. Invited a second time, he arose and sat down beside the young woman on the skins.

501. He pushed aside the curtain and saw a young woman sitting inside, crafting a beautiful buckskin shirt that she was decorating with fringes and shells. Feeling embarrassed about his appearance, he lowered his head and moved closer, glancing at her from under his eyebrows. “Where are the men?” he asked as he sat on the ground. The young woman replied, “My parents are in the other hut.” Just as the Navaho decided to head to the other house, the father walked in. He likely noticed the Navaho disrobing, as he entered carrying the tattered rags. “Why aren’t you taking in my son-in-law’s things?” the old man asked his daughter while placing the ragged bundle prominently on top of a stack of fine fabrics. Poor Natĭ′nĕsthani lowered his head again in shame and blushed, while the woman glanced sideways and smiled. “Why don’t you put down a skin for my son-in-law to sit on?” the old man said to his daughter. She just smiled and looked away again. The old man took a beautifully dressed Rocky Mountain sheep-skin and a deer-skin—skins finer than Natĭ′nĕsthani had ever seen before—spread them on the ground next to the woman, and said to the stranger, “Why don’t you sit on the skins?” Natĭ′nĕsthani made a motion to get up and take the offered seat, but then sank back down in embarrassment. Invited again, he stood up and sat down beside the young woman on the skins.

502. The old man placed another skin beside the Navaho, sat on [176]it, tapped the visitor on the knee to attract his attention, and said: “I long for a smoke. Fill your pipe216 with tobacco and let me smoke it.” The Navaho answered: “I am poor. I have nothing.” Four times this request was made and this reply given. On the fourth occasion the Navaho added: “I belong to the Ninokádĭneʻ (the People up on the Earth),217 and I have nothing.” “I thought the Ninokádĭneʻ had plenty of tobacco,” said the old man. The young man now drew from his pouch, which was adorned with pictures of the sun and moon, a mixture of native wild tobacco with four other plants.218 His pipe was made of clay, collected from a place where a wood-rat had been tearing the ground. He filled the pipe with the mixture, lighted it with the sun,219 sucked it four times till it was well kindled, and handed it to the old man to smoke. When the latter had finished the pipe and laid it down he began to perspire violently and soon fell into a swoon. The young woman thought her father was dead or dying, and ran to the other lodge to tell her mother. The mother gave the young woman a quantity of goods and said: “Give these to my son-in-law and tell him they shall all be his if he restores your father to life.” When the daughter returned to the lodge where her father lay, she said to the Navaho: “Here are goods for you. Treat my father. You must surely know what will cure him.” They laid the old man out on his side, in the middle of the floor, with his head to the north and his face to the east. The Navaho had in his pouch a medicine called kéʻtlo, or atsósi kéʻtlo,220 consisting of many different ingredients. Where he got the ingredients we know not; but the medicine men now collect them around the headwaters of the San Juan. He put some of this medicine into a pipe, lighted it with the sunbeams, puffed the smoke to the earth, to the sky, to the earth, and to the sky again; puffed it at the patient from the east, the south, the west, and the north. When this fumigation was done, the patient began to show signs of life,—his eyelids twitched, his limbs jerked, his body shook. Natĭ′nĕsthani directed the young woman to put some of the medicine, with water, to soak in an earthen bowl,—no other kind of bowl is now used in making this infusion,—and when it was soaked enough he rubbed it on the body of the patient.

502. The old man placed another skin next to the Navaho, sat on [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] it, tapped the visitor on the knee to get his attention, and said: “I crave a smoke. Fill your pipe216 with tobacco and let me have a hit.” The Navaho replied: “I’m poor. I don’t have anything.” This request was made four times and met with the same response. On the fourth occasion, the Navaho added: “I belong to the Ninokádĭneʻ (the People up on the Earth),217 and I have nothing.” “I thought the Ninokádĭneʻ had plenty of tobacco,” remarked the old man. The young man then pulled out a mix of native wild tobacco and four other plants from his pouch, which was decorated with images of the sun and moon.218 His pipe was made from clay he collected where a wood-rat had disturbed the ground. He filled the pipe with the mixture, lit it using sunlight,219 took four puffs until it was properly lit, and handed it to the old man to smoke. Once the old man finished the pipe and set it down, he started sweating heavily and soon fainted. The young woman believed her father was dead or dying and raced to another lodge to inform her mother. The mother gave the young woman a collection of goods and said: “Give these to my son-in-law and tell him they will all belong to him if he brings your father back to life.” When the daughter returned to the lodge where her father lay, she said to the Navaho: “Here are goods for you. Help my father. You must know how to cure him.” They laid the old man on his side in the middle of the floor, with his head facing north and his face to the east. The Navaho had a medicine called kéʻtlo, or atsósi kéʻtlo,220 which contained many different ingredients. Where he sourced the ingredients is unknown; however, medicine men today collect them around the headwaters of the San Juan. He placed some of this medicine into a pipe, lit it with sunlight, puffed the smoke toward the ground, to the sky, to the ground again, and back to the sky; he directed the smoke at the patient from the east, south, west, and north. After this fumigation, the patient began to show signs of life—his eyelids twitched, his limbs jerked, and his body shook. Natĭ′nĕsthani instructed the young woman to soak some of the medicine in water in an earthen bowl—only this type of bowl is used for making this infusion now—and once it was soaked enough, he rubbed it on the patient’s body.

503.Sadáni, sĭtá (My son-in-law, my nephew),” said the old man, when he came to his senses once more, “fill the pipe for me again. I like your tobacco.” The Navaho refused and the old man begged again. Four times did the old man beg and thrice the young man refused him; but when the fourth request was made the young man filled the pipe, lit it as before, and handed it to the old man. The latter smoked, knocked out the ashes, laid down the pipe, began to perspire, and fell again into a deathly swoon. As on [177]the previous occasion, the women were alarmed and offered the Navaho a large fee, in goods, if he would restore the smoker to life. The medicine being administered and the ceremonies being repeated, the old man became again conscious.

503.Sadáni, sĭtá (My son-in-law, my nephew),” said the old man, when he came to his senses again, “please fill the pipe for me one more time. I like your tobacco.” The Navajo refused, and the old man pleaded again. Four times the old man pleaded, and three times the young man denied him; but when the fourth request was made, the young man filled the pipe, lit it like before, and handed it to the old man. The old man smoked, emptied the ashes, set the pipe down, started to sweat, and fell into another deep faint. As on [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] the previous occasion, the women were worried and offered the Navajo a large payment, in goods, if he could bring the smoker back to life. With the medicine administered and the ceremonies repeated, the old man regained consciousness.

504. As soon as he recovered he said: “My son-in-law, give me another smoke. I have travelled far and smoked much tobacco; but such fine tobacco as yours I never smoked before.” As on the other occasions, the old man had to beg four times before his request was granted. A third time the pipe was filled; the old man smoked and swooned; the women gave presents to the Navaho; the atsósi kéʻtlo was administered, and the smoker came to life again.

504. As soon as he recovered, he said: “My son-in-law, give me another smoke. I've traveled far and smoked a lot of tobacco, but I've never had such fine tobacco as yours.” Just like before, the old man had to ask four times before he got what he wanted. The pipe was filled a third time; the old man smoked and fainted; the women gave gifts to the Navaho; the atsósi kéʻtlo was given, and the smoker came back to life again.

505. But as soon as he regained his senses he pleaded for another smoke. “The smoke is bad for you,” said the Navaho. “It does you harm. Why do you like my tobacco so well?” “Ah! it makes me feel good to the ends of my toes. It smells well and tastes well.” “Since you like it so well,” said the young man, “I shall give you one more pipeful.” This time the old man smoked vigorously; he drew the smoke well into his chest and kept it there a long time before blowing it out. Everything happened now as before, but in addition to the medicine used previously, the Navaho scattered the fragrant yádidĭnil221 on the hot coals and let the patient breathe its fumes. The Navaho had now four large bundles of fine goods as pay for his services. When the old man recovered for the fourth time he praised loudly the tobacco of the Navaho. He said he had never felt so happy as when smoking it. He asked the Navaho: “How would you like to try my tobacco?” and he went to the other lodge to fetch his tobacco pouch. While he was gone the Wind People whispered into the ear of the Navaho: “His tobacco will kill you surely. It is not like your tobacco. Those who smoke it never wake again!”

505. But as soon as he came to his senses, he asked for another smoke. “The smoke is bad for you,” said the Navajo. “It harms you. Why do you like my tobacco so much?” “Ah! It makes me feel great all the way to my toes. It smells good and tastes good.” “Since you like it so much,” said the young man, “I’ll give you one more pipeful.” This time, the old man smoked eagerly; he inhaled the smoke deeply into his chest and held it there for a long time before exhaling. Everything happened just like before, but in addition to the medicine used earlier, the Navajo scattered the fragrant yádidĭnil221 onto the hot coals and let the patient breathe its fumes. The Navajo now had four large bundles of fine goods as payment for his services. When the old man recovered for the fourth time, he loudly praised the Navajo's tobacco. He said he had never felt so happy as when smoking it. He asked the Navajo, “How would you like to try my tobacco?” and went to the other lodge to get his tobacco pouch. While he was gone, the Wind People whispered to the Navajo: “His tobacco will surely kill you. It’s not like your tobacco. Those who smoke it never wake up again!”

506. Presently the old man returned with a pouch that had pictures of the sun and moon on it, and with a large pipe—much larger than that of the Navaho—decorated with figures of deer, antelope, elk, and Rocky Mountain sheep.222 The old man filled his pipe, lighted it, puffed the smoke to earth and sky, each twice, alternately, and handed the pipe to the Navaho. The young man said: “I allow no one to fill the pipe for me but myself. My customs differ from yours. You ask a stranger for a smoke. I ask no man for a smoke. I pick my own tobacco. Other people’s tobacco makes me ill; that is why I do not use it.” Thus he spoke, yet the stuff he had given the old man to smoke was not the same that he used himself. The latter consisted of four kinds of tobacco: glónạto, or weasel tobacco, depénạto, or sheep tobacco, dsĭ′lnạto, or mountain tobacco, and kósnạto, or cloud tobacco.223 He had different [178]compartments in his pouch for his different mixtures. The old man invited him four times to smoke; but four times the Navaho refused, and said at last: “I have my pipe already filled with my own tobacco. I shall smoke it. My tobacco injures no one unless he is ill.” He proceeded to smoke the pure tobacco. When he had done smoking, he said: “See. It does me no harm. Try another pipeful.”

506. Soon, the old man came back with a pouch featuring pictures of the sun and moon, and a large pipe—much bigger than the Navaho's—adorned with images of deer, antelope, elk, and Rocky Mountain sheep.222 The old man filled his pipe, lit it, and blew the smoke to the ground and the sky, alternating between the two, before handing the pipe to the Navaho. The young man replied, “I never let anyone fill my pipe but myself. My customs are different from yours. You ask a stranger for a smoke. I don’t ask anyone for a smoke. I choose my own tobacco. Other people’s tobacco makes me sick; that’s why I don’t use it.” He said this even though the tobacco he had given the old man to smoke was not the same as what he used himself. His mixture included four types of tobacco: glónạto, or weasel tobacco, depénạto, or sheep tobacco, dsĭ′lnạto, or mountain tobacco, and kósnạto, or cloud tobacco.223 He had separate [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]compartments in his pouch for his different blends. The old man invited him to smoke four times; but the Navaho refused each time, finally stating, “I have my pipe already filled with my own tobacco. I will smoke it. My tobacco harms no one unless they are already sick.” He then began smoking the pure tobacco. Once he finished, he said, “See? It doesn’t hurt me. Try another pipeful.”

507. He now filled his pipe with the mixture of four kinds of real tobacco and handed it to the old man to smoke. When the latter had finished he said: “Your tobacco does not taste as it did before, and I do not now feel the same effect after smoking it as I did at first. Now it cools me; formerly it made me perspire. Why did I fall down when I smoked it before? Tell me, have I some disease?” The Navaho answered: “Yes. It is yasĭ′ntsogi, something bad inside of you, that makes the tobacco affect you so. There are four diseases that may cause this: they are the yellow disease, the cooked-blood disease, the water-slime disease, and the worm disease. One or more of these diseases you surely have.”224 The old man closed his eyes and nodded his head to show that he believed what was told him. Of course the Navaho did not believe what he himself had said; he only told this to the old man to conceal the fact that he had filled the pipe with poisoned tobacco.

507. He now packed his pipe with a blend of four different types of real tobacco and handed it to the old man to smoke. Once the old man finished, he said, “Your tobacco doesn’t taste the same as it did before, and I don’t feel the same effects from smoking it like I used to. Now it cools me down; before, it made me sweat. Why did I pass out when I smoked it before? Tell me, do I have some sort of illness?” The Navaho replied, “Yes. It is yasĭ′ntsogi, something bad inside you that makes the tobacco affect you this way. There are four diseases that could cause this: they are the yellow disease, the cooked-blood disease, the water-slime disease, and the worm disease. You definitely have one or more of these illnesses.” 224 The old man closed his eyes and nodded his head to show that he believed what he was told. Of course, the Navaho didn't actually believe what he said; he only told this to the old man to hide the fact that he had filled the pipe with poisoned tobacco.

508. While all these things were happening the Navaho had paid no heed to how the day was passing; but now he became suddenly aware that it was late in the afternoon and that the sun was about to set. “I must hasten away. It is late,” he said. “No, my son-in-law; do not leave us,” pleaded the old man. “Sleep here to-night.” He ordered his daughter to make a bed for the stranger. She spread on the floor fine robes of otter-skin and beaver-skin, beautifully ornamented. He laid down on the rugs and slept there that night.

508. While all these things were happening, the Navajo hadn’t noticed how the day was going by; but now he suddenly realized it was late in the afternoon and the sun was about to set. “I need to hurry. It’s late,” he said. “No, my son-in-law; please don’t leave us,” the old man begged. “Stay here tonight.” He told his daughter to make a bed for the stranger. She laid out fine otter-skin and beaver-skin robes on the floor, beautifully decorated. He lay down on the rugs and slept there that night.

509. Next morning the young woman rose early and went out. Soon after her departure the old man entered the lodge and said to his guest: “I and my daughter were so busy yesterday with all that you did to me, and all the cures you wrought on me, that we had no time to cook food and eat; neither had you. She has gone now to prepare food. Stay and eat with us.” Presently the young woman returned, bringing a dish of stewed venison and a basket filled with mush made of wild seeds. The basket was such a one as the Navahoes now use in their rites.5 On the atáatlo (the part where the coil terminates, the point of finish), the old man had, with the knowledge of his daughter, placed poison. She presented the basket to the stranger, with the point of finish toward him, as her father had directed her to do, saying: “When a stranger visits us [179]we always expect him to eat from the part of the basket where it is finished.” As he took the basket the Wind People75 whispered to him: “Eat not from that part of the basket; death is there, but there is no death in the venison.” The young man turned the basket around and began to eat from the side opposite to that which was presented to him, saying: “It is my custom to eat from the edge opposite to the point of finish.” He did not eat all the mush. He tried the venison stew; but as it was made of dried meat he did not like it and ate very little of it. When he had done she took the dishes back to the other lodge. “From which side of the basket did my son-in-law eat?” asked the old man. “From the wrong side. He told me it was his custom never to eat from the side where the basket was finished,” said the young woman. Her father was surprised. When a visitor came to him he always tried the poisoned tobacco first; if that failed he next tried the poisoned basket. “My husband says he wants to go home now,” said the young woman. “Tell him it is not the custom for a man to go home the morning after his marriage. He should always remain four days at least,” said the old man. She brought this message back to the Navaho. He remained that day and slept in the lodge at night.

509. The next morning, the young woman got up early and went out. Shortly after she left, the old man entered the lodge and said to his guest, “My daughter and I were so occupied yesterday with all you did for me and the healing you performed that we didn't have time to prepare or eat any food, and neither did you. She's gone now to make something to eat. Please stay and join us.” Soon, the young woman came back with a dish of stewed venison and a basket filled with mush made from wild seeds. The basket was like the ones the Navahoes use in their rituals. On the atáatlo (the part where the coil ends, the point of finish), the old man had, with his daughter's knowledge, placed poison. She presented the basket to the stranger with the point of finish facing him, as her father had instructed her, saying, “When a stranger visits us [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] we always expect him to eat from the finished part of the basket.” As he took the basket, the Wind People 75 whispered to him, “Don’t eat from that part of the basket; there’s death there, but the venison is safe.” The young man turned the basket around and started eating from the side opposite to the one that was presented to him, saying, “It’s my custom to eat from the edge away from the point of finish.” He didn’t eat all the mush. He tried the venison stew, but since it was made from dried meat, he didn’t like it much and ate very little. When he was done, she took the dishes back to the other lodge. “From which side of the basket did my son-in-law eat?” the old man asked. “He ate from the wrong side. He told me it was his custom never to eat from the side where the basket was finished,” the young woman replied. Her father was surprised. When a visitor came to him, he always tried the poisoned tobacco first; if that didn’t work, he moved on to the poisoned basket. “My husband says he wants to go home now,” said the young woman. “Tell him it’s not customary for a man to go home the morning after his wedding. He should stay for at least four days,” the old man instructed. She relayed this message to the Navaho. He stayed that day and spent the night in the lodge.

510. Next morning the young woman rose early again and went to the other lodge. Soon after she was gone the old man entered and said to Natĭ′nĕsthani: “You would do well not to leave till you have eaten. My daughter is preparing food for you.” In a little while, after he left, the young woman entered, bringing, as before, a dish of stewed venison and a basketful of mush, which she handed to the Navaho without making any remark. But Wind whispered: “There is poison all around the edge of the basket this time; there is none in the venison.” The Navaho ate some of the stew, and when he took the basket of mush he ate only from the middle, saying: “When I eat just as the sun is about to come up, it is my custom to eat only from the middle of the basket.” The sun was about to rise as he spoke. When she went back to the other lodge with the remains of the meal, her father asked: “How did he eat this morning?” She replied: “He ate the stew; but the mush he ate only from the middle of the basket.” “Ahăhăhá!” said the old man, “it never took me so long, before.” The Navaho remained in the lodge all that day and all night.

510. The next morning, the young woman got up early again and headed to the other lodge. Shortly after she left, the old man came in and said to Natĭ′nĕsthani: “You should really wait until you've eaten. My daughter is making food for you.” A little while after he left, the young woman came back, bringing a dish of stewed venison and a basket of mush, which she handed to the Navaho without saying anything. But Wind whispered: “There’s poison around the edge of the basket this time; there’s none in the venison.” The Navaho ate some of the stew, and when he took the basket of mush, he only ate from the middle, saying: “When I eat just before sunrise, I usually only eat from the middle of the basket.” The sun was about to rise as he said this. When she returned to the other lodge with the leftovers, her father asked: “How did he eat this morning?” She replied: “He ate the stew; but he only ate from the middle of the mush.” “Ahăhăhá!” said the old man, “I’ve never taken this long before.” The Navaho stayed in the lodge all day and night.

511. The next (third) morning things happened as before: the woman rose early, and while she was gone the old man came into the lodge, saying: “The women are cooking food for you. Don’t go out till you have eaten.” The reason they gave their visitor only one meal a day was that he might be so ravenous with hunger when [180]it came that he would not notice the poison and would eat plenty of it. When the food was brought in, the Wind People whispered to the Navaho: “Poison is mixed all through the mush, take none of it.” He ate heartily of the stew, and when he was done he said to the young woman: “I may eat no mush to-day. The sun is already risen, and I have sworn that the sun shall never see me eat mush.” When she went back to the other lodge her father asked: “How did my son-in-law eat this morning?” “He ate only of the stew,” she said. “He would not touch the mush.” “Ahăhăhá,” said the old man in a suspicious tone; but he said no more. Again the Navaho stayed all day and all night.

511. The next morning, things unfolded as they had before: the woman got up early, and while she was out, the old man entered the lodge, saying: “The women are preparing food for you. Don’t go outside until you’ve eaten.” The reason they only provided their guest with one meal a day was so he would be so incredibly hungry by the time it was served that he wouldn’t notice the poison mixed in and would eat a lot of it. When the food was brought in, the Wind People whispered to the Navaho: “There’s poison mixed throughout the mush, don’t eat any of it.” He enjoyed the stew thoroughly, and when he finished, he said to the young woman: “I can’t eat any mush today. The sun is already up, and I’ve sworn that the sun will never see me eat mush.” When she returned to the other lodge, her father asked: “How did my son-in-law eat this morning?” “He only ate the stew,” she replied. “He wouldn’t touch the mush.” “Ahăhăhá,” said the old man, sounding suspicious, but he didn’t say anything more. Again, the Navaho stayed all day and all night.

512. On the fourth morning when the daughter went to prepare food and the old man entered the lodge, he said: “Go out somewhere to-day. Why do you not take a walk abroad every day? Is it on your wife’s account that you stay at home so much, my son-in-law?” When the young woman brought in the usual venison stew and basket of mush, Wind whispered: “All the food is poisoned this morning.” When she handed the food to the young man he said: “I do not eat at all to-day. It is my custom to eat no food one day in every four. This is the day that I must fast.” When she took the untasted food back to the other lodge, her father inquired: “What did my son-in-law eat this morning?” and she answered: “He ate nothing.” The old man was lying when he spoke; he rose when she answered him and carefully examined the food she had brought back. “Truly, nothing has been touched,” he said. “This must be a strange man who eats nothing. My daughter, do you tell him anything he should not know?” “Truly, I tell him nothing,” she replied.

512. On the fourth morning, when the daughter went to prepare food and the old man entered the lodge, he said, “Go out and do something today. Why don’t you take a walk outside every day? Is it because of your wife that you stay home so much, my son-in-law?” When the young woman brought in the usual venison stew and basket of mush, Wind whispered, “All the food is poisoned this morning.” When she handed the food to the young man, he said, “I’m not eating today. I always fast one day every four. This is my fasting day.” When she took the untouched food back to the other lodge, her father asked, “What did my son-in-law eat this morning?” and she replied, “He ate nothing.” The old man was lying when he spoke; he got up when she answered him and carefully examined the food she had brought back. “Truly, nothing has been touched,” he said. “This must be a strange man who eats nothing. My daughter, are you telling him anything he shouldn’t know?” “I truly tell him nothing,” she replied.

513. When the young woman came back again from her father’s lodge, the Navaho said to her: “I have a hut and a farm and a pet not far from here; I must go home to-day and see them.” “It is well,” she said. “You may go.” He began to dress for the journey by putting on his old sandals. She brought him a pair of fine new moccasins, beautifully embroidered, and urged him to put them on; but he refused them, saying: “I may put them on some other time. I shall wear my old sandals to-day.”

513. When the young woman returned from her father's lodge, the Navaho said to her: “I have a hut, a farm, and a pet nearby; I need to go home today and check on them.” “That’s fine,” she replied. “You can go.” He started to prepare for the journey by putting on his old sandals. She brought him a pair of beautiful new moccasins, richly embroidered, and encouraged him to wear them; but he declined, saying: “I might wear them another time. Today, I will stick with my old sandals.”

514. When Natĭ′nĕsthani got back to his farm he found the tracks of his turkey all around, but the turkey itself he could not see. It was evident from the tracks that it had visited the farm and gone back to the hut again. The Navaho made four circuits around the hut—each circuit wider than the preceding—to see whither the tracks led. On the fourth circuit he found they led to the base of a mountain which stood north of the hut. “I shall find my pet somewhere around the mountain,” thought the Navaho. The tracks had [181]the appearance of being four days old, and from this he concluded that the turkey had left the same day he had. It took him four days, travelling sunwise and going spirally up the mountain, to reach the summit, where he found many turkey tracks, but still no turkey. He fancied his pet might have descended the mountain again, so he went below and examined the ground carefully, but found no descending tracks. He returned to the summit and, looking more closely than at first, discovered where the bird had flown away from a point on the eastern edge of the summit and gone apparently toward the east.

514. When Natĭ′nĕsthani got back to his farm, he found his turkey’s tracks all around, but he couldn’t see the turkey itself. It was clear from the tracks that it had visited the farm and then returned to the hut. The Navajo made four loops around the hut—each loop wider than the last—to see where the tracks led. On the fourth loop, he found they led to the base of a mountain north of the hut. “I’ll find my pet somewhere around the mountain,” thought the Navajo. The tracks looked about four days old, leading him to conclude that the turkey had left the same day he did. It took him four days, traveling clockwise and spiraling up the mountain, to reach the top, where he found many turkey tracks, but still no turkey. He thought his pet might have come down the mountain again, so he went down and examined the ground carefully but found no tracks going down. He returned to the top and, looking more closely than before, discovered where the bird had flown off from a point on the eastern edge of the summit and seemed to head east.

515. The Navaho sat down, sad and lonely, and wept. “Dear pet,” he said, “would that I had taken you with me that day when I set out on my journey. Had I done so I should not have lost you. Dear pet, you were the black cloud; you were the black mist; you were the beautiful he-rain;225 you were the beautiful she-rain;137 you were the beautiful lightning; you were the beautiful rainbow; you were the beautiful white corn; you were the beautiful blue corn; you were the beautiful yellow corn; you were the beautiful corn of all colors; you were the beautiful bean. Though lost to me, you shall be of use to men, upon the earth, in the days to come—they shall use your feathers and your beard in their rites.” The Navaho never saw his pet again; it had flown to the east, and from it we think the tame turkeys of the white men are descended. But all the useful and beautiful things he saw in his pet are still to be seen in the turkey. It has the colors of all the different kinds of corn in its feathers. The black of the black mist and the black cloud are there. The flash of the lightning and the gleam of the rainbow are seen on its plumes when it walks in the sun. The rain is in its beard; the bean it carries on its forehead.

515. The Navaho sat down, feeling sad and lonely, and cried. “Dear pet,” he said, “I wish I had taken you with me that day I started my journey. If I had, I wouldn't have lost you. Dear pet, you were the dark cloud; you were the dark mist; you were the beautiful male rain;225 you were the beautiful female rain;137 you were the beautiful lightning; you were the beautiful rainbow; you were the beautiful white corn; you were the beautiful blue corn; you were the beautiful yellow corn; you were the beautiful corn of all colors; you were the beautiful bean. Even though you're gone, you will still be useful to people on earth in the days to come—they will use your feathers and your beard in their rituals.” The Navaho never saw his pet again; it had flown to the east, and from it, we believe the domesticated turkeys of the white men are descended. But all the useful and beautiful traits he admired in his pet can still be seen in the turkey. Its feathers display the colors of all the different types of corn. The black from the dark mist and the dark cloud is there. The sparkle of the lightning and the shine of the rainbow appear on its plumes as it walks in the sunlight. The rain is in its beard; the bean is carried on its forehead.

516. He dried his tears, descended the mountain, and sought his old hut, which was only a poor shelter of brush, and then he went to visit his farm. He found his corn with ears already formed and all the other plants well advanced toward maturity.226 He pulled one ear from a stalk of each one of the four different kinds of corn, and, wrapping the ears in his mantle of wood-rat skins, went off to see his wife. She saw him coming, met him at the door, and relieved him of his weapons and bundle. “What is this?” she said, pointing to the bundle after she had laid it down. He opened it. She started back in amazement. She had never seen corn before. He laid the ears down side by side in a row with their points to the east, and said: “This is what we call natán, corn. This (pointing to the first ear—the most northerly of the row) is white corn; this (pointing to the next) is blue corn; this (pointing to the third) is yellow corn, and this (pointing to the fourth) is corn of all colors.”227 [182]“And what do your people do with it?” she asked. “We eat it,” he replied. “How do you prepare it to eat?” she inquired. He said: “We have four ways when it is green like this. We put it, husk and all, in hot coals to roast. We take off the husk and roast it in hot ashes. We boil it whole in hot water. We cut off the grains and mix it with water to make mush.”

516. He wiped his tears, came down the mountain, and looked for his old hut, which was just a simple shelter made of brush, and then he went to check on his farm. He discovered that his corn had already formed ears and all the other plants were progressing well towards maturity.226 He picked one ear from a stalk of each of the four different types of corn, and wrapping the ears in his cloak made from wood-rat skins, he headed off to see his wife. She noticed him approaching, met him at the door, and took his weapons and bundle from him. “What’s this?” she asked, pointing to the bundle after she placed it down. He opened it. She stepped back in shock. She had never seen corn before. He laid the ears down side by side in a row with their points facing east, and said: “This is what we call natán, corn. This (pointing to the first ear—the most northern one in the row) is white corn; this (pointing to the next) is blue corn; this (pointing to the third) is yellow corn, and this (pointing to the fourth) is corn of all colors.”227 [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] “And what do your people do with it?” she asked. “We eat it,” he replied. “How do you prepare it to eat?” she inquired. He said: “We have four methods when it’s green like this. We place it, husk and all, in hot coals to roast. We remove the husk and roast it in hot ashes. We boil it whole in hot water. We cut off the grains and mix it with water to make mush.”

517. She wrapped the four ears in a bundle and carried them to the other lodge to show them to her parents. Both were astonished and alarmed. The old man rose and shaded his eyes with his open hand to look at them. They asked her questions about the corn, such as she had asked her husband, and she answered them as he had answered her. She cooked the four ears of corn, each one in a different way, according to the methods her husband described. They increased in cooking so that they made food enough to furnish a hearty meal for all. The old people, who were greatly pleased, said the mush smelled like fawn-cheese.228 “Where does my son-in-law get this fine stuff? Ask him. I wish to know, it is so delicious. Does he not want some himself?” said the old man to his daughter. She brought a large dish of the corn to her husband in the other lodge, and they ate it together. The Navaho had no fear of poison this time, for the food did not belong to the old man.

517. She bundled up the four ears of corn and took them to the other lodge to show her parents. They were both surprised and worried. The old man stood up, shielding his eyes with his hand to get a better look. They asked her questions about the corn, just like she had asked her husband, and she replied the same way he had. She cooked the four ears of corn in different ways, using the methods her husband had explained. The cooking increased so that there was plenty of food for a hearty meal for everyone. The older folks were very pleased and said the mush smelled like fawn cheese. “Where does my son-in-law get this wonderful stuff? Ask him. I want to know, it’s so delicious. Doesn’t he want any for himself?” the old man said to his daughter. She took a large dish of the corn to her husband in the other lodge, and they ate it together. The Navaho had no fear of poison this time because the food didn’t belong to the old man.

518. At night when they were alone together she asked him where he got the corn. “I found it,” he said. “Did you dig it out of the ground?” she asked. “No. I picked it up,” was his answer. Not believing him, she continued to question him until at last he told her: “These things I plant and they grow where I plant them. Do you wish to see my field?” “Yes, if my father will let me,” the woman replied.

518. At night when they were alone together, she asked him where he got the corn. “I found it,” he said. “Did you dig it out of the ground?” she asked. “No, I picked it up,” was his answer. Not believing him, she kept asking until he finally told her, “I plant these things, and they grow where I plant them. Do you want to see my field?” “Yes, if my father lets me,” the woman replied.

519. Next morning she told her father what she had found out on the previous night and asked his advice. He said he would like to have her go with Natĭ′nĕsthani to see what the farm looked like and to find out what kind of leaves the plant had that such food grew on. When she came back from her father’s lodge she brought with her pemmican made of venison and a basket of mush. The Wind People whispered to him that he need not fear the food to-day, so he ate heartily of it. When the breakfast was over, the Navaho said: “Dress yourself for the journey, and as soon as you are ready I shall take you to my farm.” She dressed herself for travel and went to the lodge of her parents, where she said: “I go with my husband now.” “It is well,” they said; “go with him.”

519. The next morning, she told her father what she had discovered the night before and asked for his advice. He suggested she go with Natĭ′nĕsthani to check out the farm and see what kind of leaves the plant that produced such food had. When she returned from her father's lodge, she brought back pemmican made from venison and a basket of mush. The Wind People reassured him that he didn't need to worry about the food today, so he ate a lot of it. After breakfast, the Navaho said, “Get ready for the journey, and as soon as you're set, I'll take you to my farm.” She prepared for travel and went to her parents' lodge, where she said, “I'm going with my husband now.” “That’s fine,” they replied; “go with him.”

520. The Navaho and his wife set out together. When they came to a little hill from which they could first see the field, they beheld the sun shining on it; yet the rain was falling on it at the same [183]time, and above it was a dark cloud spanned by a rainbow. When they reached the field they walked four times around it sunwise, and as they went he described things in the field to his wife. “This is my white corn, this is my blue corn, this is my yellow corn, and this is my corn of all colors. These we call squashes, these we call melons, and these we call beans,” he said, pointing to the various plants. The bluebirds and the yellowbirds were singing in the corn after the rain, and all was beautiful. She was pleased and astonished and she asked many questions,—how the seeds were planted, how the food was prepared and eaten,—and he answered all her questions. “These on the ground are melons; they are not ripe yet. When they are ripe we eat them raw,” he explained. When they had circled four times around the field they went in among the plants. Then he showed her the pollen and explained its sacred uses.11 He told her how the corn matured; how his people husked it and stored it for winter use, how they shelled, ground, and prepared it, and how they preserved some to sow in the spring. “Now, let us pluck an ear of each kind of corn and go home,” he said. When she plucked the corn she also gathered three of the leaves and put them into the same bundle with the corn; but as they walked home the leaves increased in number, and when she got to the house and untied the bundle she found not only three, but many leaves in it.

520. The Navajo and his wife set out together. When they reached a small hill from which they could first see the field, they saw the sun shining on it; yet it was also raining on it at the same [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]time, and above it was a dark cloud with a rainbow arcing across. Once they reached the field, they walked around it four times in a clockwise direction, and as they did, he pointed out the different plants in the field to his wife. “This is my white corn, this is my blue corn, this is my yellow corn, and this is my corn of all colors. These are squashes, these are melons, and these are beans,” he said, indicating the various plants. The bluebirds and yellowbirds were singing in the corn after the rain, and everything looked beautiful. She was pleased and amazed, asking many questions about how the seeds were planted, how the food was prepared and eaten, and he answered all her questions. “These on the ground are melons; they aren’t ripe yet. When they are ripe, we eat them raw,” he explained. After they circled the field four times, they walked among the plants. Then he showed her the pollen and explained its sacred uses. He told her how the corn matured; how his people husked it and stored it for the winter, how they shelled, ground, and prepared it, and how they set aside some to sow in the spring. “Now, let’s pick an ear of each kind of corn and go home,” he said. When she picked the corn, she also gathered three leaves and put them in the same bundle. But as they walked home, the number of leaves increased, and when she got to the house and untied the bundle, she found not just three, but many leaves inside it.

521. He explained to her how to make the dish now known to the Navahoes as dĭtlógi klesán,230 and told her to make this of the white corn. He instructed her how to prepare corn as dĭtlógĭn tsĭdĭkói,231 and told her to make this of the blue corn. He showed her how to prepare corn in the form of thábĭtsa,232 or three-ears, and bade her make this of the yellow corn. He told her to roast, in the husk, the ear of many colors. She took the corn to the other lodge and prepared it as she had been directed. In cooking, it all increased greatly in amount, so that they all had a big meal out of four ears.

521. He showed her how to make the dish now known to the Navajos as dĭtlógi klesán,230 and told her to use white corn for it. He guided her on how to prepare corn as dĭtlógĭn tsĭdĭkói,231 and instructed her to use blue corn for that. He demonstrated how to prepare corn in the form of thábĭtsa,232 or three ears, and told her to make that with yellow corn. He advised her to roast the ear of many colors in its husk. She took the corn to the other lodge and prepared it as she had been instructed. While cooking, the amount increased significantly, so they all enjoyed a big meal from just four ears.

522. The old people questioned their daughter about the farm—what it looked like, what grew there. They asked her many questions. She told them of all she had seen and heard: of her distant view of the beautiful farm under the rain, under the black cloud, under the rainbow; of her near view of it—the great leaves, the white blossoms of the bean, the yellow blossoms of the squash, the tassel of the corn, the silk of the corn, the pollen of the corn, and all the other beautiful things she saw there. When she had done the old man said: “I thank you, my daughter, for bringing me such a son-in-law. I have travelled far, but I have never seen such things as those you tell of. I thought I was rich, but my son-in-law is [184]richer. In future cook these things with care, in the way my son-in-law shows you.”

522. The elderly couple asked their daughter about the farm—what it looked like, what grew there. They fired off a lot of questions. She shared everything she had seen and heard: her distant view of the stunning farm in the rain, beneath the dark cloud, under the rainbow; her close-up view of it—the large leaves, the white flowers of the beans, the yellow flowers of the squash, the tassels of the corn, the silk of the corn, the pollen of the corn, and all the other beautiful things she witnessed there. When she finished, the old man said, “Thank you, my daughter, for bringing me such an amazing son-in-law. I've traveled far and wide, but I've never seen anything like what you describe. I thought I was wealthy, but my son-in-law is [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] even richer. From now on, cook these things carefully, the way my son-in-law teaches you.”

523. The old man then went to see his son-in-law and said: “I thank you for the fine food you have brought us, and I am glad to hear you have such a beautiful farm. You know how to raise and cook corn; but do you know how to make and cook the pemmican229 of the deer?” “I know nothing about it,” said the Navaho. (The one knew nothing of venison; the other knew nothing of corn.) “How does it taste to you?” asked the old man. “I like the taste of it and I thank you for what you have given me,” replied the Navaho. “Your wife, then, will have something to tell you.” When he got back to the other lodge he said: “My son-in-law has been kind to us; he has shown you his farm and taught you how to prepare his food. My daughter, now we must show him our farm.” She brought to her husband a large portion of the cooked corn.

523. The old man then went to visit his son-in-law and said: “I appreciate the wonderful food you’ve brought us, and I’m happy to hear you have such a beautiful farm. You know how to grow and cook corn; but do you know how to make and prepare the pemmican229 from the deer?” “I don’t know anything about that,” said the Navaho. (One knew nothing about venison; the other knew nothing about corn.) “What does it taste like to you?” asked the old man. “I enjoy the taste of it, and I thank you for what you’ve given me,” replied the Navaho. “Your wife, then, will have something to share with you.” When he returned to the other lodge, he said: “My son-in-law has been kind to us; he has shown you his farm and taught you how to prepare his food. My daughter, now we must show him our farm.” She brought her husband a large serving of the cooked corn.

524. When night came and they were alone together she asked him to tell her his name. “I have no name,” he replied. Three times he answered her thus. When she asked for the fourth time he said: “Why do you wish to know my name? I have two names. I am Natĭ′nĕsthani, He Who Teaches Himself, and I am Áhodĭseli, He Who Has Floated. Now that I have told you my name you must tell me your father’s name.” “He is called Píniltani, Deer Raiser. I am Píniltani-bitsí, Deer Raiser’s Daughter, and my mother is Píniltani-baád, She Deer Raiser,” the young woman answered.

524. When night fell and they were alone, she asked him to tell her his name. “I don’t have a name,” he replied. He answered her this way three times. When she asked for the fourth time, he said, “Why do you want to know my name? I have two names. I am Natĭ′nĕsthani, He Who Teaches Himself, and I am Áhodĭseli, He Who Has Floated. Now that I’ve told you my name, you must tell me your father’s name.” “He is called Píniltani, Deer Raiser. I am Píniltani-bitsí, Deer Raiser’s Daughter, and my mother is Píniltani-baád, She Deer Raiser,” the young woman answered.

525. In the morning after this conversation they had a breakfast of mush and venison; but Natĭ′nĕsthani received no warning from the Wind People and feared not to eat. When the meal was over, the young woman said to her husband: “My father has told me that, as you have shown me your farm, I may now show you his farm. If you wish to go there, you must first bathe your body in yucca-suds and then rinse off in pure water.” After he had taken his bath as directed he picked up his old sandals and was about to put them on when she stopped him, saying: “No. You wore your own clothes when you went to your own farm. Now you must wear our clothes when you come to our farm.” She gave him embroidered moccasins; fringed buckskin leggings; a buckskin shirt, dyed yellow, beautifully embroidered with porcupine quills, and fringed with stripes of otter-skin; and a headdress adorned with artificial ears called Tsáhadolkohi—they wore such in the old days, and there are men still living who have seen them worn.

525. The morning after their conversation, they had breakfast of porridge and venison; however, Natĭ′nĕsthani received no warning from the Wind People and wasn’t afraid to eat. Once the meal was finished, the young woman said to her husband: “My father has told me that since you’ve shown me your farm, I can now show you his farm. If you want to go there, you must first wash your body in yucca-suds and then rinse off in clean water.” After he took his bath as instructed, he picked up his old sandals and was about to put them on when she stopped him, saying: “No. You wore your own clothes when you went to your own farm. Now you must wear our clothes when you visit our farm.” She gave him embroidered moccasins; fringed buckskin leggings; a yellow buckskin shirt, beautifully embroidered with porcupine quills and fringed with strips of otter skin; and a headdress decorated with artificial ears called Tsáhadolkohi—they used to wear these in the old days, and there are still men alive who have seen them worn.

526. Dressed in these fine garments he set out with his wife and they travelled toward the southeast. As they were passing the other hut she bade him wait outside while she went in to procure a [185]wand of turquoise. They went but a short distance (about three hundred yards)233 when they came, on the top of a small hill, to a large, smooth stone, adorned with turquoise, sticking in the ground like a stopple in a water-jar. She touched this rock stopple with her wand in four different directions—east, south, west, north—and it sprang up out of the ground. She touched it in an upward direction, and it lay over on its side, revealing a hole which led to a flight of four stone steps.

526. Dressed in these fine clothes, he set out with his wife, and they traveled southeast. As they passed by another hut, she asked him to wait outside while she went in to get a [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] wand made of turquoise. They didn’t go very far (about three hundred yards)233 when they reached the top of a small hill, where they found a large, smooth stone, decorated with turquoise, sticking out of the ground like a plug in a water jar. She touched this rock with her wand in four directions—east, south, west, north—and it popped up out of the ground. She then touched it upward, and it toppled over, revealing a hole that led down to a flight of four stone steps.

527. She entered the hole and beckoned to him to follow. When they descended the steps they found themselves in a square apartment with four doors of rock crystal, one on each side. There was a rainbow over each door. With her wand she struck the eastern door and it flew open, disclosing a vast and beautiful country, like this world, but more beautiful. How vast it was the Navaho knew not, for he could not see the end of it. They passed through the door. The land was filled with deer and covered with beautiful flowers. The air was filled with the odor of pollen and the odor of fragrant blossoms. Birds of the most beautiful plumage were flying in the air, perching on the flowers, and building nests in the antlers of the deer. In the distance a light shower of rain was falling, and rainbows shone in every direction. “This, then, is the farm of my father-in-law which you promised to show me,” said the Navaho. “It is beautiful; but in truth it is no farm, for I see nothing planted here.” She took him into three other apartments. They were all as beautiful as the first, but they contained different animals. In the apartment to the south there were antelope; in that to the west, Rocky Mountain sheep; in that to the north, elk.

527. She entered the opening and signaled for him to follow. As they went down the steps, they found themselves in a square room with four rock crystal doors, one on each side. There was a rainbow over each door. With her wand, she tapped the eastern door and it swung open, revealing a vast and stunning land, similar to this world but even more beautiful. The Navaho couldn't tell how vast it was since he couldn't see the end of it. They stepped through the door. The land was filled with deer and adorned with vibrant flowers. The air was filled with the scent of pollen and fragrant blooms. Birds with the most stunning plumage flew in the air, perched on the flowers, and built nests in the antlers of the deer. In the distance, a light rain was falling, and rainbows appeared in every direction. “So this is the land of my father-in-law that you promised to show me,” said the Navaho. “It’s beautiful, but honestly, it’s not a farm because I don’t see anything planted here.” She took him into three other rooms. They were all just as beautiful as the first, but each housed different animals. In the room to the south, there were antelope; in the west, Rocky Mountain sheep; and in the north, elk.

528. When they closed the last door and came out to the central apartment they found Deer Raiser there. “Has my son-in-law been in all the rooms and seen all the game?” he asked. “I have seen all,” said Natĭ′nĕsthani. “Do you see two sacrificial cigarettes of the deer above the rainbow over the eastern door?” “I see them now,” responded the Navaho, “but I did not notice them when I entered.” The old man then showed him, over the door in the south, two cigarettes of the antelope; over the door in the west, two cigarettes of the Rocky Mountain sheep; over the door in the north, the single white cigarette of Hastséyalti234 (the elk had no cigarette), and at the bottom of the steps by which they had entered, two cigarettes of the fawn. “Look well at these cigarettes,” said the old man, “and remember how they are painted, for such we now sacrifice in our ceremonies.” “Are you pleased?” “Do you admire what you have seen?” “What do you think of it all?” Such were the questions the old man asked, and the Navaho made answer: “I thank you. I am glad that I have seen your farm and your pets. Such things I never saw before.” [186]

528. When they shut the last door and came into the main room, they found Deer Raiser waiting there. “Has my son-in-law checked out all the rooms and seen all the game?” he asked. “I’ve seen it all,” said Natĭ′nĕsthani. “Do you see the two sacrificial cigarettes of the deer above the rainbow over the eastern door?” “I can see them now,” replied the Navajo, “but I didn’t notice them when I walked in.” The old man then pointed out, above the door on the south, two cigarettes of the antelope; above the door on the west, two cigarettes of the Rocky Mountain sheep; above the door on the north, the single white cigarette of Hastséyalti234 (the elk had no cigarette), and at the bottom of the steps they had come in, two cigarettes of the fawn. “Pay close attention to these cigarettes,” the old man said, “and remember how they are painted because that’s what we sacrifice in our ceremonies.” “Are you pleased?” “Do you admire what you’ve seen?” “What do you think of it all?” These were the questions the old man posed, and the Navajo replied: “Thank you. I’m glad to have seen your farm and your animals. I’ve never seen anything like this before.” [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

529. “Now, my daughter,” said Deer Raiser, “catch a deer for my son-in-law, that we may have fresh meat.” She opened the eastern door, entered, and caught a big buck by the foot (just as we catch sheep in these days). She pulled it out. The Navaho walked in front; the young woman, dragging the buck, came after him, and the old man came last of all, closing the doors and putting in the stopple as he came. They brought the buck home, tied its legs together with short rainbows, cut its throat with a stone arrow point, and skinned it as we now skin deer.

529. “Now, my daughter,” said Deer Raiser, “catch a deer for my son-in-law so we can have fresh meat.” She opened the eastern door, went in, and caught a big buck by the foot (just like we catch sheep today). She pulled it out. The Navajo walked ahead; the young woman, dragging the buck, followed him, and the old man came last, closing the doors and putting in the stopper as he went. They brought the buck home, tied its legs together with short rainbows, cut its throat with a stone arrowhead, and skinned it the way we skin deer now.

530. Now Deer Raiser began again to plot the death of his son-in-law. He found he could not poison him, so he determined to try another plan. In a neighboring canyon, to which there was but one entrance, he kept four fierce pet bears. He determined to invite his son-in-law out to hunt with him, and get him killed by these bears. The rest of that day the Navaho remained at home with his wife, while the old man took the hoofs of the slain deer and made with them a lot of tracks leading into the canyon of the bears.

530. Deer Raiser started plotting again to kill his son-in-law. He realized he couldn't poison him, so he decided to come up with a different plan. In a nearby canyon, which had only one entrance, he kept four aggressive pet bears. He planned to invite his son-in-law to go hunting with him and intended to get him killed by these bears. The rest of that day, the Navaho stayed home with his wife, while the old man used the hooves of the dead deer to create a bunch of tracks leading into the bears' canyon.

531. On the following morning, while the young woman was cooking in the other lodge, Deer Raiser came in where the Navaho sat and said: “My son-in-law, four of my pet deer have escaped from the farm. I have tracked them to a canyon near by, which has only one entrance. As soon as you have eaten I want you to help me to hunt them. You will stand at the entrance of the canyon while I go in to drive the deer toward you, and you can kill them as they come out. No,” said the old man after pausing for a while and pretending to think, “you must go into the canyon, my son-in-law, while I stay at the entrance and kill the deer. That will be better.” When about to start on his hunt, the Wind People whispered to the Navaho: “Do not enter the canyon.”

531. The next morning, while the young woman was cooking in the other lodge, Deer Raiser walked in where the Navaho was sitting and said: “My son-in-law, four of my favorite deer have escaped from the farm. I’ve tracked them to a nearby canyon that has only one entrance. As soon as you finish eating, I need you to help me hunt them. You’ll stand at the entrance of the canyon while I go in to drive the deer toward you, and you can shoot them as they come out. No,” the old man said after pausing for a moment and pretending to think, “you should go into the canyon, my son-in-law, while I stay at the entrance and take down the deer. That will work better.” Just before he was about to set off on his hunt, the Wind People whispered to the Navaho: “Do not enter the canyon.”

532. The two men walked along the steep side of the valley, following the tracks until they came to the high rugged cliffs that marked the entrance to the canyon. “When my deer escape, here is where they usually come,” said Deer Raiser. A little stream of water ran out of the canyon, and here the old man had raised a dam to make a pool. When they reached the pool he said: “Here I shall stop to shoot the deer. Go you in and drive them out for me.” “No, I fear the deer will pass me,” said Natĭ′nĕsthani. Four times these words were said by both. At last the old man, seeing that his companion was obstinate, said: “Stay here, then, but do not let the deer escape you, and do not climb the hillsides around for fear the deer should see you,” and he went himself into the canyon. In spite of all the warnings he had received, Natĭ′nĕsthani climbed a rocky eminence where he could watch and be out of danger. After waiting a while in silence he heard a distant cry like [187]that of a wolf,235 woo-oo-oo-oo, and became aware that something was moving toward him through the brush. He soon descried four bears walking down the canyon in single file, about thirty paces apart, alternately a female and a male. The old man had probably told them there was some one for them to kill, for they advanced with hair bristling, snouts up, and teeth showing. When he saw them coming he said, “I am Nayénĕzgạni. I am Hastséyalti. I am Sasnalkáhi. I am a god of bears,” and he mentioned the names of other potent gods. As the bears were passing their hidden enemy he drew arrow after arrow to the head and slew them all, one by one. He killed them as they walked along a ledge of rock, and their bodies tumbled down on the other side of the ledge, where they were hidden from view. Soon the voice of the old man was heard in the distance crying: “Oh, my pets! Oh, Tsananaí! Oh, Tsĕ′skodi! (for the bears had names).236 Save a piece for me! Save a piece for me!” And a little later he came in sight, running and panting. He did not see his son-in-law till he was right beside him. He showed at once that he was surprised and angry, but he quickly tried to make it appear that he was angry from another cause. “I should have been here. You have let them run by,” he cried in angry tones. “Oh, no,” said the Navaho, “I have not let them run by. I have killed them. Look over the ledge and you will see them.” The old man looked as he was told, and was struck dumb with astonishment and sorrow. He sat down in silence, with his head hanging between his knees, and gazed at the bodies of his dead pets. He did not even thank his son-in-law.237

532. The two men walked along the steep side of the valley, following the tracks until they reached the high, rugged cliffs that marked the entrance to the canyon. “When my deer escape, this is where they usually come,” said Deer Raiser. A small stream of water flowed out of the canyon, and here the old man had built a dam to create a pool. When they arrived at the pool, he said, “I’ll stop here to shoot the deer. You go in and drive them out for me.” “No, I’m afraid the deer will pass me,” said Natĭ′nĕsthani. This was repeated four times by both of them. Finally, the old man, seeing that his companion was stubborn, said, “Stay here, then, but don’t let the deer escape you, and don’t climb the hillsides around for fear the deer should see you,” and he went into the canyon himself. Despite all the warnings he had received, Natĭ′nĕsthani climbed a rocky outcrop where he could watch and be out of danger. After waiting in silence for a while, he heard a distant cry like [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]that of a wolf,235 woo-oo-oo-oo, and noticed something moving toward him through the brush. He soon spotted four bears walking down the canyon in single file, about thirty paces apart, alternating between a female and a male. The old man had probably told them there was someone for them to kill, because they came forward with their fur bristled, snouts raised, and teeth bared. When he saw them coming, he said, “I am Nayénĕzgạni. I am Hastséyalti. I am Sasnalkáhi. I am a god of bears,” and he mentioned the names of other powerful gods. As the bears passed by their hidden enemy, he drew arrow after arrow to his bow and killed them all, one by one. He shot them as they walked along a rocky ledge, and their bodies tumbled down on the other side of the ledge, where they were hidden from view. Soon, the old man’s voice echoed in the distance, crying: “Oh, my pets! Oh, Tsananaí! Oh, Tsĕ′skodi! (for the bears had names).236 Save a piece for me! Save a piece for me!” A little later, he appeared, running and panting. He didn’t see his son-in-law until he was right next to him. His surprise and anger were obvious, but he quickly tried to make it seem like he was angry about something else. “I should have been here. You let them run by,” he shouted angrily. “Oh, no,” said the Navaho, “I didn’t let them run by. I killed them. Look over the ledge and you’ll see them.” The old man looked as instructed and was left speechless with shock and grief. He sat down in silence, his head hanging between his knees, and stared at the bodies of his dead pets. He didn’t even thank his son-in-law.237

533. Why did Deer Raiser seek the life of his son-in-law? Now Natĭ′nĕsthani knew, and now you shall know. The old man was a dĭnéʻyiani, or man-eater, and a wizard. He wanted the flesh of the Navaho to eat, and he wanted parts of the dead body to use in the rites of witchcraft. But there was yet another reason; he was jealous of the Navaho, for those who practise witchcraft practise also incest.

533. Why did Deer Raiser go after his son-in-law? Now Natĭ′nĕsthani knew, and now you will know. The old man was a dĭnéʻyiani, or man-eater, and a wizard. He craved the flesh of the Navajo to consume, and he wanted parts of the dead body for his witchcraft rituals. But there was another reason; he was envious of the Navajo, because those who practice witchcraft also engage in incest.

534. “Why did you shoot them?” said the old man at last; “the deer went out before them. Why did you not shoot the deer? Now you may skin the bears.” “You never drove deer to me,” said the Navaho. “These are what you drove to me. When a companion in the hunt drives anything to me I kill it, no matter what it is. You have talked much to me about hunting with you. Now I have killed game and you must skin it.” “Help me, then, to skin it,” said Deer Raiser. “No. I never skin the game I kill myself.238 You must do the skinning. I killed for you,” said the Navaho. “If you will not help me,” said the old man, “go back to the house and tell my daughter to come and assist me to skin the bears. Go back by the way we came when we trailed the deer.” [188]

534. "Why did you shoot them?" the old man finally asked. "The deer ran away from us. Why didn't you shoot the deer? Now you can skin the bears." "You never drove deer my way," replied the Navaho. "These are what you brought to me. When a hunting partner drives anything towards me, I take it down, no matter what it is. You’ve talked a lot about hunting with me. Now I've killed some game, and you need to skin it." "Help me skin it, then," said Deer Raiser. "No. I never skin the game I kill myself. You must do the skinning. I killed for you," the Navaho said. "If you won't help me," the old man replied, "go back to the house and tell my daughter to come and help me skin the bears. Return the same way we came when we trailed the deer." [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

535. Natĭ′nĕsthani set off as the Deer Raiser had directed him. As soon as he was out of sight the old man rushed for the house by a short cut. Reaching home, he hastily dressed himself in the skin of a great serpent, went to the trail which his son-in-law was to take, and lay in ambush behind a log at a place where the path led through a narrow defile. As the Navaho approached the log the Wind People told him: “Your father-in-law awaits you behind the log.” The Navaho peeped over the log before he got too near, and saw Deer Raiser in his snake-skin suit, swaying uneasily back and forth, poising himself as if preparing to spring. When he saw the young man looking in his direction he crouched low. “What are you doing there?” called the Navaho (in a way which let Deer Raiser know he was recognized),239 and he drew an arrow on the old man. “Stop! stop!” cried the latter. “I only came here to meet you and hurry you up.” “Why do you not come from behind, if that is so? Why do you come from before me and hide beside my path?” said the Navaho, and he passed on his way and went to his wife’s house.

535. Natĭ′nĕsthani started off as the Deer Raiser instructed him. Once he was out of sight, the old man dashed for the house by a shortcut. When he got home, he quickly dressed in the skin of a large serpent, went to the trail his son-in-law would take, and hid behind a log at a spot where the path went through a narrow passage. As the Navaho neared the log, the Wind People warned him: “Your father-in-law is waiting for you behind the log.” The Navaho peeked over the log before getting too close and saw Deer Raiser in his snake-skin suit, swaying nervously back and forth, getting ready to leap. When he noticed the young man looking his way, he crouched low. “What are you doing there?” called the Navaho, making it clear to Deer Raiser that he was recognized, and he aimed an arrow at the old man. “Stop! stop!” the old man cried. “I just came here to meet you and hurry you up.” “Why don’t you come out from behind, if that's the case? Why do you hide beside my path?” asked the Navaho, and he continued on his way to his wife’s house.

536. When Natĭ′nĕsthani reached the house he told his wife that he had killed four animals for his father-in-law, but he did not tell her what kind of animals they were, and he told her that her father sent for her mother to help skin the animals and cut up the meat. The daughter delivered the message to her mother, and the latter went out to the canyon to help her husband. When Deer Raiser saw his wife coming he was furious. “It was my daughter I sent for, not you,” he roared. “What sort of a man is he who cannot carry my word straight, who cannot do as he is told? I bade him tell my daughter, not you, to come to me.” Between them they skinned and dressed the bears and carried them, one at a time, to his house. He sent to his son-in-law to know if he wanted some meat, and the Navaho replied that he did not eat bear meat. When he heard this, Deer Raiser was again furious, and said: “What manner of a man is this who won’t eat meat? (He did not say what kind of meat.) When we offer him food he says he does not want to eat it. He never does what he is told to do. We cook food for him and he refuses it. What can we do to please him? What food will satisfy him?”

536. When Natĭ′nĕsthani got to the house, he told his wife that he had killed four animals for his father-in-law, but he didn’t specify what kinds they were. He informed her that her father asked for her mother to help skin the animals and prepare the meat. The daughter relayed the message to her mother, who then went out to the canyon to assist her husband. When Deer Raiser saw his wife approaching, he was enraged. “I sent for my daughter, not you,” he shouted. “What kind of man can't deliver my message correctly, can't follow simple instructions? I told him to have my daughter come to me, not you.” Together, they skinned and dressed the bears, carrying them one by one to his house. He sent a message to his son-in-law to see if he wanted some meat, and the Navajo replied that he didn’t eat bear meat. Upon hearing this, Deer Raiser was once again furious and exclaimed, “What kind of man doesn’t eat meat? (He didn’t specify what type of meat.) When we offer him food, he says he doesn’t want it. He never does what he’s told. We cook for him, and he turns it down. What can we do to please him? What food will satisfy him?”

537. The next morning after the bears were killed, the young woman went out as usual, and the old man entered during her absence. He said to Natĭ′nĕsthani: “I wish you to go out with me to-day and help me to fight my enemies. There are enemies of mine, not far from here, whom I sometimes meet in battle.” “I will go with you,” said the Navaho. “I have long been hoping that some one would say something like this to me,” [189]

537. The next morning after the bears were killed, the young woman went out as usual, and the old man came in while she was gone. He said to Natĭ′nĕsthani: “I want you to come out with me today and help me fight my enemies. There are some enemies of mine nearby that I sometimes face in battle.” “I’ll go with you,” said the Navaho. “I've been hoping someone would say something like this to me for a long time.” [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

538. They went from the lodge toward a mountain which was edged on two sides by steep cliffs, which no man could climb. On the top of the mountain the old man said there was a round hole or valley in which his enemies dwelled. He stationed his son-in-law on one side of this round valley where no cliffs were, and he went to the opposite side to drive the enemy, as he said. He promised to join the Navaho when the enemy started. Deer Raiser went around the mountain and cried four times in imitation of a wolf. Then, instead of coming to his comrade’s help, he ran around the base of the hill and got behind his son-in-law. Soon after the old man made his cry, the Navaho saw twelve great ferocious bears coming toward him over the crest of the hill. They were of the kind called sasnalkáhi, or tracking bears, such as scent and track a man, and follow till they kill him. They were of all the sacred colors,—white, blue, yellow, black, and spotted. They came toward the Navaho, but he was well armed and prepared to meet them. He fought with them the hardest fight he ever fought; but at length he killed them all, and suffered no harm himself.240

538. They moved from the lodge toward a mountain that was surrounded on two sides by steep cliffs that no one could climb. At the top of the mountain, the old man said there was a round hole or valley where his enemies lived. He placed his son-in-law on one side of this round valley, where there were no cliffs, and he went to the opposite side to confront the enemy, as he said he would. He promised to join the Navaho when the enemy approached. Deer Raiser went around the mountain and howled four times like a wolf. Then, instead of helping his comrade, he ran around the base of the hill and got behind his son-in-law. Soon after the old man made his call, the Navaho saw twelve huge, fierce bears coming toward him over the top of the hill. They were known as sasnalkáhi, or tracking bears, which can smell and follow a person until they kill them. They came in all the sacred colors—white, blue, yellow, black, and spotted. They approached the Navaho, but he was well-armed and ready to face them. He fought them in the toughest battle he had ever been in; but in the end, he killed them all without taking any harm himself.240

539. In the mean time the old man ran off in the direction of his home, sure that his son-in-law was killed. He said: “I think we shall hear no more of Natĭ′nĕsthani. I think we shall hear no more of Áhodĭseli. Hereafter it will be Natĭ′nĕsthanini (the dead Natĭ′nĕsthani). Hereafter it will be Áhodĭselini (the dead Áhodĭseli).241 He can’t come back out of the tracking bears’ mouths.” After killing the bears, the Navaho found the old man’s trail and followed it. Presently he came to Deer Raiser, who was sitting on a knoll. The old man could not conceal his astonishment at seeing the Navaho still alive. “When we went out to this battle,” said the young man, “we promised not to desert one another. Why did you run away from me?” The Deer Raiser answered: “I am sorry I could not find you. I did not see where you were, so I came on this way. What did you do where I left you? Did you kill any of the bears?” “Yes, I killed all of them,” said Natĭ′nĕsthani. “I am glad you killed all and came away with your own life, my dear son-in-law,” said the old cheat.

539. In the meantime, the old man hurried back home, convinced that his son-in-law was dead. He said: “I don’t think we’ll hear about Natĭ′nĕsthani again. I don’t think we’ll hear about Áhodĭseli anymore. From now on, it will be Natĭ′nĕsthanini (the dead Natĭ′nĕsthani). From now on, it will be Áhodĭselini (the dead Áhodĭseli). He can’t come back from the bears’ mouths.” After killing the bears, the Navaho picked up the old man’s trail and followed it. Soon, he found Deer Raiser, who was sitting on a hill. The old man was shocked to see that the Navaho was still alive. “When we went into this battle,” said the young man, “we promised not to leave each other behind. Why did you run away from me?” Deer Raiser replied, “I’m sorry I couldn’t find you. I didn’t see where you were, so I came this way. What did you do after I left you? Did you kill any bears?” “Yes, I killed all of them,” said Natĭ′nĕsthani. “I’m glad you killed all of them and made it back alive, my dear son-in-law,” said the old fraud.

540. They started to walk home together, but night fell when they reached a rocky ridge on the way; here they picked out a nice spot of ground to sleep on, built a shelter of brushwood, and made a fire. Before they went to rest the old man said: “This is a bad place to camp. It is called Kedĭdĭ′lyenaʻaʻ (Ridge of the Burnt Moccasins).” As they lay down to sleep, one on either side of the fire, each took off his moccasins and put them under his head. The old man said: “Take good care of your moccasins, my son-in-law. Place them securely.” “Why does he say these things?” [190]asked the Navaho to himself. As he lay awake, thinking of the warning of the old man, he heard the latter snoring. He rose softly, took away the old man’s moccasins, put his own in their place, and lay down to sleep with Deer Raiser’s moccasins under his head. Later in the night the old man got up, pulled the moccasins from under the young man’s head, and buried them in the hot embers. He was anxious to get home next morning before his son-in-law.

540. They started walking home together, but by the time they reached a rocky ridge, night had fallen. They found a nice spot to sleep, built a shelter from brushwood, and made a fire. Before they went to bed, the old man said, “This is not a good place to camp. It’s called Kedĭdĭ′lyenaʻaʻ (Ridge of the Burnt Moccasins).” As they lay down to sleep, each on either side of the fire, they took off their moccasins and placed them under their heads. The old man said, “Take good care of your moccasins, my son-in-law. Make sure they’re secure.” “Why is he saying this?” [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] the Navaho wondered to himself. As he lay awake, thinking about the old man’s warning, he heard the old man snoring. He quietly got up, took the old man’s moccasins, put his own in their place, and lay back down to sleep with Deer Raiser’s moccasins under his head. Later in the night, the old man woke up, took the moccasins from under the young man’s head, and buried them in the hot embers. He was eager to get home the next morning before his son-in-law.

541. At dawn the old man aroused his companion with “It is time we were on our road.” The young man woke, rubbed his eyes, yawned, and pretended to look for his moccasins. After searching a while he asked: “Where are my moccasins? Have I lost them?” “Huh!” said Deer Raiser. “You did not listen to what I told you last night. I said that this was the Ridge of the Burned Moccasins.” In the mean time, on the other side of the fire, the old man was putting on his companion’s moccasins, not noticing that they were not his own. “Look. You are putting on my moccasins instead of your own. Give me my moccasins,” said the Navaho, reaching across the fire. He took them out of his companion’s hands, sat down and put them on. “Now we must hurry back,” he said. “I can’t see what made you burn your moccasins, but I cannot wait for you. I am going now.”242

541. At dawn, the old man woke his friend, saying, “It’s time to hit the road.” The young man stirred, rubbed his eyes, yawned, and pretended to look for his moccasins. After searching for a bit, he asked, “Where are my moccasins? Did I lose them?” “Huh!” said Deer Raiser. “You didn’t pay attention to what I told you last night. I mentioned that this was the Ridge of the Burned Moccasins.” Meanwhile, across the fire, the old man was putting on his friend’s moccasins, not realizing they weren’t his. “Look. You’re wearing my moccasins instead of yours. Hand over my moccasins,” said the Navajo, reaching across the fire. He took them from his companion's hands, sat down, and put them on. “Now we need to hurry back,” he said. “I can’t understand why you burned your moccasins, but I can’t wait for you. I’m leaving now.”242

542. Before the young man left, his father-in-law gave him a message. “I cannot travel as fast as you on my bare feet. When you go home, tell my daughter to come out with a pair of moccasins and some food, and meet me on the trail.” When the Navaho got home he said to his wife: “I camped with your father last night, and he burned his moccasins. He is limping home barefoot. He bids his wife to come out and meet him with moccasins and food.” The daughter delivered the message to her mother, and the latter went out to meet her husband with moccasins, food, and a brand of burning cedar-bark. When the old man met her he was angry. “Why have you come? Why has not my daughter come?” he asked. “Your son-in-law said that I should come,” the old woman replied. “Oh, what a fool my son-in-law is,” cried Deer Raiser. “He never can remember what he is told to say.” He ate his food, put on his moccasins, and hurried home with his wife.

542. Before the young man left, his father-in-law gave him a message. “I can't travel as quickly as you can on foot. When you get home, tell my daughter to bring some moccasins and food to meet me on the trail.” When the Navajo got home, he told his wife: “I camped with your father last night, and he burned his moccasins. He’s limping home barefoot. He wants you to come out and meet him with moccasins and food.” The daughter passed the message to her mother, who then went out to meet her husband with moccasins, food, and a glowing brand of cedar bark. When the old man saw her, he was angry. “Why have you come? Why hasn’t my daughter come?” he asked. “Your son-in-law said I should come,” the old woman replied. “Oh, what a fool my son-in-law is,” cried Deer Raiser. “He never remembers what he’s supposed to say.” He ate his food, put on his moccasins, and hurried home with his wife.

543. When Deer Raiser visited his son-in-law on the following morning he said: “I warn you never to stray alone to the east of the lodge in which you dwell. There is a dangerous place there.” The old man went home, and the Navaho pondered all day over what his father-in-law had said, and during the night he made up his mind to do just what the old man had told him not to do.

543. When Deer Raiser visited his son-in-law the next morning, he said, “I advise you not to wander alone to the east of the lodge where you live. It's a dangerous area.” The old man went home, and the Navaho thought about what his father-in-law had said all day. That night, he decided to do exactly what the old man had warned him against.

544. When Natĭ′nĕsthani had eaten in the morning he dressed himself for a journey, left the lodge, and travelled straight to the east. [191]He came to a steep white ridge;243 when he had climbed this about half way, he observed approaching him a man of low stature. His coat, which fitted him skin-tight, was white on the chest and insides of the arms, while it was brown elsewhere, like the skin of a deer. He wore on his head a deer-mask, with horns, such as deer-hunters use. He carried a turquoise wand, a black bow with sinew on the back, and two arrows with featherings of eagle-tail. He was one of the Tsĭdastóidĭneʻ.244 When the men met, the stranger, who had a pale face,245 looked out from under his mask and said: “Whence come you, my grandchild?” “I come, my grandfather, from a place near here. I come from the house of Pínĭltani,” the Navaho answered. “My grandchild, I have heard of you. Do you know how my cigarette is made?” said the man with the deer-mask. “No, my grandfather, I never heard of your cigarette,” was the reply. “There is a cigarette12 for me, my grandson,” said the stranger. “It is painted white, with a black spot on it, and is so long (second joint of middle finger). It should be laid in the fork of a piñon-tree. I am now walking out, and am going in the direction whence you came. There are people living behind the ridge you are climbing. You should visit them, and hear what they will have to tell you.”

544. After Natĭ′nĕsthani had eaten breakfast, he got ready for a journey, left the lodge, and headed straight east. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]He reached a steep white ridge;243 as he climbed about halfway, he noticed a short man approaching him. His coat was snug-fitting, white on the chest and inside the arms, while the rest was brown, resembling a deer's skin. He wore a deer mask with antlers, like those used by deer hunters. He carried a turquoise wand, a black bow with sinew on the back, and two arrows featuring eagle feathers. He was one of the Tsĭdastóidĭneʻ.244 When they met, the stranger, who had a pale face,245 looked out from beneath his mask and asked, “Where do you come from, my grandchild?” “I come, my grandfather, from a place nearby. I come from the house of Pínĭltani,” the Navaho replied. “My grandchild, I have heard of you. Do you know how my cigarette is made?” the man in the deer mask asked. “No, my grandfather, I have never heard of your cigarette,” was the answer. “There is a cigarette12 for me, my grandson,” said the stranger. “It is painted white with a black spot on it, and is this long (the second joint of my middle finger). It should be placed in the fork of a piñon tree. I am heading out now, going in the direction you came from. There are people living behind the ridge you’re climbing. You should visit them and hear what they have to share with you.”

545. The Navaho climbed the ridge; and as he began to descend it on the other side, he observed below him two conical tents, such as the Indians of the plains use. The tents were white below and yellow above, representing the dawn and the evening twilight. As he approached the tents he observed that two games of nánzoz were being played,—one beside each tent,—and a number of people were gathered, watching the games. As he advanced toward the crowd a man came forward to meet him, saying: “Go to the lodge in the south. There are many people there.” He went to the lodge in the south, as he was bidden. A woman of bright complexion, fairer than the Navahoes usually are, the wife of the owner of the lodge, came out and invited him to enter.

545. The Navaho climbed the ridge, and as he started to go down the other side, he saw two conical tents below him, like those used by the Plains Indians. The tents were white at the bottom and yellow at the top, representing dawn and evening twilight. As he got closer to the tents, he noticed that two games of nánzoz were being played—one next to each tent—and a crowd of people had gathered to watch. As he walked toward the crowd, a man stepped forward to meet him and said, “Go to the lodge in the south. There are many people there.” He went to the lodge in the south as instructed. A woman with a light complexion, fairer than most Navahoes, who was the wife of the lodge owner, came out and invited him to come in.

546. When Natĭ′nĕsthani entered the lodge he found its owner seated in the middle. The latter was a man past middle age, but not very old. He was dressed in a beautiful suit of buckskin embroidered with porcupine quills. He pointed to a place by his side, and said to the Navaho: “Sit here, my grandchild.” When the Navaho was seated his host said: “Whence do you come? The people who live up on the earth are never seen here.” “I come from the house of Pínĭltani,” the young man answered. “Oh! Do you?” questioned the host. “And do you know that Deer Raiser is a great villain; that he kills his guests; that he talks softly, and pretends friendship, and lures people to stay with him until he can quietly kill them? Has he never spoken thus softly to you? How [192]long have you been staying with him?” “I have dwelt with him for many days,” Natĭ′nĕsthani answered. “Ah!” said his host. “Many of our young men have gone over there to woo his daughter; but they have never returned. Some are killed on the first day; others on the second day; others on the third day; others on the fourth; but no one ever lives beyond the fourth day. No one has ever lived there as long as you have.” “He seems to be such a man as you describe him,” said Natĭ′nĕsthani. “He has been trying to kill me ever since I have been with him.” “You must be a wise man to have escaped him so long; your prayer must be potent; your charm must be strong,”246 declared the host. “No, truly, I know no good prayer; I possess no charm,” the Navaho replied, and then he went on to tell how he came into that country, and all that happened to him, till he came to the house of Deer Raiser. “He is rich, but he is no good. That daughter of his is also his wife, and that is why he wants to poison her suitors,” said the owner of the lodge, and then he described four ways in which Pínĭltani killed his guests. The Navaho remained silent. He knew all the ways of the Deer Raiser, but he pretended not to know. Then the host went on: “The house of Deer Raiser is a place of danger. You will surely be killed if you stay there. I am sorry you are in such bad company, for you seem to be a good man.” “You speak of Deer Raiser as a great man; but he cannot be so great as you think he is. Four times have I killed him with smoke, and four times have I brought him to life again,” said the Navaho, and then he related all his adventures since he had been with Pínĭltani.

546. When Natĭ′nĕsthani walked into the lodge, he found its owner sitting in the middle. The man was middle-aged, but not too old. He wore a beautiful buckskin suit decorated with porcupine quills. He gestured for the Navaho to sit next to him and said, “Sit here, my grandchild.” Once the Navaho was settled, his host asked, “Where do you come from? The people living above on the earth are rarely seen here.” “I come from the house of Pínĭltani,” the young man replied. “Oh! Do you?” the host inquired. “And do you know that Deer Raiser is a terrible person; he kills his guests; he speaks softly and pretends to be friendly, luring people to stay with him until he can quietly kill them? Has he ever spoken softly to you? How [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]long have you been there?” “I’ve stayed with him for many days,” Natĭ′nĕsthani answered. “Ah!” his host replied. “Many of our young men have gone there to pursue his daughter, but none have returned. Some are killed on the first day; others on the second; others on the third; others on the fourth; but no one has ever lived beyond the fourth day. No one has ever stayed there as long as you have.” “He seems to fit your description,” Natĭ′nĕsthani said. “He’s been trying to kill me since I arrived.” “You must be very wise to have avoided him for so long; your prayer must be powerful; your charm must be strong,” declared the host. “No, honestly, I know no good prayer; I have no charm,” the Navaho replied, and then he went on to explain how he arrived in that area and everything that had happened to him until he got to the house of Deer Raiser. “He may be wealthy, but he’s no good. That daughter of his is also his wife, which is why he wants to poison her suitors,” said the lodge owner, and then he described four ways in which Pínĭltani killed his guests. The Navaho stayed silent. He was aware of all the ways of Deer Raiser, but pretended not to know. Then the host continued, “The house of Deer Raiser is a dangerous place. You will surely be killed if you remain there. I feel bad that you’re in such bad company because you seem like a good man.” “You speak of Deer Raiser as if he’s a great man; however, he can't be as great as you think. Four times I’ve killed him with smoke, and four times I’ve brought him back to life,” said the Navaho, and then he shared all his adventures since being with Pínĭltani.

547. The host thanked him for having slain the bears, and went out to call the players and all the crowd that stood around them to come to his tent. They came, for he was their chief, and soon the tent was crowded. Then he spoke to the assembly, and told them the story of the Navaho. There was great rejoicing when they heard it. They thanked Natĭ′nĕsthani for what he had done. One said that Deer Raiser had killed his brother; another said he had killed his son; another said the bears had slain his nephew, and thus they spoke of their many woes.

547. The host thanked him for killing the bears and went out to invite the players and everyone gathered around to come to his tent. They came because he was their leader, and soon the tent was packed. Then he addressed the crowd and shared the story of the Navaho. There was great celebration when they heard it. They expressed their gratitude to Natĭ′nĕsthani for what he had done. One person said that Deer Raiser had killed his brother; another claimed he had killed his son; yet another mentioned that the bears had killed his nephew, and this led them to discuss their many sorrows.

548. The people were of five kinds, or gentes: the Puma People, the Blue Fox People, the Yellow Fox People, the Wolf People, and the Lynx People, and the host was chief of all.

548. The people were divided into five groups, or clans: the Puma Clan, the Blue Fox Clan, the Yellow Fox Clan, the Wolf Clan, and the Lynx Clan, and the host was the leader of them all.

549. The chief ordered one of his daughters to prepare food for the visitor. She brought in deer pemmican. The Navaho ate, and when he was done he said: “I am now ready to go, my grandfather.” “Wait a while,” said the chief. “I have some medicine to give you. It is an antidote for Deer Raiser’s poison.” He gave his visitor two kinds of medicine; one was an object the size of the [193]last two joints of the little finger, made of the gall of birds of prey,—all birds that catch with their claws; the other was a small quantity (as much as one might grasp with the tips of all the fingers of one hand) of a substance composed of material vomited by each of the five animals that were the totems of this people. “Now have no fear,” said the chief. “The bears are slain, and you have here medicines that will kill the wizard’s poison. They are potent against witchcraft.”247

549. The chief told one of his daughters to prepare food for the visitor. She brought in deer pemmican. The Navaho ate, and when he finished, he said, “I’m ready to leave now, my grandfather.” “Hold on a moment,” said the chief. “I have some medicine to give you. It’s an antidote for Deer Raiser’s poison.” He provided his visitor with two types of medicine; one was a small object the size of the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] last two joints of the little finger, made from the gall of birds of prey—all birds that catch with their claws; the other was a small amount (enough to grasp with the tips of all the fingers of one hand) of a substance made from the material expelled by each of the five animals that were the totems of this people. “Now don’t worry,” said the chief. “The bears are dead, and you have here medicines that will counter the wizard’s poison. They are effective against witchcraft.”247

550. When the Navaho went back to the house where his wife was, she said: “My father has been here inquiring for you. When I told him you had gone to the east he was very angry, and said that he told you not to go there.” Soon the old man entered and said fiercely: “Why have you gone to the east? I told you not to go there. I told you it was a bad place.” The young man made no reply, but acted as if he had seen and heard nothing while he was gone, and in a little while Deer Raiser calmed down and acted as if he wished to be at peace again with his son-in-law; but before he left he warned him not to go to the south. Natĭ′nĕsthani pondered on the words of his father-in-law that night, and made up his mind to again disobey him when morning came.

550. When the Navaho returned to the house where his wife was, she said, “My father has been looking for you. When I told him you went to the east, he got really angry and said he told you not to go there.” Soon, the old man came in and said fiercely, “Why did you go to the east? I told you not to go there. I warned you it was a bad place.” The young man didn’t respond, acting as if he hadn’t seen or heard anything during his absence. After a little while, Deer Raiser calmed down and seemed to want to make peace with his son-in-law again, but before he left, he warned him not to go south. Natĭ′nĕsthani thought about his father-in-law's words that night and decided to disobey him again when morning came.

551. Next day, when he had eaten, he dressed himself for a journey and walked toward the south. He came, in time, to a blue ridge, and when he was ascending it he met a little man, much like the one he had met the day before, but he had a bluish face. Instead of being dressed to look like a deer, he was dressed to look like an antelope; he wore an antelope hunting-mask with horns, he carried a wand of haliotis, and a bow made of a wood called tsĕlkáni, with no sinew on the back, and he had arrows trimmed with the tail feathers of the red-tailed buzzard.248 Like the little man of the east, he was also one of the Tsĭdastói People. He told the Navaho how to make the cigarette that belonged to him, to make it the length of the middle joint of the little finger, to paint it blue, spot it with yellow, and deposit it in the fork of a cedar-tree. The little man told the Navaho to go on over the ridge till he came to two lodges and to listen there to what the people would tell him. He went and found two lodges, and people playing nánzoz, and had all things happen to him nearly the same as happened to him in the east. When he returned home he had again an angry talk from his father-in-law, and was warned not to go to the west; but again he determined to pay no heed to the warning.

551. The next day, after eating, he got ready for a journey and headed south. Eventually, he reached a blue ridge, and while climbing it, he met a small man who looked a lot like the one he had encountered the day before, but he had a bluish face. Instead of dressing like a deer, he was dressed like an antelope; he wore an antelope hunting mask with horns, carried a haliotis wand, and had a bow made of a wood called tsĕlkáni, with no sinew on the back. He also had arrows tipped with the tail feathers of the red-tailed buzzard.248 Like the little man from the east, he was also one of the Tsĭdastói People. He instructed the Navaho on how to make his cigarette, telling him to make it the length of the middle joint of the little finger, paint it blue, spot it with yellow, and place it in the fork of a cedar tree. The little man advised the Navaho to continue over the ridge until he found two lodges and to listen to what the people there would say. He went on and found two lodges where people were playing nánzoz, and he experienced nearly all the same things that had happened to him in the east. When he returned home, he got another angry lecture from his father-in-law, who warned him not to go west; but once again, he decided to ignore the warning.

552. When he went to the west, next day, he found a yellow ridge to cross. The little man whom he met had a yellowish face; he was armed and dressed the same as the little man of the east, except that he had no horns on his deer-mask, for he represented a doe. [194]He described to the Navaho how to make a cigarette sacred to himself, which was to be painted yellow, spotted with blue, and deposited in a piñon-tree, like the cigarette of the east. Other events happened much as on the two previous days.

552. When he went west the next day, he found a yellow ridge to cross. The little man he met had a yellowish face; he was armed and dressed the same as the little man from the east, except he didn’t have horns on his deer mask because he represented a doe. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]He told the Navaho how to make a cigarette sacred to him, which was to be painted yellow, spotted with blue, and placed in a piñon tree, like the cigarette from the east. Other events happened much like the previous two days.

553. On the fourth of these forbidden journeys the Navaho went to the north. The ridge which he had to cross was black. The little man whom he met was armed and dressed like the man in the south, but he had no horns on his mask. His face was very dark. The cigarette which he described was to be painted black and spotted with white; it was to be the same length as the cigarette of the south, and disposed of in the same way.

553. On the fourth of these forbidden journeys, the Navaho traveled north. The ridge he had to cross was dark. The little man he encountered was armed and dressed like the man from the south, but he didn't have any horns on his mask. His face was very dark. The cigarette he described was to be painted black with white spots; it was to be the same length as the cigarette from the south and disposed of in the same way.

554. When he got home from his fourth journey, his father-in-law came into the lodge and reviled him once more with angry words; but this time the Navaho did not remain silent. He told the old man where he had been, what people he had met, what stories he had heard, and all that he knew of him. He told him, too, that he had learned of cigarettes, and medicines, and charms, and rites to protect him against a wizard’s power. “You have killed others,” said Natĭ′nĕsthani, “you have tried to kill me. I knew it all the time, but said nothing. Now I know all of your wickedness.” “All that you say is true,” said the old man; “but I shall seek your life no more, and I shall give up all my evil ways. While you were abroad on your journeys you learned of powerful sacrifices, and rites, and medicines. All that I ask is that you will treat me with these.” His son-in-law did as he was desired, and in doing so performed the first atsósi hatál.249

554. When he got home from his fourth journey, his father-in-law came into the lodge and angrily scolded him again; but this time the Navaho didn't stay quiet. He told the old man where he had been, who he had met, what stories he had heard, and everything he knew about him. He also mentioned that he had learned about cigarettes, medicines, charms, and rituals to protect himself from a wizard’s power. “You have harmed others,” said Natĭ′nĕsthani, “you tried to harm me. I knew it all along but said nothing. Now I know all of your evil deeds.” “Everything you say is true,” replied the old man; “but I won’t seek your life anymore, and I will abandon all my wicked ways. While you were away on your journeys, you learned about powerful sacrifices, rituals, and medicines. All I ask is that you use these to help me.” His son-in-law agreed to his request, and in doing so performed the first atsósi hatáł.249

555. After treating his father-in-law, Natĭ′nĕsthani returned to his people, taught them all he had learned while he was gone, and thus established the rite of atsósi hatál among the Navahoes. Then he went back to the whirling lake of Tóʻnihilin, and he dwells there still. [195]

555. After treating his father-in-law, Natĭ′nĕsthani returned to his people, shared everything he had learned while he was away, and established the rite of atsósi hatál among the Navajos. Then he went back to the swirling lake of Tóʻnihilin, where he still resides. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

THE GREAT SHELL OF KĬNTYÉL.

556. Kĭntyél,72 Broad House, and Kĭ′ndotz, Blue House,208 are two pueblo houses in the Chaco Canyon. They are ruins now; but in the days when Kinníki lived on earth many people dwelt there. Not far from the ruins is a high cliff called Tseʻdezáʻ, or Standing Rock. Near these places the rite of yói hatál,250 or the bead chant, was first practised by the Navahoes, and this is the tale of how it first became known to man:—

556. Kĭntyél,72 Broad House, and Kĭ′ndotz, Blue House,208 are two pueblo houses in Chaco Canyon. They are ruins now, but during the time when Kinníki lived on earth, many people lived there. Not far from the ruins is a high cliff called Tseʻdezáʻ, or Standing Rock. Near these sites, the rite of yói hatál,250 or the bead chant, was first practiced by the Navahoes, and this is the story of how it first became known to people:—

Fig. 36. Ruin in the Chaco Canyon, probably Kĭntyél (after Bickford).

Fig. 36. Ruin in the Chaco Canyon, probably Kĭntyél (after Bickford).

Fig. 36. Ruins in Chaco Canyon, likely Kĭntyél (after Bickford).

557. Two young men, one from Kĭntyél and one from Kĭ′ndotz, went out one day to hunt deer. About sunset, as they were returning to Kĭ′ndotz, weary and unsuccessful, they observed a war-eagle soaring overhead, and they stopped to watch his flight. He [196]moved slowly away, growing smaller and smaller to their gaze until at length he dwindled to a black speck, almost invisible; and while they strained their sight to get a last look he seemed to them to descend on the top of Standing Rock. In order to mark the spot where they last saw him they cut a forked stick, stuck it in the ground fork upward, and arranged it so that when they should look over it again, crouching in a certain position, their sight would be guided to the spot. They left the stick standing and went home to Kĭ′ndotz.251

557. Two young men, one from Kĭntyél and the other from Kĭ′ndotz, went out one day to hunt deer. Around sunset, as they were heading back to Kĭ′ndotz, tired and unsuccessful, they noticed a war eagle soaring above them and stopped to watch its flight. He [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] drifted away, getting smaller and smaller until he became a tiny black speck, nearly invisible; and as they strained their eyes for one last look, he seemed to land on top of Standing Rock. To mark the spot where they last saw him, they found a forked stick, planted it in the ground with the fork pointing upward, and positioned it so that when they looked over it again while crouching, their sight would be directed to that spot. They left the stick in place and went home to Kĭ′ndotz. 251

558. In those days eagles were very scarce in the land; it was a wonder to see one; so when the young men got home and told the story of their day’s adventures, it became the subject of much conversation and counsel, and at length the people determined to send four men, in the morning, to take sight over the forked stick, in order to find out where the eagle lived.

558. Back then, eagles were rare in the area; spotting one was a big deal. So when the young men returned home and shared the stories of their day's adventures, it sparked a lot of discussion and advice. Eventually, the people decided to send four men the next morning to look at the forked stick and find out where the eagle lived.

559. Next morning early the four men designated went to the forked stick and sighted over it, and all came to the conclusion that the eagle lived on the point of Tseʻdezáʻ. They went at once to the rock, climbed to the summit, and saw the eagle and its young in a cleft on the face of the precipice below them. They remained on the summit all day and watched the nest.

559. The next morning, the four men chosen went to the forked stick and looked over it, concluding that the eagle was nesting at the point of Tseʻdezáʻ. They immediately went to the rock, climbed to the top, and spotted the eagle and its chicks in a crevice on the cliff below. They stayed on the summit all day and observed the nest.

560. At night they went home and told what they had seen. They had observed two young eagles of different ages in the nest. Of the four men who went on the search, two were from Kĭntyél and two were from Kĭ′ndotz, therefore people from the two pueblos met in counsel in an estufa, and there it was decided that Kĭ′ndotz should have the elder of the two eaglets and that Kĭntyél should have the younger.

560. At night, they went home and shared what they had seen. They had noticed two young eagles of different ages in the nest. Of the four men who went searching, two were from Kĭntyél and two were from Kĭ′ndotz. As a result, people from the two pueblos gathered in a council in an estufa, where it was decided that Kĭ′ndotz would take the older of the two eaglets and Kĭntyél would take the younger.

561. The only way to reach the nest was to lower a man to it with a rope; yet directly above the nest was an overhanging ledge which the man, descending, would be obliged to pass. It was a dangerous undertaking, and no one could be found to volunteer for it. Living near the pueblos was a miserable Navaho beggar who subsisted on such food as he could pick up. When the sweepings of the rooms and the ashes from the fireplaces were thrown out on the kitchen heap, he searched eagerly through them and was happy if he could find a few grains of corn or a piece of paper bread. He was called Nahodĭtáhe, or He Who Picks Up (like a bird). They concluded to induce this man to make the dangerous descent.

561. The only way to reach the nest was to lower a person to it with a rope; however, right above the nest was an overhanging ledge that the person would have to pass. It was a risky task, and no one was willing to volunteer for it. Living near the pueblos was a poor Navaho beggar who survived on whatever food he could find. When the remnants of the rooms and the ashes from the fireplaces were tossed onto the kitchen pile, he eagerly searched through them and felt lucky if he found a few grains of corn or a piece of stale bread. He was called Nahodĭtáhe, which means He Who Picks Up (like a bird). They decided to persuade this man to make the dangerous descent.

562. They returned to the pueblo and sent for the poor Navaho to come to the estufa. When he came they bade him be seated, placed before him a large basket of paper bread, bowls of boiled corn and meat, with all sorts of their best food, and told him to eat his fill. He ate as he had never eaten before, and after a long time [197]he told his hosts that he was satisfied. “You shall eat,” said they, “of such abundance all your life, and never more have to scrape for grains of corn among the dirt, if you will do as we desire.” Then they told him of their plan for catching the young eagles, and asked him if he were willing to be put in a basket and lowered to the nest with a rope. He pondered and was silent. They asked him again and again until they had asked him four times, while he still sat in meditation. At last he answered: “I lead but a poor life at best. Existence is not sweet to a man who always hungers. It would be pleasant to eat such food for the rest of my days, and some time or other I must die. I shall do as you wish.”

562. They returned to the village and called for the poor Navajo to come to the ceremonial house. When he arrived, they offered him a seat, laid out a large basket of paper bread, bowls of boiled corn and meat, along with all kinds of their best food, and told him to eat as much as he wanted. He ate like he had never eaten before, and after a long while [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] he told his hosts that he was satisfied. “You will eat,” they said, “plenty of food all your life and never have to scrounge for grains of corn in the dirt, if you will do as we ask.” Then they explained their plan for catching the young eagles and asked him if he would be willing to be placed in a basket and lowered to the nest with a rope. He thought it over and remained silent. They kept asking him again and again until they had asked four times, while he continued to sit in contemplation. Finally, he replied: “I live a poor life as it is. Life isn’t sweet for someone who’s always hungry. It would be nice to eat such food for the rest of my days, and I must die eventually. I will do as you wish.”

563. On the following morning they gave him another good meal; they made a great, strong carrying-basket with four corners at the top; they tied a strong string to each corner, and, collecting a large party, they set out for the rock of Tseʻdezáʻ.

563. The next morning, they prepared another hearty meal for him; they created a sturdy carrying basket with four corners at the top; they attached a strong string to each corner, and gathering a large group, they headed out for the rock of Tseʻdezáʻ.

564. When the party arrived at the top of the rock they tied a long, stout rope to the four strings on the basket. They instructed the Navaho to take the eaglets out of the nest and drop them to the bottom of the cliff. The Navaho then entered the basket and was lowered over the edge of the precipice. They let the rope out slowly till they thought they had lowered him far enough and then they stopped; but as he had not yet reached the nest he called out to them to lower him farther. They did so, and as soon as he was on a level with the nest he called to the people above to stop.

564. When the group arrived at the top of the rock, they tied a long, sturdy rope to the four strings on the basket. They instructed the Navajo to take the eaglets out of the nest and drop them to the bottom of the cliff. The Navajo then got into the basket and was lowered over the edge of the cliff. They let the rope out slowly until they thought they had lowered him far enough and then stopped; however, since he hadn’t reached the nest yet, he called out for them to lower him further. They did, and as soon as he was level with the nest, he called to the people above to stop.

565. He was just about to grasp the eaglets and throw them down when Wind whispered to him: “These people of the Pueblos are not your friends. They desire not to feed you with their good food as long as you live. If you throw these young eagles down, as they bid you, they will never pull you up again. Get into the eagles’ nest and stay there.” When he heard this, he called to those above: “Swing the basket so that it may come nearer to the cliff. I cannot reach the nest unless you do.” So they caused the basket to swing back and forth. When it touched the cliff he held fast to the rock and scrambled into the nest, leaving the empty basket swinging in the air.

565. He was just about to grab the eaglets and toss them down when Wind whispered to him: “These people of the Pueblos are not your friends. They don't want to share their good food with you for your whole life. If you throw these young eagles down, as they want you to, they will never lift you up again. Get into the eagles' nest and stay there.” When he heard this, he called out to those above: “Swing the basket so it can get closer to the cliff. I can’t reach the nest unless you do.” So they made the basket swing back and forth. When it touched the cliff, he held on tightly to the rock and climbed into the nest, leaving the empty basket swinging in the air.

566. The Pueblos saw the empty basket swinging and waited, expecting to see the Navaho get back into it again. But when they had waited a good while and found he did not return they began to call to him as if he were a dear relation of theirs. “My son,” said the old men, “throw down those little eagles.” “My elder brother! My younger brother!” the young men shouted, “throw down those little eagles.” They kept up their clamor until nearly sunset; but they never moved the will of the Navaho. He sat in the cleft and never answered them, and when the sun set they ceased calling and went home. [198]

566. The Pueblos noticed the empty basket swinging and waited, expecting the Navaho to get back in. But after waiting for a while and seeing he didn’t return, they started calling out to him as if he were a beloved relative. “My son,” the old men said, “throw down those little eagles.” “My older brother! My younger brother!” the young men shouted, “throw down those little eagles.” They kept up their noise until nearly sunset; but they couldn’t change the Navaho’s mind. He stayed in the cleft and didn’t respond, and when the sun set, they stopped calling and went home. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

567. In the cleft or cave, around the nest, four dead animals lay; to the east there was a fawn; to the south a hare; to the west the young of a Rocky Mountain sheep, and to the north a prairie-dog. From time to time, when the eaglets felt hungry, they would leave the nest and eat of the meat; but the Navaho did not touch it.

567. In the cleft or cave, around the nest, lay four dead animals; to the east, there was a fawn; to the south, a hare; to the west, the young of a Rocky Mountain sheep, and to the north, a prairie-dog. Occasionally, when the eaglets felt hungry, they would leave the nest and eat the meat; but the Navaho did not touch it.

568. Early next day the Pueblo people returned and gathered in a great crowd at the foot of the cliff. They stayed there all day repeating their entreaties and promises, calling the Navaho by endearing terms, and displaying all kinds of tempting food to his gaze; but he heeded them not and spoke not.

568. Early the next day, the Pueblo people came back and gathered in a large crowd at the base of the cliff. They remained there all day, continually making their pleas and promises, addressing the Navaho with affectionate terms, and showing him all kinds of tempting food; but he ignored them and said nothing.

569. They came early again on the third day, but they came in anger. They no longer called him by friendly names; they no longer made fair promises to him; but, instead, they shot fire-arrows at the eyry in hopes they would burn the Navaho out or set fire to the nest and compel him to throw it and the eaglets down. But he remained watchful and active, and whenever a fire-arrow entered the cave he seized it quickly and threw it out. Then they abused him and reviled him, and called him bad names until sunset, when again they went home.

569. They showed up again early on the third day, but this time they were furious. They stopped calling him friendly names; they no longer made nice promises to him. Instead, they shot fire-arrows at the nest, hoping to smoke the Navaho out or set the place on fire, forcing him to throw the nest and the eaglets down. But he stayed alert and active, and whenever a fire-arrow came into the cave, he quickly grabbed it and threw it out. Then they insulted him, cursed at him, and called him nasty names until sunset, when they finally went home.

570. They came again on the fourth day and acted as they had done on the previous day; but they did not succeed in making the Navaho throw down the little eagles. He spoke to the birds, saying: “Can you not help me?” They rose in the nest, shook their wings, and threw out many little feathers, which fell on the people below. The Navaho thought the birds must be scattering disease on his enemies. When the latter left at sunset they said: “Now we shall leave you where you are, to die of hunger and thirst.” He was then altogether three nights and nearly four days in the cave. For two days the Pueblos had coaxed and flattered him; for two days they had cursed and reviled him, and at the end of the fourth day they went home and left him in the cave to die.

570. They returned on the fourth day and behaved like they had the day before; but they couldn't get the Navaho to throw down the little eagles. He talked to the birds, asking, “Can’t you help me?” They rose in their nest, shook their wings, and dropped many tiny feathers that fluttered down to the people below. The Navaho thought the birds must be spreading illness on his enemies. When the latter left at sunset, they said, “Now we’ll leave you here to die of hunger and thirst.” He was in the cave for a total of three nights and nearly four days. For two days, the Pueblos had tried to persuade and flatter him; for two days, they had cursed and insulted him, and by the end of the fourth day, they went home and left him in the cave to die.

571. When his tormentors were gone he sat in the cave hungry and thirsty, weak and despairing, till the night fell. Soon after dark he heard a great rushing sound which approached from one side of the entrance to the cave, roared a moment in front, and then grew faint in the distance at the other side. Thus four times the sound came and went, growing louder each time it passed, and at length the male Eagle lit on the eyry. Soon the sounds were repeated, and the female bird, the mother of the eaglets, alighted. Turning at once toward the Navaho, she said: “Greeting, my child! Thanks, my child! You have not thrown down your younger brother, Donikí.”285 The male Eagle repeated the same words. They addressed the Navaho by the name of Donikí, but afterwards they named him Kinníki, after the chief of all the Eagles in the sky. He only replied to the Eagles: “I am hungry. I am thirsty.” [199]

571. After his tormentors left, he sat in the cave, feeling hungry and thirsty, weak and hopeless, until night fell. Shortly after dark, he heard a loud rushing sound approaching from one side of the cave entrance, roaring for a moment in front of him, then fading into the distance on the other side. This happened four times, each time the sound getting louder as it passed, until finally the male Eagle landed on the nest. Soon the sounds came again, and the female bird, the mother of the eaglets, also landed. She turned to the Navaho and said: “Hello, my child! Thank you, my child! You didn’t abandon your younger brother, Donikí.”285 The male Eagle echoed the same words. They called the Navaho by the name of Donikí, but later named him Kinníki, after the chief of all the Eagles in the sky. He only responded to the Eagles: “I’m hungry. I’m thirsty.” [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

572. The male Eagle opened his sash and took out a small white cotton cloth which contained a little corn meal, and he took out a small bowl of white shell no bigger than the palm of the hand. When the Indian saw this he said: “Give me water first, for I am famishing with thirst.” “No,” replied the Eagle; “eat first and then you shall have something to drink.” The Eagle then drew forth from among his tail feathers a small plant called eltíndzakas,252 which has many joints and grows near streams. The joints were all filled with water. The Eagle mixed a little of the water with some of the meal in the shell and handed the mixture to the Navaho. The latter ate and ate, until he was satisfied, but he could not diminish in the least the contents of the shell vessel. When he was done eating there was as much in the cup as there was when he began. He handed it back to the Eagle, the latter emptied it with one sweep of his finger, and it remained empty. Then the Eagle put the jointed plant to the Navaho’s lips as if it were a wicker bottle, and the Indian drank his fill.

572. The male Eagle opened his sash and took out a small white cotton cloth that held a bit of cornmeal, and he pulled out a small bowl made from white shell, no bigger than the palm of his hand. When the Indian saw this, he said, “Give me water first, because I’m dying of thirst.” “No,” replied the Eagle; “eat first, and then you can have something to drink.” The Eagle then pulled from his tail feathers a small plant called eltíndzakas,252 which has many joints and grows near streams. The joints were all filled with water. The Eagle mixed a bit of the water with some of the meal in the shell and handed the mixture to the Navaho. The Navaho ate and ate until he was satisfied, but he couldn’t reduce the contents of the shell vessel at all. When he finished eating, there was just as much in the cup as there was when he started. He handed it back to the Eagle, who emptied it with a single sweep of his finger, leaving it empty. Then the Eagle held the jointed plant to the Navaho’s lips as if it were a water bottle, and the Indian drank his fill.

573. On the previous nights, while lying in the cave, the Navaho had slept between the eaglets in the nest to keep himself warm and shelter himself from the wind, and this plan had been of some help to him; but on this night the great Eagles slept one on each side of him, and he felt as warm as if he had slept among robes of fur. Before the Eagles lay down to sleep each took off his robe of plumes, which formed a single garment, opening in front, and revealed a form like that of a human being.

573. On the previous nights, while lying in the cave, the Navajo had slept between the eaglets in the nest to keep warm and shield himself from the wind, and this had helped him somewhat; but on this night, the great Eagles rested on either side of him, and he felt as warm as if he were surrounded by fur robes. Before the Eagles went to sleep, each removed their robe of feathers, which was one continuous garment, opening in front, revealing a shape similar to that of a human being.

574. The Navaho slept well that night and did not waken till he heard a voice calling from the top of the cliff: “Where are you? The day has dawned. It is growing late. Why are you not abroad already?” At the sound of this voice the Eagles woke too and put on their robes of plumage. Presently a great number of birds were seen flying before the opening of the cave and others were heard calling to one another on the rock overhead. There were many kinds of Eagles and Hawks in the throng. Some of all the large birds of prey were there. Those on top of the rock sang:—

574. The Navajo slept well that night and didn't wake up until he heard a voice calling from the top of the cliff: “Where are you? The day has begun. It's getting late. Why aren't you outside yet?” When they heard this voice, the Eagles woke up too and put on their feathered robes. Soon, a large number of birds were seen flying in front of the cave entrance, and others could be heard calling to each other on the rocks above. There were many types of Eagles and Hawks in the crowd. All the large birds of prey were represented. Those perched on top of the rock sang:—

Kinnakíye, there he sits.

Kinakíye, there he sits.

When they fly up,

When they take off,

We shall see him.

We'll see him.

He will flap his wings.286

He will flap his wings. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

575. One of the Eagles brought a dress of eagle plumes and was about to put it on the Navaho when the others interfered, and they had a long argument as to whether they should dress him in the garment of the Eagles or not; but at length they all flew away without giving him the dress. When they returned they had [200]thought of another plan for taking him out of the cave. Laying him on his face, they put a streak of crooked lightning under his feet, a sunbeam under his knees, a piece of straight lightning under his chest, another under his outstretched hands, and a rainbow under his forehead.

575. One of the Eagles brought a dress made of eagle feathers and was about to put it on the Navaho when the others intervened, leading to a lengthy debate about whether they should dress him in the Eagles' garment or not; eventually, they all flew away without giving him the dress. When they returned, they had [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] thought of a different plan to get him out of the cave. They laid him on his stomach and placed a streak of crooked lightning under his feet, a sunbeam under his knees, a piece of straight lightning under his chest, another under his outstretched hands, and a rainbow under his forehead.

576. An Eagle then seized each end of these six supports,—making twelve Eagles in all,—and they flew with the Navaho and the eaglets away from the eyry. They circled round twice with their burden before they reached the level of the top of the cliff. They circled round twice more ascending, and then flew toward the south, still going upwards. When they got above the top of Tsótsĭl (Mt. Taylor), they circled four times more, until they almost touched the sky. Then they began to flag and breathed hard, and they cried out: “We are weary. We can fly no farther.” The voice of one, unseen to the Navaho, cried from above: “Let go your burden.” The Eagles released their hold on the supports, and the Navaho felt himself descending swiftly toward the earth. But he had not fallen far when he felt himself seized around the waist and chest, he felt something twining itself around his body, and a moment later he beheld the heads of two Arrow-snakes258 looking at him over his shoulders. The Arrow-snakes bore him swiftly upwards, up through the sky-hole, and landed him safely on the surface of the upper world above the sky.

576. An Eagle then grabbed each end of these six supports—making a total of twelve Eagles—and they flew with the Navaho and the eaglets away from the nest. They circled around twice with their load before reaching the top of the cliff. They circled around twice more as they climbed higher, then flew south, still gaining altitude. When they got above the peak of Tsótsĭl (Mt. Taylor), they circled four more times, getting close to the sky. Then they started to tire and struggled to breathe, and they called out: “We are tired. We can’t fly any further.” A voice, unseen by the Navaho, called from above: “Drop your burden.” The Eagles let go of the supports, and the Navaho felt himself quickly descending toward the ground. But he hadn’t fallen far when he felt something grab him around the waist and chest; he sensed something wrapping around him, and a moment later, he saw the heads of two Arrow-snakes258 looking at him over his shoulders. The Arrow-snakes lifted him quickly upward, through the sky-hole, and safely landed him on the surface of the upper world above the sky.

577. When he looked around him he observed four pueblo dwellings, or towns: a white pueblo in the east, a blue pueblo in the south, a yellow pueblo in the west, and a black pueblo in the north. Wolf was the chief of the eastern pueblo, Blue Fox of the southern, Puma of the western, and Big Snake of the northern. The Navaho was left at liberty to go where he chose, but Wind whispered into his ear and said: “Visit, if you wish, all the pueblos except that of the north. Chicken Hawk254 and other bad characters dwell there.”

577. When he looked around, he noticed four pueblo homes or towns: a white pueblo in the east, a blue pueblo in the south, a yellow pueblo in the west, and a black pueblo in the north. Wolf was the chief of the eastern pueblo, Blue Fox was in charge of the southern one, Puma led the western pueblo, and Big Snake ruled the northern one. The Navaho was free to go wherever he wanted, but Wind whispered in his ear and said, “Feel free to visit all the pueblos except for the one in the north. Chicken Hawk254 and other troublemakers live there.”

578. Next he observed that a war party was preparing, and soon after his arrival the warriors went forth. What enemies they sought he could not learn. He entered several of the houses, was well treated wherever he went, and given an abundance of paper bread and other good food to eat. He saw that in their homes the Eagles were just like ordinary people down on the lower world. As soon as they entered their pueblos they took off their feather suits, hung these up on pegs and poles, and went around in white suits which they wore underneath their feathers when in flight. He visited all the pueblos except the black one in the north. In the evening the warriors returned. They were received with loud wailing and with tears, for many who went out in the morning did not return at night. They had been slain in battle. [201]

578. Next, he noticed that a war party was getting ready, and shortly after he arrived, the warriors set out. He couldn't find out who their enemies were. He visited several of the homes and was treated well everywhere he went, receiving plenty of paper bread and other good food. He saw that the Eagles in their homes were just like regular people down in the lower world. As soon as they entered their pueblos, they took off their feather suits, hung them on hooks and poles, and walked around in the white suits they wore underneath when they were in flight. He visited all the pueblos except the black one in the north. In the evening, the warriors came back. They were greeted with loud wailing and tears, as many who had left in the morning did not return at night. They had been killed in battle. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

579. In a few days another war party was organized, and this time the Navaho determined to go with it. When the warriors started on the trail he followed them. “Whither are you going?” they asked. “I wish to be one of your party,” he replied. They laughed at him and said: “You are a fool to think you can go to war against such dreadful enemies as those that we fight. We can move as fast as the wind, yet our enemies can move faster. If they are able to overcome us, what chance have you, poor man, for your life?” Hearing this, he remained behind, but they had not travelled far when he hurried after them. When he overtook them, which he soon did, they spoke to him angrily, told him more earnestly than before how helpless he was, and how great his danger, and bade him return to the villages. Again he halted; but as soon as they were out of sight he began to run after them, and he came up with them at the place where they had encamped for the night. Here they gave him of their food, and again they scolded him, and sought to dissuade him from accompanying them.

579. A few days later, another war party was formed, and this time the Navaho decided to join in. When the warriors hit the trail, he followed them. “Where are you going?” they asked. “I want to be part of your group,” he replied. They laughed at him and said, “You’re crazy to think you can go to war against such fierce enemies as the ones we face. We can move as fast as the wind, but our enemies can move even faster. If they can defeat us, what chance do you have, poor man, to survive?” Hearing this, he stayed behind, but it wasn’t long before he rushed after them. When he caught up with them, which he did quickly, they spoke to him angrily, emphasizing again how helpless he was and how much danger he was in, and told him to go back to the villages. He hesitated once more, but as soon as they were out of sight, he started running after them, and he caught up with them at the spot where they had set up camp for the night. Here they shared their food with him and once again scolded him, trying to convince him not to come with them.

580. In the morning, when the warriors resumed their march, he remained behind on the camping-ground, as if he intended to return; but as soon as they were out of sight he proceeded again to follow them. He had not travelled far when he saw smoke coming up out of the ground, and approaching the smoke he found a smoke-hole, out of which stuck an old ladder, yellow with smoke, such as we see in the pueblo dwellings to-day. He looked down through the hole and beheld, in a subterranean chamber beneath, a strange-looking old woman with a big mouth. Her teeth were not set in her head evenly and regularly, like those of an Indian; they protruded from her mouth, were set at a distance from one another, and were curved like the claws of a bear. She was Nastsé Estsán, the Spider Woman. She invited him into her house, and he passed down the ladder.

580. In the morning, when the warriors started their march again, he stayed back at the campsite, as if he planned to come back; but as soon as they were out of sight, he set off to follow them. He hadn’t gone far when he noticed smoke rising from the ground, and as he got closer, he found a smoke-hole with an old, smoke-stained ladder sticking out, similar to the ones seen in pueblo homes today. He peered down through the hole and saw a strange-looking old woman in an underground chamber. She had a big mouth, and her teeth were not aligned evenly like those of a Native American; they jutted out, were spaced apart, and curved like a bear’s claws. She was Nastsé Estsán, the Spider Woman. She invited him into her home, and he climbed down the ladder.

581. When he got inside, the Spider Woman showed him four large wooden hoops,—one in the east colored black, one in the south colored blue, one in the west colored yellow, and one in the north white and sparkling. Attached to each hoop were a number of decayed, ragged feathers. “These feathers,” said she, “were once beautiful plumes, but now they are old and dirty. I want some new plumes to adorn my hoops, and you can get them for me. Many of the Eagles will be killed in the battle to which you are going, and when they die you can pluck out the plumes and bring them to me. Have no fear of the enemies. Would you know who they are that the Eagles go to fight? They are only the bumblebees and the tumble-weeds.”256 She gave him a long black cane and said: “With this you can gather the tumble-weeds into a pile, and then you can [202]set them on fire. Spit the juice of tsĭldĭlgĭ′si257 at the bees and they cannot sting you. But before you burn up the tumble-weeds gather some of the seeds, and when you have killed the bees take some of their nests. You will need these things when you return to the earth.” When Spider Woman had done speaking the Navaho left to pursue his journey.

581. When he entered, the Spider Woman showed him four large wooden hoops—one in the east painted black, one in the south painted blue, one in the west painted yellow, and one in the north painted white and sparkling. Attached to each hoop were several worn, tattered feathers. “These feathers,” she said, “were once beautiful plumes, but now they’re old and dirty. I want some new plumes to decorate my hoops, and you can fetch them for me. Many of the Eagles will be killed in the battle you’re heading towards, and when they fall, you can pluck out the plumes and bring them to me. Don’t worry about the enemies. Do you want to know who the Eagles are going to fight? They are just the bumblebees and the tumbleweeds.” 256 She handed him a long black cane and said, “With this, you can gather the tumbleweeds into a pile, and then you can [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]set them on fire. Spit the juice of tsĭldĭlgĭ′si257 at the bees, and they won’t sting you. But before you burn the tumbleweeds, gather some of the seeds, and once you’ve taken care of the bees, grab some of their nests. You’ll need these things when you return to the earth.” After Spider Woman finished speaking, the Navajo left to continue his journey.

582. He travelled on, and soon came up with the warriors where they were hiding behind a little hill and preparing for battle. Some were putting on their plumes; others were painting and adorning themselves. From time to time one of their number would creep cautiously to the top of the hill and peep over; then he would run back and whisper: “There are the enemies. They await us.” The Navaho went to the top of the hill and peered over; but he could see no enemy whatever. He saw only a dry, sandy flat, covered in one place with sunflowers, and in another place with dead weeds; for it was now late in the autumn in the world above.

582. He kept moving forward and soon found the warriors hiding behind a small hill, getting ready for battle. Some were putting on their feathers; others were painting and adding embellishments. Occasionally, one of them would carefully climb to the top of the hill and look over; then he would quickly run back and whisper, “There are the enemies. They’re waiting for us.” The Navaho went to the top of the hill and glanced over, but he didn't see any enemies at all. All he saw was a dry, sandy flat, with sunflowers in one spot and dead weeds in another; it was now late autumn in the world above.

583. Soon the Eagles were all ready for the fray. They raised their war-cry, and charged over the hill into the sandy plain. The Navaho remained behind the hill, peeping over to see what would occur. As the warriors approached the plain a whirlwind arose;258 a great number of tumble-weeds ascended with the wind and surged around madly through the air; and, at the same time, from among the sunflowers a cloud of bumblebees arose. The Eagles charged through the ranks of their enemies, and when they had passed to the other side they turned around and charged back again. Some spread their wings and soared aloft to attack the tumble-weeds that had gone up with the whirlwind. From time to time the Navaho noticed the dark body of an Eagle falling down through the air. When the combat had continued some time, the Navaho noticed a few of the Eagles running toward the hill where he lay watching. In a moment some more came running toward him, and soon after the whole party of Eagles, all that was left of it, rushed past him, in a disorderly retreat, in the direction whence they had come, leaving many slain on the field. Then the wind fell; the tumble-weeds lay quiet again on the sand, and the bumblebees disappeared among the sunflowers.

583. Soon the Eagles were fully prepared for battle. They raised their battle cry and charged over the hill into the sandy plain. The Navaho stayed behind the hill, peeking over to see what would happen. As the warriors approached the plain, a whirlwind picked up; a large number of tumbleweeds lifted with the wind and swirled wildly through the air, and at the same time, a cloud of bumblebees buzzed up from among the sunflowers. The Eagles charged through their enemies, and after reaching the other side, they turned around and charged back again. Some spread their wings and soared up to attack the tumbleweeds that had been caught in the whirlwind. Every now and then, the Navaho spotted a dark figure of an Eagle falling through the air. After a while, the Navaho noticed a few of the Eagles running toward the hill where he lay watching. Moments later, more came running, and soon the entire group of Eagles that remained rushed past him in a chaotic retreat, heading back the way they had come, leaving many slain on the field. Then the wind calmed down; the tumbleweeds lay still again on the sand, and the bumblebees vanished among the sunflowers.

584. When all was quiet, the Navaho walked down to the sandy flat, and, having gathered some of the seeds and tied them up in a corner of his shirt, he collected the tumble-weeds into a pile, using his black wand. Then he took out his fire-drill, started a flame, and burnt up the whole pile. He gathered some tsĭldĭlgĭ′si, as the Spider Woman had told him, chewed it, and went in among the sunflowers. Here the bees gathered around him in a great swarm, and sought to sting him; but he spat the juice of the tsĭldĭlgĭ′si at them and [203]stunned with it all that he struck. Soon the most of them lay helpless on the ground, and the others fled in fear. He went around with his black wand and killed all that he could find. He dug into the ground and got out some of their nests and honey; he took a couple of the young bees and tied their feet together, and all these things he put into the corner of his blanket. When the bees were conquered he did not forget the wishes of his friend, the Spider Woman; he went around among the dead eagles, and plucked as many plumes as he could grasp in both hands.

584. When everything was calm, the Navaho walked down to the sandy area and, after gathering some seeds and tucking them into a corner of his shirt, piled up the tumbleweeds using his black wand. Then he took out his fire drill, sparked a flame, and burned the entire pile. He collected some tsĭldĭlgĭ′si, as instructed by the Spider Woman, chewed it, and walked among the sunflowers. Here, the bees swarmed around him, trying to sting him; but he spat the juice of the tsĭldĭlgĭ′si at them, stunning all the ones he hit. Soon most of them lay helpless on the ground, while the rest fled in fear. He roamed around with his black wand, killing all he could find. He dug into the ground to retrieve some of their nests and honey, took a couple of the young bees and tied their feet together, and put all these items in the corner of his blanket. Once the bees were defeated, he didn’t forget his friend the Spider Woman’s wishes; he searched among the dead eagles and gathered as many feathers as he could hold in both hands.

585. He set out on his return journey, and soon got back to the house of Spider Woman. He gave her the plumes and she said: “Thank you, my grandchild, you have brought me the plumes that I have long wanted to adorn my walls, and you have done a great service to your friends, the Eagles, because you have slain their enemies.” When she had spoken he set out again on his journey.

585. He headed back home and quickly returned to Spider Woman's house. He handed her the feathers, and she said, “Thank you, my grandchild. You’ve brought me the feathers I’ve been wanting to decorate my walls, and you’ve done a great favor for your friends, the Eagles, by defeating their enemies.” Once she finished speaking, he continued on his journey.

586. He slept that night on the trail, and next morning he got back to the towns of the Eagles. As he approached he heard from afar the cries of the mourners, and when he entered the place the people gathered around him and said: “We have lost many of our kinsmen, and we are wailing for them; but we have been also mourning for you, for those who returned told us you had been killed in the fight.”

586. He slept that night on the trail, and the next morning he returned to the towns of the Eagles. As he got closer, he heard the cries of the mourners from a distance, and when he entered the area, the people gathered around him and said: “We have lost many of our family members, and we are grieving for them; but we have also been mourning for you, because those who came back told us you had been killed in the fight.”

587. He made no reply, but took from his blanket the two young bumblebees and swung them around his head. All the people were terrified and ran, and they did not stop running till they got safely behind their houses. In a little while they got over their fear, came slowly from behind their houses, and crowded around the Navaho again. A second time he swung the bees around his head, and a second time the people ran away in terror; but this time they only went as far as the front walls of their houses, and soon they returned again to the Navaho. The third time that he swung the bees around his head they were still less frightened, ran but half way to their houses, and returned very soon. The fourth time that he swung the bees they only stepped back a step or two. When their courage came back to them, he laid the two bees on the ground; he took out the seeds of the tumble-weeds and laid them on the ground beside the bees, and then he said to the Eagle People: “My friends, here are the children of your enemies; when you see these you may know that I have slain your enemies.” There was great rejoicing among the people when they heard this, and this one said: “It is well. They have slain my brother,” and that one said: “It is well. They have slain my father,” and another said: “It is well. They have slain my sons.” Then Great Wolf, chief of the white pueblo, said: “I have two beautiful maiden daughters whom I shall [204]give to you.” Then Fox, chief of the blue pueblo in the south, promised him two more maidens, and the chiefs of the other pueblos promised him two each, so that eight beautiful maidens were promised to him in marriage.

587. He didn’t say anything, but took the two young bumblebees from his blanket and swung them around his head. Everyone was scared and ran away, not stopping until they were safely behind their houses. After a little while, they got over their fear, came out slowly from behind their houses, and gathered around the Navaho again. He swung the bees around his head a second time, and again the people ran away in fear; this time, however, they only went to the front walls of their houses before returning to the Navaho. The third time he swung the bees around, they were even less frightened, running halfway to their houses before coming back shortly after. When he swung the bees for the fourth time, they only took a step or two back. Once their courage returned, he set the two bees on the ground, took out the seeds of the tumbleweeds, placed them beside the bees, and said to the Eagle People: “My friends, here are the children of your enemies; when you see these, you may know that I have defeated your foes.” There was great joy among the people at this news, with one saying: “It is good. They have killed my brother,” another stating: “It is good. They have killed my father,” and another adding: “It is good. They have killed my sons.” Then Great Wolf, chief of the white pueblo, said: “I have two beautiful maiden daughters whom I shall [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]give to you.” Fox, chief of the blue pueblo in the south, promised him two more maidens, and the chiefs of the other pueblos each promised him two, so that eight beautiful maidens were promised to him in marriage.

588. The chief of the white pueblo now conducted the Navaho to his house and into a large and beautiful apartment, the finest the poor Indian had ever seen. It had a smooth wall, nicely coated with white earth, a large fireplace, mealing-stones, beautiful pots and water-jars, and all the conveniences and furniture of a beautiful pueblo home. And the chief said to him: “Sadáni, my son-in-law, this house is yours.”

588. The leader of the white pueblo now led the Navaho to his home and into a large and beautiful room, the nicest the poor Indian had ever seen. It had smooth walls, nicely coated with white earth, a big fireplace, grinding stones, lovely pots and water jars, and all the comforts and furnishings of a lovely pueblo home. And the chief said to him: “Sadáni, my son-in-law, this house is yours.”

589. The principal men from all the pueblos now came to visit him, and thanked him for the great service he had done for them. Then his maidens from the yellow house came in bringing corn meal; the maidens from the black house entered bringing soap-weed, and the maidens of the white house, where he was staying, came bearing a large bowl of white shell. A suds of the soap-weed was prepared in the shell bowl. The maidens of the white house washed his head with the suds; the maidens of the black house washed his limbs and feet, and those of the yellow house dried him with corn meal. When the bath was finished the maidens went out; but they returned at dark, accompanied this time by the maidens of the blue house. Each of the eight maidens carried a large bowl of food, and each bowl contained food of a different kind. They laid the eight bowls down before the Navaho, and he ate of all till he was satisfied. Then they brought in beautiful robes and blankets, and spread them on the floor for his bed.

589. The main leaders from all the pueblos came to visit him and expressed their gratitude for the great help he had given them. Then his maidens from the yellow house entered with corn meal; the maidens from the black house arrived with soap-weed, and the maidens from the white house, where he was staying, brought a large bowl made of white shell. They prepared a soapy mixture using the soap-weed in the shell bowl. The maidens from the white house washed his head with the mixture; the maidens from the black house washed his limbs and feet, and those from the yellow house dried him with corn meal. After the bath was done, the maidens left; but they returned at night, this time accompanied by the maidens from the blue house. Each of the eight maidens carried a large bowl of food, and each bowl had a different type of food. They placed the eight bowls in front of the Navaho, and he ate from all of them until he was satisfied. Then they brought in beautiful robes and blankets and spread them out on the floor for his bed.

590. Next morning the Navaho went over to the sky-hole, taking with him the young bees and the seeds of the tumble-weeds. To the former he said: “Go down to the land of the Navahoes and multiply there. My people will make use of you in the days to come; but if you ever cause them sorrow and trouble, as you have caused the people of this land, I shall again destroy you.” As he spoke, he flung them down to the earth. Then taking the seeds of the tumble-weeds in his hands, he spoke to them as he had spoken to the bees, and threw them down through the sky-hole. The honey of the bees and the seeds of the tumble-weeds are now used in the rites of yói hatál, or the bead chant.

590. The next morning, the Navaho went to the sky-hole, bringing the young bees and the tumbleweed seeds with him. He said to the bees, “Go down to the land of the Navahoes and multiply there. My people will use you in the future; but if you ever bring them sorrow and trouble, like you did to the people of this land, I will destroy you again.” As he spoke, he tossed them down to the earth. Then, holding the tumbleweed seeds in his hands, he spoke to them as he had to the bees and threw them through the sky-hole. The honey from the bees and the tumbleweed seeds are now used in the rites of yói hatál, or the bead chant.

591. The Navaho remained in the pueblos of the Eagle People twenty-four days, during which time he was taught the songs, prayers, ceremonies, and sacrifices of the Eagles, the same as those now known to us in the rite of yói hatál;259 and when he had learned all, the people told him it was time for him to return to the earth, whence he had come. [205]

591. The Navaho stayed in the pueblos of the Eagle People for twenty-four days, during which he learned the songs, prayers, ceremonies, and sacrifices of the Eagles, just like those we now recognize in the rite of yói hatál;259 and when he had learned everything, the people told him it was time for him to return to the earth, where he had come from. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

592. They put on him a robe of eagle plumage, such as they wore themselves, and led him to the sky-hole. They said to him: “When you came up from the lower world you were heavy and had to be carried by others. Henceforth you will be light and can move through the air with your own power.” He spread his wings to show that he was ready; the Eagles blew a powerful breath behind him; he went down through the sky-hole, and was wafted down on his outstretched wings until he lit on the summit of Tsótsĭl.

592. They dressed him in a robe made of eagle feathers, like the ones they wore, and took him to the sky-hole. They told him, “When you came up from the lower world, you were heavy and needed to be carried. From now on, you will be light and can fly on your own.” He spread his wings to show that he was ready; the Eagles gave a strong breath of wind behind him; he descended through the sky-hole, carried down on his outstretched wings until he landed on the peak of Tsótsĭl.

593. He went back to his own relations among the Navahoes; but when he went back everything about their lodge smelt ill; its odors were intolerable to him, and he left it and sat outside.260 They built for him then a medicine-lodge where he might sit by himself. They bathed his younger brother, clothed him in new raiment, and sent him, too, into the lodge, to learn what his elder brother could tell him. The brothers spent twelve days in the lodge together, during which the elder brother told his story and instructed the younger in all the rites and songs learned among the Eagles.

593. He returned to his family among the Navajos, but when he did, everything in their lodge smelled terrible; the odors were unbearable to him, so he left and sat outside.260 They then built a medicine lodge for him where he could sit alone. They bathed his younger brother, dressed him in new clothes, and sent him into the lodge to learn what his older brother could teach him. The brothers spent twelve days in the lodge together, during which the older brother shared his story and taught the younger one all the rituals and songs he learned from the Eagles.

594. After this he went to visit the pueblo of Kĭntyél, whose inmates had before contemplated such treachery to him; but they did not recognize him. He now looked sleek and well fed. He was beautifully dressed and comely in his person, for the Eagles had moulded, in beauty, his face and form. The pueblo people never thought that this was the poor beggar whom they had left to die in the eagles’ nest. He noticed that there were many sore and lame in the pueblo. A new disease, they told him, had broken out among them. This was the disease which they had caught from the feathers of the eaglets when they were attacking the nest. “I have a brother,” said the Navaho, “who is a potent shaman. He knows a rite that will cure this disease.” The people of the pueblo consulted together and concluded to employ his brother to perform the ceremony over their suffering ones.

594. After this, he went to visit the pueblo of Kĭntyél, whose residents had previously thought about betraying him; but they didn’t recognize him. He now looked well-groomed and healthy. He was dressed nicely and was attractive, as the Eagles had shaped his face and body in a beautiful way. The pueblo people never imagined that this was the poor beggar they had left to die in the eagles’ nest. He noticed that many people in the pueblo were sore and lame. They told him a new disease had spread among them. This was the sickness they had caught from the eaglet feathers when they attacked the nest. “I have a brother,” said the Navaho, “who is a powerful shaman. He knows a ceremony that can cure this disease.” The pueblo people talked among themselves and decided to hire his brother to perform the ritual for their suffering community members.

595. The Navaho said that he must be one of the atsáʻlei,261 or first dancers, and that in order to perform the rite properly he must be dressed in a very particular way. He must, he said, have strings of fine beads—shell and turquoise—sufficient to cover his legs and forearms completely, enough to go around his neck, so that he could not bend his head back, and great strings to pass over the shoulder and under the arm on each side. He must have the largest shell basin to be found in either pueblo to hang on his back, and the one next in size to hang on his chest. He must have their longest and best strings of turquoise to hang to his ears. The Wind told him that the greatest shell basin they had was so large that if he tried to embrace it around the edge, his finger-tips would scarcely [206]meet on the opposite side, and that this shell he must insist on having. The next largest shell, Wind told him, was but little smaller.262

595. The Navaho said that he had to be one of the atsáʻlei,261 or first dancers, and that to perform the ritual correctly, he needed to dress in a very specific way. He needed, he said, to have strings of fine beads—shell and turquoise—enough to completely cover his legs and forearms, enough to go around his neck so tightly that he couldn’t lean his head back, and large strings to drape over his shoulder and under his arm on each side. He needed the largest shell basin available in either pueblo to hang on his back, and the second largest to hang on his chest. He needed their longest and finest strings of turquoise to hang from his ears. The Wind told him that their biggest shell basin was so large that if he tried to wrap his arms around it, his fingertips would barely [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]meet on the other side, and that he should make sure to get that shell. The next biggest shell, the Wind told him, was only slightly smaller.262

596. Three days after this conference, people began to come in from different pueblos in the Chaco Canyon and from pueblos on the banks of the San Juan,—all these pueblos are now in ruins,—and soon a great multitude had assembled. Meantime, too, they collected shells and beads from the various pueblos in order to dress the atsáʻlei as he desired. They brought him some great shell basins and told him these were what he wanted for the dance; but he measured them with his arms as Wind had told him, and, finding that his hands joined easily when he embraced the shells, he discarded them. They brought him larger and larger shells, and tried to persuade him that such were their largest; but he tried and rejected all. On the last day, with reluctance, they brought him the great shell of Kĭntyél and the great shell of Kĭ′ndotlĭz. He clasped the first in his arms; his fingers did not meet on the opposite side. He clasped the second in his arms, and the tips of his fingers just met. “These,” said he, “are the shells I must wear when I dance.”

596. Three days after this meeting, people started arriving from different pueblos in Chaco Canyon and from pueblos along the San Juan River—now all in ruins—and soon a large crowd had gathered. In the meantime, they collected shells and beads from various pueblos to dress the atsáʻlei as he wanted. They brought him some big shell basins and told him these were what he needed for the dance; but he measured them with his arms as Wind had instructed him and, finding that his hands touched easily when he embraced the shells, he rejected them. They brought him larger and larger shells and tried to convince him that these were their biggest; but he tested and dismissed them all. On the final day, reluctantly, they brought him the great shell of Kĭntyél and the great shell of Kĭ′ndotlĭz. He hugged the first to his chest; his fingers didn’t meet on the other side. He hugged the second, and the tips of his fingers just met. “These,” he said, “are the shells I must wear when I dance.”

Fig. 37. Circle of branches of the rite of the mountain chant, after ceremony is over.

Fig. 37. Circle of branches of the rite of the mountain chant, after ceremony is over.

Fig. 37. Circle of branches from the mountain chant ritual, after the ceremony has concluded.

597. Four days before that on which the last dance was to occur, the pueblo people sent out messengers to the neighboring camps of Navahoes, to invite the latter to witness the exhibition of the last night and to participate in it with some of their alíli (dances or dramas). One of the messengers went to the Chelly Canyon and there he got Gánaskĭdi, with his son and daughter, to come and perform a dance. The other messengers started for the Navaho camp at the foot of Tsótsĭl on the south (near where Cobero is [207]now). On his way he met an akánĭnĭli, or messenger, coming from Tsótsĭl to invite the people of the Chaco Canyon to a great Navaho ceremony. (You have heard all about the meeting of these messengers in the legend of the mountain chant. I shall not now repeat it.)263 The messengers exchanged bows and quivers as a sign they had met one another, and the messenger from Kĭntyél returned to his people without being able to get the Navahoes to attend. This is the reason that, on the last night of the great ceremony of yói hatál, there are but few different dances or shows.

597. Four days before the last dance was set to happen, the pueblo people sent out messengers to the nearby Navajo camps, inviting them to come and witness the final night’s events and to join in with some of their own dances or dramas. One messenger traveled to Chelly Canyon, where he found Gánaskĭdi, along with his son and daughter, encouraging them to perform a dance. The other messengers headed for the Navajo camp at the foot of Tsótsĭl on the south (close to where Cobero is [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] today). Along the way, he encountered an akánĭnĭli, or messenger, coming from Tsótsĭl to invite the people of Chaco Canyon to a major Navajo ceremony. (You’ve heard all about the meeting of these messengers in the legend of the mountain chant. I won’t go over it again.) 263 The messengers exchanged bows and quivers as a sign of their encounter, and the messenger from Kĭntyél returned to his people without managing to convince the Navajos to come. That’s why, on the last night of the grand ceremony of yói hatál, there are only a few different dances or performances.

598. On the evening of the last day they built a great circle of branches, such as the Navahoes build now for the rites of the mountain chant (fig. 37), and a great number of people crowded into the enclosure. They lighted the fires and dressed the atsáʻlei in all their fine beads and shells just as he desired them to dress him. They put the great shell of Kĭntyél on his back, and the great shell of Kĭ′ndotz on his chest, and another fine shell on his forehead. Then the Navaho began to dance, and his brother, the medicine-man, began to sing, and this was the song he sang:—

598. On the evening of the last day, they created a large circle of branches, similar to what the Navajos make now for the mountain chant ceremonies (fig. 37), and a huge crowd gathered in the attachment. They lit the fires and adorned the atsáʻlei with all their beautiful beads and shells, just as he wanted them to. They placed the large shell of Kĭntyél on his back, the big shell of Kĭ′ndotz on his chest, and another beautiful shell on his forehead. Then the Navajo started to dance, and his brother, the medicine man, began to sing, and this was the song he sang:—

The white-corn plant’s great ear sticks up.

The white corn plant’s big ear stands tall.

Stay down and eat.

Stay down and eat.

The blue-corn plant’s great ear sticks up.

The blue corn plant's big ear stands up.

Stay down and eat.

Stay down and eat.

The yellow-corn plant’s great ear sticks up.

The yellow corn plant's large ear stands out.

Stay down and eat.

Stay down and eat.

The black-corn plant’s great ear sticks up.

The ear of the black-corn plant stands tall.

Stay down and eat.

Stay down and eat.

All-colored corn’s great ear sticks up.

All-colored corn’s big ear stands up.

Stay down and eat.

Stay down and eat.

The round-eared corn’s great ear sticks up.

The round-eared corn's large ear stands tall.

Stay down and eat.287

Stay down and eat. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

599. This seemed a strange song to the pueblo people, and they all wondered what it could mean; but they soon found out what it meant, for they observed that the dancing Navaho was slowly rising from the ground. First his head and then his shoulders appeared above the heads of the crowd; next his chest and waist; but it was not until his whole body had risen above the level of their heads that they began to realize the loss that threatened them. He was rising toward the sky with the great shell of Kĭntyél, and all the wealth of many pueblos in shell-beads and turquoise on his body. Then they screamed wildly to him and called him by all sorts of dear names—father, brother, son—to come down again, but the [208]more they called the higher he rose. When his feet had risen above them they observed that a streak of white lightning passed under his feet like a rope, and hung from a dark cloud that gathered above. It was the gods that were lifting him; for thus, the legends say, the gods lift mortals to the sky. When the pueblos found that no persuasions could induce the Navaho to return, some called for ropes that they might seize him and pull him down; but he was soon beyond the reach of their longest rope. Then a shout was raised for arrows that they might shoot him; but before the arrows could come he was lost to sight in the black cloud and was never more seen on earth. [209]

599. This seemed like a strange song to the pueblo people, and they all wondered what it could mean; but they soon figured it out when they saw the dancing Navaho slowly rising off the ground. First, his head and then his shoulders emerged above the crowd; next, his chest and waist appeared; but it wasn't until his whole body rose above their heads that they began to understand the loss that threatened them. He was ascending toward the sky with the great shell of Kĭntyél, adorned with the wealth of many pueblos in shell-beads and turquoise. Then they screamed wildly to him, calling him by all sorts of endearing names—father, brother, son—to ask him to come back down, but the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] more they called, the higher he rose. When his feet lifted above them, they noticed a streak of white lightning passing under his feet like a rope, connected to a dark cloud that gathered above. It was the gods who were lifting him; for, as the legends say, that is how the gods elevate mortals to the sky. When the pueblos realized that no amount of persuasion could bring the Navaho back, some shouted for ropes to try to pull him down; but he was soon out of reach of their longest rope. Then a call went out for arrows so they could shoot him; but before the arrows could be launched, he disappeared into the black cloud and was never seen again on earth. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

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NOTES.

[211]

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1. How and when the name Navajo (pronounced Nă′vă-ho) originated has not been discovered. It is only known that this name was given by the Spaniards while they still claimed the Navaho land. The name is generally supposed to be derived from navaja, which means a clasp-knife, or razor, and to have been applied because the Navaho warriors carried great stone knives in former days. It has been suggested that the name comes from navájo, a pool or small lake. The Navahoes call themselves Dĭnéʻ or Dĭné, which means simply, men, people. This word in the various forms, Dénè, Tinnéh, Tunné, etc., is used as a tribal designation for many branches of the Athapascan stock.

1. The origin of the name Navajo (pronounced Nă′vă-ho) remains unknown. What we do know is that the Spaniards gave this name while they still claimed the Navajo territory. It's generally believed that it comes from the word navaja, which means a clasp knife or razor, possibly because the Navajo warriors carried large stone knives in the past. Some have suggested that it might derive from navájo, meaning a pool or small lake. The Navajo people refer to themselves as Dĭnéʻ or Dĭné, which simply means men or people. This term, in various forms like Dénè, Tinnéh, Tunné, etc., is used as a tribal name for many groups within the Athapascan family.

2. The Carrizo Mountains consist of an isolated mountain mass, about 12 miles in its greatest diameter, situated in the northeast corner of Arizona. It is called by the Navahoes Dsĭlnáodsĭl, which means mountain surrounded by mountains; such is the appearance of the landscape viewed from the highest point, Pastora Peak, 9,420 feet high.

2. The Carrizo Mountains are an isolated mountain range, about 12 miles at its widest point, located in the northeast corner of Arizona. The Navahoes refer to it as Dsĭlnáodsĭl, which means "mountain surrounded by mountains"; this is how the landscape looks from the highest point, Pastora Peak, which stands at 9,420 feet.

3. The San Juan River, a branch of the Colorado of the West, flows in a westerly direction through the northern portion of the Navaho Reservation, and forms in part its northern boundary. It is the most important river in the Navaho country. It has two names in the Navaho language: one is Sántoʻ (Water of Old Age, or Old Age River), said to be given because the stream is white with foam and looks like the hair of an old man; the other is Toʻbaká (Male Water), given because it is turbulent and strong in contrast to the placid Rio Grande, which the Navahoes call Toʻbaád, or Female Water. (See note 137.) Perhaps the river has other names.

3. The San Juan River, a branch of the Colorado River in the West, flows west through the northern part of the Navajo Reservation and partly forms its northern boundary. It’s the most important river in Navajo territory. It has two names in the Navajo language: one is Sántoʻ (Water of Old Age, or Old Age River), given because the stream is white with foam and resembles the hair of an old man; the other is Toʻbaká (Male Water), named for its turbulence and strength, in contrast to the calm Rio Grande, which the Navajos call Toʻbaád, or Female Water. (See note 137.) It’s possible the river has other names.

4. Tu-ĭn-tsá is derived from toʻ or tu (water) and ĭntsá or ĭntsá (abundant, scattered widely). The name is spelled Tuincha, Tuintcha, and Tunicha on our maps. The Tuincha Mountains are situated partly in New Mexico and partly in Arizona, about 30 miles from the northern boundary of both Territories. They form the middle portion of a range of which the Chusca and Lukachokai Mountains form the rest. The portion known as Tuĭntsá is about 12 miles long. The highest point is 9,575 feet above sea-level. The top of the range, which is rather level and plateau-like, is well covered with timber, mostly spruce and pine, and abounds in small lakes and ponds; hence the name Tuĭntsá.

4. Tu-ĭn-tsá comes from toʻ or tu (water) and ĭntsá or ĭntsá (abundant, scattered widely). The name appears as Tuincha, Tuintcha, and Tunicha on our maps. The Tuincha Mountains are located partly in New Mexico and partly in Arizona, about 30 miles from the northern border of both territories. They make up the middle section of a range that includes the Chusca and Lukachokai Mountains. The area known as Tuĭntsá is approximately 12 miles long. The highest point reaches 9,575 feet above sea level. The top of the range is fairly flat and plateau-like, well-covered with trees, mostly spruce and pine, and is rich in small lakes and ponds; hence the name Tuĭntsá.

5. The basket illustrated in fig. 16 is made of twigs of aromatic sumac (Rhus aromatica, var. trilobata). It is 13′ in diameter and 3–⅜′ deep. In forming the helical coil, the fabricator must always put the butt end of the twig toward the centre of the basket and the tip end toward the periphery, in accordance with the ceremonial laws governing the disposition of butts and tips (see notes 12 and 319). The sole decoration is a band, red in the middle with black zigzag edges. This band is intersected at one point by a narrow line of uncolored wood. This line has probably no relation to the “line of life” in ancient and modern pueblo pottery. It is put there to assist in the orientation of the basket at night, in the dim light of the medicine-lodge. In making the basket, the butt of the first twig is placed in the centre; the tip of the last twig, in the helix, must be in the same radial line, which is marked by the uncolored line crossing the ornamental band. [212]This line must lie due east and west on certain ceremonial occasions, as for instance when the basket, inverted, is used as a drum during the last five nights of the night chant. The margin of this, as of other Navaho baskets, is finished in a diagonally woven or plaited pattern, and there is a legend, which the author has related in a former paper,321 accounting for the origin of this form of margin. If the margin is worn through or torn, the basket is unfit for sacred use. The basket is one of the perquisites of the shaman when the rites are done; but he, in turn, must give it away, and must be careful never to eat out of it. Notwithstanding its sacred uses, food may be served in it. Fig. 25 represents a basket of this kind used as a receptacle for sacrificial sticks and cigarettes. In this case the termination of the helix must be in the east, and the sacrifices sacred to the east must be in the eastern quarter of the basket.

5. The basket shown in fig. 16 is made from twigs of aromatic sumac (Rhus aromatica, var. trilobata). It has a diameter of 13′ and is 3–⅜′ deep. When creating the helical coil, the maker always needs to place the butt end of the twig toward the center of the basket and the tip end toward the edge, following the ceremonial rules about where butts and tips should go (see notes 12 and 319). The only decoration is a band, red in the center with black zigzag edges. At one point, this band is crossed by a narrow line of uncolored wood. This line likely doesn't relate to the “line of life” found in ancient and modern Pueblo pottery. It's added to help orient the basket at night, under the dim light of the medicine lodge. To make the basket, the butt of the first twig is placed in the center; the tip of the last twig in the helix must align with the same radial line marked by the uncolored line crossing the decorative band. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] This line needs to point due east and west on certain ceremonial occasions, such as when the basket is turned upside down and used as a drum during the last five nights of the night chant. The edge of this, like other Navaho baskets, is finished in a diagonally woven or plaited pattern, and there is a story, which the author has shared in a previous paper, 321, explaining the origin of this type of edge. If the margin becomes worn or torn, the basket is not suitable for sacred use. The basket is one of the benefits the shaman receives when the rites are completed; however, he must give it away afterward and must never eat from it. Despite its sacred purposes, food can be served in it. Fig. 25 shows a basket like this used to hold sacrificial sticks and cigarettes. In this case, the end of the helix must be to the east, and the sacrifices dedicated to the east must be in the eastern part of the basket.

Fig. 17 shows the other form of sacred basket. It is also made of aromatic sumac, and is used in the rites to hold sacred meal. The crosses are said to represent clouds, and the zigzag lines to indicate lightning.

Fig. 17 shows another type of sacred basket. It's also made from aromatic sumac and is used in rituals to hold the sacred meal. The crosses are said to represent clouds, while the zigzag lines symbolize lightning.

6. The ceremonies of “House Dedication” are described at some length by Mr. A. M. Stephen in his excellent paper on “The Navajo,”329 and he gives a free translation of a prayer and a song belonging to these rites.

6. Mr. A. M. Stephen describes the ceremonies of "House Dedication" in detail in his great paper on "The Navajo,"329 and he provides a loose translation of a prayer and a song associated with these rituals.

7. A-na-yé, or a-ná-ye, is composed of two words, aná and yéi or ye. Aná, sometimes contracted to na, signifies a member of an alien tribe,—one not speaking a language similar to the Navaho,—and is often synonymous with enemy. Ye (see par. 78) may be defined as genius or god. The anáye were the offspring of women conceived during the separation of the sexes in the fourth world.

7. A-na-yé, or a-ná-ye, is made up of two words, aná and yéi or ye. Aná, sometimes shortened to na, refers to a member of a different tribe—one that doesn’t speak a language similar to the Navaho—and is often used interchangeably with enemy. Ye (see par. 78) can be described as genius or god. The anáye were the children of women who conceived during the time when the sexes were separated in the fourth world.

8. Ti-é-hol-tso-di is a water god, or water monster, a god of terrestrial waters,—not a rain god. He seems akin to the Unktehi of the Dakotas. He is said to dwell in the great water of the east, i.e., the Atlantic Ocean. Although commonly spoken of as one, there is little doubt that the Navahoes believe in many of the Tiéholtsodi. Probably every constant stream or spring has its own water god, (See note 152.) A picture of this god is said to be made in a dry-painting of the rite of hozóni hatál, but the author has not seen it. Tiéholtsodi is described as having a fine fur, and being otherwise much like an otter in appearance, but having horns like a buffalo. (See pars. 140, 187, 484, 485.)

8. Ti-é-hol-tso-di is a water god or water monster, a god of land-based waters—not a rain god. He seems similar to the Unktehi of the Dakotas. It's said that he lives in the great water of the east, i.e., the Atlantic Ocean. Although commonly referred to as one, there’s little doubt that the Navahoes believe in many Tiéholtsodi. Likely, every consistent stream or spring has its own water god, (See note 152.) A representation of this god is said to be created in a dry-painting during the rite of hozóni hatál, but the author hasn’t seen it. Tiéholtsodi is described as having fine fur and resembling an otter, but with horns like a buffalo. (See pars. 140, 187, 484, 485.)

9. Tsús-kai or Tsó-is-kai is the name given by the Navahoes to a prominent conical hill rising 8,800 feet above sea-level, in northwestern New Mexico, about twenty-six miles north of Defiance Station on the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad. It is called Chusca Knoll, Chusca Peak, and Choiskai Peak by geographers. It rises abruptly four hundred feet or more above the level of the neighboring ridge, is visible at a great distance from the south (but not from the north), and forms a prominent landmark. The Navahoes limit the name Tsúskai to this knoll, but the Mexicans, and following them the Americans, apply the name in different forms (Chusca Mountains, Sierra de Chusca, Chuska, Chuskai, Tchuskai, etc.) to the whole mountain mass from which the knoll rises. The name, not accurately translated, contains the words for spruce (tso) and white (kai).

9. Tsús-kai or Tsó-is-kai is the name the Navajo people give to a prominent conical hill that rises 8,800 feet above sea level in northwestern New Mexico, about twenty-six miles north of Defiance Station on the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad. Geographers refer to it as Chusca Knoll, Chusca Peak, and Choiskai Peak. It rises abruptly over four hundred feet above the neighboring ridge, is visible from far away to the south (but not from the north), and serves as a prominent landmark. The Navajo reserve the name Tsúskai specifically for this hill, while Mexicans, and subsequently Americans, use various forms of the name (Chusca Mountains, Sierra de Chusca, Chuska, Chuskai, Tchuskai, etc.) to refer to the entire mountain range from which the hill rises. The name, which isn’t accurately translated, includes the words for spruce (tso) and white (kai).

10. The bath forms an important part of the Navaho rites, being administered on many occasions, and it is often mentioned in the tales. It usually consists of a suds made in a water-tight wicker basket by soaking the root of some species of yucca (see note 88) in water; the root of Yucca baccata being usually preferred, as it seems richest in saponine. After the application of the suds, the subject is commonly rinsed off with plain water and dried by rubbing on corn meal. In different ceremonies different observances are connected with the bath. In the myth of “The Mountain Chant,”314 pp. 389, 390, a bath is described as part of the ceremony of the deer-hunt. It is given, no doubt, in preparing for the hunt, for practical as well as religious reasons. It is important that the hunter should divest himself as much as possible of his personal odor when he goes to kill game. [213]

10. The bath is a key element of the Navaho rituals, performed on numerous occasions, and it is frequently referenced in the stories. It typically involves creating suds in a waterproof wicker basket by soaking the root of certain yucca species in water; the root of Yucca baccata is usually favored since it appears to be the richest in saponin. After applying the suds, the person is typically rinsed with plain water and dried by rubbing with cornmeal. Different ceremonies have various practices associated with the bath. In the myth of “The Mountain Chant,”314 pp. 389, 390, a bath is described as part of the deer-hunting ceremony. It is given, undoubtedly, to prepare for the hunt for both practical and spiritual reasons. It is essential for the hunter to minimize his personal scent when he goes out to hunt game. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

11. Pollen (Navaho, thaditín) is obtained, for sacred uses, from various plants, but Indian corn is the chief source of supply. The pollen is carried in small buckskin bags, which also usually contain small sacred stones, such as rock crystal and pyrophyllite, or small animal fetishes. The administration or sacrifice of pollen is a part of all rites witnessed, and almost always follows or accompanies prayer. It is used in different ways on different occasions; but the commonest way is to take a small pinch from the bag, apply a portion of it to the tongue and a portion to the crown of the head. For some purposes, the shaman collects a quantity of pollen, puts it in a large bag, immerses in it some live bird, insect, or other animal, and then allows the prisoner to escape. This is supposed to add extra virtue to the pollen. In one kind called iʻyidĕzná a bluebird, a yellowbird, and a grasshopper are put in the pollen together. In note 49 we have a mythic account of pollen put on the young of the sea monster and then preserved. Pollen which has been applied to a ceremonial dry-painting is preserved for future uses. Pollen in which a live striped lizard has been placed is used to favor eutocia. The term thaditín is applied to various things having the appearance of an impalpable powder, such as the misty hues of the horizon in the morning and evening, due in Arizona more frequently to dust in the air than to moisture. Captain Bourke, in “The Medicine-men of the Apache,”295 chapter ii., describes many modes of using pollen which exist also among the Navahoes.

11. Pollen (Navaho, thaditín) is collected for sacred purposes from various plants, but the main source is Indian corn. The pollen is kept in small bags made of buckskin, which often contain small sacred stones like rock crystal and pyrophyllite, or small animal kinks. Using or sacrificing pollen is part of all the rites observed and nearly always follows or accompanies prayer. It’s used in different ways for different occasions, but the most common method is to take a small pinch from the bag, place some on the tongue, and some on the top of the head. For some rituals, the shaman gathers a larger amount of pollen, puts it in a big bag, adds a live bird, insect, or other animal, and then lets the creature go free. This is believed to enhance the potency of the pollen. In a specific ritual called iʻyidĕzná, a bluebird, a yellowbird, and a grasshopper are placed in the pollen together. In note 49, we have a mythic story about pollen being used on the young of a sea monster and then preserved. Pollen that has been used in ceremonial dry-painting is saved for future use. Pollen in which a live striped lizard has been placed is used to promote good childbirth. The term thaditín refers to various things that look like an extremely fine powder, such as the hazy colors of the horizon in the morning and evening, which in Arizona are more often caused by dust in the air than by moisture. Captain Bourke, in “The Medicine-men of the Apache,” 295 chapter ii., describes many ways of using pollen that are also found among the Navahoes.

12. The following are a few additional observances with regard to kethawns:—

12. Here are a few more notes about kethawns:—

In cutting the reed used for a series of cigarettes, they cut off a piece first from the end nearest the root, and they continue to cut off as many pieces as may be necessary from butt to point. The pieces, according as they are cut, are notched near the butt (with a stone knife), so that the relations of the two extremities of the piece may not be forgotten. All through the painting of the cigarettes, and the various manipulations that follow, the butt end must be the nearer to the operator, and the tip end the farther away from him. Since the cigarette-maker sits in the west of the medicine-lodge facing the east, the cigarettes, while there, must lie east and west, with the tips to the east. If a number of cigarettes are made for one act of sacrifice, the first piece cut off is marked with one notch near the base, the second piece with two notches, the third piece with three notches, the fourth piece with four notches, all near the butt ends. This is done in order that they may always be distinguished from one another, and their order of precedence from butt to tip may not be disregarded. When they are taken up to be painted, to have the sacred feathers of the bluebird and yellowbird inserted into them, to be filled with tobacco, to be sealed with moistened pollen, or to be symbolically lighted with the rock crystal, the piece that came from nearest the butt (the senior cigarette, let us call it) is taken first, that nearest the tip last. When they are collected to be placed in the patient’s hands, when they are applied to his or her person, and finally when they are taken out and sacrificed, this order of precedence is always observed. The order of precedence in position, when sacrifices are laid out in a straight row, is from north to south; the senior sacrifice is in the northern extremity of the row, the junior or inferior in the southern extremity. When they are laid out in a circle, the order is from east back to east by the way of the south, west, and north. The gods to whom the sacrifices are made have commonly also an order of precedence, and when such is the case the senior sacrifice is dedicated to the higher god, the junior sacrifice to the lower god. When it is required that other articles, such as feathers, beads, powdered vegetable and mineral substances, be sacrificed with the cigarettes, all these things are placed in corn-husks. To do this, the husks are laid down on a clean cloth with their tips to the east; the cigarettes are laid in them one by one, each in a separate husk, with their tip ends to the east; and the sacred feathers are added to the bundle with their tips also to the east. When dry [214]pollen is sprinkled on the cigarette, it is sprinkled from butt to tip. When moist pollen is daubed on the side of the cigarette, it is daubed from butt to tip. (From “A Study in Butts and Tips.”)319 The hollow internode of the reed only is used. The part containing the solid node is discarded and is split up, so that when thrown away the gods may not mistake it for a true cigarette and suffer disappointment. All the débris of manufacture is carefully collected and deposited to the north of the medicine-lodge. The tobacco of commerce must not be employed. A plug of feathers, referred to above, is shoved into the tube from tip to butt (with an owl’s feather) to keep the tobacco from falling out at the butt. The moistened pollen keeps the tobacco in at the tip end. The rules for measuring kethawns are very elaborate. One or more finger-joints; the span; the width of the outstretched hand, from tip of thumb to tip of little finger; the width of three finger-tips or of four finger-tips joined,—are a few of the measurements. Each kethawn has its established size. This system of sacrifice is common among the pueblo tribes of the Southwest, and traces of it have been found elsewhere. Fig. 23 represents a thing called ketán yaltí, or talking kethawn (described in “The Mountain Chant,”314 p. 452), consisting of a male stick painted black and a female stick painted blue. Fig. 24 shows a kethawn used in the ceremony of the night chant; a dozen such are made for one occasion, but male and female are not distinguished. Fig. 25 depicts a set of fifty-two kethawns, used also in the night chant: of these the four in the centre are cigarettes lying on meal; the forty-eight surrounding the meal are sticks of wood. Those in the east are made of mountain mahogany, those in the south of Forestiera neo-mexicana, those in the west of juniper, and those in the north of cherry. A more elaborate description of them must be reserved for a future work.

In making the reed used for a series of cigarettes, they first cut a piece from the end closest to the root, and continue to cut off as many pieces as needed from butt to tip. The pieces are notched near the butt end with a stone knife, so the relationship between the two ends of each piece isn’t forgotten. Throughout the cigarette-making process and the various steps that follow, the butt end must be closer to the person making them, while the tip end must be farther away. Since the cigarette maker sits in the west of the medicine lodge facing east, the cigarettes need to be laid out east-west, with the tips facing east. If multiple cigarettes are made for one sacrificial act, the first piece cut is marked with one notch near the base, the second with two notches, the third with three notches, and the fourth with four notches, all near the butt ends. This is to ensure they can always be distinguished from each other and their order from butt to tip isn’t neglected. When they are ready to be painted, to have the sacred feathers of the bluebird and yellowbird added, to be filled with tobacco, sealed with moistened pollen, or symbolically lit with rock crystal, the piece nearest the butt (the senior cigarette, as we might call it) is taken first, with the one nearest the tip taken last. When they are gathered to be placed in the patient's hands, applied to the person, and finally sacrificed, this order is always followed. When laid out for sacrifices in a straight line, the order is north to south; the senior sacrifice is at the northern end of the row, and the junior or inferior one is at the southern end. When arranged in a circle, the order goes from east back to east via the south, west, and north. The gods receiving the sacrifices typically also have a hierarchy, and when that's the case, the senior sacrifice is dedicated to the higher god, while the junior sacrifice is for the lower god. If other items are required, like feathers, beads, or powdered plant and mineral substances, they are also sacrificed with the cigarettes, all placed in corn husks. To do this, the husks are laid out on a clean cloth with their tips facing east; each cigarette is laid into a separate husk with the tips also facing east, and the sacred feathers are added to the bundle, tips to the east as well. When dry, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] pollen is sprinkled on the cigarette from butt to tip. When moist pollen is applied to the side of the cigarette, it’s also applied from butt to tip. (From “A Study in Butts and Tips.”)319 Only the hollow internode of the reed is used; the solid node part is discarded and split up so when thrown away, the gods won’t mistake it for a real cigarette and be disappointed. All the leftover materials from the process are carefully collected and placed to the north of the medicine lodge. Commercial tobacco is not to be used. A plug of feathers mentioned earlier is pushed into the tube from tip to butt (using an owl feather) to prevent the tobacco from falling out of the butt. The moistened pollen holds the tobacco at the tip end. The rules for measuring kethawns are quite detailed. One or more finger joints, the span of an outstretched hand from the tip of the thumb to the tip of the little finger, and the width of three or four finger tips together are some of the measurements used. Each kethawn has its specific size. This sacrificial system is common among the Pueblo tribes of the Southwest and traces of it have been found in other areas. Fig. 23 represents something called ketán yaltí, or talking kethawn (described in “The Mountain Chant,”314 p. 452), made of a male stick painted black and a female stick painted blue. Fig. 24 shows a kethawn used in the night chant ceremony; a dozen are made for one occasion, but male and female are not distinguished. Fig. 25 depicts a set of fifty-two kethawns, also used in the night chant: the four in the center are cigarettes lying on meal, while the forty-eight surrounding them are sticks of wood. The ones in the east are made of mountain mahogany, those in the south of Forestiera neo-mexicana, those in the west of juniper, and those in the north of cherry. A more detailed description of them will be reserved for a future work.

13. “Sacred buckskin” is a term employed by the author, for convenience, to designate those deerskins specially prepared for use in making masks and for other purposes in the Navaho rites. The following are some of the particulars concerning their preparation; perhaps there are others which the author has not learned: The deer which is to furnish the skin must not be shot, or otherwise wounded. It is surrounded by men on foot or horseback, and caused to run around until it falls exhausted; then a bag containing pollen is put over its mouth and nostrils, and held there till the deer is smothered. The dead animal is laid on its back. Lines are marked with pollen, from the centre outwards along the median line of the body and the insides of the limbs. Incisions are made with a stone knife along the pollen lines, from within outwards, until the skin is opened; the flaying may then be completed with a steel knife. When the skin is removed it is laid to the east of the carcass, head to the east, and hairy side down. The fibulæ and ulnæ are cut out and put in the skin in the places where they belong,—i.e., each ulna in the skin of its appropriate fore-leg, each fibula in the skin of its appropriate hind-leg. The hide may then be rolled up and carried off. Both ulnæ are used as scrapers of the skin. If masks are to be made of the skin, the fibulæ are used as awls,—the right fibula in sewing the right sides of the masks, the left fibula in sewing the left sides of the masks. Other rules (very numerous) for making the masks will not be mentioned in this place. Fibulæ and ulnæ other than those belonging to the deer that furnished the skin must not be used on the latter.

13. “Sacred buckskin” is a term the author uses for convenience to refer to those deerskins specially prepared for making masks and for other purposes in the Navajo rites. Here are some details about their preparation; there may be others that the author hasn’t learned: The deer whose skin will be used must not be shot or wounded in any way. It is surrounded by people on foot or horseback and made to run in circles until it collapses from exhaustion; then a bag filled with pollen is placed over its mouth and nostrils, held there until the deer suffocates. The deceased animal is then laid on its back. Lines are drawn with pollen from the center outwards along the median line of the body and the insides of the limbs. Cuts are made with a stone knife along the pollen lines, from the inside out, until the skin is opened; the flaying can then be finished with a steel knife. Once the skin is removed, it is laid to the east of the carcass, head to the east, and hairy side down. The ulnas and fibulas are cut out and placed in the skin where they belong—i.e., each ulna in the skin of its respective fore-leg, each fibula in the skin of its respective hind-leg. The hide can then be rolled up and taken away. Both ulnas are used as scrapers for the skin. If the skin is to be made into masks, the fibulas are used as awls—the right fibula for sewing the right sides of the masks, the left fibula for sewing the left sides of the masks. Other numerous rules for making the masks will not be covered here. Fibulas and ulnas that do not belong to the deer that provided the skin must not be used on it.

14. This mask, made of leaves of Yucca baccata, from which the thick dorsal portions have been torn away, is used in the rite of the night chant. The observances connected with the culling of the leaves, the manufacture of the mask, and the destruction of the same after use, are too numerous to be detailed here. The author never succeeded in getting such a mask to keep (the obligation on the shaman to tear it up when it has served its purpose seemed imperative), but he [215]was allowed to take two photographs of it, one before the fringe of spruce twigs was applied, the other when the mask was finished, as shown in fig. 26.

14. This mask, made from leaves of Yucca baccata, with the thick back parts removed, is used in the night chant ceremony. The rituals involved in gathering the leaves, making the mask, and destroying it afterwards are too many to explain here. The author never managed to keep such a mask (the shaman's duty to tear it up after it served its purpose seemed crucial), but he [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]was allowed to take two photos of it, one before the spruce twig fringe was added, and the other when the mask was complete, as shown in fig. 26.

15. The following account taken from “The Prayer of a Navajo Shaman,”315 and repeated here at the request of Mr. Newell, shows how definitely fixed was the limit of this part of the tale in the mind of the narrator:—

15. The following account from “The Prayer of a Navajo Shaman,”315 and included here at Mr. Newell's request, clearly shows how firmly established the boundary of this part of the story was in the narrator's mind:—

“In none of my interviews with him (Hatáli Nĕz) had he shown any impatience with my demands for explanations as we progressed, or with interruptions in our work. He lingered long over his meals, lighted many cigarettes and smoked them leisurely, got tired early in the evening, and was always willing to go to bed as early as I would let him. When, however, he came to relate the creation myth, all this was changed. He arrived early; he remained late; he hastened through his meals; he showed evidence of worry at all delays and interruptions, and frequently begged me to postpone minor explanations. On being urged to explain this change of spirit he said that we were travelling in the land of the dead, in a place of evil and potent ghosts, just so long as he continued to relate those parts of the myth which recount the adventures of his ancestors in the nether world, and that we were in danger so long as our minds remained there; but that when we came to that part of the tale where the people ascend to this—the fifth and last world—we need no longer feel uneasy and could then take our time. His subsequent actions proved that he had given an honest explanation.

“In none of my interviews with him (Hatáli Nĕz) did he ever show any impatience with my requests for explanations as we moved along, or with interruptions in our work. He took his time over meals, lit a lot of cigarettes and smoked them slowly, got tired early in the evening, and was always ready to go to bed as early as I allowed. However, when it came time to share the creation myth, everything changed. He arrived early; he stayed late; he rushed through his meals; he became anxious about any delays and interruptions, and often asked me to hold off on minor explanations. When I pressed him to explain this shift in mood, he said that we were traveling in the land of the dead, a place of evil and powerful spirits, for as long as he continued to tell the parts of the myth that recount the adventures of his ancestors in the underworld, and that we were in danger as long as our minds were there; but that when we reached the part of the story where the people ascend to this—the fifth and last world—we need not feel anxious anymore and could then take our time. His later actions showed that he had given an honest explanation.

“It was near sunset one afternoon, and an hour or more before his supper time, that he concluded his account of the subterranean wanderings of the Navajos and brought them safely through the “Place of Emergence,” in the San Juan Mountains, to the surface of this world. Then he ceased to speak, rolled a cigarette, said he was tired, that he would not be able to tell me any more that night, and left me.

“It was just before sunset one afternoon, and still an hour or so before dinner, when he finished sharing his story about the underground journeys of the Navajos and brought them safely through the 'Place of Emergence' in the San Juan Mountains to the surface of this world. Then he stopped talking, rolled a cigarette, said he was tired and wouldn't be able to tell me anything else that night, and left me.”

“After his departure I learned that he had announced to some of his friends during the day that he would have to pray at night to counteract the evil effects of his journey through the lower world. After his supper he retired to the apartment among the old adobe huts at Defiance in which he had been assigned room to sleep. I soon followed, and, having waited in the adjoining passage half an hour or more, I heard the voice of the old man rising in the monotonous tones of formulated prayer. Knowing that the rules of the shaman forbade the interruption of any prayer or song, I abruptly entered the room and sat down on the floor near the supplicant.”

“After he left, I found out he had told some of his friends that he needed to pray at night to counter the negative effects of his journey through the underworld. After dinner, he went to the room among the old adobe huts at Defiance that had been assigned to him for sleeping. I followed shortly after, and after waiting in the nearby hallway for about half an hour, I heard the old man’s voice rising in the rhythmic tones of his set prayer. Knowing that the shaman's rules prohibited any interruptions during prayers or songs, I quickly entered the room and sat down on the floor near him.”

(Thus the prayer in question became known to the author.)

(Thus the prayer in question became known to the author.)

15a. “Tune us the sitar neither low nor high.”—The Light of Asia.

15i. “Play the sitar for us, neither too low nor too high.”—The Light of Asia.

16. Hatál, in Navaho, means a sacred song, a hymn or chant,—not a trivial song: hence the names of their great ceremonies contain this word, as dsĭlyĭ′dze hatál (the mountain chant); klédzi hatál (the night chant), etc. The man who conducts a ceremony is called hatáli (chanter or singer). As equivalents for this word the author uses the terms shaman, priest, medicine-man, and chanter. One who treats disease by drugs is called azé-elĭ′ni, or medicine-maker.

16. Hatál, in Navajo, refers to a sacred song, hymn, or chant—not a trivial song. That's why the names of their major ceremonies include this word, like dsĭlyĭ′dze hatál (the mountain chant) and klédzi hatál (the night chant), among others. The person who leads a ceremony is known as hatáli (chanter or singer). For this word, the author uses terms like shaman, priest, medicine-man, and chanter as equivalents. Someone who treats illness with medicine is called azé-elĭ′ni, or medicine-maker.

17. No antecedent. We are first told to whom “they” refers in paragraph 139.

17. No prior reference. We are first informed about who “they” refers to in paragraph 139.

18. In symbolizing by color the four cardinal points, the Navahoes have two principal systems, as follows:—

18 To represent the four cardinal directions with color, the Navajos have two main systems, as follows:—

East. South. West. North.
First System White. Blue. Yellow. Black.
Second System Black. Blue. Yellow. White.

[216]

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Both systems are the same, except that the colors black and white change places. The reasons for this change have not been satisfactorily determined. In general, it seems that when speaking of places over ground—lucky and happy places—the first system is employed; while, when places underground—usually places of danger—are described, the second system is used. But there are many apparent exceptions to the latter rule. In one version of the Origin Legend (Version B) the colors are arranged according to the second system both in the lower and upper worlds. In the version of the same legend here published the first system is given for all places in the lower worlds, except in the house of Tiéholtsodi under the waters (par. 178), where the east room is described as dark and the room in the north as being of all colors. Yet the Indian who gave this version (Hatáli Nĕz), in his Prayer of the Rendition (note 315), applies the second system to all regions traversed below the surface of the earth by the gods who come to rescue the lost soul. Although he does not say that the black chamber is in the east, he shows it corresponds with the east by mentioning it first. Hatáli Natlói, in the “Story of Natĭ′nĕsthani,” follows the first system in all cases except when describing the house of Tiéholtsodi under the water, where the first chamber is represented as black and the last as white. Although in this case the rooms may be regarded as placed one above another, the black being mentioned first shows that it is intended to correspond with the east. In all cases, in naming the points of the compass, or anything which symbolizes them, or in placing objects which pertain to them (note 227), the east comes first, the south second, the west third, the north fourth. The sunwise circuit is always followed. If the zenith and nadir are mentioned, the former comes fifth and the latter sixth in order. The north is sometimes symbolized by “all colors,” i.e., white, blue, yellow, and black mixed (note 22), and sometimes by red. In the myth of dsĭlyĭ′dze hatál314 (the story of Dsĭ′lyiʻ Neyáni) five homes of holy people underground are described, in all of which the second system is used. See, also, note 111, where the second system is applied to the house of the sun. In the story of the “Great Shell of Kĭntyél” at the home of the Spider Woman underground, in the sky world, the east is represented by black and the north by white. (See par. 581 and note 40.)

Both systems are the same, except that the colors black and white switch places. The reasons for this change haven’t been clearly established. Generally, it seems that the first system is used when talking about above-ground places—lucky and happy places—while the second system is applied to places underground—usually dangerous ones. However, there are many apparent exceptions to this latter rule. In one version of the Origin Legend (Version B), the colors are arranged according to the second system in both the lower and upper worlds. In the published version of the same legend, the first system is applied to all places in the lower worlds, except for the house of Tiéholtsodi under the waters (par. 178), where the east room is said to be dark, and the north room is described as having all colors. Yet the Indian who provided this version (Hatáli Nĕz), in his Prayer of the Rendition (note 315), uses the second system for all regions below the earth that the gods traverse to rescue the lost soul. Although he doesn’t explicitly say that the black chamber is in the east, mentioning it first implies that it corresponds with the east. Hatáli Natlói, in the “Story of Natĭ′nĕsthani,” follows the first system in all instances except when describing the house of Tiéholtsodi under the water, where the first chamber is depicted as black and the last as white. Although here the rooms can be seen as stacked one above another, the fact that black is mentioned first indicates it corresponds with the east. In all cases, when naming the points of the compass, or anything that symbolizes them, or in placing objects related to them (note 227), the east is mentioned first, the south second, the west third, and the north fourth. The sunwise circuit is always followed. If the zenith and nadir are mentioned, the former is fifth and the latter sixth in order. The north is sometimes represented by “all colors,” i.e., white, blue, yellow, and black mixed (note 22), and sometimes by red. In the myth of dsĭlyĭ′dze hatál314 (the story of Dsĭ′lyiʻ Neyáni), five homes of holy people underground are described, where the second system is used throughout. See, also, note 111, where the second system is applied to the house of the sun. In the story of the “Great Shell of Kĭntyél” at the home of the Spider Woman underground, in the sky world, the east is represented by black and the north by white. (See par. 581 and note 40.)

19. There are but three streams and but nine villages or localities mentioned, while twelve winged tribes are named. Probably three are supposed to have lived in the north where no stream ran, or there may have been a fourth river in the Navaho paradise, whose name is for some reason suppressed.

19. There are only three rivers and nine villages or places mentioned, while twelve groups of flying tribes are named. It’s likely that three are thought to have lived in the north where there were no rivers, or there might have been a fourth river in the Navaho paradise, the name of which is somehow left out.

References to the sacred number four are introduced with tiresome pertinacity into all Navaho legends.

References to the sacred number four are frequently and annoyingly included in all Navajo legends.

20. Version B.—In the first world three dwelt, viz.: First Man, First Woman, and Coyote.

20. Version B.—In the first world, there were three beings: First Man, First Woman, and Coyote.

21. The swallow to which reference is made here is the cliff swallow,—Petrochelidon lunifrons.

21. The swallow being referred to here is the cliff swallow, —Petrochelidon lunifrons.

22. The colors given to the lower worlds in this legend—red for the first, blue for the second, yellow for the third, and mixed for the fourth—are not in the line of ordinary Navaho symbolism (note 18), but they agree very closely with some Moki symbolism, as described by Victor Mindeleff in his “Study of Pueblo Architecture,”324 p. 129. The colors there mentioned, if placed in order according to the Navaho system (note 18), would stand thus: red (east), blue (south), yellow (west), white (north). Mixed colors sometimes take the place of the north or last in Navaho symbolism. Possibly Moki elements have entered into this version of the Navaho legend. (See par. 91.)

22. The colors assigned to the lower worlds in this legend—red for the first, blue for the second, yellow for the third, and mixed for the fourth—aren't typical of standard Navaho symbolism (note 18), but they closely align with some Moki symbolism as described by Victor Mindeleff in his “Study of Pueblo Architecture,” 324 p. 129. The colors mentioned there, if arranged according to the Navaho system (note 18), would be: red (east), blue (south), yellow (west), white (north). Mixed colors sometimes replace the north or the last in Navaho symbolism. It's possible that Moki elements influenced this version of the Navaho legend. (See par. 91.)

23. Version B.—In the second world, when First Man, First Woman, and Coyote ascended, they found those who afterwards carried the sun and moon, and, beyond the bounds of the earth, he of the darkness in the east, he of the blueness [217]in the south, he of the yellowness in the west, and he of the whiteness in the north (perhaps the same as White Body, Blue Body, etc., of the fourth world in the present version. See par. 160). Sun and First Woman were the transgressors who caused the exodus.

23. Version B.—In the second world, when First Man, First Woman, and Coyote rose up, they discovered those who later carried the sun and moon, and, beyond the limits of the earth, he who represents darkness in the east, he who embodies the blueness in the south, he who signifies the yellowness in the west, and he who symbolizes the whiteness in the north (possibly the same as White Body, Blue Body, etc., from the fourth world in the current version. See par. 160). Sun and First Woman were the ones who broke the rules and triggered the exodus.

24. Version B.—When the five individuals mentioned in note 23 came from the second world, they found the “people of the mountains” already occupying the third world.

24. Version B.—When the five individuals mentioned in note 23 came from the second world, they found the "people of the mountains" already living in the third world.

25. Version B.—The people were chased from the third world to the fourth world by a deluge and took refuge in a reed, as afterwards related of the flight from the fourth world.

25. Version B.—The people were driven from the third world to the fourth world by a flood and sought shelter in a reed, similar to what is later described about the escape from the fourth world.

26. In the Navaho tales, when the yéi (genii, gods) come to visit men, they always announce their approach by calling four times. The first call is faint, far, and scarcely audible. Each succeeding call is louder and more distinct. The last call sounds loud and near, and in a moment after it is heard the god makes his appearance. These particulars concerning the gods’ approach are occasionally briefly referred to; but usually the story-teller repeats them at great length with a modulated voice, and he pantomimically represents the recipient of the visit, starting and straining his attention to discern the distant sounds.

26. In the Navajo stories, when the yéi (spirits, gods) come to visit people, they always announce their arrival by calling out four times. The first call is faint, far away, and barely audible. Each subsequent call gets louder and clearer. The last call sounds loud and close, and just after it's heard, the god appears. These details about how the gods arrive are sometimes mentioned briefly; but usually, the storyteller goes into great detail using a varying voice, and he dramatically acts out the person receiving the visit, showing them starting and concentrating hard to hear the distant sounds.

Nearly every god has his own special call. A few have none. Imperfect attempts have been made in this work to represent some of these calls by spelling them; but this method represents the original no better than “Bob White” represents the call of a quail. Some of the cries have been recorded by the writer on phonographic cylinders, but even these records are very imperfect. In the ceremonies of the Navahoes, the masked representatives of the gods repeat these calls. The calls of Hastséyalti and Hastséhogan are those most frequently referred to in the tales. (Pars. 287, 378, 471, etc.)

Almost every god has a unique call. A few don’t have any. This work has made imperfect attempts to represent some of these calls through spelling, but this method captures the original no better than “Bob White” captures the call of a quail. Some of these sounds have been recorded by the author on phonographic cylinders, but even these recordings are quite flawed. In the ceremonies of the Navahoes, the masked representatives of the gods repeat these calls. The calls of Hastséyalti and Hastséhogan are the ones most often mentioned in the stories. (Pars. 287, 378, 471, etc.)

27. Yellow corn belongs to the female, white corn to the male. This rule is observed in all Navaho ceremonies, and is mentioned in many Navaho myths. (Pars. 164, 291, 379; note 107, etc.)

27. Yellow corn is associated with the female, while white corn is linked to the male. This guideline is followed in all Navajo ceremonies and is referenced in many Navajo myths. (Pars. 164, 291, 379; note 107, etc.)

28. An ear of corn used for sacred purposes must be completely covered with full grains, or at least must have been originally so covered. One having abortive grains at the top is not used. For some purposes, as in preparing the implements used in initiating females in the rite of klédzi hatál, not only must the ear of corn be fully covered by grains, but it must be tipped by an arrangement of four grains. Such an ear of corn is called tohonotĭ′ni.

28. An ear of corn used for religious purposes must be completely filled with whole grains, or at least it must have originally been filled that way. An ear with undeveloped grains at the top is not acceptable. For certain uses, like making the tools for initiating females in the rite of klédzi hatál, the ear of corn not only needs to be fully covered with grains, but it must also have a tip made up of four grains. This type of ear of corn is called tohonotĭ′ni.

29. The Navaho word nátli or nŭ′tle is here translated hermaphrodite, because the context shows that reference is made to anomalous creatures. But the word is usually employed to designate that class of men, known perhaps in all wild Indian tribes, who dress as women, and perform the duties usually allotted to women in Indian camps. Such persons are called berdaches (English, bardash) by the French Canadians. By the Americans they are called hermaphrodites (commonly mispronounced “morphodites”), and are generally supposed to be such.

29. The Navaho word nátli or nŭ′tle is translated here as hermaphrodite because the context indicates it refers to unusual beings. However, the term is typically used to describe a group of men, found in many Indigenous tribes, who dress as women and take on roles usually assigned to women in Native American camps. These individuals are referred to as berdaches (English, bardash) by French Canadians. Americans commonly call them hermaphrodites (often mispronounced as “morphodites”) and typically assume they are such.

30. These so-called hermaphrodites (note 29) are, among all Indian tribes that the author has observed, more skilful in performing women’s work than the women themselves. The Navahoes, in this legend, credit them with the invention of arts practised by women. The best weaver in the Navaho tribe, for many years, was a nátli.

30. These so-called hermaphrodites (note 29) are, among all the Indian tribes that the author has observed, more skilled at performing women’s work than the women themselves. The Navahoes, in this legend, attribute the invention of arts practiced by women to them. For many years, the best weaver in the Navaho tribe was a nátli.

31. Masks made from the skins of deer-heads and antelope-heads, with or without antlers, have been used by various Indian tribes, in hunting, to deceive the animals and allow the hunters to approach them. There are several references to such masks in the Navaho tales, as in the story of Natĭ′nĕsthani (par. 544) and in the myth of “The Mountain Chant,” page 391.314 In the latter story, rites connected with the deer mask are described. [218]

31. Masks made from the hides of deer and antelope, with or without antlers, have been used by different Native American tribes during hunting to trick the animals and help hunters get closer. There are several mentions of these masks in Navajo stories, like in the tale of Natĭ′nĕsthani (par. 544) and in the myth of “The Mountain Chant,” page 391.314 In the latter story, rituals associated with the deer mask are described. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

32. The quarrel between First Man and First Woman came to pass in this way: When she had finished her meal she wiped her hands in her dress and said: “Eʻyéhe si-tsod” (Thanks, my vagina). “What is that you say?” asked First Man. “Eʻéhe si-tsod,” she repeated. “Why do you speak thus?” he queried; “Was it not I who killed the deer whose flesh you have eaten? Why do you not thank me? Was it tsod that killed the deer?” “Yes,” she replied; “if it were not for that, you would not have killed the deer. If it were not for that, you lazy men would do nothing. It is that which does all the work.” “Then, perhaps, you women think you can live without the men,” he said. “Certainly we can. It is we women who till the fields and gather food: we can live on the produce of our fields, and the seeds and fruits we collect. We have no need of you men.” Thus they argued. First Man became more and more angry with each reply that his wife made, until at length, in wrath, he jumped across the fire.

32. The argument between First Man and First Woman unfolded like this: After she finished her meal, she wiped her hands on her dress and said, “Eʻyéhe si-tsod” (Thanks, my vagina). “What did you just say?” asked First Man. “Eʻéhe si-tsod,” she repeated. “Why are you saying that?” he asked; “Wasn't it me who killed the deer you just ate? Why don't you thank me? Was it tsod who killed the deer?” “Yes,” she answered; “if it weren’t for that, you wouldn't have killed the deer. If it weren't for that, you lazy men wouldn't do anything. It's that which does all the work.” “So, maybe you women think you can live without men,” he said. “Of course we can. We women are the ones who farm the fields and gather food: we can live off what we grow, and the seeds and fruits we collect. We don't need you men.” And so they argued. First Man grew angrier with each of his wife's responses until finally, in his rage, he jumped across the fire.

33. During the separation of the sexes, both the men and the women were guilty of shameful practices, which the story-tellers very particularly describe. Through the transgressions of the women the anáye, alien gods or monsters, who afterwards nearly annihilated the human race, came into existence; but no evil consequences followed the transgressions of the men. Thus, as usual, a moral lesson is conveyed to the women, but none to the men.

33. During the separation of the genders, both men and women engaged in disgraceful behaviors, which the storytellers clearly outline. The women's wrongdoings led to the rise of the anáye, foreign gods or monsters, who later almost wiped out humanity; however, the men's misdeeds resulted in no negative consequences. As is typical, a moral lesson is aimed at the women, but none is given to the men.

34, 35. Notes 34 and 35 are omitted.

34, 35. Notes 34 and 35 are omitted.

36. Version A.—Water in the east, black; south, blue; west, yellow; north, white. In the ceremony of hozóni hatál a picture representing Tiéholtsodi and the four waters is said to be made.

36. Version A.—Water in the east, black; south, blue; west, yellow; north, white. In the ceremony of hozóni hatál, a picture showing Tiéholtsodi and the four waters is said to be created.

37. Version A says that the nodes were woven by the spider, and that different animals dwelt in the different internodes. Version B says that the great reed took more than one day to grow to the sky; that it grew by day and rested by night; that the hollow internodes now seen in the reed show where it grew by day, and the solid nodes show where it rested by night. Some say four reeds were planted to form one, others that one reed only was planted.

37. Version A states that the spider wove the nodes, and different animals lived in the different internodes. Version B claims that the great reed took more than one day to reach the sky; it grew during the day and rested at night; the hollow internodes we see now in the reed indicate where it grew during the day, while the solid nodes indicate where it rested at night. Some people say that four reeds were planted to create one, while others say that only one reed was planted.

38. Version B.—The Turkey was the last to take refuge in the reed, therefore he was at the bottom. When the waters rose high enough to wet the Turkey he gobbled, and all knew that danger was near. Often did the waves wash the end of his tail; and it is for this reason that the tips of turkeys’ tail-feathers are, to this day, lighter than the rest of the plumage.

38. Version B.—The turkey was the last to find shelter in the reeds, so he ended up at the bottom. When the waters rose high enough to wet him, he gobbled, and everyone knew danger was close. Often the waves washed over the end of his tail; that’s why the tips of turkeys’ tail feathers are still lighter than the rest of their plumage today.

39. Version A.—First Man and First Woman called on all the digging animals (ĭ′ndatsidi dáltso) to help. These were: Bear, Wolf, Coyote, Lynx, and Badger. First, Bear dug till he was tired; then Coyote took his place, and so on. When badger was digging, water began to drip down from above: then they knew they had struck the waters of the upper world, and sent Locust up. Locust made a sort of shaft in the soft mud, such as locusts make to this day.

39. Version A.—The First Man and First Woman called on all the digging animals (ĭ′ndatsidi dáltso) for help. These included: Bear, Wolf, Coyote, Lynx, and Badger. First, Bear dug until he got tired; then Coyote took over, and so on. When Badger was digging, water started to drip down from above: that’s when they knew they had hit the waters of the upper world, and they sent Locust up. Locust created a kind of shaft in the soft mud, similar to what locusts do today.

40. Version A says there were four cranes; Version B, that there were four swans. Both versions say that the bird of the east was black, that of the south blue, that of the west yellow, and that of the north white. (See note 18.)

40. Version A states there were four cranes; Version B claims there were four swans. Both versions mention that the bird from the east was black, the one from the south was blue, the one from the west was yellow, and the one from the north was white. (See note 18.)

41. Two versions, A and B, have it that the bird passed the arrows through from mouth to vent, and vice versa, but all make the Locust pass his arrows through his thorax. Another version relates that two of the birds said: “You can have the land if you let us strike you in the forehead with an axe.” Locust consented. They missed their aim and cut off his cheeks, which accounts for his narrow face now. Version A relates that the arrows were plumed with eagle-feathers.

41. Two versions, A and B, say that the bird shot arrows through from its mouth to its rear end, and vice versa, but all versions agree that the Locust shot his arrows through his chest. Another version tells that two of the birds said, "You can have the land if you let us hit you in the forehead with an axe." The Locust agreed. They missed and ended up slicing off his cheeks, which explains his narrow face today. Version A states that the arrows were tipped with eagle feathers.

42. Version A.—The Locust, before transfixing himself with the arrows, shoved his vitals down into his abdomen; then he changed his mind and shoved them high into his chest. That accounts for his big chest now. [219]

42. Version A.—The Locust, before stabbing himself with the arrows, pulled his insides down into his abdomen; then he changed his mind and pushed them up into his chest. That’s why he has such a big chest now. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

43. A small lake situated somewhere in the San Juan Mountains is said to be the place through which the people came from the fourth world to this world. It is surrounded, the Indians tell, by precipitous cliffs, and has a small island near its centre, from the top of which something rises that looks like the top of a ladder. Beyond the bounding cliffs there are four mountain peaks,—one to the east, one to the south, one to the west, and one to the north of the lake,—which are frequently referred to in the songs and myths of the Navahoes. These Indians fear to visit the shores of this lake, but they climb the surrounding mountains and view its waters from a distance. The place is called Ha-dzi-naí, or Ni-ho-yos-tsá-tse, which names may be freely translated Place of Emergence, or Land Where They Came Up. The San Juan Mountains abound in little lakes. Which one of these is considered by the Navahoes as their Place of Emergence is not known, and it is probable that it could only be determined by making a pilgrimage thither with a party of Navahoes who knew the place. Mr. Whitman Cross, of the United States Geological Survey, who has made extensive explorations in the San Juan Mountains, relates that Trout Lake is regarded by the Indians as a sacred lake; that they will not camp near it, and call it a name which is rendered Spirit Lake. This sheet of water is designated as San Miguel Lake on the maps of Hayden’s Survey. It lies near the line of the Rio Grande Southern Railroad, at the head of the South Fork of San Miguel River. It has no island. A small lake, which accords more in appearance with the Navahoes’ description of their sacred lake, is Island Lake. This has a small, rocky island in the middle. It is situated on a branch of the South Fork of Mineral Creek, three miles southeast of Ophir, Colorado, at an altitude of 12,450 feet. Prof. A. H. Thompson has suggested that Silver Lake, about five miles southeasterly from Silverton, Colorado, may be the Place of Emergence. This lake is 11,600 feet above sea-level, and is surrounded by four high mountain peaks, but it has no island.

43. There's a small lake somewhere in the San Juan Mountains believed to be the route the people took from the fourth world to this one. According to the Indians, it's surrounded by steep cliffs and has a small island in the center, from which something that resembles the top of a ladder rises. Beyond the cliffs, there are four mountain peaks—one to the east, one to the south, one to the west, and one to the north of the lake—that are often mentioned in the songs and myths of the Navahoes. These Indians are afraid to visit the shores of this lake, but they climb the surrounding mountains to look at its waters from afar. The place is called Ha-dzi-naí, or Ni-ho-yos-tsá-tse, which can be translated as Place of Emergence, or Land Where They Came Up. The San Juan Mountains are full of little lakes. It’s unclear which of these the Navahoes consider their Place of Emergence, and it probably can only be determined by making a pilgrimage to the area with a group of Navahoes familiar with the location. Mr. Whitman Cross from the United States Geological Survey, who has done extensive explorations in the San Juan Mountains, states that Trout Lake is seen by the Indians as a sacred lake; they won’t camp near it and refer to it as Spirit Lake. This body of water is marked as San Miguel Lake on Hayden’s Survey maps. It’s located near the Rio Grande Southern Railroad, at the head of the South Fork of San Miguel River. It has no island. A smaller lake that seems to match the Navahoes’ description of their sacred lake is Island Lake. This lake has a small, rocky island in the middle. It’s situated on a branch of the South Fork of Mineral Creek, three miles southeast of Ophir, Colorado, at an elevation of 12,450 feet. Prof. A. H. Thompson has proposed that Silver Lake, about five miles southeast of Silverton, Colorado, might be the Place of Emergence. This lake is 11,600 feet above sea level and is surrounded by four tall mountain peaks, but it also has no island.

44. Version A.—Gánaskĭdi struck the cliffs with his wand. “Gong ê′” it sounded, and broke the cliffs open. Version B.—He of the darkness of the east cut the cliffs with his knife shaped like a horn.

44. Version A.—Gánaskĭdi hit the cliffs with his wand. “Gong ê′” it rang out, and split the cliffs apart. Version B.—He from the dark east sliced through the cliffs with his horn-shaped knife.

45. Version A.—They prayed to the four Winds,—the black Wind of the east, the blue Wind of the south, the yellow Wind of the west, and the white Wind of the north,—and they sang a wind-song which is still sung in the rite of hozóni hatál. Version B.—They prayed to the four Winds.

45. Version A.—They prayed to the four Winds—the black Wind from the east, the blue Wind from the south, the yellow Wind from the west, and the white Wind from the north—and they sang a wind song that's still sung in the ritual of hozóni hatál. Version B.—They prayed to the four Winds.

46. The Kisáni, being builders of stone houses, set up a stone wall; the others, representing the Navahoes, set up a shelter of brushwood, as is the custom of the Navahoes now.

46. The Kisáni, known for building stone houses, constructed a stone wall; the others, standing in for the Navajos, created a brushwood shelter, which is a tradition of the Navajos today.

47. Tsĭ-dĭ′l, or tsĭn-dĭ′l is a game played by the Navaho women. The principal implements of the game are three sticks, which are thrown violently, ends down, on a flat stone, around which the gamblers sit. The sticks rebound so well that they would fly far away, were not a blanket stretched overhead to throw them back to the players. A number of small stones, placed in the form of a square, are used as counters; these are not moved, but sticks, whose positions are changed according to the fortunes of the game, are placed between them. The rules of the game have not been recorded. The other games were: dilkón, played with two sticks, each the length of an arm; atsá, played with forked sticks and a ring; and aspĭ′n.

47. Tsĭ-dĭ′l, or tsĭn-dĭ′l, is a game played by Navajo women. The main tools used in the game are three sticks that are thrown forcefully, ends down, onto a flat stone, around which the players sit. The sticks bounce back so well that they would fly far away if it weren't for a blanket stretched overhead to bring them back to the players. A number of small stones arranged in a square are used as markers; these aren't moved, but sticks are placed between them, with their positions changed based on the game's outcome. The rules of the game haven't been documented. Other games included: dilkón, played with two sticks, each the length of an arm; atsá, played with forked sticks and a ring; and aspĭ′n.

48. Version A.—Coyote and Hastsézĭni were partners in the theft of the young of Tiéholtsodi. When Coyote saw the water rising, he pointed with his protruded lips (as Indians often do) to the water, and glanced significantly at his accomplice. First Man observed the glance, had his suspicions aroused, and began to search.

48. Version A.—Coyote and Hastsézĭni were partners in stealing the young of Tiéholtsodi. When Coyote saw the water rising, he pointed with his lips (like people often do) to the water and gave a knowing look to his partner. First Man noticed the look, became suspicious, and started to search.

49. Other variants of the story of the restoration of Tiéholtsodi’s young speak [220]of sacrifices and peace offerings in keeping with the Indian custom. Version A.—They got a haliotis shell of enormous size, so large that a man’s encircling arm could barely surround it. Into this they put other shells and many precious stones. They sprinkled pollen on the young and took some of it off again, for it had been rendered more holy by contact with the bodies of the young sea monsters. Then they put these also into the shell and laid all on the horns of Tiéholtsodi; at once he disappeared under the earth and the waters went down after him. The pollen taken from the young was distributed among the people, and brought them rain and game and much good fortune. Version B.—“At once they threw them (the young) down to their father, and with them a sacrifice of the treasures of the sea,—their shell ornaments. In an instant the waters began to rush down through the hole and away from the lower worlds.”

49. Other versions of the story about the revival of Tiéholtsodi’s young speak [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]of sacrifices and peace offerings in line with Indian traditions. Version A.—They obtained an enormous haliotis shell, so big that a person’s arms could barely wrap around it. Inside, they placed other shells and many precious stones. They sprinkled pollen on the young and then removed some of it, as it had become more sacred from touching the bodies of the young sea monsters. Then they added these as well into the shell and placed everything on the horns of Tiéholtsodi; immediately, he vanished beneath the earth and the waters receded after him. The pollen taken from the young was shared among the people, bringing them rain, game, and a lot of good fortune. Version B.—“Right away, they threw them (the young) down to their father, along with a sacrifice of treasures from the sea— their shell ornaments. In an instant, the waters began to rush down through the hole and away from the lower worlds.”

50. Some give the name of the hermaphrodite who died as Natliyilhátse, and say that “she” is now the chief of devils in the lower world,—perhaps the same as the Woman Chief referred to in the “Prayer of a Navaho Shaman.” 315 Version B says that the first to die was the wife of a great chief. (See note 68.)

50. Some refer to the hermaphrodite who passed away as Natliyilhátse, and claim that “she” is now the leader of demons in the underworld,—maybe the same as the Woman Chief mentioned in the “Prayer of a Navaho Shaman.” 315 Version B states that the first to die was the wife of a prominent chief. (See note 68.)

51. Version A describes the making of the sacred mountains thus: Soon after the arrival of the people in the fifth world (after the first sudatory had been built and the first corn planted), some one said: “It would be well if we had in this world such mountains as we had in the world below.” “I have brought them with me,” said First Man. He did not mean to say he had brought the whole of the mountains with him, but only a little earth from each, with which to start new mountains here. The people laid down four sacred buckskins18 and two sacred baskets5 for him to make his mountains on, for there were six sacred mountains in the lower world, just as there are six in this, and they were named the same there as they now are here. The mountain in the east, Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni, he made of clay from the mountain of the east below, mixed with white shell. The mountain of the south, Tsótsĭl, he made of earth from below mixed with turquoise. The mountain of the west he made of earth mixed with haliotis or abalone shell. The mountain of the north he made of earth mixed with cannel coal.158 Dsĭlnáotĭl he made of earth from the similar mountain in the lower world, mixed with goods of all kinds (yúdi althasaí). Tsolíhi he made of earth from below, mixed with shells and precious stones of all kinds (ĭnklĭ′z althasaí). While they were still on the buckskins and baskets, ten songs were sung which now belong to the rites of hozóni hatál. The burdens of these songs are as follows:—

51. Version A describes how the sacred mountains were created: Shortly after the people arrived in the fifth world (after the first steam house was built and the first corn was planted), someone said, “It would be great if we had mountains here like the ones we had below.” “I brought them with me,” said First Man. He didn’t mean he had brought the entire mountains, but just a bit of earth from each to start new mountains here. The people laid down four sacred buckskins18 and two sacred baskets5 for him to create his mountains on, since there were six sacred mountains in the lower world, just like there are six here, and they were named the same in both worlds. The mountain in the east, Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni, was made of clay from the eastern mountain below, mixed with white shell. The southern mountain, Tsótsĭl, was made of earth from below mixed with turquoise. The western mountain was made of earth mixed with haliotis or abalone shell. The northern mountain was created with earth mixed with cannel coal. Dsĭlnáotĭl was made of earth from a similar mountain in the lower world, mixed with various goods (yúdi althasaí). Tsolíhi was made of earth from below, mixed with shells and precious stones of all kinds (ĭnklĭ′z althasaí). While they were still on the buckskins and baskets, ten songs were sung that are now part of the rites of hozóni hatál. The themes of these songs are as follows:—

  • 1st. Long ago he thought of it.
  • 2d. Long ago he spoke of it.
  • 3d. A chief among mountains he brought up with him.
  • 4th. A chief among mountains he has made.
  • 5th. A chief among mountains is rising.
  • 6th. A chief among mountains is beginning to stand.
  • 7th. A chief among mountains stands up.
  • 8th. A cigarette for a chief among mountains we make.
  • 9th. A chief among mountains smokes.
  • 10th. A chief among mountains is satisfied.

When the people came up from the lower world they were under twelve chiefs, but only six of them joined in the singing these songs, and to-day six men sing them. When the mountains were made, the god of each of the four quarters of the world carried one away and placed it where it now stands. The other two were left in the middle of the world and are there still. A pair of gods were then put to live in each mountain, as follows: East, Dawn Boy and Dawn Girl, called also White Shell Boy and White Shell Girl; south, Turquoise Boy and Turquoise Girl; west, Twilight Boy and Haliotis Girl; north, Darkness (or Cannel Coal) [221]Boy and Darkness Girl: at Dsĭlnáotĭl, All-goods (Yúdi-althasaí) Boy and All-goods Girl; at Tsolíhi, All-jewels (Ĭnklĭ′z-althasaí) Boy and All-jewels Girl.

When the people came up from the lower world, they were led by twelve chiefs, but only six of them participated in singing these songs, and today six men sing them. When the mountains were formed, each god of the four directions took one mountain and placed it where it is now. The other two mountains were left in the center of the world and are still there. A pair of gods were then assigned to each mountain, as follows: East, Dawn Boy and Dawn Girl, also known as White Shell Boy and White Shell Girl; South, Turquoise Boy and Turquoise Girl; West, Twilight Boy and Haliotis Girl; North, Darkness (or Cannel Coal) Boy and Darkness Girl; at Dsĭl náo tīl, All-goods (Yúdi-althasaí) Boy and All-goods Girl; at Tsolíhi, All-jewels (Ĭnklĭ′z-althasaí) Boy and All-jewels Girl.

Version B speaks of the making of only four mountains, and very briefly of this.

Version B talks about the creation of just four mountains and does so very briefly.

52. Tsĭs-na-dzĭ′n-i is the name of the sacred mountain which the Navahoes regard as bounding their country on the east. It probably means Dark Horizontal Belt. The mountain is somewhere near the pueblo of Jemez, in Bernalillo County, New Mexico. It is probably Pelado Peak, 11,260 feet high, 20 miles N.N.E. of the pueblo. White shell and various other objects of white—the color of the east—belong to the mountain.

52. Tsĭs-na-dzĭ′n-i is the name of the sacred mountain that the Navajos see as marking the eastern boundary of their territory. It likely means Dark Horizontal Belt. The mountain is located near the pueblo of Jemez, in Bernalillo County, New Mexico. It’s probably Pelado Peak, which stands 11,260 feet high, 20 miles N.N.E. of the pueblo. White shell and various other white objects—the color associated with the east—are linked to the mountain.

53. Tseʻ-gá-dĭ-na-tĭ-ni A-si-ké (Rock Crystal Boy) and Tseʻ-gá-dĭ-na-tĭ-ni A-tét (Rock Crystal Girl) are the deities of Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni. They were brought up from the lower world as small images of stone; but as soon as they were put in the mountain they came to life.

53. Tseʻ-gá-dĭ-na-tĭ-ni A-si-ké (Rock Crystal Boy) and Tseʻ-gá-dĭ-na-tĭ-ni A-tét (Rock Crystal Girl) are the deities of Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni. They were raised from the underworld as small stone figures; but as soon as they were placed in the mountain, they came to life.

54. Tsó-tsĭl, or Tsóʻ-dsĭl, from tso, great, and dsĭl, a mountain, is the Navaho name of a peak 11,389 feet high in Valencia County, New Mexico. Its summit is over twelve miles distant, in a direct line, east by north, from McCarty’s Station on the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad. It is called by the Mexicans San Mateo, and was on September 18, 1849, named Mt. Taylor, “in honor of the President of the United States,” by Lieut. J. H. Simpson, U.S. Army.328 On the maps of the United States Geological Survey, the whole mountain mass is marked “San Mateo Mountains,” and the name “Mount Taylor” is reserved for the highest peak. This is one of the sacred mountains of the Navahoes, and is regarded by them as bounding their country on the south, although at the present day some of the tribe live south of the mountain. They say that San Mateo is the mountain of the south and San Francisco is the mountain of the west, yet the two peaks are nearly in the same latitude. One version of the Origin Legend (Version B) makes San Mateo the mountain of the east, but all other versions differ from this. Blue being the color of the south, turquoise and other blue things, as named in the myth, belong to this mountain. As blue also symbolizes the female, she-rain belongs to San Mateo. Plate III. is from a photograph taken somewhere in the neighborhood of Chavez Station, about thirty-five miles in a westerly direction from the summit of the mountain.

54. Tsó-tsĭl, or Tsóʻ-dsĭl, comes from tso, which means great, and dsĭl, meaning mountain. This is the Navajo name for a peak that rises 11,389 feet in Valencia County, New Mexico. Its summit is over twelve miles away in a straight line, east by north, from McCarty’s Station on the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad. The Mexicans call it San Mateo, and on September 18, 1849, it was named Mt. Taylor “in honor of the President of the United States” by Lieutenant J. H. Simpson of the U.S. Army.328 On U.S. Geological Survey maps, the entire mountain range is labeled “San Mateo Mountains,” while the name “Mount Taylor” refers to the highest peak. This mountain is one of the sacred peaks for the Navajo people, who consider it as marking the southern boundary of their land, although currently, some of the tribe live south of the mountain. They refer to San Mateo as the mountain of the south and San Francisco as the mountain of the west, despite the fact that both peaks are nearly at the same latitude. One version of the Origin Legend (Version B) identifies San Mateo as the mountain of the east, but all other versions contradict this. Blue represents the south; thus, turquoise and other blue items mentioned in the myth are associated with this mountain. Since blue also symbolizes the female, she-rain is linked to San Mateo. Plate III. is from a photograph taken somewhere near Chavez Station, about thirty-five miles west of the mountain’s summit.

55. Dot-lĭ′-zi Lá-i Na-yo-á-li A-si-ké, Boy Who Carries One Turquoise; Na-tá Lá-i Na-yo-á-li Atét, Girl Who Carries One (Grain of) Corn.

55. Dot-lĭ′-zi Lá-i Na-yo-á-li A-si-ké, Boy Who Carries One Teal; Na-tá Lá-i Na-yo-á-li Atét, Girl Who Carries One (Grain of) Corn.

56. Do-kos-líd or Do-ko-os-lĭ′d, is the Navaho name of San Francisco Mountain, one of the most prominent landmarks in Arizona. The summit of this peak is distant in a direct line about twelve miles nearly north from the town of Flagstaff, on the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad, in Yavapai County, Arizona. The precise meaning of the Indian name has not been ascertained, but the name seems to contain, modified, the words toʻ and kos, the former meaning water and the latter cloud. It is the sacred mountain of the Navahoes, which they regard as bounding their land on the west. The color of the west, yellow, and the various things, mostly yellow, which symbolize the west, as mentioned in the myth, are sacred to it. Haliotis shell, although highly iridescent, is regarded by the Navahoes as yellow, and hence is the shell sacred to the mountain. In Navaho sacred songs, the peak is called, figuratively, The Wand of Haliotis. Plate II. is from a photograph taken on the south side of the mountain, at a point close to the railroad, two or three miles east of Flagstaff.

56. Do-kos-líd or Do-ko-os-lĭ′d, is the Navajo name for San Francisco Mountain, one of the most notable landmarks in Arizona. The top of this peak is about twelve miles north in a straight line from the town of Flagstaff, located along the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad in Yavapai County, Arizona. The exact meaning of the Indian name hasn't been determined, but it seems to incorporate, in a modified form, the words toʻ and kos, with the former meaning water and the latter meaning cloud. This mountain is sacred to the Navajo, who see it as marking the western boundary of their land. The color associated with the west is yellow, along with various yellow items that symbolize the west, as mentioned in their myths, which are sacred to this mountain. Though Haliotis shell is highly iridescent, the Navajo consider it yellow, making it a sacred shell for the mountain. In sacred Navajo songs, the peak is metaphorically referred to as The Wand of Haliotis. Plate II. is from a photograph taken on the south side of the mountain, near the railroad, a couple of miles east of Flagstaff.

57. The name Na-tál-kai A-si-ké (White Corn Boy) is from natán (corn), lakaí (white), and asiké or ĭské (boy). The name Natáltsoi Atét (Yellow Corn Girl), comes from natán (corn), lĭtsói (yellow), and atét (girl). In paragraph 291 mention is made of the creation of a White Corn Boy and a Yellow Corn Girl. [222]It is not certain whether these are the same as the deities of Dokoslíd, but it is probable the Navahoes believe in more than one divine pair with these names.

57. The name Na-tál-kai A-si-ké (White Corn Boy) comes from natán (corn), lakaí (white), and asiké or ĭské (boy). The name Natáltsoi Atét (Yellow Corn Girl) is derived from natán (corn), lĭtsói (yellow), and atét (girl). In paragraph 291, there's a reference to the creation of a White Corn Boy and a Yellow Corn Girl. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] It's unclear if these are the same as the deities of Dokoslíd, but it's likely that the Navahoes believe in more than one divine pair with these names.

58. Depĕ′ntsa, the Navaho name for the San Juan Mountains in southwestern Colorado, is derived from two words,—depé (the Rocky Mountain sheep) and intsá (scattered all over, widely distributed). These mountains are said to bound the Navaho land on the north. Somewhere among them lies Níhoyostsátse, the Place of Emergence (note 43). Black being the color of the north, various black things, such as pászĭni (cannel coal),158 blackbirds, etc., belong to these mountains. There are many peaks in this range from 10,000 to 14,000 feet high.

58. Depĕ′ntsa, the Navaho name for the San Juan Mountains in southwestern Colorado, comes from two words—depé (Rocky Mountain sheep) and intsá (scattered everywhere, widely spread). These mountains are said to mark the northern boundary of Navaho land. Somewhere among them is Níhoyostsátse, the Place of Emergence (note 43). Black, representing the north, is associated with various black things like pászĭni (cannel coal), 158 blackbirds, and so on, which are connected to these mountains. The range features many peaks that rise between 10,000 and 14,000 feet high.

59. Tha-dĭ-tín A-si-ké (Pollen Boy), A-nil-tá-ni A-tét (Grasshopper Girl). In paragraphs 290, 291, these are referred to again. In a dry-painting of klédzi hatál, Grasshopper Girl is depicted in corn pollen.

59. Tha-ditin A-si-ké (Pollen Boy), A-nil-tá-ni A-tét (Grasshopper Girl). In paragraphs 290, 291, these are mentioned again. In a dry-painting of klédzi hatál, Grasshopper Girl is shown in corn pollen.

60. Dsĭl-ná-o-tĭl seems to mean a mountain encircled with blood, but the Navahoes declare that such is not the meaning. They say it means the mountain that has been encircled by people travelling around it, and that, when Estsánatlehi and her people lived there they moved their camp to various places around the base of the mountain. Of course this is all mythical. Had the author ever seen this mountain, he might conjecture the significance of the name; but he does not even know its location. The name of the Carrizo Mountains, Dsĭlnáodsĭl, meaning Mountain Surrounded with Mountains, is nearly the same; but when the writer visited the Carrizo Mountains in 1892 he was assured by the Indians that the sacred hill was not there. Dsĭlnáotĭl is rendered in this work Encircled Mountain, which is only an approximate translation. It is altogether a matter of conjecture why goods of all kinds—di althasaí (see note 61)—are thought to belong to this mountain.

60. Dsĭl-ná-o-tĭl seems to mean a mountain surrounded by blood, but the Navajo say that's not what it means. They explain it as the mountain that has been traveled around by people, and that when Estsánatlehi and her group lived there, they camped at different spots around the mountain's base. Of course, this is all mythical. Had the author ever seen this mountain, he might have guessed the meaning of the name; but he doesn't even know where it is. The name of the Carrizo Mountains, Dsĭl-náodsĭl, which means Mountain Surrounded by Mountains, is very similar; but when the writer visited the Carrizo Mountains in 1892, the Indians assured him that the sacred hill was not there. Dsĭl-náo-tĭl is referred to in this work as Encircled Mountain, which is just an approximate translation. It's purely a guess why items of all kinds—yúdi althasaí (see note 61)—are believed to belong to this mountain.

61. Yú-di Nai-dĭ-sĭ′s-i A-si-ké, Boy who Produces Goods, or causes the increase of goods; Yú-di Nai-dĭ-sĭ′s-i A-tét (Girl Who Produces Goods). Yódi or yúdi is here translated “goods.” It originally referred to furs, skins, textile fabrics, and such things as Indians bartered among themselves, except food and jewels. The term is now applied to nearly all the merchandise to be found in a trader’s store.

61. Yú-di Nai-dĭ-sĭ′s-i A-si-ké, Boy who Produces Goods, or causes the increase of goods; Yú-di Nai-dĭ-sĭ′s-i A-tét (Girl Who Produces Goods). Yódi or yúdi is here translated “goods.” It originally referred to furs, skins, textile fabrics, and items that Indigenous people exchanged among themselves, excluding food and jewelry. The term is now used to describe almost all the products found in a trader’s store.

62. Tso-lí-hi, or Tso-lín-i, is one of the seven sacred mountains of the Navaho country. Its location has not been determined, neither has the meaning of its name. Perhaps the name is derived from tsó, the spruce (Pseudotsuga taxifolia). We can only conjecture what relation the mountain may have to jewels.

62. Tso-lí-hi, or Tso-lín-i, is one of the seven sacred mountains of Navajo Country. Its exact location is still unknown, and the meaning of its name has not been established. It’s possible that the name comes from tso, the spruce (Pseudotsuga taxifolia). We can only guess what connection the mountain might have to jewels.

63. Tsoz-gá-li, a large yellow bird, species undetermined.

63. Tsoz-gá-li, a big yellow bird, species unknown.

64. Ĭn-klĭ′z Nai-di-sĭ′s-i A-si-ké (Boy Who Produces Jewels); Ĭn-klĭ′z Nai-dĭ-sĭ′s-i Atét (Girl who Produces Jewels). Ĭnklĭ′z means something hard and brittle. It is here translated “jewels” for want of a better term. It is not usually applied to finished jewels, but to the materials out of which the Navaho jewels are made, such as shells, turquoise in the rough, cannel coal, and other stones, many of which are of little value to us, but are considered precious by the Navahoes.

64. Ĭn-klĭ′z Nai-di-sĭ′s-i A-si-ké (Boy Who Produces Jewels); Ĭn-klĭ′z Nai-dĭ-sĭ′s-i Atét (Girl who Produces Jewels). Ĭnklĭ′z means something tough and fragile. It is here translated as “jewels” because there's no better term. It is not usually used for finished jewelry but for the materials that Navaho jewelry is made from, like shells, unrefined turquoise, cannel coal, and other stones that may not seem valuable to us but are considered precious by the Navahoes.

65. A-kĭ-da-nas-tá-ni, signifying One-round-thing-sitting-on-top-of-another, is the Navaho name of an eminence called on our maps Hosta Butte, which is situated in Bernalillo County, New Mexico, 14 miles N.N.E. of Chavez Station on the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad. This butte or mesa has an altitude of 8,837 feet. Being surrounded by hills much lower, it is a prominent landmark.

65. A-kĭ-da-nas-tá-ni, meaning One-round-thing-sitting-on-top-of-another, is the Navajo name for a hill known on our maps as Hosta Butte, located in Bernalillo County, New Mexico, 14 miles N.N.E. of Chavez Station on the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad. This butte or mesa has an elevation of 8,837 feet. Being surrounded by much lower hills, it stands out as a prominent landmark.

66. Tseʻ-ha-dá-ho-ni-ge, or mirage-stone, is so called because it is thought in some way to look like a mirage. The writer has seen pieces of this in the pollen bags of the medicine-men, but never could procure a piece of it. They offered to exchange for another piece, but would not sell. A stone (Chinese idol) which they pronounced similar was analyzed by the chemists of the United States Geological Survey in Washington, and found to be silicate of magnesia, probably pyrophyllite. [223]Such, perhaps, is the mirage-stone. The author offered the Chinese idol to one of the shamans in exchange for his mirage-stone; but, having heard that the stone image represented a Chinese god, the shaman feared to make the trade.

66. Tseʻ-ha-dá-ho-ni-ge, or mirage-stone, is named that because it seems to resemble a mirage in some way. The writer has seen pieces of this in the pollen bags of the medicine men, but could never get a piece for themselves. They were willing to trade for another piece but wouldn't sell. A stone (Chinese idol) that they said looked similar was analyzed by chemists from the United States Geological Survey in Washington, and it was found to be silicate of magnesia, probably pyrophyllite. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]That might be what the mirage-stone is. The author offered the Chinese idol to one of the shamans in exchange for his mirage-stone; however, after hearing that the stone image represented a Chinese god, the shaman was afraid to make the trade.

67. Tóʻ-la-nas-tsi is a mixture of all kinds of water, i.e., spring water, snow water, hail water, and water from the four quarters of the world. Such water Tóʻnenĭli is supposed to have carried in his jars. Water used to-day in some of the Navaho rites approximates this mixture as closely as possible.

67. Tóʻ-la-nas-tsi is a combination of different kinds of water, like spring water, melted snow, hail, and water from all four corners of the earth. This water, known as Tóʻnenĭli, is believed to have been carried in his jars. The water used today in some Navaho rituals closely resembles this mixture.

68. The subject of the dead belonging to the Sun and the Moon is explained at length in the version of Náltsos Nigéhani (Version B) thus: “On the fifth day (after the people came up to the surface of this world) the sun climbed as usual to the zenith and (then) stopped. The day grew hot and all longed for the night to come, but the sun moved not. Then the wise Coyote said: ‘The sun stops because he has not been paid for his work; he demands a human life for every day that he labors; he will not move again till some one dies.’ At length a woman, the wife of a great chief, ceased to breathe and grew cold, and while they all drew around in wonder, the sun was observed to move again, and he travelled down the sky and passed behind the western mountains.… That night the moon stopped in the zenith, as the sun had done during the day; and the Coyote told the people that the moon also demanded pay and would not move until it was given. He had scarcely spoken when the man who had seen the departed woman in the nether world died, and the moon, satisfied, journeyed to the west. Thus it is that some one must die every night, or the moon would not move across the sky. But the separation of the tribes occurred immediately after this, and now the moon takes his pay from among the alien races, while the sun demands the life of a Navaho as his fee for passing every day over the earth.”

68. The idea of the dead belonging to the Sun and the Moon is explained in detail in the version of Náltsos Nigéhani (Version B): “On the fifth day after people emerged to the surface of this world, the sun rose to its highest point and then stopped. The day became hot, and everyone eagerly awaited the night, but the sun didn’t move. Then the wise Coyote said, ‘The sun stops because it hasn’t been paid for its work; it demands a human life for every day it works; it won't move again until someone dies.’ Eventually, a woman, the wife of a great chief, stopped breathing and became cold, and while everyone gathered in amazement, the sun was seen to move again, traveling down the sky and disappearing behind the western mountains. That night, the moon stopped at the zenith, just like the sun had during the day; and the Coyote told the people that the moon also demanded payment and wouldn’t move until it received it. He had hardly finished speaking when the man who had seen the departed woman in the underworld died, and the moon, satisfied, moved westward. This is why someone must die every night, or the moon wouldn’t cross the sky. However, the separation of the tribes happened right after this, and now the moon takes its payment from among the foreign races, while the sun demands the life of a Navajo as its fee for crossing the earth each day.”

69. Many of the Indians tell that the world was originally small and was increased in size. The following is the version of Náltsos Nigéhani (B): “The mountains that bounded the world were not so far apart then as they are now; hence the world was smaller, and when the sun went over the earth he came nearer to the surface than he does now. So the first day the sun went on his journey it was intolerably hot; the people were almost burned to death, and they prayed to the four winds that each one would pull his mountain away from the centre of the earth, and thus widen the borders of the world. It was done as they desired, and the seas that bounded the land receded before the mountains. But on the second day, although the weather was milder, it was still too hot, and again were the mountains and seas removed. All this occurred again on the third day; but on the fourth day they found the weather pleasant, and they prayed no more for the earth to be changed.”

69. Many of the Native Americans say that the world used to be small and has grown in size. Here’s the version from Náltsos Nigéhani (B): “The mountains that enclosed the world weren't as far apart back then as they are now; so the world was smaller. When the sun moved across the earth, it was closer to the surface than it is now. On the first day of its journey, the sun was unbearably hot; people nearly burned to death, and they prayed to the four winds, asking each one to move their mountain away from the center of the earth to expand the world’s borders. Their wish was granted, and the seas surrounding the land receded before the mountains. But on the second day, even though it was cooler, it was still too hot, so the mountains and seas were moved again. This happened once more on the third day; but by the fourth day, they found the weather to be pleasant, and they stopped praying for changes to the earth.”

70. The story of the making of the stars is told in essentially the same way by many story-tellers. It is surprising that Hatáli Nĕz totally omitted it. The following is the tale as told by Náltsos Nigéhani: “Now First Man and First Woman thought it would be better if the sky had more lights, for there were times when the moon did not shine at night. So they gathered a number of fragments of sparkling mica of which to make stars, and First Man proceeded to lay out a plan of the heavens, on the ground. He put a little fragment in the north, where he wished to have the star that would never move, and he placed near it seven great pieces, which are the seven stars we behold in the north now. He put a great bright one in the south, another in the east, and a third in the west, and then went on to plan various constellations, when along came Coyote, who, seeing that three pieces were red, exclaimed, ‘These shall be my stars, and I will place them where I think best;’ so he put them in situations corresponding to places that three great red stars [224]now occupy among the celestial lights. Before First Man got through with his work, Coyote became impatient, and, saying, ‘Oh! they will do as they are,’ he hastily gathered the fragments of mica, threw them upwards, and blew a strong breath after them. Instantly they stuck to the sky. Those to which locations had been assigned adhered in their proper places; but the others were scattered at random and in formless clusters over the firmament.” See “A Part of the Navajo’s Mythology,” pp. 7, 8.306

70. The story of how the stars were created is told in pretty much the same way by many storytellers. It's surprising that Hatáli Nĕz completely skipped it. Here’s the tale as told by Náltsos Nigéhani: “First Man and First Woman thought it would be nice if the sky had more lights because there were nights when the moon didn’t shine. So they gathered some bits of sparkling mica to make stars, and First Man started to lay out a design for the heavens on the ground. He placed a small piece in the north, where he wanted the star that would never move, and nearby, he arranged seven large pieces, which are the seven stars we see in the north today. He put a big bright star in the south, another in the east, and a third in the west, and then he went on to create various constellations. Just then, Coyote showed up and noticed that three pieces were red. He claimed, ‘These will be my stars, and I’ll put them where I think is best,’ and he positioned them where three great red stars are now found among the celestial lights. Before First Man finished his work, Coyote grew impatient and, saying, ‘Oh! They’ll work just fine as they are,’ he quickly gathered the mica pieces, threw them up, and blew a strong breath after them. Immediately, they stuck to the sky. The ones that had been assigned locations stayed in their proper spots, while the others were scattered randomly in formless clusters across the sky.” See “A Part of the Navajo’s Mythology,” pp. 7, 8.306

71. The following are some of the destroyers who sprang from this blood:—

71. Here are some of the destroyers who came from this blood:—

  • Tseʻnagahi, Travelling Stone.
  • Tsĭndilhásitso, Great Wood That Bites.
  • Bĭtsóziyeadaʻaʻi,
  • nĭsdzol, Old Age Lying Down.
  • Tseʻtlahódĭll, Black Under Cliffs.
  • Tseʻtlahódotlĭ′z, Blue Under Cliffs.
  • Tséʻtlahaltsó, Yellow Under Cliffs
  • Tséʻtlahalkaí, White Under Cliffs.
  • Tseʻtlahóditsos, Sparkling Under Cliffs.
  • Tsadidahaltáli, Devouring Antelope.
  • Yeitsolapáhi, Brown Yéitso.
  • Lokáadikĭsi, Slashing Reeds.

“You see colors under the rocks, at the bottoms of the cliffs, and when you approach them some invisible enemy kills you. These are the same as the Tseʻtlayaltíʻ, or Those Who Talk Under the Cliffs.” Thus said Hatáli Nĕz when questioned.

“You see colors under the rocks, at the bottoms of the cliffs, and when you get close, some unseen enemy takes you out. These are the same as the Tseʻtlayaltíʻ, or Those Who Talk Under the Cliffs.” Thus said Hatalí Nĕz when questioned.

72. Kĭntyél or Kĭntyê′li.—This name (from kin, a stone or adobe house, a pueblo house, and tyel, broad) means simply Broad Pueblo,—one covering much ground. It is applied to at least two ruined pueblos in the Navaho country. One of these—the Pueblo Grande of the Mexicans, situated “twenty-two or twenty-three miles north of Navaho Springs,” a station on the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad, in Arizona—is well described and depicted by Mr. Victor Mindeleff in his “Study of Pueblo Architecture.”326 The other—the Kĭntyél to which reference is made in this story—is in the Chaco Canyon, in New Mexico. With its name spelled “Kintail,” and rendered “the Navajo name for ruin,” it is mentioned by Mr. F. T. Bickford,293 and one of his pictures, probably representing Kĭntyél, is here reproduced (fig. 36). In the Journal of American Folk-Lore, April-June, 1889, the author says: “I have reason to believe that this pueblo is identical with that seen and described in 1849 by Lieut. J. H. Simpson, U.S.A., under the name of Pueblo Chettro Kettle.”

72. Kĭntyél or Kĭntyê′li.—This name (from kin, a stone or adobe house, a pueblo house, and tyel, broad) simply means Broad Pueblo,—one that covers a lot of ground. It refers to at least two ruined pueblos in the Navajo region. One of these—the Pueblo Grande of the Mexicans, located “twenty-two or twenty-three miles north of Navajo Springs,” a station on the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad in Arizona— is well described and illustrated by Mr. Victor Mindeleff in his “Study of Pueblo Architecture.”326 The other—the Kĭntyél mentioned in this story—is in Chaco Canyon, New Mexico. Spelled “Kintail” and interpreted as “the Navajo name for ruin,” it is noted by Mr. F. T. Bickford,293 and one of his photos, likely showing Kĭntyél, is included here (fig. 36). In the Journal of American Folk-Lore, April-June, 1889, the author states: “I have reason to believe that this pueblo is the same one seen and described in 1849 by Lieut. J. H. Simpson, U.S.A., under the name of Pueblo Chettro Kettle.”

73. The name Has-tsé-yal-ti, spelled according to the alphabet of the Bureau of Ethnology “Qastcéyalçi” may be translated Talking God, or Talking Elder of the Gods. Hastséyalti is otherwise called Yébĭtsai, or the Maternal Grandfather of the Gods. He is a chief or leader among several groups of local divinities who are said to dwell at Kĭninaékai, in the Chelly Canyon, at Tsĕ′nitse, Tséʻhíhi, and at various other sacred places. Although called a talking god, the man who personates him in the rites never speaks while in character, but utters a peculiar whoop and makes signs. In the myths, however, the god is represented as speaking, usually after he has whooped and made signs. (Par. 472.) He is a beneficent character, always ready to help man and rescue him from peril. He is sometimes spoken of and prayed to as if there were but one, but the myths show that the Navahoes believe in many gods of this name, and in some prayers it is distinctly specified which one is meant by naming his home in connection with him. In plate I. he is shown, as represented in the dry-paintings, carrying a tobacco bag made of the skin of Abert’s squirrel (Sciurus aberti). In the picture the black [225]tips of toes, nose, and ears, and the reddish (chestnut) spot on the back of the squirrel, are carefully indicated. The dry-painting shows the more important characters of the mask worn by the personator,—the eagle-plumes at the back, the owl-feathers at the base of the plume-ornament, and the peculiar symbols at mouth and eyes,—but it does not show the cornstalk symbol over the nose. Fig. 27, taken from a photograph, shows the mask trimmed with its collar of fresh spruce boughs, as it appears when used in the dance of naakhaí on the last night of the ceremony of klédzi hatál. The personator of Hastséyalti has his whole person clothed, while the representatives of other gods go nearly naked. The proper covering for his back is a number of finely dressed deerskins, one over another, tied together in front by the skins of the legs; but of late years the masquerader often appears in an ordinary calico shirt. The symbol surrounding each of the holes for the eyes and mouth is this [symbol]. It is said to represent the storm cloud hanging above, and the mist rising from below to meet it. Thus cloud and mist often appear in the mountains of the Navaho land during the rainy season, Hastséyalti or the Yébĭtsai is the principal character in the great rite of klédzi hatál, or the night chant. Our people, who often go to witness the public performance of the last night in this rite, call it the Yébĭtsai (Yáybichy) dance. The songs and prayers in which Hastséyalti is mentioned are numerous. For the points in which fig. 2, plate I., agree with fig. 1, plate I., see note 74.

73. The name Has-tsé-yal-ti, which is spelled as “Qastcéyalçi” according to the Bureau of Ethnology's alphabet, translates to Talking God, or Talking Elder of the Gods. Hastséyalti is also referred to as Yébĭtsai, or the Maternal Grandfather of the Gods. He is a chief among several groups of local deities believed to reside at Kĭninaékai, in Chelly Canyon, at Tsĕ′nitse, Tséʻhíhi, and various other sacred sites. Though called a talking god, the person performing his role in the ceremonies never actually speaks; instead, he makes a distinctive whoop and gestures. In the myths, however, the god is depicted as speaking, usually following his whoop and signs. (Par. 472.) He is a benevolent figure, always willing to assist humans and save them from danger. Sometimes he is referred to and prayed to as if he were the only one, but the myths indicate that the Navahos believe in multiple gods with this name, and in some prayers, the specific god is identified by mentioning his home. In plate I., he is illustrated in the dry-paintings, carrying a tobacco bag made from the skin of Abert’s squirrel (Sciurus aberti). In the image, the black [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] tips of the toes, nose, and ears, along with the reddish (chestnut) patch on the squirrel's back, are carefully shown. The dry-painting highlights the key features of the mask worn by the performer—the eagle plumes at the back, the owl feathers at the base of the plume decoration, and the distinct symbols around the mouth and eyes—but it does not depict the cornstalk symbol above the nose. Fig. 27, taken from a photograph, displays the mask adorned with a collar of fresh spruce branches, as it appears during the naakhaí dance on the final night of the klédzi hatál ceremony. The person portraying Hastséyalti is fully clothed, while representatives of other gods are often mostly naked. The proper covering for his back consists of several finely tanned deer hides layered one over the other, secured at the front with the skins of their legs; however, in recent years, the performer sometimes wears a regular calico shirt. The symbol surrounding each of the eye and mouth holes is this [symbol]. It is said to represent the storm cloud above and the mist rising from below to meet it. Thus, clouds and mist frequently appear in the mountains of Navaho land during the rainy season. Hastséyalti, or Yébĭtsai, is the main figure in the important rite of klédzi hatál, or the night chant. Our people, who often attend the public performance on the last night of this rite, call it the Yébĭtsai (Yáybichy) dance. There are many songs and prayers that mention Hastséyalti. For the points where fig. 2, plate I., matches with fig. 1, plate I., see note 74.

74. Has-tsé-ho-gan, spelled with alphabet of Bureau of Ethnology, Qastcéqogan, may be freely translated House God. Hastséhogan is one of the leading personages in each of the local groups of the yéi, or divine beings, who dwell in caves and old cliff-dwellings. He is commonly spoken of as if there were but one; but an examination of the myths shows that the Navahoes believe in many of these gods. Those of Tseʻgíhi, Tséʻnihogan, Tséʻnitse, Kininaékai, and the sacred mountains are the ones most commonly worshipped. In most myths he appears as second in authority to Hastséyalti, the Talking God, but occasionally he is represented as equal or even superior to the latter. He is a farm god as well as a house god. To him are attributed the farm-songs sung during the night chant (see note 322), and many other songs. He is a beneficent character and a friend to man. There are many songs and prayers in his honor. In the rite of klédzi hatál, or the night chant, he is represented in the dance by a man wearing a collar of spruce, a blue mask decorated with eagle-plumes and moccasins, with shirt and leggings, which should be (but of late years are not always) of buckskin. He is depicted in the dry-paintings thus (see plate I., fig. 1): He wears a black shirt ornamented with four star-like ornaments embroidered in porcupine quills, and having a fancy fringe of porcupine quills at the bottom; white buckskin leggings; colored garters; quill-embroidered moccasins, tied on with white strings; long ear-pendants of turquoise and coral; bracelets of the same; an otter-skin (hanging below the right ear), from which depend six buckskin strings with colored porcupine quills wrapped around them; a cap-like (male) mask painted blue, fringed with red hair, and adorned with eagle-plumes and owl-feathers. He carries a staff (gĭs) painted black (with the charcoal of four sacred plants), streaked transversely with white, and adorned with a single cluster of turkey tail-feathers arranged as a whorl, and two eagle plumes, which, like the plumes on the head, are tipped with small, downy eagle-feathers. The yellow stripe at the chin indicates a similar stripe on the mask actually worn, and symbolizes the yellow light of evening (nahotsóí). The neck of this as well as the other divine figures is painted blue, and crossed with four stripes in red. Some say that this indicates the larynx with its cartilaginous rings; others say that it represents the collar of spruce-twigs; others are uncertain of its meaning. If it does not represent the spruce collars, it represents nothing in the costume of [226]the masquerader, which, in other respects, except the quill embroideries, agrees closely with the picture, Hastséyalti is also a dawn god, Hastséhogan a god of evening.

74. Has-té-hógan, written with the Bureau of Ethnology's alphabet, translates to House God. Has-téhógan is one of the key figures in each local group of the yéi, or divine beings, who live in caves and ancient cliff-dwellings. Typically, he is referred to as if there is only one, but looking at the myths reveals that the Navahoes believe in many of these gods. The ones most commonly worshipped include those of Tseʻgíhi, Tséʻnihogan, Tséʻnitse, Kininaékai, and the sacred mountains. In most myths, he ranks second in authority to Hastéyalti, the Talking God, but sometimes he is depicted as equal to or even greater than him. He is both a farm god and a house god. He is credited with the farm songs sung during the night chant (see note 322), along with many other songs. He is a positive figure and a friend to humanity. Numerous songs and prayers are offered in his honor. In the ritual of klédzi hatáal, or the night chant, he is represented in the dance by a man dressed with a collar of spruce, a blue mask decorated with eagle plumes, and moccasins, wearing a shirt and leggings that should be (but in recent years are not always) made of buckskin. In the dry paintings, he is depicted as follows (see plate I., fig. 1): He wears a black shirt adorned with four star-like designs embroidered with porcupine quills, featuring a fancy fringe of porcupine quills at the bottom; white buckskin leggings; colored garters; quill-embroidered moccasins tied with white strings; long ear pendants made of turquoise and coral; matching bracelets; an otter skin hanging below the right ear, from which six buckskin strings with colored porcupine quills are wrapped; and a cap-like (male) mask painted blue, fringed with red hair, embellished with eagle plumes and owl feathers. He carries a staff (gĭs) painted black (using charcoal from four sacred plants), streaked with white across, and decorated with a cluster of turkey tail feathers arranged like a whorl and two eagle plumes, which, like the plumes on his head, are tipped with small, downy eagle feathers. The yellow stripe at the chin corresponds to a similar stripe on the mask worn, symbolizing the evening light (naotsóí). The neck of this and the other divine figures is painted blue, crossed with four red stripes. Some interpret this as indicating the larynx with its cartilaginous rings; others suggest it represents the collar of spruce twigs; and some are uncertain of its significance. If it does not signify the spruce collars, it is meaningless in the costume of [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]the mask wearer, which aligns closely with the picture, except for the quill embroideries. Hastéyalti is also a dawn god, while Has-téhógan is an evening god.

75. In the Navaho tales, men frequently receive friendly warnings or advice from wind gods who whisper into their ears. Some story-tellers—as in the version of the origin myth here given—speak of one wind god only, whom they call simply Nĭ′ltsi (Wind); while others—as in the story of Natĭ′nĕsthani—speak of Nĭ′ltsi-dĭnéʻ (Wind People) and Nĭltsiázi-dĭnéʻ (Little Wind People) as the friendly prompters.

75. In Navajo stories, men often get friendly warnings or advice from wind gods who whisper in their ears. Some storytellers—like in the version of the origin myth given here—talk about one wind god only, whom they simply call Nĭ′ltsi (Wind); while others—as in the story of Naĭ′nĕsthanî—refer to Nĭ′ltsi-dĭnéʻ (Wind People) and Nĭltsiázi-dĭnéʻ (Little Wind People) as the friendly helpers.

76. The game of nánzoz, as played by the Navahoes, is much the same as the game of chungkee played by the Mandans, described and depicted by Catlin in his “North American Indians,”296 vol. i., page 132, plate 59. A hoop is rolled along the ground and long poles are thrown after it. The Mandan pole was made of a single piece of wood. The pole of the Navahoes is made of two pieces, usually alder, each a natural fathom long; the pieces overlap and are bound together by a long branching strap of hide called thágibĭke, or turkey-claw.

76. The game of nánzoz, played by the Navajo, is very similar to the game of chungkee played by the Mandan, as described and illustrated by Catlin in his “North American Indians,”296 vol. i., page 132, plate 59. A hoop is rolled on the ground, and long poles are thrown after it. The Mandan pole was crafted from a single piece of wood. The Navajo pole is made from two pieces, usually alder, each a natural fathom long; the pieces overlap and are secured together by a long, branching strap of hide called thágibĭke, or turkey-claw.

77. These shells may not be altogether mythical. Possibly they are the same as those described in the story of “The Great Shell of Kĭntyél” given in this book.

77. These shells might not be purely fictional. They could be the same ones mentioned in the tale of “The Great Shell of Kĭntyél” found in this book.

78. Vague descriptions only of Bé-ko-tsĭ-di so far have been obtained. He is not represented by any masked characters in the ceremonies, or by any picture in the dry-paintings. No description of his appearance has been recorded, except that he looks like an old man. There is a myth concerning him of which a brief epitome has been recorded. There are four songs of sequence connected with this myth. If a Navaho wants a fine horse, he thinks he may get it by singing the second and third of these songs and praying to Békotsĭdi. In his prayer he specifies the color and appearance of the horse desired. Some say that Békotsĭdi made all the animals whose creation is not otherwise accounted for in the myths. Others say that he and the Sun made the animals together. Others, again, limit his creation work to the larger game animals and the modern domestic animals. In this paragraph (228) it is said he is the god who carries the moon, while in paragraph 199 it is said the moon-bearer is Kléhanoai. Perhaps these are two names for one character. Some say he is the same as the God of the Americans.

78. So far, we have only vague descriptions of Bé-ko-tsĭ-di. He isn't represented by any masked characters in ceremonies or by any images in the dry-paintings. There's no recorded description of his appearance, aside from the fact that he looks like an old man. There is a myth about him that has been briefly summarized. There are four interconnected songs associated with this myth. If a Navajo wants a good horse, they believe they can get it by singing the second and third of these songs and praying to Békotsĭdi. In their prayer, they specify the desired horse's color and appearance. Some say that Békotsĭdi created all the animals whose creation isn't explained in other myths. Others say that he and the Sun created the animals together. Some even limit his creation work to larger game animals and modern domestic animals. In this paragraph (228), it states that he is the god who carries the moon, while in paragraph 199, it states that the moon-bearer is Kléhanoai. These might be two names for the same being. Some say he is the same as the God of the Americans.

79. Bayeta, Spanish for baize. The variety of baize which finds its way into the Navaho country is dyed some shade of crimson, and has a very long nap. It is supposed to be made in England especially for the Spanish-American trade, for each original bale bears a gaudy colored label with an inscription in Spanish. It takes the place in the Southwest of the scarlet strouding which used to form such an important article in the trade of our northern tribes. The bright red figures in the finer Navaho blankets, fifteen years or more ago, were all made of threads of ravelled bayeta.

79. Blanket, which means baize in Spanish. The type of baize that ends up in Navaho country is dyed in various shades of crimson and has a very long nap. It's believed to be made in England specifically for the Spanish-American trade, as each original bale comes with a brightly colored label that has an inscription in Spanish. It replaces the scarlet strouding that used to be a significant item in the trade among our northern tribes. The bright red patterns found in finer Navaho blankets from more than fifteen years ago were all made from threads of ravelled bayeta.

80. The coyote, or prairie-wolf (Canis latrans), would seem to be regarded by the Navahoes as the type, or standard for comparison, among the wild Canidæ of the Southwest. The coyote is called mai; the great wolf, maítso, which means great coyote; and the kit fox (Vulpes velox) is called maidotlĭ′z, which means blue or gray coyote.

80. The coyote, or prairie wolf (Canis latrans), seems to be considered by the Navajos as the benchmark for comparing the wild Canidæ of the Southwest. The coyote is called mai; the great wolf is named maítso, which means great coyote; and the kit fox (Vulpes velox) is referred to as maidotlĭ′z, meaning blue or gray coyote.

81. Some versions say there were twelve brothers and one sister in this divine family, making thirteen in all. In this version the narrator tells how another brother was created by Estsánatlehi to make up for the loss of Léyaneyani, who left the brotherhood. (Par. 417.) Although called Dĭnéʻ Nakidáta, or the Twelve People, these brothers are evidently divinities. True, they once died; but they came to life again and are now immortal. They are gifted with superhuman powers.

81. Some versions say there were twelve brothers and one sister in this divine family, making a total of thirteen. In this version, the narrator explains how another brother was created by Estsánatlehi to replace Léyaneyani, who left the brotherhood. (Par. 417.) Although referred to as Dĭnéʻ Nakidáta, or the Twelve People, these brothers are clearly deities. It's true they once died, but they came back to life and are now immortal. They possess superhuman abilities.

82. The sweat-house of the Navahoes (par. 25, fig. 15) is usually not more than [227]three feet high. Diaphoresis is produced on the principle of the Turkish (not the Russian) bath. While the Indians of the North pour water on the hot stones and give a steam bath, the Navahoes simply place stones, heated in a fire outside, on the floor of the sweat-house, cover the entrance with blankets, and thus raise a high heat that produces violent perspiration. When the occupant comes out, if the bath is not ceremonial, he rolls himself in the sand, and, when his skin is thus dried, he brushes the sand away. He usually returns then to the sweat-house, and may repeat the operation several times in a single afternoon. If the sweat is ceremonial, the bath of yucca suds usually follows (see note 10), and the subject is dried with corn meal.

82. The sweat house of the Navajos (par. 25, fig. 15) is typically no more than [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]three feet tall. Sweating occurs based on the same idea as a Turkish bath (not the Russian bath). While the northern tribes pour water on hot stones to create steam, the Navajos simply put stones that have been heated in a fire outside onto the floor of the sweat house, cover the entrance with blankets, and this generates intense heat that causes heavy sweating. When someone comes out, if the bath isn’t for a ceremony, they roll in the sand, and once their skin is dry, they brush the sand off. They usually go back to the sweat house and might repeat the process multiple times in an afternoon. If the sweat is part of a ceremony, they typically follow it with a bath of yucca suds (see note 10), and then they dry off with cornmeal.

Fig. 38. Natural bridge, near Fort Defiance, Arizona.

Fig. 38. Natural bridge, near Fort Defiance, Arizona.

Fig. 38. Natural bridge, close to Fort Defiance, Arizona.

83. One version relates that, before they entered the sudatory, Coyote proposed they should produce emesis by tickling their throats,—a common practice among the Navahoes. He placed a large piece of pine bark before each, as a dish, and bade Yélapahi keep his eyes shut till he was told to open them. That day Coyote had fared poorly. He had found nothing to eat but a few bugs and worms, while Yélapahi had dined heartily on fat venison. When the emesis was over, Coyote exchanged the bark dishes and said to Yélapahi: “Open your eyes and see what bad things you have had in your stomach. These are the things that make you sick.” The giant opened his eyes and beheld on the bark a lot of bugs and worms. “It is true, my friend, what you tell me,” he said. “How did I get such vile things into me? No wonder I could not run fast.” Coyote then told the giant to go before him into the sudatory, and when the giant had turned his back the hungry Coyote promptly devoured the contents of the other dish of bark.

83. One version says that, before they went into the steam room, Coyote suggested they make themselves throw up by tickling their throats—a common practice among the Navajo. He set a large piece of pine bark in front of each of them as a dish and told Yélapahi to keep his eyes closed until he said to open them. That day, Coyote hadn’t had much luck. He’d only found a few bugs and worms to eat, while Yélapahi had feasted on rich venison. After they threw up, Coyote switched the bark dishes and said to Yélapahi: “Open your eyes and see what nasty things are in your stomach. These are what made you sick.” The giant opened his eyes and saw a bunch of bugs and worms on the bark. “It’s true, my friend, what you say,” he replied. “How did I get such disgusting things in me? No wonder I couldn’t run fast.” Coyote then told the giant to go ahead into the steam room, and as he turned his back, the hungry Coyote quickly devoured the contents of the other dish of bark.

84. The word tóhe (Englished thóhay), which may be interpreted stand, stick, or stay, is, in various rites, shouted in an authoritative tone when it is desired that some object shall obey the will of the conjurer. Thus in the dance of the standing arcs, as practised in the rite of the mountain chant, when an arc is placed on the head of a performer, and it is intended that it should stand without [228]apparent means of support, the cry “tóhe” is frequently repeated. (See “The Mountain Chant,”314 p. 437.)

84. The word tóhe (translated as thóhay) can mean stand, stick, or stay. In various ceremonies, it is shouted assertively when the conjurer wants an object to follow their command. For example, during the dance of the standing arcs in the mountain chant ritual, when an arc is placed on a performer's head and the goal is for it to remain balanced without [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] visible support, the shout “tóhe” is often repeated. (See “The Mountain Chant,” 314 p. 437.)

85. The statement that the hair of the gods, both friendly and alien, is yellow, is made in other tales also. The hair of the ceremonial masks is reddish or yellowish. (See plates IV. and VII.) The hair of the gods is represented by red in the dry-pictures. Dull tints of red are often called yellow by the Navahoes. Various conjectures may be made to account for these facts.

85. The idea that the hair of both friendly and hostile gods is yellow appears in other stories as well. The hair on the ceremonial masks is reddish or yellowish. (See plates IV. and VII.) The hair of the gods is depicted as red in the dry-pictures. The Navahoes often refer to dull shades of red as yellow. There could be various theories to explain these observations.

86. The bridge of rainbow, as well as the trail of rainbow, is frequently introduced into Navaho tales. The Navaho land abounds in deep chasms and canyons, and the divine ones, in their wanderings, are said to bridge the canyons by producing rainbows. In the myth of “The Mountain Chant,” p. 399 (note 314), the god Hastséyalti is represented as making a rainbow bridge for the hero to walk on. The hero steps on the bow, but sinks in it because the bow is soft; then the god blows a breath that hardens the bow, and the man walks on it with ease. A natural bridge near Fort Defiance, Arizona, is thought by the Navahoes to have been originally one of the rainbow bridges of Hastséyalti (See fig. 38.)

86. The rainbow bridge and the rainbow trail often appear in Navajo stories. The Navajo land is full of deep canyons, and it’s said that the divine beings create rainbows to span these canyons as they travel. In the myth of “The Mountain Chant,” p. 399 (note 314), the god Hastséyalti is depicted as creating a rainbow bridge for the hero to cross. The hero steps onto the bow, but he sinks into it because it’s soft; then the god breathes on the bow to harden it, allowing the man to walk on it easily. A natural bridge near Fort Defiance, Arizona, is believed by the Navajos to have originally been one of the rainbow bridges of Hastséyalti (See fig. 38.)

Fig. 39. Yucca baccata.

Fig. 39. Yucca baccata.

Fig. 39. Yucca baccata.

87. The spiders of Arizona are largely of the classes that live in the ground, including trap-door spiders, tarantulas, etc.

87. The spiders in Arizona mostly belong to the types that live underground, including trapdoor spiders, tarantulas, and others.

Fig. 40. Drumstick made of Yucca leaves.

Fig. 40. Drumstick made of Yucca leaves.

Fig. 40. Drumstick made from yucca leaves.

88. This legend and nearly all the legends of the Navaho make frequent allusions to yucca. Four kinds are mentioned: 1st, tsási or haskán. Yucca baccata [229](Torrey); 2d, tsasitsóz, or slender yucca, Yucca glauca (Nuttall), Yucca angustifolia (Pursh); 3d, yĕbĭtsasi, or yucca of the gods, probably Yucca radiosa (Trelease), Yucca elata (Engelmann); 4th, tsasibĭté or horned yucca, which seems to be but a stunted form or dwarf variety of Yucca baccata, never seen in bloom or in fruit by the author. Tsási is used as a generic name. All kinds are employed in the rites, sometimes indifferently; at other times only a certain species may be used. Thus in the sacred game of kĕsĭtsé,176 the counters are made of the leaves of Y. glauca; in the initiation into the mystery of the Yébĭtsai, the candidate is flogged with the leaf of Y. baccata. Fig. 26 represents a mask used in the rites of klédzi hatál, which must be made only of the leaves of Y. baccata, culled with many singular observances. All these yuccas have saponine in their roots (which are known as tálawus or foam), and all are used for cleansing purposes. All have, in their leaves, long tough fibres which are utilized for all the purposes to which such fibres may be applied. One species only, Yucca baccata, has an edible fruit. This is called haskán (from hos, thorny, and kan, sweet), a name sometimes applied to the whole plant. The fruit is eaten raw and made into a tough, dense jelly, both by the Navaho and Pueblo Indians. The first and second kinds grow abundantly in the Navaho country; the third and fourth kinds are rarer. Fig. 40 represents a drumstick used in the rites of klédzi hatál, which must be made only of four leaves of Yucca baccata. The intricate observances connected with the manufacture, use, destruction, and sacrifice of this drumstick have already been described by the author.321

88. This legend and almost all the legends of the Navajo frequently reference yucca. Four types are mentioned: 1st, tsási or haskán. Yucca baccata [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__](Torrey); 2nd, tsasitsóz, or slender yucca, Yucca glauca (Nuttall), Yucca angustifolia (Pursh); 3rd, yĕbĭtsasi, or yucca of the gods, probably Yucca radiosa (Trelease), Yucca elata (Engelmann); 4th, tsasibĭté or horned yucca, which appears to be just a stunted or dwarf version of Yucca baccata, never seen in bloom or bearing fruit by the author. Tsási is used as a general term. All types are used in rituals, sometimes interchangeably; at other times, only a specific species may be chosen. For example, in the sacred game of kĕsĭtsé,176 the counters are made from the leaves of Y. glauca; during the initiation into the Yébĭtsai mystery, the candidate is whipped with the leaf of Y. baccata. Fig. 26 represents a mask used in the klédzi hatál rituals, which must be made solely from the leaves of Y. baccata, gathered with many specific rituals. All these yuccas have saponin in their roots (known as tálawus or foam), and all are used for cleansing. They also have long, tough fibers in their leaves, which are utilized for various purposes. Only one species, Yucca baccata, has an edible fruit. This is called haskán (derived from hos, thorny, and kan, sweet), a name sometimes used for the whole plant. The fruit is eaten raw and made into a tough, dense jelly by both the Navajo and Pueblo Indians. The first and second types grow abundantly in Navajo country; the third and fourth types are rarer. Fig. 40 represents a drumstick used in the klédzi hatál rituals, which must be made from four leaves of Yucca baccata. The intricate practices related to making, using, destroying, and sacrificing this drumstick have already been detailed by the author.321

89. The cane cactus is Opuntia arborescens (Engelm.).

The cane cactus is Opuntia arborescens.

90. Tsiké Sas Nátlehi means literally Young Woman Who Changes to a Bear, or Maid Who Becomes a Bear. To judge from this tale, it might be thought that there was but one such character in the Navaho mythology and that she had died. But it appears from other legends and from rituals that the Navahoes believe in several such maidens, some of whom exist to this day. The hill of Tsúskai (note 9) is said in the myth of dsĭlyĭ′dze hatál to be the home of several of the Tsiké Sas Nátlehi now. It would seem from the songs of dsĭlyĭ′dze hatál that the Maid Who Becomes a Bear of later days is not considered as malevolent as the first of her kind. Her succor is sought by the sick.

90. Tsiké Sas Nátlehi literally means Young Woman Who Turns Into a Bear, or Woman Who Becomes a Bear. From this story, one might think there was only one such figure in Navaho mythology and that she had passed away. However, other legends and rituals suggest that the Navahoes believe in multiple maidens like her, some of whom are still around today. The hill of Tsúskai (note 9) is said in the myth of dsĭlyĭ′dze hatál to be the home of several Tsiké Sas Nátlehi now. Songs about dsĭlyĭ′dze hatál indicate that the later Maid Who Becomes a Bear is not seen as evil as the original. The sick seek her help.

91. See par. 26. From the language of this story, the conclusion may be drawn that death is not the only thing that renders a house haunted or evil but that, if great misfortune has entered there, it is also to be avoided.

91. See par. 26. From the language of this story, we can conclude that death isn't the only thing that can make a house haunted or sinister; if serious misfortune has struck there, it should also be avoided.

92. This remark must refer only to the particular group whose story is traced. According to the legend, other bands of Dĭnéʻ who had escaped the fury of the alien gods, existed at this time, and when they afterwards joined the Navahoes [230]they were known as dĭnéʻ dĭgíni (holy or mystic people). (See pars. 385 and 387.)

92. This remark refers only to the specific group whose story is being told. According to the legend, there were other groups of Dĭnéʻ who had escaped the wrath of the foreign gods at that time, and when they later joined the Navahoes [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__], they were called dĭnéʻ dĭgíni (holy or mystical people). (See pars. 385 and 387.)

93. The gods, and such men as they favor, are represented in the tales as making rapid and easy journeys on rainbows, sunbeams, and streaks of lightning. Such miraculous paths are called etĭ′n dĭgíni, or holy trails. They are also represented as using sunbeams like rafts to float through the air.

93. The gods, along with the people they favor, are depicted in the stories as making quick and easy trips on rainbows, sunbeams, and flashes of lightning. These miraculous paths are called etĭ′n dĭgíni, or holy trails. They are also shown using sunbeams like rafts to glide through the air.

94. Compare this account with the creation of First Man and First Woman. (Pars. 162164.)

94. Compare this version with the creation of First Man and First Woman. (Pars. 162164.)

95. Es-tsá-na-tle-hi (par. 72) is never represented in the rites by a masquerader, and never depicted in the sand-paintings, as far as the author has been able to learn. Other versions of the legend account for her creation in other ways. Version A.—First Man and First Woman stayed at Dsĭlnáotĭl and camped in various places around the mountain. One day a black cloud descended on the mountain of Tsolíhi, and remained there four days. First Man said: “Surely something has happened from this; let some one go over there and see.” First Woman went. She approached the mountain from the east, and wound four times around it in ascending it. On the top she found a female infant, who was the daughter of the Earth Mother (Naestsán, the Woman Horizontal) and the Sky Father (Yádĭll, the Upper Darkness). She picked up the child, who till that moment had been silent; but as soon as she was lifted she began to cry, and never ceased crying until she got home to Dsĭlnáotĭl. Salt Woman said she wanted the child. It is thought the sun fed the infant on pollen, for there was no one to nurse it. In twelve days she grew to be a big girl, and in eighteen days she became a woman, and they held the nubile ceremony over her. Twelve songs belong to this ceremony. Version B only says that First Woman found the infant lying on the ground and took it home to rear it. (See “Some Deities and Demons of the Navajos,”313 pp. 844, 846.)

95. Es-tsá-na-tle-hi (par. 72) is never portrayed in the ceremonies by a performer, and never shown in the sand paintings, as far as the author knows. Other versions of the legend explain her creation in different ways. Version A.—First Man and First Woman stayed at Dsĭlnáotĭl and camped in various spots around the mountain. One day, a black cloud settled on the mountain of Tsolíhi, and lingered there for four days. First Man said, “Surely something has happened because of this; let someone go over there and check.” First Woman went. She approached the mountain from the east and circled it four times while climbing. At the top, she found a female infant, who was the daughter of Earth Mother (Naestsán, the Woman Horizontal) and Sky Father (Yádĭll, the Upper Darkness). She picked up the child, who had been silent until that moment; but as soon as she was lifted, she started to cry, and didn’t stop until they got home to Dsĭlnáotĭl. Salt Woman said she wanted the child. It is believed that the sun nourished the infant with pollen since there was no one to nurse her. In twelve days, she grew into a big girl, and by eighteen days, she became a woman, leading to her nubile ceremony. Twelve songs are associated with this ceremony. Version B simply states that First Woman found the infant lying on the ground and took her home to raise. (See “Some Deities and Demons of the Navajos,”313 pp. 844, 846.)

96. Yol-kaí Es-tsán signifies White Shell Woman. Yolkaí is derived by syncope from yo (a bead, or the shell from which a bead is made) and lakaí (white). Estsán means woman. As far as known, she is not represented by a character in any of the ceremonies, and not depicted in the dry-paintings.

96. Yol-kaí Es-tsán means White Shell Woman. Yolkaí comes from shortening yo (a bead, or the shell that makes a bead) and lakaí (white). Estsán means woman. To the best of our knowledge, she doesn’t appear as a character in any ceremonies and isn’t shown in the dry-paintings.

97. Note omitted.

97. Note missing.

98. Tóʻ-ne-nĭ-li or Tó-ne-nĭ-li, Water Sprinkler, is an important character in Navaho mythology. He is a rain-god. In the dry-paintings of the Navaho rites he is shown as wearing a blue mask bordered with red, and trimmed on top with life-feathers. Sometimes he is represented carrying a water-pot. In the rite of klédzi hatál, during the public dance of the last night, he is represented by a masked man who enacts the part of a clown. While other masked men are dancing, this clown performs various antics according to his caprice. He walks along the line of dancers, gets in their way, dances out of order and out of time, peers foolishly at different persons, or sits on the ground, his hands clasped across his knees, his body rocking to and fro. At times he joins regularly in the dance; toward the close of a figure, and when the others have retired, pretending he is unaware of their departure, he remains, going through his steps. Then, feigning to suddenly discover the absence of the dancers, he follows them on a full run. Sometimes he carries a fox-skin, drops it on the ground, walks away as if unconscious of his loss; then, pretending to become aware of his loss, he turns around and acts as if searching anxiously for the skin, which lies plainly in sight. He screens his eyes with his hand and crouches low to look. Then, pretending to find the skin, he jumps on it and beats it as if it were a live animal that he seeks to kill. Next he shoulders and carries it as if it were a heavy burden. With such antics the personator of Tóʻnenĭli assists in varying the monotony of the long night’s performance. Though shown as a fool in the rites, he is not so shown in the myths. [231]

98. Tóʻne-nĭ-li or Tó-ne-nĭ-li, the Water Sprinkler, is a key figure in Navajo mythology. He is a rain god. In the dry paintings used in Navajo ceremonies, he appears wearing a blue mask outlined in red, with life-feathers adorning the top. Sometimes, he’s depicted holding a water pot. During the klédzi hatál ceremony, on the final night’s public dance, he’s represented by a masked man playing a clown. While other masked dancers entertain, this clown performs various silly antics on a whim. He walks along the line of dancers, gets in their way, dances out of sync, makes foolish faces at people, or sits on the ground with his hands clasped over his knees, rocking back and forth. Occasionally, he joins in the dance; at the end of a segment, when the others have stepped away, pretending he hasn’t noticed their departure, he continues on, going through his moves. Then, acting surprised by the absence of the dancers, he rushes after them. Sometimes he carries a fox skin, drops it casually, and walks off as if he doesn’t realize he lost it; then, pretending to notice the loss, he turns around and starts searching desperately for the skin, which is clearly visible. He squints with his hand over his eyes and crouches low to look. Then, acting like he’s found the skin, he jumps on it and pretends to beat it as if it were a living animal he’s trying to kill. Next, he hoists it onto his shoulder, carrying it as if it were a heavy load. Through these antics, the performer of Tóʻne-nĭ-li helps break up the monotony of the long night’s event. Although he’s depicted as a fool in the rituals, that’s not how he appears in the myths. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

99. They manipulated the abdominal parietes, in the belief that by so doing they would insure a favorable presentation. This is the custom among the Navahoes to-day.

99. They adjusted the abdominal walls, thinking that this would ensure a good position for the baby. This is still the practice among the Navahoes today.

100. Among the Navahoes, medicine-men act as accoucheurs.

100. Among the Navajos, medicine men serve as midwives.

101. Other versions make Estsánatlehi the mother of both War Gods, and give a less imaginative account of their conception. Version A.—The maiden Estsánatlehi went out to get wood. She collected a bundle, tied it with a rope, and when she knelt down to lift it she felt a foot pressed upon her back; she looked up and saw no one. Three times more kneeling, she felt the pressure of the foot. When she looked up for the fourth time, she saw a man. “Where do you live?” he asked. “Near by,” she replied, pointing to her home. “On yonder mountain,” he said, “you will find four yuccas, each of a different kind, cut on the north side to mark them. Dig the roots of these yuccas and make yourself a bath. Get meal of tohonotĭ′ni corn (note 28), yellow from your mother, white from your father (note 27). Then build yourself a brush shelter away from your hut and sleep there four nights.” She went home and told all this to her foster parents. They followed all the directions of the mysterious visitor, for they knew he was the Sun. During three nights nothing happened in the brush shelter that she knew of. On the morning after the fourth night she was awakened from her sleep by the sound of departing footsteps, and, looking in the direction that she heard them, she saw the sun rising. Four days after this (or twelve days, as some say) Nayénĕzgạni was born. Four days later she went to cleanse herself at a spring, and there she conceived of the water, and in four days more Toʻbadzĭstsíni, the second War God, was born to her. Version B.—The Sun (or bearer of the sun) met her in the woods and designated a trysting place. Here First Man built a corral of branches. Sun visited her, in the form of an ordinary man, in the corral, four nights in succession. Four days after the last visit she gave birth to twins, who were Nayénĕzgạni and Toʻbadzĭstsíni. (See “A Part of the Navajos’ Mythology,”306 pp. 9, 10.)

101. Other versions make Estsánatlehi the mother of both War Gods and provide a more straightforward account of their conception. Version A.—The young woman Estsánatlehi went out to gather wood. She collected a bundle, tied it with a rope, and when she knelt down to lift it, she felt a foot pressing on her back; she looked up but saw no one. After kneeling three more times, she felt the foot's pressure again. When she looked up for the fourth time, she saw a man. “Where do you live?” he asked. “Nearby,” she replied, pointing to her home. “On that mountain,” he said, “you’ll find four yuccas, each of a different kind, cut on the north side to mark them. Dig up the roots of these yuccas and make yourself a bath. Get meal from tohonotĭ′ni corn (note 28), yellow from your mother and white from your father (note 27). Then build yourself a brush shelter away from your hut and sleep there for four nights.” She went home and shared all this with her foster parents. They followed all the instructions of the mysterious visitor, as they knew he was the Sun. For three nights, nothing happened in the brush shelter that she noticed. On the morning after the fourth night, she was awakened by the sound of footsteps leaving, and when she looked in that direction, she saw the sun rising. Four days after this (or twelve days, as some say), Nayénĕzgạni was born. Four days later, she went to cleanse herself at a spring, and there she conceived of the water, and in four more days, Toʻbadzĭstsíni, the second War God, was born to her. Version B.—The Sun (or bearer of the sun) met her in the woods and set up a meeting place. Here First Man built a corral of branches. The Sun visited her, in the form of a regular man, in the corral for four consecutive nights. Four days after the last visit, she gave birth to twins, who were Nayénĕzgạni and Toʻbadzĭstsíni. (See “A Part of the Navajos’ Mythology,”306 pp. 9, 10.)

102. Version A thus describes the baby basket of the elder brother: The child was wrapped in black cloud. A rainbow was used for the hood of the basket and studded with stars. The back of the frame was a parhelion, with the bright spot at its bottom shining at the lowest point. Zigzag lightning was laid on each side and straight lightning down the middle in front. Nĭltsátlol (sunbeams shining on a distant rainstorm) formed the fringe in front where Indians now put strips of buckskin. The carrying-straps were sunbeams.

102. Version A describes the baby basket of the older brother: The child was wrapped in a black cloud. A rainbow served as the hood of the basket, decorated with stars. The back of the frame was a parhelion, with a bright spot at the bottom shining at the lowest point. Zigzag lightning was placed on each side and straight lightning down the middle in front. Nĭltsátlol (sunbeams shining on a distant rainstorm) created the fringe in front where Native Americans now put strips of buckskin. The carrying straps were made of sunbeams.

103. The mountain mahogany of New Mexico and Arizona is the Cercocarpus parvifolius, Nutt. It is called by the Navahoes Tséʻestagi, which means hard as stone.

103. The mountain mahogany found in New Mexico and Arizona is the Cercocarpus parvifolius, Nutt. The Navahoes refer to it as Tséʻestagi, meaning hard as stone.

104. Round cactus, one or more species of Mammilaria. Sitting cactus, Cereus phœniceus, and perhaps other species of Cereus.

104. Round cactus, one or more species of Mammilaria. Sitting cactus, Cereus phœniceus, and possibly other species of Cereus.

105. Yé-i-tso (from yéi, a god or genius, and tso, great) was the greatest and fiercest of the anáye, or alien gods. (Par. 80, note 7.) All descriptions of him are substantially the same. (See pars. 323, 325, 326.) According to the accounts of Hatáli Nĕz and Torlino, his father was a stone; yet in par. 320 and in Version B the sun is represented as saying that Yéitso is his child. Perhaps they mean he is the child of the sun in a metaphysical sense.

105. Yé-i-tso (from yéi, meaning god or genius, and tso, meaning great) was the strongest and most fearsome of the anáye, or alien gods. (Par. 80, note 7.) All descriptions of him are pretty much the same. (See pars. 323, 325, 326.) According to the stories from Hatáli Nĕz and Torlino, his father was a stone; however, in par. 320 and in Version B, the sun is said to claim that Yéitso is his child. They might be suggesting that he is the child of the sun in a metaphysical way.

106. This part of the myth alludes to the trap-door spiders, or tarantulæ of the Southwest, that dwell in carefully prepared nests in the ground.

106. This part of the myth refers to trapdoor spiders, or tarantulas, in the Southwest that live in meticulously crafted nests in the ground.

107. By life-feather or breath-feather (hyĭná bĭltsós) is meant a feather taken from a live bird, especially one taken from a live eagle. Such feathers are supposed to preserve life and possess other magic powers. They are used in all the rites. In order to secure a supply of these feathers, the Pueblo Indians catch [232]eaglets and rear them in captivity (see pars. 560 et seq.); but the Navahoes, like the wild tribes of the north, catch full-grown eagles in traps, and pluck them while alive. This method of catching eagles has been described by the author in his “Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indians.”305

107. The term life-feather or breath-feather (hyĭná bĭltsós) refers to a feather obtained from a live bird, particularly from a live eagle. These feathers are believed to sustain life and have other magical properties. They are utilized in all ceremonies. To obtain these feathers, the Pueblo Indians catch [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]eaglets and raise them in captivity (see pars. 560 et seq.); however, the Navahoes, similar to the wild tribes in the north, capture adult eagles in traps and pluck their feathers while they are still alive. This technique for capturing eagles has been detailed by the author in his “Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indians.”305

108. Pollen being an emblem of peace, this is equivalent to saying, “Put your feet down in peace,” etc.

108. Pollen is a symbol of peace, which is like saying, “Stand firmly in peace,” etc.

109. Version A in describing the adventure with Spider Woman adds: There were only four rungs to the ladder. She had many seats in her house. The elder brother sat on a seat of obsidian; the younger, on a seat of turquoise. She offered them food of four kinds to eat; they only accepted one kind. When they had eaten, a small image of obsidian came out from an apartment in the east and stood on a serrated platform, or platform of serrate knives. The elder brother stood on the platform beside the image. Spider Woman blew a strong breath four times on the image in the direction of the youth, and the latter became thus endowed with the hard nature of the obsidian, which was to further preserve him in his future trials. From the south room came a turquoise image, and stood on a serrated platform. The younger brother stood beside this. Spider Woman blew on the turquoise image toward him, and he thus acquired the hard nature of the blue stone. To-day in the rites of hozóni hatál they have a prayer concerning these incidents beginning, “Now I stand on pésdolgas.” (See note 264.)

109. Version A, in recounting the adventure with Spider Woman, adds: There were only four rungs on the ladder. She had many seats in her home. The older brother sat on an obsidian seat; the younger one sat on a turquoise seat. She offered them four types of food; they only accepted one type. After they had eaten, a small obsidian figure emerged from a room in the east and stood on a serrated platform, or a platform made of sharp knives. The older brother stood beside the figure on the platform. Spider Woman blew a strong breath four times on the figure toward the younger brother, and he was thus endowed with the tough nature of obsidian, which was meant to protect him in his future challenges. From the south room, a turquoise figure appeared and stood on a serrated platform. The younger brother stood next to this figure. Spider Woman blew on the turquoise figure toward him, and he thus gained the tough nature of the blue stone. Today, in the rites of hozóni hatál, there is a prayer about these events that begins, “Now I stand on pésdolgas.” (See note 264.)

110. In describing the journey of the War Gods to the house of the Sun, version A adds something. At Tóʻsato or Hot Spring (Ojo Gallina, near San Rafael), the brothers have an adventure with Tiéholtsodi, the water monster, who threatens them and is appeased with prayer. They encounter Old Age People, who treat them kindly, but bid them not follow the trail that leads to the house of Old Age. They come to Hayoll, Daylight, which rises like a great range of mountains in front of them. (Songs.) They fear they will have to cross this, but Daylight rises from the ground and lets them pass under.… They come to Tsall, Darkness. Wind whispers into their ears what songs to sing. They sing these songs and Tsall rises and lets them pass under. They come to water, which they walk over. On the other side they meet their sister, the daughter of the Sun, who dwells in the house of the Sun. She speaks not, but turns silently around, and they follow her to the house.

110. In describing the journey of the War Gods to the house of the Sun, version A adds something. At Tóʻsato or Hot Spring (Ojo Gallina, near San Rafael), the brothers have an adventure with Tiéholtsodi, the water monster, who threatens them and is calmed with prayer. They meet Old Age People, who treat them kindly, but warn them not to follow the path that leads to the house of Old Age. They arrive at Hayoll, Daylight, which looms like a majestic mountain range in front of them. (Songs.) They fear they will have to cross it, but Daylight rises from the ground and allows them to pass underneath.… They reach Tsall, Darkness. The Wind whispers in their ears what songs to sing. They sing these songs, and Tsall rises and lets them go through. They come to water, which they walk across. On the other side, they meet their sister, the daughter of the Sun, who lives in the house of the Sun. She doesn’t speak but silently turns around, and they follow her to the house.

111. According to version A, there were four sentinels of each kind, and they lay in the passageway or entrance to the house. A curtain hung in front of each group of four. In each group the first sentinel was black, the second blue, the third yellow, the fourth white. The brothers sang songs to the guardians and sprinkled pollen on them.

111. In version A, there were four sentinels of each type, positioned in the hallway or entrance of the house. A curtain was draped in front of each set of four. In each group, the first sentinel was black, the second was blue, the third was yellow, and the fourth was white. The brothers sang to the guardians and sprinkled pollen on them.

112. Version A gives the names of these two young men as Black Thunder and Blue Thunder.

112. Version A names these two young men as Black Thunder and Blue Thunder.

113. The teller of the version has omitted to mention that the brothers, when they entered the house, declared that they came to seek their father, but other story-tellers do not fail to tell this.

113. The person telling this story has left out that the brothers, when they entered the house, said they came to look for their father, but other storytellers make sure to mention this.

114. Four articles of armor were given to each, and six different kinds of weapons were given to them. The articles of armor were: peské (knife moccasins), pesĭstlê′ (knife leggings), pesê′ (knife shirt), and pestsá (knife hat). The word “pes” in the above names for armor, is here translated knife. The term was originally applied to flint knives, and to the flakes from which flint knives were made. After the introduction of European tools, the meaning was extended to include iron knives, and now it is applied to any object of iron, and, with qualifying suffixes, to all kinds of metal. Thus copper is peslĭtsí, or red metal, and silver, peslakaí, or white metal. Many of the Navahoes now think that the mythic armor of their gods was of iron. Such the author believed it to be in the earlier [233]years of his investigation among the Navahoes, and he was inclined to believe that they borrowed the idea of armored heroes from the Spanish invaders of the sixteenth century. Later studies have led him to conclude that the conception of armored heroes was not borrowed from the whites, and that the armor was supposed to be made of stone flakes such as were employed in making knives in the prehistoric days. The Mokis believe that their gods and heroes wore armor of flint.

114. Each person received four pieces of armor and six different types of weapons. The pieces of armor were: peské (knife moccasins), pesĭstlê′ (knife leggings), pesê′ (knife shirt), and pestsá (knife hat). The term “pes” in these names for armor is translated as knife. It was originally used to refer to flint knives and the flakes from which flint knives were made. After European tools were introduced, the meaning expanded to include iron knives, and now it refers to any iron object, and with added suffixes, to all kinds of metal. For example, copper is called peslĭtsí, meaning red metal, and silver, peslakaí, meaning white metal. Many Navajos now believe that the mythical armor worn by their gods was made of iron. The author thought so too during the initial [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] years of his research among the Navajos, and he felt that they got the idea of armored heroes from the Spanish invaders in the sixteenth century. However, later studies made him conclude that the concept of armored heroes was not borrowed from whites and that the armor was likely made of stone flakes, similar to those used for making knives in prehistoric times. The Mokis believe that their gods and heroes wore armor made of flint.

115. The weapons were these:—

The weapons were as follows:—

  • atsĭniklĭ′ska (chain-lightning arrows)
  • hatsĭlkĭ′ska or hadĭlkĭ′ska (sheet-lightning arrows)
  • saʻbitlólka (sunbeam arrows)
  • natsilĭ′tka (rainbow arrows)
  • peshál (stone knife-club)
  • hatsoilhál, which some say was a thunderbolt, and others say was a great stone knife, with a blade as broad as the hand. Some say that only one stone knife was given, which was for Nayénĕzgạni, and that only two thunderbolts were given, both of which were for Toʻbadzĭstsíni. The man who now personates Nayénĕzgạni in the rites carries a stone knife of unusual size (plate IV.); and he who personates Toʻbadzĭstsíni carries in each hand a wooden cylinder (one black and one red) to represent a thunderbolt. (Plate VII.)

116. Version A adds that when they were thus equipped they were dressed exactly like their brothers Black Thunder and Blue Thunder, who dwelt in the house of the Sun.

116. Version A adds that when they were equipped this way, they dressed just like their brothers Black Thunder and Blue Thunder, who lived in the house of the Sun.

117. The man who told this tale explained that there were sixteen poles in the east and sixteen in the west to join earth and sky. Others say there were thirty-two poles on each side. The Navahoes explain the annual progress of the sun by saying that at the winter solstice he climbs on the pole farthest south in rising; that as the season advances he climbs on poles farther and farther north, until at the summer solstice he climbs the pole farthest north; that then he retraces his way, climbing different poles until he reaches the south again. He is supposed to spend about an equal number of days at each pole.

117. The man telling this story said there were sixteen poles in the east and sixteen in the west to connect the earth and sky. Some people say there were actually thirty-two poles on each side. The Navajos explain the sun's yearly journey by saying that at the winter solstice, he climbs the pole farthest south as he rises; then, as the season moves forward, he climbs poles that are farther north until, at the summer solstice, he reaches the pole farthest north; after that, he goes back down, climbing different poles until he returns to the south. He’s believed to spend about the same number of days at each pole.

118. Many versions relate that the bearer of the sun rode a horse, or other pet animal. The Navaho word here employed is lin, which means any domesticated or pet animal, but now, especially, a horse. Version A says the animal he rode was made of turquoise and larger than a horse. Such versions have great difficulty in getting the horse up to the sky. Version A makes the sky dip down and touch the earth to let the horse ascend. Of course the horse is a modern addition to the tale. They never saw horses until the sixteenth century, and previous to that time it is not known that any animal was ridden on the western continent. Version B merely says that the Sun “put on his robe of cloud, and, taking one of his sons under each arm, he rose into the heavens.”

118. Many stories say that the sun's carrier rode a horse or another domesticated animal. The Navaho word used here is lin, which refers to any pet or domesticated animal, but especially a horse these days. Version A states that the animal he rode was made of turquoise and was larger than a horse. Such versions struggle to explain how the horse gets to the sky. Version A suggests the sky dips down and touches the earth to let the horse rise. Obviously, the horse is a modern addition to the story. They didn't see horses until the sixteenth century, and before that, it's unknown if any animals were ridden on the western continent. Version B simply says that the Sun “put on his robe of cloud, and, taking one of his sons under each arm, he rose into the heavens.”

119. Version B says they all ate a meal on their journey to the sky-hole. Version A says that they ate for food, at the sky-hole, before the brothers descended, a mixture of five kinds of pollen, viz.: pollen of white corn, pollen of yellow corn, pollen of dawn, pollen of evening twilight, and pollen of the sun.11 These were mixed with tóʻlanastsi, all kinds of water.67

119. Version B states that they all had a meal on their way to the sky-hole. Version A mentions that they ate a mixture of five kinds of pollen at the sky-hole before the brothers descended, specifically pollen from white corn, yellow corn, dawn, evening twilight, and the sun.11 These were mixed with tóʻlanastsi, which is all kinds of water.67

120. Tóʻ-sa-to or Warm Spring is at the village of San Rafael, Valencia County, New Mexico. It is about three miles in a southerly direction from Grant’s, on the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad, five miles from the base and eighteen miles from the summit of Mount Taylor, in a southwesterly direction from the latter. The lake referred to in the myth lies about two miles southeast of the spring.

120. Tóʻ-sa-to, or Warm Spring, is located in the village of San Rafael, Valencia County, New Mexico. It's approximately three miles south of Grant’s on the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad, five miles from the base, and eighteen miles from the summit of Mount Taylor, heading southwest from the peak. The lake mentioned in the myth is situated about two miles southeast of the spring.

121. According to Version A, the monsters or anáye were all conceived in the fifth world and born of one woman (a granddaughter of First Woman), who [234]travelled much and rarely stayed at home. According to Version B, the monsters were sent by First Woman, who became offended with man.

121. In Version A, the monsters or anáye were all conceived in the fifth world and born from one woman (a granddaughter of First Woman), who [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]traveled a lot and seldom stayed at home. In Version B, the monsters were sent by First Woman, who became upset with humans.

122. Version A gives, in addition to Tsótsĭl, the names of the other three hills over which Yéitso appeared. These were: in the east, Saʻakéaʻ; in the south, Dsĭlsitsí (Red Mountain); in the west, Tseʻlpaináli (Brown Rock Hanging Down).

122. Version A states, in addition to Tsótsĭl, the names of the other three hills where Yéitso showed up. These were: in the east, Saʻakéaʻ; in the south, Dsĭlsitsí (Red Mountain); in the west, Tseʻlpaináli (Brown Rock Hanging Down).

123. Version A.—“Hragh!” said he, with a sigh of satisfaction (pantomimically expressed), “I have finished that.”

123. Version A.—“Hragh!” he said, letting out a satisfied sigh (expressed through gestures), “I’m done with that.”

124. Yiniketóko! No etymology has been discovered for this expression. It is believed to be the equivalent of the “Fee Fa Fum!” of the giants in our nursery tales.

124. Yiniketóko! No etymology has been discovered for this expression. It is believed to be the equivalent of the “Fee Fa Fum!” of the giants in our nursery tales.

125. Version B.—This bolt rent his armor.

125. Version B.—This bolt tore through his armor.

126. It is common in this and all other versions to show that evil turns to good (see pars. 338, 345, 349, et al.) and that the demons dead become useful to man in other forms. How the armor of Yéitso became useful to man, the narrator here forgot to state; but it may be conjectured that he should have said that it furnished flint flakes for knives and arrow-heads.

126. It's common in this and all other versions to show that evil can lead to good (see pars. 338, 345, 349, et al.) and that the dead demons become useful to humans in different forms. The narrator forgot to mention how Yéitso's armor became useful to people; however, it can be assumed that he was meant to say it provided flint flakes for making knives and arrowheads.

127. Other versions state, more particularly, that, in accordance with the Indian custom, these names were given when the brothers returned to their home, and the ceremony of rejoicing (the “scalp-dance”) was held for their first victory. Nayénĕzgạni is derived from na, or aná (alien or enemy: see note 7); yéi, ye or ge (a genius or god; hence anáye, an alien god or giant: see par. 80); nĕzgáʻ (to kill with a blow or blows, as in killing with a club); and the suffix ni (person). The name means, therefore, Slayer of the Alien Gods, or Slayer of Giants. As the sounds of g and y before e are interchangeable in the Navaho language, the name is heard pronounced both Nayénĕzgạni and Nagénĕzgạni,—about as often one way as the other. In previous essays the author has spelled it in the latter way; but in this work he gives preference to the former, since it is more in harmony with his spelling of other names containing the word “ye” or “yéi.” (See par. 78.) Toʻ-ba-dzĭs-tsí-ni is derived from toʻ (water), ba (for him), dzĭstsín (born), and the suffix ni. The name therefore means, literally, Born for the Water; but the expression badzĭstsín (born for him) denotes the relation of father and child,—not of a mother and child,—so that a free translation of the name is Child of the Water. The second name of this god, Naídikĭsi, is rarely used.

127. Other versions say, more specifically, that according to Indian custom, these names were given when the brothers came back home, and the celebration (the “scalp-dance”) was held to mark their first victory. Nayénĕzgạni comes from na, or aná (alien or enemy: see note 7); yéi, ye or ge (a spirit or god; thus anáye, an alien god or giant: see par. 80); nĕzgáʻ (to kill with a blow or blows, like hitting with a club); and the suffix ni (person). The name means, therefore, Slayer of the Alien Gods, or Slayer of Giants. Since the sounds of g and y before e are interchangeable in the Navaho language, the name is pronounced both Nayénĕzgạni and Nagénĕzgạni,—about as often one way as the other. In earlier essays, the author spelled it the latter way; but in this work, he prefers the former since it aligns better with his spelling of other names containing the word “ye” or “yéi.” (See par. 78.) Toʻ-ba-dzĭs-tsí-ni comes from toʻ (water), ba (for him), dzĭstsín (born), and the suffix ni. The name literally means Born for the Water; however, the phrase badzĭstsín (born for him) indicates a father-child relationship—not a mother-child one—so a free translation of the name is Child of the Water. The second name of this god, Naídikĭsi, is rarely used.

128. About 40 miles to the northeast of the top of Mt. San Mateo there is a dark, high volcanic hill called by the Mexicans El Cabezon, or The Great Head. This is the object which, according to the Navaho story-tellers, was the head of Yéitso. Around the base of San Mateo, chiefly toward the east and north, there are several more high volcanic peaks, of less prominence than El Cabezon, which are said to have been the heads of other giants who were slain in a great storm raised by the War Gods. (See pars. 358, 359.) Plate V. shows six of these volcanic hills. The high truncated cone in the distance (17 miles from the point of view) is El Cabezon. Captain Clarence E. Dutton, U.S.A., treats of the geologic character of these cones in his work on Mount Taylor.299 Plate V. is taken from the same photograph as his plate XXI. In Lieut. Simpson’s report,328 p. 73, this hill is described under the name Cerro de la Cabeza, and a picture of it is given in plate 17 of said report. It is called “Cabezon Pk.” on the accompanying map.

128. About 40 miles northeast of the summit of Mt. San Mateo, there’s a dark, tall volcanic hill known by the Mexicans as El Cabezon, or The Great Head. This is what the Navaho storytellers say was the head of Yéitso. Around the base of San Mateo, mainly to the east and north, there are several other high volcanic peaks, less prominent than El Cabezon, which are said to have been the heads of other giants who were killed in a massive storm caused by the War Gods. (See pars. 358, 359.) Plate V. shows six of these volcanic hills. The tall, truncated cone in the distance (17 miles from this viewpoint) is El Cabezon. Captain Clarence E. Dutton, U.S.A., discusses the geological nature of these cones in his work on Mount Taylor.299 Plate V. is taken from the same photograph as his plate XXI. In Lieutenant Simpson’s report, 328 p. 73, this hill is referred to as Cerro de la Cabeza, and a picture of it is featured in plate 17 of that report. It is labeled “Cabezon Pk.” on the accompanying map.

129. To the south and west of the San Mateo Mountains there is a great plain of lava rock of geologically recent origin, which fills the valley and presents plainly the appearance of having once been flowing. The rock is dark and has much resemblance to coagulated blood. This is the material which, the Navahoes think, was once the blood of Yéitso. In some places it looks as if the blood were suddenly arrested, forming high cliffs; here the war god is supposed to have [235]stopped the flow with his knife. Plate VI. shows this lava in the valley of the Rio San José, from a photograph supplied by the United States Geological Survey.

129. To the south and west of the San Mateo Mountains, there’s a vast plain of lava rock that is relatively new in geological terms, filling the valley and clearly showing signs of having once flowed. The rock is dark and resembles clotted blood. This is what the Navahoes believe was once the blood of Yéitso. In some areas, it looks like the flow of blood was suddenly stopped, creating tall cliffs; here, the war god is thought to have [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] halted the flow with his knife. Plate VI. depicts this lava in the valley of the Rio San José, from a photograph provided by the United States Geological Survey.

130. Version A adds some particulars to the account of the return of the brothers to their home, after their encounter with Yéitso. They first went to Azíhi, the place at which they descended when they came from the sky, and then to Kainipéhi. On their way home they sang twenty songs—the Nidotátsogisĭn—which are sung to-day in the rites of hozóni hatál. Near Dsĭlnáotĭl, just at daybreak, they met Hastséyalti and Hastséhogan, who embraced them, addressed them as grandchildren, sang two songs, now belonging to the rites, and conducted the young heroes to their home.

130. Version A adds some details to the story of the brothers' return home after their encounter with Yéitso. They first went to Azíhi, the place where they descended when they came from the sky, and then to Kainipéhi. On their way home, they sang twenty songs—the Nidotátsogisĭn—which are still sung today in the rituals of hozóni hatál. Near Dsĭlnáotĭl, just at daybreak, they met Hastséyalti and Hastséhogan, who embraced them, called them grandchildren, sang two songs that are now part of the rituals, and led the young heroes to their home.

131. Té-el-gĕt, Tê-el-gĕ′-ti and Dĕl-gét are various pronunciations of the name of this monster. In the songs he is sometimes called Bĭ-té-ĕl-gĕ-ti, which is merely prefixing the personal pronoun “his” to the name. The exact etymology has not been determined. The name has some reference to his horns; tê, or te, meaning horns, and bité, his horns, in Navaho. All descriptions of this anáye are much alike. His father, it is said, was an antelope horn.

131. Té-el-gĕt, Tê-el-gĕ′-ti, and Dĕl-gét are different ways to pronounce the name of this monster. In the songs, he is sometimes called Bĭ-té-ĕl-gĕ-ti, which is just adding the personal pronoun “his” to the name. The exact origin of the name hasn’t been figured out. It has some connection to his horns; tê or te means horns, and bité refers to his horns in Navaho. All descriptions of this anáye are quite similar. It is said that his father was an antelope horn.

132. Arabis holböllii (Hornemann), a-ze-la-dĭl-té-he, “scattered” or “lone medicine.” The plants grow single and at a distance from one another, not in beds or clusters. (See “Navajo Names for Plants,”312 p. 770.)

132. Arabis holböllii (Hornemann), a-ze-la-dĭl-té-he, “scattered” or “lone medicine.” The plants grow individually and are spaced apart, not in groups or clusters. (See “Navajo Names for Plants,”312 p. 770.)

133. Version A relates that they sang, while at work on these kethawns, six songs, which, under the name of Atsós Bigĭ′n, or Feather Songs, are sung now in the rite of hozóni hatál.

133. Version A states that they sang six songs while working on these kethawns, which are now known as Atsós Bigĭ′n, or Feather Songs, sung during the rite of hozóni hatál.

134. Version A says that the horns of Téelgĕt were like those of an antelope, and that Nayénĕzgạni cut off the short branch of one as an additional trophy.

134. Version A states that the horns of Téelgĕt resembled those of an antelope, and that Nayénĕzgạni chopped off the short branch of one as an extra trophy.

135. Tseʻnă′-ha-le. These mythic creatures, which in a previous paper, “A Part of the Navajos’ Mythology,”306 the author calls harpies, from their analogy to the harpies of Greek mythology, are believed in by many tribes of the Southwest. According to Hatáli Nĕz they were the offspring of a bunch of eagle plumes.

135. Tseʼnă′-ha-le. These mythical creatures, which in a earlier paper, “A Part of the Navajos’ Mythology,”306 the author refers to as harpies, due to their similarity to the harpies in Greek mythology, are believed in by many tribes in the Southwest. According to Hatáli Nĕz, they were born from a collection of eagle feathers.

136. Tséʻ-bĭ-ta-i, or Winged Rock, is a high, sharp pinnacle of dark volcanic rock, rising from a wide plain in the northwestern part of New Mexico, about 12 miles from the western boundary of the Territory, and about 20 miles from the northern boundary. The Navahoes liken it to a bird, and hence the name of Winged Rock, or more literally Rock, Its Wings. The whites think it resembles a ship with sails set, and call it Ship Rock. Its bird-like appearance has probably suggested to the Navahoes the idea of making it the mythic home of the bird-like Tseʻnă′hale.

136. Tséʻ-bĭ-ta-i, or Winged Rock, is a tall, sharp peak of dark volcanic rock, rising from a broad plain in the northwestern part of New Mexico, about 12 miles from the western border of the Territory, and around 20 miles from the northern border. The Navajo compare it to a bird, which is where the name Winged Rock comes from, or more literally, Rock, Its Wings. The white settlers think it looks like a ship with its sails up, calling it Ship Rock. Its bird-like shape has likely inspired the Navajo to consider it the mythical home of the bird-like Tseʻnă′hale.

137. There are many instances in Navaho language and legend where, when two things somewhat resemble each other, but one is the coarser, the stronger, or the more violent, it is spoken of as male, or associated with the male; while the finer, weaker, or more gentle is spoken of as female, or associated with the female. Thus the turbulent San Juan River is called, by the Navaho, Toʻbaká, or Male Water; while the placid Rio Grande is known as Toʻbaád, or Female Water. A shower accompanied by thunder and lightning is called nĭltsabaká, or male rain; a shower without electrical display is called nĭltsabaád, or female rain. In the myth of Natĭ′nĕsthani the mountain mahogany is said to be used for the male sacrificial cigarette, and the cliff rose for the female. These two shrubs are much alike, particularly when in fruit and decked with long plumose styles, but the former (the “male”) is the larger and coarser shrub. In the myth of Dsĭlyiʻ Neyáni another instance may be found where mountain mahogany is associated with the male, and the cliff rose with the female. Again, in the myth of Natĭ′nĕsthani a male cigarette is described as made of the coarse sunflower, while its associated female is said to be made of the allied but more slender Verbesina. Instances of [236]this character might be multiplied indefinitely. On this principle the north is associated with the male, and the south with the female, for two reasons: 1st, cold, violent winds blow from the north, while gentle, warm breezes blow from the south; 2d, the land north of the Navaho country is more rough and mountainous than the land in the south. In the former rise the great peaks of Colorado, while in the latter the hills are not steep and none rise to the limit of eternal snow. A symbolism probably antecedent to this has assigned black as the color of the north and blue as the color of the south; so, in turn, black symbolizes the male and blue the female among the Navaho. (From “A Vigil of the Gods.”)328

137. There are many examples in Navajo language and legends where, when two things resemble each other, the one that is rougher, stronger, or more violent is considered male or associated with males, while the more delicate, weaker, or gentler one is viewed as female or associated with females. For instance, the turbulent San Juan River is called by the Navajo, Toʻbaká, or Male Water; while the calm Rio Grande is referred to as Toʻbaád, or Female Water. A thunderstorm is termed nĭltsabaká, or male rain; while a gentle rain without lightning is called nĭltsabaád, or female rain. In the myth of Natĭ′nĕsthani, the mountain mahogany is said to be used for the male sacrificial cigarette, and the cliff rose for the female. These two shrubs are quite similar, especially when they bear fruit and are adorned with long, fluffy styles, but the former (the "male") is the larger and rougher shrub. In the myth of Dsĭlyiʻ Neyáni, another example shows mountain mahogany linked with the male, and the cliff rose linked with the female. Additionally, in the myth of Natĭ′nĕsthani, a male cigarette is described as being made from coarse sunflower, while its female counterpart is said to be made of the related but more slender Verbesina. Numerous instances of [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] this nature could be provided. Following this idea, the north is linked with the male and the south with the female for two reasons: 1st, cold, harsh winds come from the north, while gentle, warm breezes flow from the south; 2nd, the land north of the Navajo region is rougher and more mountainous than the land in the south. The great peaks of Colorado rise in the north, while the hills in the south are not steep, and none reach the level of perpetual snow. A symbolism likely predating this has assigned black as the color of the north and blue as the color of the south; thus, black symbolizes the male and blue the female among the Navajo. (From “A Vigil of the Gods.”)328

138. Version A.—The young birds were the color of a blue heron, but had bills like eagles. Their eyes were as big as a circle made by the thumbs and middle fingers of both hands. Nayénĕzgạni threw the birds first to the bottom of the cliff and there metamorphosed them.

138. Version A.—The young birds were the color of a blue heron, but had beaks like eagles. Their eyes were as big as a circle made by the thumbs and middle fingers of both hands. Nayénĕzgạni first threw the birds down to the bottom of the cliff and transformed them there.

139. The etymology of the word Tsĕ′-dă-ni (Englished, chedany) has not been determined. It is an expression denoting impatience and contempt.

139. The origin of the word Tsĕ′-dă-ni (translated as chedany) hasn't been figured out. It's a term that shows impatience and disdain.

140. On being asked for the cause of this sound, the narrator gave an explanation which indicated that the “Hottentot apron” exists among American Indians. The author has had previous evidence corroborative of this.

140. When asked about the reason for this sound, the narrator explained that the “Hottentot apron” is also found among American Indians. The author has previously gathered evidence to support this.

141. Version B here adds: “Giving up her feathers for lost, she turned her attention to giving names to the different kinds of birds as they flew out,—names which they bear to this day among the Navajos,—until her basket was empty.”

141. Version B here adds: “Accepting that her feathers were gone, she focused on naming the different types of birds as they flew away—names that they still carry today among the Navajos—until her basket was empty.”

142. Tseʻ-ta-ho-tsĭl-táʻ-li is said to mean He (Who) Kicks (People) Down the Cliff. Some pronounce the name Tseʻ-ta-yĭ-tsil-táʻ-li.

142. Tseʻ-ta-ho-tsĭl-táʻ-li is said to mean He (Who) Kicks (People) Down the Cliff. Some pronounce the name Tseʻ-ta-yĭ-tsil-táʻ-li.

143. In versions A and B, the hero simply cuts the hair of the monster and allows the latter to fall down the cliff.

143. In versions A and B, the hero just cuts the monster's hair and lets it fall off the cliff.

144. Na-tsĭs-a-án is the Navaho Mountain, an elevation 10,416 feet high, ten miles south of the junction of the Colorado and San Juan rivers, in the State of Utah.

144. Na-tsĭs-a-án is the Navajo Mountain, standing at 10,416 feet high, located ten miles south of where the Colorado and San Juan rivers meet, in the state of Utah.

145. Thus does the Navaho story-teller weakly endeavor to score a point against his hereditary enemy, the Pah Ute. But it is poor revenge, for the Pah Ute is said to have usually proved more than a match for the Navaho in battle. In Version A, the young are transformed into Rocky Mountain sheep; in Version B, they are changed into birds of prey.

145. So the Navaho storyteller tries, though not very successfully, to make a point against his traditional enemy, the Pah Ute. But it's a lame attempt at revenge because the Pah Ute is usually considered better than the Navaho in battle. In Version A, the young are turned into Rocky Mountain sheep; in Version B, they become birds of prey.

146. This is the place at which the Bĭnáye Aháni were born, as told in par. 203. The other monsters mentioned in Part II. were not found by Nayénĕzgạni at the places where they were said to be born.

146. This is where the Bĭnáye Aháni were born, as described in par. 203. The other monsters mentioned in Part II weren’t found by Nayénĕzgạni at the locations where they were said to have been born.

147. Other versions make mention, in different places, of a Salt Woman, or goddess of salt, Ásihi Estsán; but the version of Hatáli Nĕz does not allude to her. Version A states that she supplied the bag of salt which Nayénĕzgạni carried on his expedition.

147. Other versions mention a Salt Woman, or goddess of salt, Ásihi Estsán, in different places; however, the version of Hatáli Nĕz does not refer to her. Version A states that she provided the bag of salt that Nayénĕzgạni carried on his journey.

148. Tsĭ-dĭl-tó-i means shooting or exploding bird. The name comes, perhaps, from some peculiarity of this bird, which gives warning of the approach of an enemy.

148. Tsĭ-dĭl-tó-i means shooting or exploding bird. The name likely comes from a unique characteristic of this bird, which signals the approach of an enemy.

149. Hos-tó-di is probably an onomatopoetic name for a bird. It is said to be sleepy in the daytime and to come out at night.

149. Hos-tó-di is likely a name for a bird that mimics a sound. It's believed to be drowsy during the day and active at night.

150. Version B says that scalps were the trophies.

150. Version B states that scalps were the trophies.

151. In all versions of this legend, but two hero gods or war gods are prominently mentioned, viz., Nayénĕzgạni and Toʻbadzĭstsíni; but in these songs four names are given. This is to satisfy the Indian reverence for the number four, and the dependent poetic requirement which often constrains the Navaho poet to put four stanzas in a song. Léyaneyani, or Reared Beneath the Earth (par. 286), is an obscure hero whose only deed of valor, according to this version of the legend, was the killing of his witch sister (par. 281). The deeds of Tsówenatlehi, or the [237]Changing Grandchild, are not known to the writer. Some say that Léyaneyani and Tsówenatlehi are only other names for Nayénĕzgạni and Toʻbadzĭstsíni; but the best authorities in the tribe think otherwise. One version of this legend says that Estsánatlehi hid her children under the ground when Yéitso came seeking to devour them. This may have given rise to the idea that one of these children was called, also, Reared Beneath the Earth.

151. In all versions of this legend, two hero gods or war gods are prominently mentioned, namely Nayénĕzgạni and Toʻbadzĭstsíni; however, in these songs, four names are provided. This is to honor the Native American reverence for the number four, and the poetic requirement that often compels the Navaho poet to include four stanzas in a song. Léyaneyani, or Reared Beneath the Earth (par. 286), is a lesser-known hero whose only act of bravery, according to this version of the legend, was killing his witch sister (par. 281). The feats of Tsówenatlehi, or the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Changing Grandchild, are unknown to the author. Some believe that Léyaneyani and Tsówenatlehi are simply other names for Nayénĕzgạni and Toʻbadzĭstsíni; however, the most respected authorities in the tribe disagree. One version of this legend states that Estsánatlehi hid her children underground when Yéitso came looking to eat them. This may have led to the idea that one of these children was also named Reared Beneath the Earth.

152. The following are the names of places where pieces were knocked off the stone:—

152. Here are the names of the places where parts were chipped off the stone:—

  • Bĭsdá, Edge of Bank.
  • Toʻkohokádi, Ground Level with Water. (Here Nayénĕzgạni chased the stone four times in a circle; the chips he knocked off are there yet.)
  • Daatsĭ′ndaheol, Floating Corn-cob.
  • Nitatĭ′s, Cottonwood below Ground.
  • Sasdĕstsáʻ, Gaping Bear.
  • Béikĭthatyêl, Broad Lake.
  • Nánzozilin, Make Nánzoz Sticks.
  • Akĭ′ddahalkaí, Something White on Top (of something else).
  • Anádsĭl, Enemy Mountain.
  • Sástoʻ, Bear Spring (Fort Wingate).
  • Tseʻtyêlĭskĭ′d, Broad Rock Hill.
  • Tsadihábĭtĭn, Antelope Trail Ascending.
  • Kĭnhitsói, Much Sumac.
  • Tsúskai (Chusca Knoll).
  • Lestsídelkai, Streaks of White Ashes.
  • Dsĭlnáodsĭl, Mountain Surrounded by Mountains (Carrizo Mountains.).
  • Tisnáspas, Circle of Cottonwood.

The above, it is said, are all places where constant springs of water (rare in the Navaho land) are to be found. Some are known to be such. This gives rise to the idea expressed in note 8. There is little doubt that the Navahoes believe in many of the Tiéholtsodi. Probably every constant spring or watercourse has its water god.

The above are all locations where permanent springs of water (which are rare in Navaho territory) can be found. Some are recognized as such. This leads to the idea mentioned in note 8. There's no doubt that the Navahos believe in many of the Tiéholtsodi. Likely, every permanent spring or watercourse has its own water deity.

153. Version A adds an account of a wicked woman who dwelt at Kĭ′ndotz and slew her suitors. Nayénĕzgạni kills her. It also adds an account of vicious swallows who cut people with their wings. Version B omits the encounter with Sasnalkáhi and Tséʻnagahi.

153. Version A includes a story about an evil woman who lived at Kĭ′ndotz and killed her suitors. Nayénĕzgạni takes her life. It also mentions aggressive swallows that slice people with their wings. Version B leaves out the meeting with Sasnalkáhi and Tséʻnagahi.

154. Possibly this refers to Pueblo legends.

154. This might refer to Pueblo legends.

155. Version B, which gives only a very meagre account of this destructive storm, mentions only one talisman, but says that songs were sung and dances performed over this.

155. Version B, which provides only a very brief description of this devastating storm, mentions just one talisman, but states that songs were sung and dances were performed around it.

156. Such pillars as the myth refers to are common all over the Navaho land.

156. The pillars mentioned in the myth are found throughout Navajo territory.

157. Version A makes Nayénĕzgạni say here: “I have been to niʻĭndahazlágo (the end of the earth); toʻĭndahazlágo (the end of the waters); to yaĭndahazlágo (the end of the sky); and to dsĭlĭndahazlágo (the end of the mountains), and I have found none that were not my friends.”

157. Version A makes Nayénĕzgạni say here: “I have been to niʻĭndahazlágo (the end of the earth); toʻĭndahazlágo (the end of the waters); to yaĭndahazlágo (the end of the sky); and to dsĭlĭndahazlágo (the end of the mountains), and I have found no one who wasn't my friend.”

158. Pás-zĭn-i is the name given by the Navahoes to the hard mineral substance which they use to make black beads, and other sacrifices to the gods of the north. Specimens of this substance have been examined by Prof. F. W. Clark of the United States Geological Survey, who pronounces it to be a fine bituminous coal of about the quality of cannel coal; so it is, for convenience, called cannel coal in this work. It is scarce in the Navaho land and is valued by the Indians.

158. Pás-zĭn-i is the name the Navajo people give to the hard mineral material they use to make black beads and other offerings to the northern gods. Samples of this material have been studied by Prof. F. W. Clark of the United States Geological Survey, who identifies it as a high-quality bituminous coal similar to cannel coal; therefore, it is referred to as cannel coal in this text. It is rare in Navajo territory and is valued by the tribe.

159. This refers to large fossil bones found in many parts of Arizona and New Mexico.

159. This refers to large fossil bones discovered in various locations in Arizona and New Mexico.

160. Ha-dá-ho-ni-ge-dĭ-neʻ (Mirage People), Ha-dá-ho-nes-tid-dĭ-neʻ (Ground-heat [238]People). Hadáhonestid is translated ground-heat, for want of a more convenient term. It refers to the waving appearance given to objects in hot weather, observed so frequently in the arid region, and due to varying refraction near the surface of the ground.

160. Ha-dá-ho-ni-ge-dĭ-neʻ (Mirage People), Ha-dá-ho-nes-ti-dĭ-neʻ (Ground-heat [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]People). Ha-dá-ho-nes-ti-dĭ-neʻ is translated as ground-heat, as there isn't a better term. It describes the wavy effect seen on objects in hot weather, which is commonly noticed in dry areas and results from varying refraction near the ground's surface.

161. The ceremony at Tsĭnlí (Chinlee Valley) was to celebrate the nubility of Estsánatlehi. Although already a mother, she was such miraculously, and not until this time did she show signs of nubility. Such a ceremony is performed for every Navaho maiden now. The ceremony at San Francisco Mountain occurred four days after that at Tsĭnlí. It is now the custom among the Navahoes to hold a second ceremony over a maiden four days after the first. On the second ceremony with Estsánatlehi they laid her on top of the mountain with her head to the west, because she was to go to the west to dwell there. They manipulated her body and stretched out her limbs. Thus she bade the people do, in future, to all Navaho maidens, and thus the Navahoes do now, in the ceremony of the fourth day, when they try to mould the body of the maiden to look like the perfect form of Estsánatlehi. Version A makes the nubile ceremony occur before the child was born.

161. The ceremony at Tsĭnlí (Chinlee Valley) was to celebrate Estsánatlehi reaching womanhood. Even though she was already a mother, she only began to show signs of maturity at this time. A similar ceremony is held for every Navajo girl now. The ceremony at San Francisco Mountain took place four days after the one at Tsĭnlí. It’s now customary among the Navajos to have a second ceremony for a girl four days after the first. During the second ceremony for Estsánatlehi, she was placed on top of the mountain with her head facing west, as she was meant to journey to the west to live there. They adjusted her body and stretched out her limbs. This is how she instructed the people to treat all Navajo girls in the future, and this is how the Navajos still do it now during the ceremony on the fourth day, when they attempt to shape the body of the girl to resemble the perfect form of Estsánatlehi. Version A suggests that the coming-of-age ceremony took place before the child was born.

162. Dsĭl-lĭ-zĭ′n, or Dsĭllĭzĭ′ni (Black Mountain), is an extensive mesa in Apache County, Arizona. The pass to which the myth refers is believed to be that named, by the United States Geological Survey, Marsh Pass, which is about 60 miles north of the Moki villages. The name of the mesa is spelled “Zilh-le-jĭni” on the accompanying map.

162. Dsĭl-lĭ-zĭ′n, or Dsĭl-lĭzĭ′ni (Black Mountain), is a large mesa in Apache County, Arizona. The pass mentioned in the myth is thought to be the one called Marsh Pass by the United States Geological Survey, located about 60 miles north of the Moki villages. The name of the mesa appears as “Zilh-le-jĭni” on the related map.

163. Toʻ-yĕ′t-li (Meeting Waters) is the junction of two important rivers somewhere in the valley of the San Juan River, in Colorado or Utah. The precise location has not been determined. It is a locality often mentioned in the Navaho myths. (See par. 477.)

163. Toʻ-yĕ′t-li (Meeting Waters) is where two major rivers come together in the San Juan River valley, in either Colorado or Utah. The exact spot hasn't been identified. It's a place frequently referenced in Navaho myths. (See par. 477.)

164. The following appeared in the “American Naturalist” for February, 1887:—

164. The following was published in the “American Naturalist” for February, 1887:—

“In the interesting account entitled ‘Some Deities and Demons of the Navajos,’ by Dr. W. Matthews, in the October issue of the “Naturalist” (note 306), he mentions the fact that the warriors offered their sacrifices at the sacred shrine of Thoyetli, in the San Juan Valley. He says that the Navajos have a tradition that the gods of war, or sacred brothers, still dwell at Thoyetli, and their reflection is sometimes seen on the San Juan River. Dr. Matthews is certain the last part is due to some natural phenomenon. The following account seems to furnish a complete explanation of this part of the myth. Several years ago a clergyman, while travelling in the San Juan Valley, noticed a curious phenomenon while gazing down upon the San Juan River as it flowed through a deep canyon. Mists began to arise, and soon he saw the shadows of himself and companions reflected near the surface of the river, and surrounded by a circular rainbow, the ‘Circle of Ulloa.’ They jumped, moved away, and performed a number of exercises, to be certain that the figures were their reflections, and the figures responded. There was but slight color in the rainbow. Similar reflections have no doubt caused the superstitious Indians to consider these reflections as those of their deities.”—G. A. Brennan, Roseland, Cook County, Illinois, January 12, 1887.

“In the intriguing account titled ‘Some Deities and Demons of the Navajos’ by Dr. W. Matthews, published in the October issue of the “Naturalist” (note 306), he notes that warriors made their sacrifices at the sacred shrine of Thoyetli in the San Juan Valley. He states that the Navajos believe that the gods of war, or sacred brothers, still reside at Thoyetli, and their reflections can sometimes be seen on the San Juan River. Dr. Matthews is convinced that this last part is due to a natural phenomenon. The following account appears to provide a complete explanation of this aspect of the myth. Several years ago, a clergyman traveling through the San Juan Valley observed a strange phenomenon while looking down at the San Juan River as it flowed through a deep canyon. Mists began to rise, and soon he noticed the shadows of himself and his companions reflected near the river's surface, surrounded by a circular rainbow called the ‘Circle of Ulloa.’ They jumped around, moved away, and performed various actions to confirm that the figures were indeed their reflections, and the figures mirrored their movements. The colors in the rainbow were faint. Such reflections have probably led the superstitious Native Americans to interpret these images as those of their deities.” —G. A. Brennan, Roseland, Cook County, Illinois, January 12, 1887.

165. Tseʻ-gí-hi is the name of some canyon, abounding in cliff-dwellings, north of the San Juan River, in Colorado or Utah. The author knows of it only from description. It is probably the McElmo or the Mancos Canyon. It is supposed by the Navahoes to have been a favorite home of the yéi or gods, and the ruined cliff-houses are supposed to have been inhabited by the divine ones. The cliff ruins in the Chelly Canyon, Arizona, are also supposed to have been homes of the gods; in fact, the gods are still thought to dwell there unseen. Chelly is but a Spanish orthography of the Navaho name Tséʻgi, Tséyi or Tséyi. When a Navaho would say “in the Chelly Canyon,” he says Tséyigi. The resemblance [239]of this expression to Tseʻgíhi (g and y being interchangeable) led the author at first to confound the two places. Careful inquiry showed that different localities were meant. Both names have much the same meaning (Among the Cliffs, or Among the Rocks).

165. Tseʻ-gí-hi is the name of a canyon filled with cliff dwellings, located north of the San Juan River, in either Colorado or Utah. The author knows of it only through descriptions. It's likely the McElmo or the Mancos Canyon. The Navajos believe it was a favorite home of the yéi, or gods, and the ruined cliff houses are thought to have been inhabited by these divine beings. The cliff ruins in Chelly Canyon, Arizona, are also believed to have been homes of the gods; in fact, people still think the gods reside there unseen. Chelly is simply a Spanish spelling of the Navajo name Tséʻgi, Tséyi or Tséyi. When a Navajo says “in the Chelly Canyon,” they say Tséyigi. The similarity of this phrase to Tseʻgíhi (with g and y being interchangeable) initially led the author to confuse the two places. Careful inquiry revealed that different locations were being referred to. Both names have very similar meanings (Among the Cliffs or Among the Rocks).

166. The expression used by the story-teller was, “seven times old age has killed.” This would be freely translated by most Navaho-speaking whites as “seven ages of old men.” The length of the age of an old man as a period of time is variously estimated by the Navahoes. Some say it is a definite cycle of 102 years,—the same number as the counters used in the game of kesitsé (note 176); others say it is “threescore years and ten;” while others, again, declare it to be an indefinite period marked by the death of some very old man in the tribe. This Indian estimate would give, for the existence of the nuclear gens of the Navaho nation, a period of from five hundred to seven hundred years. In his excellent paper on the “Early Navajo and Apache,”301 Mr. F. W. Hodge arrives at a much later date for the creation or first mention of the Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni by computing the dates given in this legend, and collating the same with the known dates of Spanish-American history. He shows that many of the dates given in this story are approximately correct. While the Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni is, legendarily, the nuclear gens of the Navahoes, it does not follow, even from the legend, that it is the oldest gens; for the dĭnéʻ dĭgíni, or holy people (see note 92), are supposed to have existed before it was created.

166. The storyteller used the phrase, “seven times old age has killed.” Most English-speaking Navajos would translate this as “seven ages of old men.” The length of an old man's life is estimated differently by the Navajos. Some say it’s a specific cycle of 102 years—the same number used in the game of kesitsé (note 176); others say it’s “three-score years and ten,” while still others claim it’s an indefinite time marked by the death of a very old man in the tribe. This estimation would suggest that the nuclear gens of the Navajo nation have existed for between five hundred and seven hundred years. In his excellent paper on “Early Navajo and Apache,” 301 Mr. F. W. Hodge arrives at a later date for the creation or first mention of the Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni by calculating the dates given in this legend and comparing them with known dates in Spanish-American history. He shows that many of the dates mentioned in this story are roughly correct. While the Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni is considered the nuclear gens of the Navajos, it doesn’t necessarily mean, according to the legend, that it’s the oldest gens; for the dĭnéʻ dĭgíni, or holy people (see note 92), are believed to have existed before it was created.

167. Tseʻ-dzĭn-kĭ′n-i is derived from tseʻ (rock), dzĭn (black, dark), and kin (a straight-walled house, a stone or adobe house, not a Navaho hut or hogán). Tseʻ is here rendered “cliffs,” because the house or houses in question are described as situated in dark cliffs. Like nearly all other Navaho gentile names, it seems to be of local origin.

167. Tseʻ-dzĭn-kĭ′n-i comes from tseʻ (rock), dzĭn (black, dark), and kin (a straight-walled house, a stone or adobe house, not a Navaho hut or hogán). Here, tseʻ is translated as “cliffs,” since the house or houses mentioned are said to be located in dark cliffs. Like most other Navaho gentile names, it appears to be locally sourced.

168. The rock formations of Arizona and New Mexico are often so fantastic that such a condition as that here described might easily occur.

168. The rock formations in Arizona and New Mexico are often so incredible that a situation like the one described here could easily happen.

169. The author has expressed the opinion elsewhere318 that we need not suppose from this passage that the story-teller wishes to commiserate the Tseʻtláni on the inferiority of their diet; he may merely intend to show that his gens had not the same taboo as the elder gentes. The modern Navahoes do not eat ducks or snakes. Taboo is perhaps again alluded to in par. 394, where it is said that the Tháʻpaha ate ducks and fish. The Navahoes do not eat fish, and fear fish in many ways. A white woman, for mischief, emptied over a young Navaho man a pan of water in which fish had been soaked. He changed all his clothes and purified himself by bathing. Navahoes have been known to refuse candies that were shaped like fish.

169. The author has stated elsewhere318 that we shouldn't assume from this passage that the storyteller feels sorry for the Tseʻtláni about their lesser diet; he might just be pointing out that his people didn't have the same taboo as the older groups. Today's Navahoes don’t eat ducks or snakes. The concept of taboo might be referenced again in par. 394, where it mentions that the Tháʻpaha ate ducks and fish. Navahoes don’t eat fish and have many fears related to it. Once, a white woman jokingly poured a pan of water that had fish soaked in it over a young Navaho man. He changed all his clothes and cleansed himself by bathing. Navahoes have also been known to decline candies shaped like fish.

170. A common method of killing deer and antelope in the old days was this: They were driven on to some high, steep-sided, jutting mesa, whose connection with the neighboring plateau was narrow and easily guarded. Here their retreat was cut off, and they were chased until constrained to jump over the precipice.

170. In the past, a typical way to hunt deer and antelope was this: They were herded onto a high, steep mesa, which had a narrow and easily defended connection to the surrounding plateau. Their escape route was blocked, and they were chased until they were forced to leap off the edge.

171. The name Toʻ-do-kón-zi is derived from two words,—toʻ (water) and dokónz (here translated saline). The latter word is used to denote a distinct but not an unpleasant taste. It has synonyms in other Indian languages, but not in English. It is known only from explanation that the water in question had a pleasant saline taste.

171. The name Toʻ-do-kón-zi comes from two words: toʻ (water) and dokónz (which means saline). The second word indicates a unique but not unpleasant taste. It has equivalents in other Indian languages, but not in English. It's understood that the water in question had a nice saline flavor.

172. The arrow-case of those days is a matter of tradition only. The Indians say it looked something like a modern shawl-strap.

172. The arrow case from back then is just a matter of tradition now. The Native Americans say it resembled a modern shawl strap.

173. In the name of this gens we have possibly another evidence of a former existence of totemism among some of the Navaho gentes. Haskánhatso may mean that many people of the Yucca gens lived in the land, and not that many yuccas grew there. [240]

173. The name of this group might be another clue about the past existence of totemism among some of the Navaho clans. Haskánhatso could suggest that many members of the Yucca clan lived in the area, rather than indicating that numerous yuccas thrived there. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

174. From the description given of this tree, which, the Indians say, still stands, it seems to be a big birch-tree.

174. From the description of this tree, which the Indians say is still standing, it seems to be a large birch tree.

175. Tsĭn-a-dzĭ′-ni is derived by double syncopation from tsĭn (wood), na (horizontal), dzĭn (dark or black), and the suffix ni. The word for black, dzĭn, in compounds is often pronounced zĭn. There is a place called Tsĭ′nadzĭn somewhere in Arizona, but the author has not located it.

175. Tsĭn-a-dzĭ′-ni comes from shortening the sounds in the words tsĭn (wood), na (horizontal), dzĭn (dark or black), and the suffix ni. The word for black, dzĭn, is often pronounced as zĭn when it's part of other words. There's a place called Tsĭ′nadzĭn somewhere in Arizona, but the author hasn't been able to find it.

176. Kĕ-sĭ-tsé, or kesitsé, from ke (moccasins), and sitsé (side by side, in a row), is a game played only during the winter months, at night and inside of a lodge. A multitude of songs, and a myth of a contest between animals who hunt by day and those who hunt by night, pertain to the game. Eight moccasins are buried in the ground (except about an inch of their tops), and they are filled with earth or sand. They are placed side by side, a few inches apart, in two rows,—one row on each side of the fire. A chip, marked black on one side (to represent night), is tossed up to see which side should begin first. The people of the lucky side hold up a screen to conceal their operations, and hide a small stone in the sand in one of the moccasins. When the screen is lowered, one of the opponents strikes the moccasins with a stick, and guesses which one contains the stone. If he guesses correctly, his side takes the stone to hide and the losers give him some counters. If he does not guess correctly, the first players retain the stone and receive a certain number of counters. (See note 88.) A better account of this game, with an epitome of the myth and several of the songs, has already been published.316

176. Kĕ-sĭ-tsé, or kesitsé, comes from ke (moccasins) and sitsé (side by side, in a row). It's a game played only during the winter months, at night inside a lodge. A variety of songs and a myth about a contest between animals that hunt during the day and those that hunt at night are connected to the game. Eight moccasins are buried in the ground so that only about an inch of their tops is visible, filled with earth or sand. They are arranged side by side, a few inches apart, in two rows—one row on each side of the fire. A chip, marked black on one side (to represent night), is tossed to decide which side goes first. The players from the winning side hold up a screen to hide their actions and conceal a small stone in the sand within one of the moccasins. When the screen is lowered, one of the opponents hits the moccasins with a stick and tries to guess which one contains the stone. If he guesses correctly, his side takes the stone to hide, and the losers give him some counters. If he guesses incorrectly, the first players keep the stone and receive a certain number of counters. (See note 88.) A more detailed account of this game, including a summary of the myth and several songs, has already been published.316

177. There are many allusions in the Navaho tales to the clothing of this people before the introduction of sheep (which came through the Spanish invaders), and before they cultivated the art of weaving, which they probably learned from the Pueblo tribes, although they are now better weavers than the Pueblos. The Navahoes represent themselves as miserably clad in the old days (par. 466), and they tell that many of their arts were learned from other tribes. (Par. 393.)

177. There are many references in the Navaho stories to the clothing of their people before sheep were introduced (which came with the Spanish invaders), and before they learned to weave, probably from the Pueblo tribes, although they are now better weavers than the Pueblos. The Navahoes describe themselves as poorly dressed in the past (par. 466), and they share that many of their skills were learned from other tribes. (Par. 393.)

178. Allusion is here made to the material used by Indians on the backs of bows, for bow-strings, as sewing-thread, and for many other purposes, which is erroneously called “sinew” by ethnographers and travellers. It is not sinew in the anatomical or histological sense of the word. It is yellow fibrous tissue taken from the dorsal region, probably the aponeurosis of the trapezius.

178. This refers to the material used by Indigenous people for bow backs, bowstrings, as sewing thread, and for many other uses, which is mistakenly labeled as “sinew” by ethnographers and travelers. It is not sinew in the anatomical or histological sense. It is yellow fibrous tissue taken from the back, likely the aponeurosis of the trapezius.

179. The Navaho country abounds in small caves and rock-shelters, some of which have been walled up by these Indians and used as store-houses (but not as dwellings, for reasons elsewhere given, par. 26). Such store-houses are in use at this day.

179. The Navajo region has plenty of small caves and rock shelters, some of which have been sealed off by these Native Americans and used as storage areas (but not as homes, for reasons explained elsewhere, par. 26). These storage areas are still in use today.

180. The legends represent the Navahoes not only as poorly clad and poorly fed in the old days, but as possessing few arts. Here and elsewhere in the legends it is stated that various useful arts became known to the tribe through members of other tribes adopted by the Navahoes.

180. The legends depict the Navajos not just as having limited clothing and inadequate food in the past, but also as having few skills. In this and other legends, it's mentioned that various useful skills were learned by the tribe through members of other tribes who were adopted by the Navajos.

181. Another version states that when the Western immigrants were travelling along the western base of the Lukachokai Mountains, some wanted to ascend the Tseʻĭnlín valley; but one woman said, “No; let us keep along the base of the mountain.” From this they named her Base of Mountain, and her descendants bear that name now. This explanation is less likely than that in par. 393.

181. Another version says that when the Western immigrants were traveling along the western side of the Lukachokai Mountains, some wanted to go up the Tseʻĭnlín valley; but one woman said, “No; let's stick to the base of the mountain.” Because of this, they named her Base of Mountain, and her descendants carry that name today. This explanation is less likely than the one in par. 393.

182. This statement should be accepted only with some allowance for the fact that it was made by one who was of the gens of Tháʻpaha.

182. This statement should be taken with some consideration that it was made by someone from the gens of Thapa.

183. Punishments for adultery were various and severe among many Indian tribes in former days. Early travellers mention amputation of the nose and other mutilations, and it appears that capital punishment for this crime was not uncommon. If there is any punishment for adultery among the Navahoes to-day, more severe than a light whipping, which is rarely given, the author has never heard of it. The position of the Navaho woman is such that grievous punishments would [241]not be tolerated. In the days of Góntso even, it would seem they were scarcely less protected than now, for then the husband, although a potent chief, did not dare to punish his wives—so the legend intimates—until he had received the consent of their relatives.

183. Punishments for adultery were varied and harsh among many Indian tribes in the past. Early travelers noted practices like nose amputation and other forms of mutilation, and it seems that death sentences for this crime weren't rare. If there is any punishment for adultery among the Navahoes today that is harsher than a light whipping, which is rarely enforced, the author has never heard of it. The status of Navaho women is such that severe penalties would [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]not be accepted. Even in the days of Góntso, it appears they were hardly less protected than they are now, because back then, even a powerful chief wouldn't dare to punish his wives—so the legend suggests—without the approval of their family.

184. For the performance of these nine-days’ ceremonies the Navahoes now build temporary medicine-lodges, which they use, as a rule, for one occasion only. Rarely is a ceremony performed twice in the same place, and there is no set day, as indicated by any phase of any particular lunation, for the beginning of any great ceremony. Many ceremonies may be performed only during the cold months, but otherwise the time for performance is not defined. There is a tradition that their customs were different when they lived in a compact settlement on the banks of the San Juan River (before they became shepherds and scattered over the land); that they then had permanent medicine-lodges, and exact dates for the performance of some ceremonies. In paragraph 411 we hear of a ceremony which lasted all winter.

184. For the nine-day ceremonies, the Navajos now build temporary medicine lodges, which they typically use for just one occasion. It's rare for a ceremony to be held in the same location twice, and there's no specific day marked by the phases of the moon for starting any major ceremony. Some ceremonies can only happen during the cold months, but in general, the timing for them isn’t fixed. There’s a belief that their customs were different when they lived in a close-knit community along the San Juan River (before they became shepherds and dispersed across the land); at that time, they had permanent medicine lodges and specific dates for some ceremonies. In paragraph 411 we hear about a ceremony that lasted all winter.

185. For a description of this ceremony see “The Mountain Chant: a Navaho Ceremony,”314 by the author. It is an important healing ceremony of nine days’ duration. The rites, until the last night, are held in the medicine-lodge and are secret. Just after sunset on the last day, a great round corral, or circle of evergreen branches, is constructed, called ilnásdzĭn, or the dark circle of branches. This is about forty paces in diameter, about eight feet high, with an opening in the east about ten feet wide. From about eight P.M. on the last night of the ceremony until dawn next morning, a number of dances, dramatic shows, medicine rites, and tricks of legerdemain are performed in this corral, in the presence of a large group of spectators,—several hundred men, women, and children. No one is refused admittance. Fig. 37 shows the dark circle of branches as it appears at sunrise when the rites are over, and, in addition to the original opening in the east, three other openings have been made in the circle. Fig. 30 shows the alíl (rite, show, or ceremony) of nahikáï, which takes place on this occasion, and it is designed largely for the entertainment and mystification of the spectators. The performers march around (and very close to) the great central fire, which emits an intense heat. Their skin would probably be scorched if it were not heavily daubed with white earth. Each actor carries a short wand, at the tip of which is a ball of eagle-down. This ball he must burn off in the fire, and then, by a simple sleight-of-hand trick, seem to restore the ball again to the end of his wand. When this is accomplished, he rushes out of the corral, trumpeting like a sand-hill crane. In “The Mountain Chant” this is called a dance, but the movements of the actors are not in time to music. Nahikáï signifies “it becomes white again,” and refers to the reappearance of the eagle-down. The show is very picturesque, and must be mystifying to simple minds.

185. For a description of this ceremony, see “The Mountain Chant: a Navaho Ceremony,” 314 by the author. It’s an important healing ceremony that lasts nine days. The rituals, until the final night, take place in the medicine lodge and are kept secret. Just after sunset on the last day, a large round corral made of evergreen branches, called ilnásdzĭn, or the dark circle of branches, is built. This circle is about forty paces in diameter, around eight feet high, with an opening in the east that’s about ten feet wide. From around eight PM on the last night of the ceremony until dawn the next morning, various dances, dramatic performances, medicine rites, and sleight-of-hand tricks are done in this corral in front of a big crowd—several hundred men, women, and children. Everyone is welcome to come in. Fig. 37 shows the dark circle of branches at sunrise after the rites are finished, and besides the original opening in the east, three more openings have been made in the circle. Fig. 30 shows the alíl (rite, show, or ceremony) of nahikáï, which takes place on this occasion and is mainly for the entertainment and amazement of the spectators. The performers march around (and very close to) the large central fire, which gives off intense heat. Their skin would likely get burned if it weren't coated with white earth. Each performer holds a short wand with a ball of eagle-down at the tip. They must burn the ball in the fire, and then, using a simple trick, seem to restore the ball back to the end of their wand. When they manage this, they rush out of the corral, trumpeting like a sand-hill crane. In “The Mountain Chant,” this is referred to as a dance, but the actors' movements aren’t timed to music. Nahikáï means “it becomes white again,” referring to the reappearance of the eagle-down. The performance is very colorful and likely confusing for simple minds.

186. Tseʻ-zĭn-di-aí signifies Black Rock Standing (like a wall). It might mean an artificial wall of black rock; but as the result of careful inquiry it has been learned that the name refers to a locality where exists the formation known to geologists as trap-dyke. It cannot be averred that it is applied to all trap-dyke.

186. Tseʻ-zĭn-di-aí means Black Rock Standing (like a wall). It could refer to a man-made wall made of black rock; however, after thorough investigation, it has been discovered that the name actually refers to a specific location known for its geological formation called trap-dyke. It cannot be stated that it applies to all trap-dykes.

187. Slaves were numerous among the Navahoes, and slavery was openly recognized by them until 1883, when the just and energetic agent, Mr. D. M. Riordan, did much to abolish it. Yet as late as 1893, when the writer was last in the Navaho country, he found evidence that the institution still existed, though very occultly, and to a more limited extent than formerly.

187. Slavery was common among the Navajos, and they openly accepted it until 1883, when the fair and active agent, Mr. D. M. Riordan, did a lot to end it. However, as late as 1893, when the author last visited Navajo country, he found evidence that the practice still existed, though very secretly, and to a lesser degree than before.

188. Some translate Háltso as Yellow Valley, and give a different myth to account for the name. As most Navaho gentile names are undoubtedly of local origin, there may be a tendency to make all gentile names accord with the general rule. [242]

188. Some translate Háltso as Yellow Valley and provide a different myth to explain the name. Since most Navaho gentile names likely come from local origins, there might be a tendency to make all gentile names fit this general rule. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

189. The word here translated pet (lin) means also a domestic animal and a personal fetish. (See par. 63.)

189. The word translated as pet (lin) also refers to a domestic animal and a personal fetish. (See par. 63.)

190. Although this name, Bĭ-táʻ-ni, seems so much like that of Bĭtáni that one might think they were but variants of the same word, they are undoubtedly distinct names and must not be confounded.

190. Although the name Bĭ-táʻ-ni looks very similar to Bĭtáni, suggesting they might just be different versions of the same term, they are definitely distinct names and should not be confused.

191. This is believed to be the notable landmark called by the whites Sunset Peak, which is about ten miles east of San Francisco Peak, in Yavapai County, Arizona. Sunset Peak is covered with dark forests nearly to its summit. The top is of brilliant red rock capped by a paler stratum, and it has the appearance, at all hours of the day, of being lighted by the setting sun.

191. This is thought to be the well-known landmark referred to by white settlers as Sunset Peak, located about ten miles east of San Francisco Peak in Yavapai County, Arizona. Sunset Peak is almost entirely covered in dark forests up to its summit. The peak consists of bright red rock topped with a lighter layer, giving it the look of being illuminated by the setting sun at all times of the day.

192. This locality is in Apache County, Arizona, about sixty miles from the eastern boundary and twelve miles from the northern boundary of the Territory. A sharp volcanic peak, 6,825 feet high above sea-level, which marks the place from afar, is called “Agathla Needle” on the maps of the United States Geological Survey, and on the accompanying map, which was compiled from the government maps by Mr. Frank Tweedy of the Geological Survey.

192. This area is in Apache County, Arizona, about sixty miles from the eastern border and twelve miles from the northern border of the territory. A distinctive volcanic peak, standing 6,825 feet above sea level, is visible from a distance and is referred to as “Agathla Needle” on the United States Geological Survey maps. The accompanying map was created from government maps by Mr. Frank Tweedy of the Geological Survey.

193. The Navahoes are aware that in lands far to the north there are kindred tribes which speak languages much like their own. They have traditions that long ago some of their number travelled in search of these tribes and found them. These distant kinsmen are called by the Navaho Dĭnéʻ Nahotlóni, or Navahoes in Another Place.

193. The Navajo know that in lands far to the north, there are related tribes that speak languages similar to theirs. They have traditions about some of their ancestors who traveled to find these tribes and did, in fact, discover them. These distant relatives are known to the Navajo as Dĭnéʻ Nahotlóni, or Navajo in Another Place.

194. A version has been recorded which says that, on the march, one woman loitered behind at Deer Spring for a while, as if loath to leave; that for this reason they called her Deer Spring, and that her descendants became the gens of that name. The same version accounts in a similar manner for the names given at the magic fountains. The women did not call out the names of the springs, but they loitered at them.

194. There’s a story that says, while on their journey, one woman hung back at Deer Spring for a bit, as if she didn’t want to leave. Because of this, they named her Deer Spring, and her descendants became known by that name. The same story explains how the names given to the magical fountains came about. The women didn't shout out the names of the springs; they just lingered at them.

195. The story of the Deer Spring People affords, perhaps, the best evidence in favor of the former existence of totemism to be found in the legend. Assuming that the immigrants from the west had once totemic names, we may explain this story by saying that it was people of the Deer gens who stayed behind and gave their name to the spring where they remained; that in the course of time they became known as People of the Deer Spring; and that, as they still retain their old name in a changed form, the story-teller is constrained to say that the fate of the deer is not known. Perhaps the name of the Maitóʻdĭneʻ (par. 428) may be explained in somewhat the same way. (See “The Gentile System of the Navajo Indians,” p. 107.318)

195. The story of the Deer Spring People likely provides the strongest evidence for the past existence of totemism found in the legend. Assuming that the immigrants from the west once had totemic names, we can interpret this story as describing the Deer gens who stayed behind and named the spring where they settled; over time, they became known as the People of the Deer Spring. Since they still hold on to their old name in a modified form, the storyteller has to say that the fate of the deer is unknown. Perhaps the name of the Maitóʻdĭneʻ (par. 428) can be understood in a similar way. (See “The Gentile System of the Navajo Indians,” p. 107.318)

196. The more proper interpretation of Ho-na-gáʻ-ni seems to be People of the Walking Place, from ho (locative), nága (to walk), and ni (people). It is not unreasonable to suppose that, like nearly all other Navaho gentile names, this name has a local meaning, and that the story here told to account for its origin is altogether mythical.

196. The more accurate interpretation of Ho-na-gáʻ-ni seems to be People of the Walking Place, from ho (locative), nága (to walk), and ni (people). It's reasonable to think that, like almost all other Navaho tribal names, this name has a local significance and that the story told here to explain its origin is purely mythical.

197. This episode indicates that kindness and pity are sentiments not unknown to the Navahoes, and that (though there are many thieves) there are honest men and women among them.

197. This episode shows that kindness and compassion are feelings that the Navahoes are familiar with, and that (even though there are many thieves) there are also honest people among them.

198. Na-nas-tĕ′-zin, the Navaho name for the Zuñi Indians, is said to be derived from aná (an alien or an enemy), naste (a horizontal stripe), and zĭn (black). Some say it refers to the way the Zuñians cut their hair,—“bang” it,—straight across the forehead; others say it is the name of a locality.

198. Na-nas-tĕ′-zin, the Navajo term for the Zuni Indians, is believed to come from aná (an outsider or an enemy), naste (a horizontal stripe), and zĭn (black). Some people say it refers to how the Zuni cut their hair—“bangs”—straight across the forehead; others claim it is the name of a place.

199. Kin-a-áʻ-ni, or Kin-ya-áʻ-ni, means People of the High Pueblo House,—the high wall of stone or adobe. The name kinaáʻ might with propriety be applied to any one of hundreds of ruins in the Navaho country, but the only one to which the name is known to be given is a massive ruin six or seven stories high [243]in Bernalillo County, New Mexico, about seventeen miles in a northerly direction from Chaves Station, on the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad. This ruin consists of unusually large fragments of stone, and looks more like a ruined European castle than other old Indian dwellings. It seems too far east and south, and too far away from the settlements on the San Juan, where the western immigrants finished their journey, to be the place, as some say it is, from which the gens of Kinaáʻni derived its name. The high stone wall which the immigrants passed en route, mentioned in par. 435 in connection with the gens of Kinaáʻni, may be the place to which the legend originally ascribed the origin of the name. There are many pueblo remains around San Francisco Mountain. The name is written “Kin-ya-a-ni” on the accompanying map.

199. Kin-a-áʻ-ni, or Kin-ya-áʻ-ni, means People of the High Pueblo House—the high wall of stone or adobe. The name kinaáʻ could technically apply to any number of ruins in the Navajo area, but the only one it is specifically associated with is a large ruin six or seven stories high [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] in Bernalillo County, New Mexico, about seventeen miles north of Chaves Station on the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad. This ruin features unusually large stone fragments and resembles a ruined European castle more than other old Native American homes. It seems too far east and south, and too distant from the settlements on the San Juan where the western immigrants ended their journey, to be the place, as some suggest, from which the gens of Kinaáʻni got its name. The high stone wall that the immigrants saw on their way, mentioned in par. 435 in relation to the gens of Kinaáʻni, might be the location that the legend originally attributed to the origin of the name. There are numerous pueblo remains around San Francisco Mountain. The name is marked as “Kin-ya-a-ni” on the accompanying map.

200. Plate I., fig. 1, shows a yébaad, or female yéi or goddess, as she is usually represented in the dry-paintings. The following objects are here indicated: (1) A square mask or domino, which covers the face only (see fig. 28), is painted blue, margined below with yellow (to represent the yellow evening light), and elsewhere with lines of red and black (for hair above, for ears at the sides), and has downy eagle-feathers on top, tied on with white strings; (2) a robe of white, extending from the armpits to near the knees, adorned with red and blue to represent sunbeams, and fringed beautifully at the bottom; (3) white leggings secured with colored garters (such as Indians weave); (4) embroidered moccasins; (5) an ornamental sash; (6) a wand of spruce-twigs in each hand (sometimes she is shown with spruce in one hand and a seed-basket in the other); (7) jewels—ear-pendants, bracelets, and necklaces—of turquoise and coral; (8) long strips of fox-skin ornamented at the ends, which hang from wrists and elbows. (For explanation of blue neck, see note 74.) In the dance of the nahikáï, there are properly six yébaad in masquerade; but sometimes they have to get along with a less number, owing to the difficulty in finding suitable persons enough to fill the part. The actors are usually low-sized men and boys, who must contrast in appearance with those who enact the part of males. Each yébaad actor wears no clothing except moccasins and a skirt, which is held on with a silver-studded belt; his body and limbs are painted white; his hair is unbound and hangs over his shoulders; he wears the square female mask and he carries in each hand a bundle of spruce twigs, which is so secured, by means of strings, that he cannot carelessly let it fall. Occasionally females are found to dance in this character: these have their bodies fully clothed in ordinary woman’s attire; but they wear the masks and carry the wands just as the young men do. While the male gods, in plate I., except Dsahadoldzá, are represented with white arms, the female is depicted with yellow arms. This symbolism is explained in note 27.

200. Plate I., fig. 1, shows a yébaad, or female yéi or goddess, as she is typically depicted in the dry paintings. The following objects are noted: (1) A square mask or domino that covers only the face (see fig. 28) is painted blue, edged below with yellow (to represent the yellow evening light), and decorated elsewhere with lines of red and black (for hair above, for ears at the sides), and has soft eagle feathers on top, tied on with white strings; (2) a white robe that extends from the armpits to near the knees, embellished with red and blue to symbolize sunbeams, and beautifully fringed at the bottom; (3) white leggings held up with colored garters (like those woven by Indians); (4) embroidered moccasins; (5) an ornamental sash; (6) a wand made of spruce twigs in each hand (sometimes she's shown with spruce in one hand and a seed basket in the other); (7) jewelry—earrings, bracelets, and necklaces—made of turquoise and coral; (8) long strips of fox skin decorated at the ends, which hang from wrists and elbows. (For explanation of blue neck, see note 74.) In the dance of the nahikáï, there are usually six yébaad in masquerade; but sometimes they must manage with fewer due to the challenge of finding enough suitable performers. The actors are generally shorter men and boys, who must look different from those portraying male roles. Each yébaad actor wears no clothing except moccasins and a skirt, secured with a silver-studded belt; his body and limbs are painted white; his hair is loose and falls over his shoulders; he wears the square female mask and carries a bundle of spruce twigs in each hand, secured with strings so he can’t accidentally drop them. Occasionally women can be found dancing in this role; they wear regular women’s clothing, but don the masks and carry the wands just like the young men do. While the male gods in plate I., except Dsahadoldzá, are shown with white arms, the female is depicted with yellow arms. This symbolism is explained in note 27.

201. The exact etymology of the word Na-tĭ′n-ĕs-tha-ni has not been determined. The idea it conveys is: He who teaches himself, he who discovers for himself, or he who thinks out a problem for himself. We find the verb in the expression nasĭnítin, which means, “Teach me how to do it.” Here the second and third syllables are pronouns. Although the hero has his name changed after a while, the story-teller usually continues to call him Natĭ′nĕsthani to the end of the story. Often he speaks of him as the man or the Navaho.

201. The exact origin of the word Na-tĭ′n-ĕs-tha-ni isn't clearly defined. The concept it represents is: someone who teaches themselves, discovers things on their own, or thinks through a problem independently. We see the verb in the phrase nasĭnítin, which means, “Teach me how to do it.” In this case, the second and third syllables serve as pronouns. Even though the hero's name changes over time, the storyteller typically keeps referring to him as Natĭ′nĕsthani until the end of the story. He often refers to him as the man or the Navajo.

202. The eighteen articles here referred to are as follows: 1, white shell; 2, turquoise; 3, haliotis shell; 4, pászĭni or cannel coal; 5, red stone; 6, feathers of the yellow warbler; 7, feathers of the bluebird; 8, feathers of the eagle; 9, feathers of the turkey; 10, beard of the turkey; 11, cotton string; 12, iʻyidĕzná;11 13, white shell basket; 14, turquoise basket; 15, haliotis basket; 16, pászĭni basket; 17, rock crystal basket; 18, sacred buckskin. (See note 13.) These were the sacred articles which the gods were said to require in the myths of klédzi hatál and atsósidze hatál. In the myths of the former rite they are mentioned over and [244]over again, to the weariness of the hearer. They are all used to-day in the rites mentioned, except the five baskets. Now ordinary sacred baskets (note 5, par. 28) are used; the jeweled baskets are legendary only.

202. The eighteen articles mentioned here are as follows: 1, white shell; 2, turquoise; 3, haliotis shell; 4, pászĭni or cannel coal; 5, red stone; 6, feathers of the yellow warbler; 7, feathers of the bluebird; 8, feathers of the eagle; 9, feathers of the turkey; 10, turkey beard; 11, cotton string; 12, iʻyidĕzná;11 13, white shell basket; 14, turquoise basket; 15, haliotis basket; 16, pászĭni basket; 17, rock crystal basket; 18, sacred buckskin. (See note 13.) These were the sacred items that the gods were said to need in the myths of klédzi a>tál and atsósidze hatál. In the stories of the former ritual, they are mentioned repeatedly, to the listener's annoyance. All of them are still used today in the mentioned rituals, except for the five baskets. Now, regular sacred baskets (note 5, par. 28) are used; the jeweled baskets are only a part of legend.

203. The knowledge of domestic or pet turkeys is not new to the Navahoes. The Pueblo Indians of the Southwest have kept them for centuries. The Navahoes declare that in former years they kept pet turkeys themselves; but this seems doubtful, considering their mode of life. A conservative Navaho will not now eat turkey flesh, although he will not hesitate to shoot a wild turkey to sell it to a white man.

203. The knowledge of domestic or pet turkeys isn't new to the Navajo. The Pueblo Indians of the Southwest have had them for centuries. The Navajo claim that in the past they kept pet turkeys themselves; but this seems unlikely, given their way of life. A traditional Navajo won’t eat turkey meat today, although they'll readily shoot a wild turkey to sell to a white person.

204. In the Navaho dry-paintings the rainbow is usually depicted with a head at one end and legs and feet at the other. The head is represented with a square mask to show that it is a goddess. It is apotheosized. (See fig. 29.) In one of the dry-paintings of the mountain chant the rainbow is depicted without limbs or head, but terminating at one end with five eagle-plumes, at the other end with five magpie-plumes, and decorated near its middle with plumes of the bluebird and the red-shafted woodpecker. (See “The Mountain Chant,” p. 450.314)

204. In Navajo dry paintings, the rainbow is typically shown with a head at one end and legs and feet at the other. The head is represented with a square mask to indicate that it is a goddess. It is elevated to a divine status. (See fig. 29.) In one of the dry paintings from the mountain chant, the rainbow is illustrated without limbs or a head, ending at one side with five eagle feathers and at the other with five magpie feathers, while being adorned near the middle with feathers from the bluebird and the red-shafted woodpecker. (See “The Mountain Chant,” p. 450.314)

205. This magic cup figures in many other Navaho myths. (See paragraph 572.)

205. This magical cup appears in many other Navajo myths. (See paragraph 572.)

206. Has-tsé-ol-to-i means the Shooting Hastsé (par. 78), or Shooting Deity. As the personator of this character always wears a female mask (fig. 28), it would seem that this divinity of the chase, like the Roman Diana, is a goddess. The personator (a man) carries a quiver of puma skin, a bow, and two arrows. The latter are made of reed, are headless, and are feathered with the tail and wing feathers of the red-tailed buzzard (Buteo borealis), tied on with fibrous tissue. The tips of the arrows are covered with moistened white earth and moistened pollen. Each arrow is at least two spans and a hand’s-breadth long; but it must be cut off three finger-widths beyond a node, and to accomplish this it may be made a little longer than the above dimensions. There are very particular rules about applying the feathers. The man who personates Hastséoltoi, in a rite of succor in the ceremony of the night chant, follows the personators of the War Gods. While the patient stands on a buffalo robe in front of the medicine-lodge, the actor waves with the right hand one arrow at him, giving a peculiar call; then, changing the arrows from one hand to another, he waves the other arrow at the patient. This is done east, south, west, and north. The actor repeats these motions around the lodge; all then enter the lodge; there the patient says a prayer, and, with many formalities, presents a cigarette to the personator (after he has prayed and sacrificed to the War Gods). The three masqueraders then go to the west of the lodge to deposit their sacrifices (that of Hastséoltoi is put under a weed,—Gutierrezia euthamiæ, if possible). When this is done, they take off their masks, don ordinary blankets,—brought out by an accomplice,—hide the masks under their blankets, and return to the lodge in the guise of ordinary Indians. Some speak as if there were but one Hastséoltoi, and say she is the wife of Nayénĕzgạni. Others speak as if there were one at every place where the yéi have homes.

206. Has-tsé-ol-to-i means the Shooting Hastsé (par. 78), or Shooting Deity. Since the person playing this role always wears a female mask (fig. 28), it seems that this chase deity, similar to the Roman goddess Diana, is also a goddess. The actor (a man) carries a quiver made of puma skin, a bow, and two arrows. The arrows are made of reed, are without tips, and are fletched with the tail and wing feathers of the red-tailed buzzard (Buteo borealis), tied on with fibrous material. The arrow tips are covered with moist white clay and pollen. Each arrow is at least two spans and a hand's breadth long, but it must be trimmed three finger-widths beyond a node; to achieve this, it can be made slightly longer than the specified dimensions. There are very strict rules for applying the feathers. The man impersonating Hastséoltoi, during a rite for assistance in the night chant ceremony, follows those who personate the War Gods. While the patient stands on a buffalo robe in front of the medicine lodge, the actor waves one arrow at him with his right hand, making a unique call; then, switching the arrows from one hand to the other, he waves the other arrow at the patient. This is done facing east, south, west, and north. The actor repeats these motions around the lodge; everyone then enters the lodge, where the patient offers a prayer and, through many formalities, presents a cigarette to the personator (after he has prayed and sacrificed to the War Gods). The three masqueraders then go to the west side of the lodge to place their sacrifices (the one from Hastséoltoi is placed under a plant,—Gutierrezia euthamiæ, if possible). After this, they remove their masks, put on ordinary blankets—brought out by an accomplice—hide the masks under their blankets, and return to the lodge disguised as regular Indigenous people. Some claim there is only one Hastséoltoi, saying she is the wife of Nayénĕzgạni. Others suggest there is one in every place where the yéi have homes.

207. The Gán-as-kĭ-di are a numerous race of divinities. Their chief home is at a place called Depéhahatil (Tries to Shoot Sheep), near Tseʻgíhi, north of the San Juan; but they may appear anywhere, and, according to the myths, are often found in company with the yéi and other gods. They belong to the Mountain Sheep People, and often appear to man in the form of Rocky Mountain sheep. In the myths of the night chant it is said that they captured the prophet of the rites, took him to their home, and taught him many of the mysteries of the night chant. In the treatment accompanying these, the tendo-achillis of a mountain sheep is applied to an aching limb to relieve pain; the horn is pressed to an [245]aching head to relieve headache; and water from the sheep’s eye is used for sore eyes. The Gánaskĭdi are gods of plenty and harvest gods. A masquerader, representing one of these, sometimes appears in an act of succor about sundown on the last day of the night chant, following representatives of Hastséyalti and Dsahadoldzá. He wears the ordinary blue mask of a yébaka with the fringe of hair removed. He carries a crown or headdress made of a basket from which the bottom has been cut, so that it may fit on the head. The basket crown is adorned with artificial horns; it is painted on the lower surface black, with a zigzag streak to represent lightning playing on the face of a black cloud; it is painted red on the upper surface (not shown in picture), to indicate the sunlight on the other side of the cloud; and it is decorated with radiating feathers, from the tail of the red-shafted woodpecker (Colaptes mexicanus), to represent the rays of the sun streaming out at the edge of the cloud. The god is crowned with the storm-cloud. The horns on the crown are made of the skin of the Rocky Mountain sheep (sewed with yucca fibre); they are stuffed with hair of the same, or with black wool; they are painted part black and part blue, with white markings; and they are tipped with eagle-feathers tied on with white string. On his back the actor carries a long bag of buckskin, which is empty, but is kept distended by means of a light frame made of the twigs of aromatic sumac, so as to appear full; it is decorated at the back with eagle-plumes, and sometimes also with the plumes of the red-shafted woodpecker; it is painted on the sides with short parallel white lines (12 or 16), and at the back with long lines of four colors. This bag represents a bag of black cloud, filled with produce of the fields, which the god is said to carry. The cloudy bag is so heavy, they say, that the god is obliged to lean on a staff, bend his back, and walk as one bearing a burden; so the personator does the same. The staff, or gĭs, which the latter carries, is made of cherry (new for each occasion); it is as long as from the middle of the left breast to the tip of the outstretched right hand; it is painted black with the charcoal of four sacred plants; it bears a zigzag stripe in white to represent lightning, and it is trimmed with many turkey-feathers in two whorls, and one eagle-feather. These properties and adornments are conventionally represented in the dry-paintings. (See plate I., fig. 5.) The red powder thinly sprinkled over the eagle-plumes at the back represents pollen. The cloud bag is tied on the god, says the myth, with rainbows. The yellow horizontal line at the chin in the picture represents a yellow line on the mask which symbolizes the evening twilight. The actor wears a collar of fox-skin (indicated by mark under right ear) and ordinary clothing. The elaborate ceremony of succor will not be described here. Gánaskĭdi means Humpback. The name is sometimes given Nánaskĭdi.

207. The Gán-as-kĭ-di are a large group of deities. Their main home is in a place called Depéhahatil (Tries to Shoot Sheep), near Tseʻgíhi, north of San Juan; however, they can appear anywhere and, according to the myths, are often seen with the yéi and other gods. They are part of the Mountain Sheep People and often show themselves to humans as Rocky Mountain sheep. In the stories of the night chant, it's said that they captured the prophet of the rites, brought him to their home, and taught him many secrets of the night chant. During these rituals, the tendo-achillis of a mountain sheep is used on an aching limb for pain relief; the horn is pressed against an [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]aching head to alleviate headaches; and water from the sheep's eye is used for sore eyes. The Gánaskĭdi are gods of abundance and harvest. A performer, representing one of them, sometimes appears in a helping role around sunset on the last day of the night chant, following the representatives of Hastséyalti and Dsahadoldzá. He wears the typical blue mask of a yébaka, with the hair fringe removed. He carries a crown or headdress made from a basket with the bottom cut out, allowing it to fit on his head. The basket crown is decorated with artificial horns; it has a black lower surface with a zigzag pattern to represent lightning striking a dark cloud and a red upper surface (not shown in the picture) to symbolize sunlight on the other side of the cloud. It is adorned with radiating feathers from the tail of the red-shafted woodpecker (Colaptes mexicanus), representing the sun's rays spreading out from the edge of the cloud. The god is topped with storm clouds. The horns on the crown are made from the skin of the Rocky Mountain sheep (sewn with yucca fiber); they are stuffed with the sheep's hair or black wool, and are painted partially black and partially blue, with white markings; the tips are decorated with eagle feathers secured with white string. On his back, the actor carries a long buckskin bag that is empty but appears full thanks to a light frame made of aromatic sumac twigs. It is decorated with eagle plumes and sometimes with plumes from the red-shafted woodpecker; painted on the sides are short parallel white lines (12 or 16), and on the back are long lines in four colors. This bag represents a bag of dark cloud, filled with produce from the fields, that the god is said to carry. The bag is so heavy that, according to legend, the god has to lean on a staff, bend his back, and walk like someone bearing a load; thus, the performer mimics this. The staff, or gĭs, that he carries is made of cherry wood (new for each event); it measures from the center of the left breast to the tip of the outstretched right hand; it is painted black with charcoal from four sacred plants and features a white zigzag stripe to represent lightning. It's decorated with several turkey feathers arranged in two whorls and one eagle feather. These elements and decorations are typically depicted in dry paintings. (See plate I., fig. 5.) The red powder lightly sprinkled over the eagle plumes at the back symbolizes pollen. The myth states that the cloudy bag is secured to the god with rainbows. The yellow horizontal line at the chin in the image indicates a yellow line on the mask that represents evening twilight. The actor wears a fox-skin collar (marked under the right ear) and regular clothing. The detailed ceremony of assistance won't be described here. Gánaskĭdi means Humpback. The name is sometimes given as Nánaskĭdi.

208. The only Kĭ′ndolĭz, or Kĭ′ndotlĭz (Blue House), the writer knows of is a ruined pueblo of that name in the Chaco Canyon; but this can hardly be the Blue House referred to in the myth. There is probably another ruin of this name on the banks of the San Juan.

208. The only Kĭ′ndolĭz, or Kĭ′ndotlĭz (Blue House), that I know of is a ruined pueblo with that name in Chaco Canyon; however, this is unlikely to be the Blue House mentioned in the myth. There’s probably another ruin with this name along the banks of the San Juan.

209. The Dsahadoldzá, or Fringe-mouths, are a class of divine beings of whom little information has been gained. They are represented in the rite of klédzi hatál by sand-paintings, and by masqueraders decked and masked as shown in the pictures. There are two kinds,—Fringe-mouths of the land and Fringe-mouths of the water (plate I., fig. 3), or Thastlátsi Dsahadoldzá; the latter are the class referred to in this story. The zigzag lines on their bodies shown in the pictures represent the crooked lightning, which they used as ropes to lift the log. On the mask (shown in the dry-painting) the mouth is surrounded by white radiating lines; hence the name Fringe-mouths. The actor who represents the Fringe-mouths of the land has one half of his body and one half of his mask painted black, the other half red. He who represents the Fringe-mouths of the water [246]has his body painted half blue and half yellow, as shown in plate I., fig. 3. Both wear a similar mask and a similar crown or headdress. The crown consists of a basket from which the bottom has been cut, so that it may fit on the head; the lower surface is painted black, to represent a dark cloud, and is streaked with white to represent lightning; the upper surface (not shown in the painting) is colored red, to represent the sunlight of the back of the cloud; and feathers of the red-shafted woodpecker are attached to the edge, to represent sunbeams. So far, this crown is like that worn by Gánaskĭdi (note 207). Ascending from the basket crown is a tripod of twigs of aromatic sumac, painted white; between the limbs of the tripod finely combed red wool is laid, and a downy eagle-feather tips each stick. The actor carries in his left hand a bow adorned with three eagle-plumes and two tufts of turkey feathers, and in his right hand a white gourd rattle, sometimes decorated with two whorls of feathers. His torso, arms, and legs are naked, but painted. He wears a shirt around his loins, and rich necklaces and ear pendants. All these things are plainly indicated in the dry-paintings. The fox-skin collar which he wears is vaguely shown by an appendage at the right ear. The angles of the white lightning on the chest and limbs of the actor are not as numerous as in the paintings.

209. The Dsahadoldzá, or Fringe-mouths, are a type of divine being about whom little is known. They are depicted in the klédzi hatál ritual through sand paintings and by performers dressed and masked as illustrated in the images. There are two types: Fringe-mouths of the land and Fringe-mouths of the water (plate I., fig. 3), with the latter being the group referenced in this story. The zigzag lines on their bodies seen in the pictures symbolize crooked lightning, which they used as ropes to lift the log. The mask (shown in the dry painting) features a mouth surrounded by white radiating lines, giving them the name Fringe-mouths. The performer representing the Fringe-mouths of the land has one half of his body and one half of his mask painted black, and the other half red. The one portraying the Fringe-mouths of the water [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]has his body painted half blue and half yellow, as shown in plate I., fig. 3. Both wear similar masks and crowns or headdresses. The crown is created from a basket with the bottom cut out so it can fit on the head; the underside is painted black to symbolize a dark cloud and streaked with white for lightning; the top (not shown in the painting) is red to represent sunlight behind the cloud, with red-shafted woodpecker feathers attached to the edge to symbolize sunbeams. So far, this crown resembles that worn by Gánaskĭdi (note 207). Rising from the basket crown is a tripod made of aromatic sumac twigs, painted white; between the tripod's limbs, finely combed red wool is placed, with a downy eagle feather atop each stick. The performer holds a bow in his left hand decorated with three eagle feathers and two turkey feather tufts, and in his right hand, he has a white gourd rattle, sometimes adorned with two feather whorls. His torso, arms, and legs are bare but painted. He wears a shirt around his waist, along with decorative necklaces and earrings. All these details are clearly shown in the dry paintings. The fox-skin collar he wears is vaguely indicated by an extension at the right ear. The angles of the white lightning on the actor's chest and limbs are fewer than those depicted in the paintings.

210. Tielín are ferocious pets that belong to Tiéholtsodi, the water monster, and guard the door of his dwelling. They are said to have blue horns.

210. Tielín are vicious pets that belong to Tiéholtsodi, the water monster, and they guard the entrance to his home. It's said that they have blue horns.

211. Na-tsi-lĭ′t a-kó-di (short rainbow), the fragmentary or incomplete rainbow.

211. Na-tsi-lĭ′t a-kó-di (short rainbow), the broken or partial rainbow.

212. Has-tsé-zĭn-i signifies Black Hastsé, or Black God. There are several of them (dwelling at Tseníʻhodĭll, near Tseʻgíhi), but the description will be given in the singular. He is a reserved, exclusive individual. The yéi at other places do not visit him whenever they wish. He owns all fire; he was the first who made fire, and he is the inventor of the fire-drill. It is only on rare occasions that he is represented by a masquerader at a ceremony. When it is arranged to give a night chant without the public dance of the last night (and this seldom occurs), Black God appears in a scene of succor206 on the evening of the ninth day in company with three other gods,—Nayénĕzgạni, Toʻbadzĭstsíni, and Hastséoltoi. It is said that the personator is dressed in black clothes; wears a black mask, with white marks and red hair on it, and a collar of fox-skin; and that he carries a fire-drill and a bundle of cedar-bark. The author has never seen Hastsézĭni represented either in a dry-painting or in masquerade, and he has therefore never witnessed the scene or ceremony of succor referred to. This ceremony, which is very elaborate, has been described to the author by the medicine-men. The actor has to be well paid for his tedious services, which occupy the whole day from sunrise to sunset, though the act of succor lasts but a few minutes.

212. Hastsé-zĭn-i means Black Hastsé, or Black God. There are several of them living at Tseníʻhodĭll, near Tseʻgíhi, but I'll refer to him in the singular. He is a reserved, exclusive figure. The yéi elsewhere don’t just drop by whenever they want. He has control over all fire; he was the first to create fire and is the inventor of the fire-drill. He is only occasionally represented by someone in a costume at a ceremony. When a night chant is scheduled without the public dance on the last night (which is rare), Black God appears during a scene of succor206 on the evening of the ninth day accompanied by three other gods—Nayénĕzgạni, Toʻbadzĭstsíni, and Hastséoltoi. It’s said that the performer wears black clothing, a black mask with white markings and red hair, a fox-skin collar, and carries a fire-drill and a bundle of cedar bark. The author has never seen Hastsézĭni depicted in a dry-painting or masquerade, so he has never witnessed the scene or ceremony of succor mentioned. This elaborate ceremony has been described to the author by the medicine men. The performer needs to be well-compensated for his long work, which lasts all day from sunrise to sunset, even though the act of succor itself only takes a few minutes.

213. The fire-drill is very little used by the Navahoes at the present time,—matches and flint-and-steel having taken its place; but it is frequently mentioned in the myths and is employed in the ceremonies. Of the many aboriginal fire-drills, described and depicted by Dr. Walter Hough in his excellent paper on “Fire-making Apparatus,”302 that of the Navahoes is the rudest. It looks like a thing that had been made to order.

213. The fire-drill isn’t used much by the Navajos today—matches and flint and steel have replaced it—but it comes up often in myths and is used in ceremonies. Of all the native fire-drills described and shown by Dr. Walter Hough in his excellent paper on “Fire-making Apparatus,”302 the Navajo version is the most basic. It looks like something that was custom-made.

214. Tsĭn-tlĭ′-zi signifies hard, brittle wood.

Tsĭn-tlĭ′-zi means hard, brittle wood.

215. It is probable that the various peculiar acts described in this paragraph have reference to agricultural rites still practised, or recently practised, by the Navahoes, but the writer has never witnessed such rites.

215. It’s likely that the different unique actions mentioned in this paragraph relate to farming rituals still observed, or recently observed, by the Navajos, but the author has never seen such rituals.

216. The Navahoes now universally smoke cigarettes, but they say that in ancient days they smoked pipes made of terra-cotta. Fragments of such pipes are often picked up in New Mexico and Arizona. The cliff-dwellers also had pipes, and these articles are still ceremonially used by the Mokis. The Navahoes [247]now invariably, in ceremonies, sacrifice tobacco in the form of cigarettes. But cigarettes are not new to the Southwest: they are found in ancient caves and other long-neglected places in New Mexico and Arizona.

216. The Navajos now all smoke cigarettes, but they claim that in ancient times, they used to smoke pipes made of terra-cotta. Pieces of these pipes are often found in New Mexico and Arizona. The cliff-dwellers also had pipes, and these items are still used in ceremonies by the Hopi. The Navajos [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] now always sacrifice tobacco in the form of cigarettes during ceremonies. But cigarettes aren’t new to the Southwest; they have been discovered in ancient caves and other long-forgotten sites in New Mexico and Arizona.

217. Ni-no-ká-dĭ-neʻ (People up on the Earth) may mean people living up on the mountains, in contradistinction to those dwelling in canyons and valleys; but other tribes use a term of similar meaning to distinguish the whole Indian race from the whites or other races, and it is probable that it is used in this sense here and in other Navaho myths. The people whom Natĭ′nĕsthani now meets are probably supposed to be supernatural, and not Indians.

217. Ni-no-ká-dĭ-neʻ (People up on the Earth) might refer to those living in the mountains, as opposed to those living in canyons and valleys; however, other tribes use a similar term to differentiate the entire Native American race from whites or other races, and it’s likely that this meaning is intended here and in other Navaho myths. The people that Natĭ′nĕsthani encounters are probably considered supernatural, rather than just regular Native Americans.

218. The plants mixed with the tobacco were these: tsohodzĭlaíʻ, silátso (my thumb), a poisonous weed, azébiniʻ, and azétloi. It has not been determined what plants these are; but the Navaho names are placed on record as possibly assisting in future identification.

218. The plants mixed with the tobacco were these: tsohodzĭlaíʻ, silátso (my thumb), a poisonous weed, azébiniʻ, and azétloi. It's unclear what these plants are, but the Navajo names have been documented in hopes of helping identify them in the future.

219. In the Navaho ceremonies, when sacred cigarettes are finished, and before they are deposited as offerings to the gods, they are symbolically lighted with sunbeams. (See par. 94.) The statement made here, that the hero lighted his pipe with the sun, refers probably to this symbolic lighting.

219. In the Navaho ceremonies, when sacred cigarettes are done, and before they are offered to the gods, they are symbolically ignited using sunlight. (See par. 94.) The mention here that the hero lit his pipe with the sun likely refers to this symbolic lighting.

220. Kĕ′tlo is a name given to any medicine used externally, i.e., rubbed on the body. Atsósi kĕ′tlo means the liniment or wash of the atsósi hatál, or feather ceremony. It is also called atsósi azé (feather medicine), and atsósi tsíl (feather herbs).

220. Kĕ′tlo is a term used for any medicine applied externally, meaning rubbed on the body. Atsósi kĕ′tlo refers to the liniment or wash of the atsósi hatál, or feather ceremony. It is also known as atsósi azé (feather medicine) and atsósi tsíl (feather herbs).

221. Yá-di-dĭ-nil, the incense of the Navaho priests, is a very composite substance. In certain parts of the healing ceremonies it is scattered on hot coals, which are placed before the patient, and the latter inhales actively the dense white fumes that arise. These fumes, which fill with their odor the whole medicine-lodge, are pungent, aromatic, and rather agreeable, although the mixture is said to contain feathers. The author has obtained a formula for yádidĭnil, but has not identified the plants that chiefly compose it.

221. Yá-di-dĭ-nil, the incense used by Navaho priests, is a really complex blend. During certain parts of the healing ceremonies, it's sprinkled on hot coals placed in front of the patient, who then breathes in the thick white smoke that rises. These fumes, which fill the entire medicine lodge with their scent, are spicy, aromatic, and quite pleasant, even though the blend is said to include feathers. The author has obtained a recipe for yádidĭnil, but has not figured out which plants make it up.

222. These are the animals he raises and controls, as told in par. 527.

222. These are the animals he raises and manages, as mentioned in par. 527.

223. The Navahoes say they are acquainted with four kinds of wild tobacco, and use them in their rites. Of these the author has seen and identified but two. These are Nicotiana attenuata which is the dsĭ′lnạto, or mountain tobacco; and Nicotiana palmeri, which is the depénạto, or sheep tobacco. N. attenuata grows widely but not abundantly in the mountains of New Mexico and Arizona. N. palmeri is rare; the writer has seen it growing only in one spot in the Chelly Canyon. It has not been learned what species are called weasel tobacco and cloud tobacco; but one or more of the three species, N. rustica, N. quadrivalvis, and N. trigonophylla, are probably known to the Navahoes.

223. The Navahos claim to know four types of wild tobacco, which they use in their rituals. The author has seen and identified only two of them. These are Nicotiana attenuata, known as dsĭ′lnạto or mountain tobacco, and Nicotiana palmeri, called depénạto or sheep tobacco. N. attenuata grows widely but not in great numbers in the mountains of New Mexico and Arizona. N. palmeri is rare; the author has only seen it in one location in Chelly Canyon. It has not been determined which species are referred to as weasel tobacco and cloud tobacco; however, one or more of the three species, N. rustica, N. quadrivalvis, and N. trigonophylla, are likely known to the Navahos.

224. The description of these diseases given by the narrator of this tale is as follows: “Patients having these diseases are weak, stagger, and lose appetite; then they go to a sweat-house and take an emetic. If they have lĭ′tso, or the yellow disease, they vomit something yellow (bile ?). If they have tĭl-litá, or cooked blood disease, they vomit something like cooked blood. Those having the yellows have often yellow eyes and yellow skin. Thatlĭ′t, or slime disease, comes from drinking foul water full of green slime or little fish (tadpoles ?). Tsoxs, worms, usually come from eating worms, which you sometimes do without knowing it; but tsĭ′lgo, tapeworm, comes from eating parched corn.” Probably the last notion arises from the slight resemblance of the joints of Tænia solium to grains of corn. This little chapter in pathology from Hatáli Natlói is hardly in accordance with the prevalent theory that savages regard all disease as of demoniac origin.

224. The narrator describes these diseases as follows: “Patients with these illnesses are weak, stagger around, and lose their appetite; then they go to a sweat lodge and take an emetic. If they have lĭ′tso, or the yellow disease, they vomit something yellow (bile?). If they have tĭl-litá, or the cooked blood disease, they vomit something resembling cooked blood. Those with the yellows often have yellow eyes and yellow skin. Thatlĭ′t, or slime disease, comes from drinking contaminated water filled with green slime or small fish (tadpoles?). Tsoxs, worms, usually result from unknowingly eating worms; however, tsĭ′lgo, tapeworm, comes from eating roasted corn.” This last idea likely comes from the slight resemblance of the segments of Tænia solium to grains of corn. This brief chapter on pathology from Hatáli Natlói doesn’t quite align with the common belief that savage cultures see all diseases as originating from demons.

225. The adjective yazóni, or yasóni, here used, which is translated “beautiful,” means more than this: it means both good (or useful) and beautiful. It contains [248]elements of the words yatíʻ, good, and of ĭnzóni, nĭzóni, and hozóni, which signify beautiful.

225. The adjective yazóni, or yasóni, which is translated as “beautiful,” means more than just that: it also means good (or useful) and beautiful. It incorporates elements of the words yatíʻ, meaning good, and of ĭnzóni, nĭzóni, and hozóni, which all signify beautiful.

226. According to the Navaho myths and songs, the corn and other products in the gardens of the yéi or divine ones grow and mature in a very short time. The rapid growth of the crops in Natĭ′nĕsthani’s farm is supposed to result from the divine origin of the seed.

226. According to Navajo myths and songs, the corn and other crops in the gardens of the yéi or divine ones grow and ripen in a very short time. The quick growth of the plants on Natĭ′nĕsthani’s farm is believed to come from the divine origin of the seeds.

227. The order in which Natĭ′nĕsthani lays down the ears of corn is the order in which sacrificial cigarettes, kethawns, and other sacred objects, when colored, are laid down in a straight row. The white, being the color of the east, has precedence of all and is laid down first. The blue, the color of the south, comes next, for when we move sunwise (the sacred ceremonial circuit of the Navahoes) south follows immediately after east. Yellow, the color of the west, on the same principle, comes third; and black (in this case mixed) comes fourth. Mixed is properly the coloring of the upper region, and usually follows after black; but it sometimes takes the place of black. These apparently superfluous particulars of laying down the corn have a ceremonial or religious significance. In placing sacred objects ceremonially in a straight row, the operator proceeds southward from his starting-point, for this approximates the sunwise circuit, and he makes the tip ends point east.

227. The order in which Natĭ′nĕsthani lays out the ears of corn reflects the sequence in which sacrificial cigarettes, kethawns, and other sacred items are arranged in a straight line when colored. The white, representing the east, is placed down first as it takes precedence. Next is blue, the color of the south, because when we move clockwise (the sacred ceremonial route of the Navahoes), south comes directly after east. Yellow, symbolizing the west, follows in third place; and black (in this case mixed) comes fourth. The mixed color usually represents the upper region and typically comes after black but can sometimes replace it. These seemingly unnecessary details about laying down the corn hold ceremonial or religious importance. When placing sacred objects in a straight line, the person doing it moves south from their starting point to align with the clockwise path, making sure the tips point east.

228.n-i-az bĭ-tsó (fawn-his-cheese), or fawn-cheese, is a substance found in the abdomen of the fawn. A similar substance is found in other young mammals. They say it looks like curds, or cottage cheese, and that it is pleasant to the taste. They eat it raw. The author has not determined by observation what this substance is. Dr. C. Hart Merriam, of the Department of Agriculture, suggests that it is the partly digested milk in the stomach of the fawn, and this is probably the case.

228.n-i-az bĭ-tsó (fawn-his-cheese), or fawn-cheese, is a substance found in the abdomen of the fawn. A similar substance is found in other young mammals. It's said to look like curds, or cottage cheese, and that it's pleasant to eat. They consume it raw. The author hasn't figured out exactly what this substance is through observation. Dr. C. Hart Merriam, from the Department of Agriculture, suggests that it’s the partly digested milk in the stomach of the fawn, and this is likely true.

229. The dish offered to Natĭ′nĕsthani is called by the Navahoes atsón, which is here translated “pemmican.” It consists of dried vension pounded on a stone and fried in grease.

229. The dish served to Natĭ′nĕsthani is known as són by the Navajos, which translates to “pemmican.” It’s made of dried venison that’s pounded on a stone and cooked in grease.

230. To make dĭ-tló-gi kle-sán, cut the grain off the ear, grind it to a pulp on a metate, spread out the embers, lay a number of green corn leaves on them, place the pulp on the leaves, put other leaves on top of the pulp, rake hot embers over all, and leave it to bake.

230. To make dĭ-tló-gi kle-sán, cut the grain off the ear, grind it to a paste on a metate, spread out the hot coals, lay several green corn leaves over them, place the paste on the leaves, add more leaves on top of the paste, rake hot coals over everything, and let it bake.

231. Dĭ-tló-gĭn tsĭ-dĭ-kó-i is made of a pulp of green corn ground on a metate, like dĭtlógi klesán. The pulp is encased in husks, which are folded at the ends, and is then placed between leaves and hot coals to bake.

231. Dĭ-tló-gĭn tsĭ-dĭ-kó-i is made from a mash of green corn ground on a metate, similar to dĭtlógi klesán. The mash is wrapped in husks that are folded at the ends and then placed between leaves and hot coals to bake.

232. Thá-bĭ-tsa (three-ears) is made also of pulp of green corn. This is placed in folded cones made of husks; three cones being made of one complete husk, whose leaves are not removed from their stem. It looks like three ears fastened together, whence the name. It is boiled in water.

232. Thá-bĭ-tsa (three-ears) is also made from the pulp of green corn. This pulp is placed in folded cones made from husks; three cones are made from one complete husk, with the leaves still attached to their stem. It looks like three ears of corn fastened together, which is how it got its name. It is boiled in water.

233. The story-teller said: “about as far as from here to Jake’s house,”—a distance which the writer estimated at 300 yards.

233. The storyteller said: “about as far as from here to Jake’s place,”—a distance the writer figured to be 300 yards.

234. Over the east door, one cigarette, that for the male, was made of mountain mahogany (tséʻestagi, Cercocarpus parvifolius), perforated, painted blue, and marked with four symbols of deer-tracks in yellow; the other cigarette, that for the female, was made of cliff rose (awétsal, Cowania mexicana), painted yellow and marked with four symbols of deer-tracks in blue. Over the south door the cigarette for the male was made of sunflower (ĭndĭgíli), painted yellow and dotted with four symbols of antelope-tracks in blue; the cigarette for the female was made of “strong-smelling sunflower” (ĭndĭgíli nĭltsóni, Verbesina enceloides), painted white and dotted with four symbols of antelope-tracks in black. Over the west door, the cigarettes were of the same material as those in the east; but one was painted black with symbols of deer-tracks in blue, and the other was [249]painted blue with symbols of deer-tracks in black. At the bottom of the steps, one of the cigarettes was painted black and dotted with four symbols of fawn-tracks in yellow; the other was painted yellow and dotted with four symbols of fawn-tracks in black. The above was written from the description of the narrator. The writer has never seen such cigarettes; but they are said to be employed in some Navaho ceremonies at the present time. In this series of cigarettes the colors are not in the usual order,18 but there may be a special symbolism for these animals, or the variation may arise because they are the cigarettes of a wizard and therefore unholy.

234. Above the east door, one cigarette for the male was made of mountain mahogany (tséʻestagi, Cercocarpus parvifolius), perforated, painted blue, and marked with four symbols of deer tracks in yellow; the other cigarette for the female was made of cliff rose (awétsal, Cowania mexicana), painted yellow and marked with four symbols of deer tracks in blue. Above the south door, the male cigarette was made of sunflower (ĭndĭgíli), painted yellow and dotted with four symbols of antelope tracks in blue; the female cigarette was made of “strong-smelling sunflower” (ĭndĭgíli nĭltsóni, Verbesina enceloides), painted white and dotted with four symbols of antelope tracks in black. Above the west door, the cigarettes were made from the same materials as those in the east; one was painted black with symbols of deer tracks in blue, and the other was painted blue with symbols of deer tracks in black. At the bottom of the steps, one of the cigarettes was painted black and dotted with four symbols of fawn tracks in yellow; the other was painted yellow and dotted with four symbols of fawn tracks in black. The description above comes from the narrator. The writer has never seen such cigarettes; however, they are said to be used in some current Navaho ceremonies. In this series of cigarettes, the colors are not in the usual order, 18 but there may be a special symbolism for these animals, or the variation could be because they belong to a wizard and are therefore considered unholy.

235. When driving game to a party in ambush, the Navahoes often imitate the cry of the wolf. In this myth the old man is supposed to give the cry, not to drive the bears, but to make Natĭ′nĕsthani believe that deer are being driven.

235. When the Navajos are hunting for a party ambush, they often mimic the sound of a wolf's howl. In this story, the old man is meant to make the cry not to scare away the bears, but to trick Natĭ′nĕsthani into thinking that deer are being chased.

236. The name Tsa-na-naí is derived from tsan, which means dung. Tsĕ′-sko-di means Spread-foot. The narrator said the other bears had names, but he could not remember them.

236. The name Tsa-na-naí comes from tsan, which means dung. Tsĕ′-sko-di means Spread-foot. The narrator mentioned that the other bears had names, but he couldn't recall them.

237. “He did not even thank his son-in-law” is an instance of sarcasm.

237. "He didn't even thank his son-in-law" is an example of sarcasm.

238. The bear is a sacred animal with the Navahoes; for this reason the hero did not skin the bears or eat their flesh. The old man, being a wizard, might do both.

238. The bear is a sacred animal to the Navahoes; for this reason, the hero didn't skin the bears or eat their meat. The old man, being a wizard, could do both.

239. Há-la-dzĭ-ni? means “What are you doing?” but it is a jocose expression, used only among intimate relations, or relations by marriage. In employing this interrogatory the Navaho gave the old man to understand that he was recognized.

239. Há-la-dzĭ-ni? means “What are you doing?” but it’s a playful expression used only among close friends or family members. By asking this question, the Navaho made it clear to the old man that he was acknowledged.

240. This episode of the twelve bears is the weakest and least artistic in the tale. Moreover, it details a fifth device on the part of Deer Raiser to kill his son-in-law. Under ordinary circumstances we should expect but four devices. It seems an interpolation, by some story-teller less ingenious than he who composed the rest of the tale, introduced to get the men out together once more, so that, on their way home, the incident of the burnt moccasins might occur. The latter incident has been previously recorded by the writer in another connection. (See note 242.)

240. This part of the story about the twelve bears is the weakest and least artistic. It also describes a fifth plot by Deer Raiser to kill his son-in-law. Normally, we would only expect four plots. It feels like an addition made by a less clever storyteller than the one who crafted the rest of the tale, likely added to create another opportunity for the men to be together, so that the incident with the burnt moccasins could happen on their way home. The writer has mentioned that incident before in a different context. (See note 242.)

241. Among the Navahoes, when a person dies, the suffix ni, or ini, is added to his (or her) name, and thus he is mentioned ever afterwards.

241. Among the Navajos, when someone dies, the suffix ni, or ini, is added to their name, and that’s how they are referred to from then on.

242. Before the story of Natĭ′nĕsthani was obtained, the writer had already recorded this tale of the burnt moccasins in a version of the Origin Legend. In the latter connection it is introduced as one of the Coyote tales. The mischievous Coyote is made to try this trick on his father-in-law; but the latter, warned by the Wind, foils the Coyote.

242. Before the story of Natĭ′nĕsthani was gathered, the writer had already written down this tale of the burnt moccasins in a version of the Origin Legend. In this version, it is presented as one of the Coyote stories. The mischievous Coyote attempts this trick on his father-in-law, but the father-in-law, tipped off by the Wind, manages to outsmart the Coyote.

243. The ridge which he crosses in the east and also those which he crosses later in the south, west, and north are colored according to the regular order of Navaho symbolism.

243. The ridge he crosses in the east and the ones he crosses later in the south, west, and north are colored following the usual pattern of Navajo symbolism.

244. The narrator described the bird called tsĭ-das-tó-i thus: When a man passes by where this bird is sitting, the latter does not fly off, but sits and looks at the man, moving its head in every direction. It is about the size of a screech-owl.

244. The narrator described the bird called tsĭ-das-tó-i like this: When a person walks by where this bird is perched, it doesn’t fly away but stays put and watches the person, turning its head in all directions. It’s about the size of a screech-owl.

245. It must not be supposed that in this and the following paragraph, when pale-faced people are mentioned, any allusion is made to Caucasians. The reference is merely symbolic. White is the color of the east in Navaho symbolism: hence these people in the east are represented as having pale faces. For similar reasons the man in the south (par. 551) is said to have a blue face, the man in the west (par. 552) a yellow face, and the man in the north (par. 553) a dark face. (See note 18.)

245. It shouldn’t be assumed that in this and the next paragraph, when we talk about pale-faced people, we’re referring to Caucasians. The reference is simply symbolic. White represents the east in Navajo symbolism; that’s why these people in the east are depicted with pale faces. For similar reasons, the man in the south (par. 551) is described as having a blue face, the man in the west (par. 552) a yellow face, and the man in the north (par. 553) a dark face. (See note 18.)

246. Bĭ-za (his treasure), something he specially values; hence his charm, his amulet, his personal fetish, his magic weapon, something that one carries to mysteriously protect himself. Even the divinities are thought to possess such [250]charms. The songs often mention some property of a god which they say is “Bĭ′za-yedĭgĭ′ngo” (The treasure which makes him holy or sacred). (See par. 367 and note 280.)

246. Bĭ-za (his treasure), is something he values highly; hence his charm, his amulet, his personal kink, his magic weapon, something that one carries to mysteriously protect oneself. Even the gods are believed to have such [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]charms. The songs often mention some aspect of a god that they refer to as “Bĭ′za-yedĭgĭ′ngo” (The treasure that makes him holy or sacred). (See par. 367 and note 280.)

247. These medicines are still in use among the Navahoes. The medicine made of gall consists mostly of gall of eagles. If a witch has scattered evil medicine on you, use this. If there are certain kinds of food that disagree with you, and you still wish to eat them, use the vomit medicine. Hunters obtain the materials when they go out hunting. All the totemic animals named (puma, blue fox, yellow fox, wolf, and lynx, see par. 548) vomit when they eat too much. So said the narrator.

247. These remedies are still used by the Navajo. The medicine made from gall mainly consists of eagle gall. If a witch has cast harmful medicine on you, use this. If there are certain foods that don't sit well with you, but you still want to eat them, use the vomit remedy. Hunters gather the ingredients while they're out hunting. All the totemic animals mentioned (puma, blue fox, yellow fox, wolf, and lynx, see par. 548) vomit when they overeat. So said the narrator.

248. Buteo borealis. The tail is described as red (“bright chestnut red,” Coues) by our ornithologists; but the Navahoes consider it yellow, and call the bird atsé-lĭtsói, or yellow-tail.

248. Buteo borealis. Our ornithologists describe the tail as red (“bright chestnut red,” Coues); however, the Navahoes see it as yellow and call the bird atsé-lĭtsói, or yellow-tail.

249. A-tsó-si-dze ha-tál, or a-tsó-si ha-tál means feather chant or feather ceremony. The following particulars concerning the ceremony were given by the narrator of the story. Dry-paintings are made on the floor of the medicine-lodge much like those of the klédzi hatál, and others are made representing different animals. It is still occasionally celebrated, but not often, and there are only four priests of the rite living. It lasts nine days, and it has more stories, songs, and acts than any other Navaho ceremony. A deer dance was part of the rite in the old days, but it is not practised now. The rite is good for many things, but especially for deer disease. If you sleep on a dry, undressed deer-skin or foul one, or if a deer sneezes at you or makes any other marked demonstration at you, you are in danger of getting the deer disease.

249. A-tsó-si-dze ha-tál, or a-tsó-si ha-tál, means feather chant or feather ceremony. Here are some details about the ceremony provided by the storyteller. Dry-paintings are created on the floor of the medicine lodge, similar to those of the klédzi hatál, and others depict various animals. It’s still celebrated occasionally, but not very often, and there are only four priests of the rite left. The ceremony lasts nine days and features more stories, songs, and performances than any other Navajo ceremony. A deer dance was included in the rite in the past, but it is no longer practiced. The rite is beneficial for many issues, particularly for deer disease. If you sleep on a dry, untreated deer skin or a dirty one, or if a deer sneezes at you or shows any other notable sign towards you, you could be at risk of contracting deer disease.

250. Yó-i ha-tál, or yói-dze ha-tál (bead chant), is a nine days’ ceremony, which is becoming obsolete. The author has been informed that there is only one priest of the rite remaining; that he learned it from his father, but that he does not know as much about it as his father did.

250. Yó-i ha-tál, or yói-dze ha-tál (bead chant), is a nine-day ceremony that is fading away. The author has been told that there's only one priest left who practices this rite; he learned it from his father, but he doesn't know as much about it as his father did.

251. The device of setting up forked sticks to assist in locating fires seen by night and in remembering the position of distant objects is often mentioned in the Navaho tales. (See pars. 382 and 497.)

251. The technique of using forked sticks to help spot fires at night and to remember where distant objects are is often referenced in Navajo stories. (See pars. 382 and 497.)

252. Equisetum hiemale, and perhaps other species of Equisetum, or horse-tail.

252. Equisetum hiemale, and maybe other species of Equisetum, or horse-tail.

253. [“Klĭs-ka′, the arrow-snake, is a long slender snake that moves with great velocity,—so great that, coming to the edge of a cliff when racing, he flies for some distance through the air before reaching the ground again. The Navahoes believe he could soar if he wanted to. He is red and blue on the belly, striped on the back, six feet long or longer. Sometimes moves like a measuring-worm.”] From the above description Dr. H. C. Yarrow, formerly curator of reptiles in the Smithsonian Institution, is of the opinion that the arrow-snake is Bascanium flagelliforme.

253. [“Klĭs-ka′, the arrow-snake, is a long, slim snake that moves very quickly—so quickly that when it reaches the edge of a cliff while racing, it glides through the air for some distance before hitting the ground again. The Navahoes believe it could fly if it wanted to. It has a red and blue belly and is striped on the back, measuring six feet or more in length. Sometimes it moves like a caterpillar.”] Based on this description, Dr. H. C. Yarrow, who was previously the curator of reptiles at the Smithsonian Institution, believes the arrow-snake is Bascanium flagelliforme.

254. Accipiter cooperii, called gíni by the Navahoes.

254. Accipiter cooperii, known as gíni by the Navajo.

255. Compare with description of Spider Woman and her home in paragraph 306. It would seem that the Navahoes believe in more than one Spider Woman. (May be they believe in one for each world.) In paragraph 581 we have an instance of black being assigned to the east and white to the north. (See note 18.)

255. Compare with the description of Spider Woman and her home in paragraph 306. It seems that the Navajos believe in multiple Spider Women. (Maybe they believe in one for each world.) In paragraph 581, we see an example of black being associated with the east and white with the north. (See note 18.)

256. There are several plants in New Mexico and Arizona which become tumble-weeds in the autumn, but the particular weed referred to here is the Amarantus albus. It is called tlotáhi nagĭ′si, or rolling tlotáhi, by the Navahoes. Tlotáhi is a name applied in common to several species of the Amarantaceæ and allied Chenopodiacæ. (See “Navaho Names for Plants.”312) The seeds of plants of these families formerly constituted an important part of the diet of the Navahoes, and they still eat them to some extent.

256. There are several plants in New Mexico and Arizona that turn into tumbleweeds in the fall, but the specific weed mentioned here is the Amarantus albus. The Navajos call it tlotáhi nagĭ′si, or rolling tlotáhi. Tlotáhi is a common name for several species in the Amarantaceæ family and related Chenopodiacæ. (See “Navaho Names for Plants.”312) The seeds from these plants used to be a significant part of the Navajo diet, and they still eat them to some extent.

257. Tsĭl-dĭl-gĭ′-si is said to mean frightened-weed, scare-weed, or hiding-weed, [251]and to be so named because snakes, lizards, and other animals hide in its dense foliage when frightened. It is a yellow-flowered composite, Gutierrezia euthamiæ (T. and G.), which grows in great abundance in Arizona and New Mexico. It is used extensively in the Navaho ceremonies in preparing and depositing sacrifices, etc.

257. Tsĭl-dĭl-gĭ′-si is said to mean frightened weed, scare weed, or hiding weed, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]because snakes, lizards, and other animals hide in its thick leaves when they are scared. It is a yellow-flowered plant, Gutierrezia euthamiæ (T. and G.), that grows abundantly in Arizona and New Mexico. It is commonly used in Navaho ceremonies for preparing and offering sacrifices, among other things.

258. Whirlwinds of no great violence are exceedingly common throughout the arid region. One seldom looks at an extensive landscape without seeing one or more columns of whirling dust arising.

258. Dust devils that aren't very strong are really common in the dry areas. It's rare to look at a wide landscape without spotting one or more columns of swirling dust rising up.

259. In the full myth of yói hatál, as told by a priest of the rite, a complete account of the ceremonies, songs, and sacrifices taught to the Navaho would here be given; but in this account, told by an outsider, the ritual portion is omitted.

259. In the complete myth of yói hatál, as narrated by a priest of the ceremony, a full description of the rituals, songs, and sacrifices taught to the Navajo would be provided; however, in this account, told by someone outside the tradition, the ritual details are left out.

260. In the myth of the “Mountain Chant,”314 p. 410, it is stated, as in this tale, that the wanderer returning to his old home finds the odors of the place intolerable to him. Such incidents occur in other Navaho myths.

260. In the myth of the “Mountain Chant,”314 p. 410, it says, like in this story, that the traveler coming back to his old home finds the smells of the place unbearable. Similar events happen in other Navajo myths.

261. In the rite of the klédzi hatál, or the night chant, the first four masked characters, who come out to dance in the public performance of the last night, are called atsáʻlei. From this story it would seem that a similar character or characters belong to the yói hatál.

261. In the klédzi hatál ceremony, or the night chant, the first four masked figures who come out to dance during the public performance on the final night are called atsáʻlei. From this tale, it appears that a similar character or characters are part of the yói hatál.

262. These great shells are perhaps not altogether mythical. Similar shells are mentioned in the Origin Legend (pars. 211, 213, 226), in connection with the same pueblos. Shells of such size, conveyed from the coast to the Chaco Canyon, a distance of 300 miles or more, before the introduction of the horse, would have been of inestimable value among the Indians.

262. These great shells might not be entirely mythical. Similar shells are mentioned in the Origin Legend (pars. 211, 213, 226), related to the same pueblos. Shells of that size, transported from the coast to the Chaco Canyon, a distance of over 300 miles, before horses were introduced, would have been invaluable to the Indians.

263. In the myth recorded in “The Mountain Chant: a Navaho Ceremony,”314 p. 413, there is an account of a journey given by a courier who went to summon some distant bands to join in a ceremony. From this account the following passage is taken: “I … went to the north. On my way I met another messenger, who was travelling from a distant camp to this one to call you all to a dance in a circle of branches of a different kind from ours. When he learned my errand he tried to prevail on me to return hither and put off our dance until another day, so that we might attend their ceremony, and that they might in turn attend ours; but I refused, saying our people were in haste to complete their dance. Then we exchanged bows and quivers, as a sign to our people that we had met, and that what we would tell on our return was the truth. You observe the bow and quiver I have now are not those with which I left this morning. We parted, and I kept on my way toward the north.” In par. 597 of “The Great Shell of Kĭntyél” reference is made to the same identical meeting of couriers. It is interesting to observe how one legend is made to corroborate the other,—each belonging to a different rite.

263. In the myth recorded in “The Mountain Chant: a Navaho Ceremony,”314 p. 413, there’s a story about a journey by a courier who went to call some distant groups to join in a ceremony. From this account, the following passage is taken: “I … went north. On my way, I met another messenger traveling from a distant camp to this one to invite you all to a dance in a circle made of different branches than ours. When he found out my mission, he tried to convince me to turn back and postpone our dance for another day so we could attend their ceremony, and they could attend ours in return; but I refused, saying our people were eager to finish their dance. Then we exchanged bows and quivers as a sign to our people that we had met, and that what we would report on our return was the truth. You notice the bow and quiver I have now are not the ones I left with this morning. We parted ways, and I continued north.” In par. 597 of “The Great Shell of Kĭntyél,” there’s a reference to the same meeting of couriers. It’s interesting to see how one legend supports the other, even though they belong to different rituals.

264.sdolgas is here translated serrate knife. A saw is called benitsíhi, but in describing it the adjective dolgás is used for serrate. The pésdolgas is mentioned often in song and story. It is said to be no longer in use. Descriptions indicate that it was somewhat like the many-bladed obsidian weapon of the ancient Mexicans.

264.sdolgas is translated here as serrated knife. A saw is referred to as benitsíhi, but when describing it, the adjective dolgás is used for serrated. The pésdolgas comes up frequently in songs and stories. It's said to no longer be in use. Descriptions suggest it resembled the multi-bladed obsidian weapon used by the ancient Mexicans.

265. The cliff-ruin known as the White House, in the Chelly Canyon, Arizona, has been often pictured and described. It is called by the Navahoes Kin-i-na-é-kai, which signifies Stone House of the White Horizontal Streak (the upper story is painted white). The name White House is a free translation of this. The Navaho legends abound in references to it, and represent it as once inhabited by divinities. (See par. 78 and fig. 22.)

265. The cliff dwelling known as the White House in Chelly Canyon, Arizona, has been frequently depicted and described. The Navahos call it Kin-i-na-é-kai, which means Stone House of the White Horizontal Streak (because the upper story is painted white). The name White House is a loose translation of this. Navaho legends are full of references to it, portraying it as once inhabited by deities. (See par. 78 and fig. 22.)

266. Hát-das-tsĭ-si is a divinity who is not depicted in the dry-paintings, and whose representative the author has not seen. He appears rarely in the ceremonies and is thus described: The actor wears an ordinary Navaho costume, and [252]an ordinary yébaka mask adorned with owl-feathers, but not with eagle-plumes. He carries on his back an entire yucca plant with the leaves hanging down, and a large ring, two spans in diameter, made of yucca leaves (to show that he is a great gambler at nánzoz). He carries a whip of yucca leaves, and goes around among the assembled crowd to treat the ailing. If a man has lumbago he bends over before the actor and presents his back to be flagellated; if he has headache he presents his head. When the actor has whipped the ailing one, he turns away from him and utters a low sound (like the lowing of a cow). When he can find no more people to whip, he returns to the medicine-lodge and takes off his mask. The cigarette (which the author has in his possession) appropriate to this god is painted black, and bears rude figures of the yucca ring and the yucca plant. It is buried east of the lodge beside a growing yucca. Ten songs are sung when the cigarette is being made, and a prayer is repeated when the work is done. The yucca which the actor carries must have a large part of its root-stock over ground. It is kicked out of the ground,—neither pulled nor cut. The principal home of the divinity is at Tsasitsozsakád (Yucca Glauca, Standing), near the Chelly Canyon.

266. Hát-das-tsĭ-si is a deity who is not shown in the dried paintings, and the author has not encountered his representative. He rarely appears in ceremonies and is described as follows: The performer wears a typical Navajo outfit, and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]a standard yébaka mask decorated with owl feathers, but not with eagle feathers. He carries a whole yucca plant on his back with the leaves hanging down, along with a large ring, two spans in diameter, made of yucca leaves (to signify that he’s a skilled gambler at nánzoz). He also has a whip made of yucca leaves and moves around among the gathered crowd to help those who are unwell. If someone has lumbago, he leans forward before the performer and presents his back for flagellation; if he has a headache, he offers his head. After the performer has whipped the afflicted person, he turns away and makes a low sound (similar to a cow’s lowing). When he can no longer find anyone to whip, he goes back to the medicine lodge and removes his mask. The cigarette (which the author possesses) designated for this god is painted black and displays crude images of the yucca ring and the yucca plant. It is buried to the east of the lodge next to a growing yucca. Ten songs are sung during the creation of the cigarette, and a prayer is recited when the task is finished. The yucca carried by the performer must have a significant portion of its rootstock above ground. It is kicked out of the earth—neither pulled nor cut. The main abode of the deity is at Tsasitsozsakád (Yucca Glauca, Standing), near Chelly Canyon.

267. The following is a list of the twenty-one divinities represented by masks in the ceremony of the klédzi hatál:—

267. Here’s a list of the twenty-one deities shown by masks in the klédzi hatál ceremony:—

MALE.

MALE.

  • 1. Hastséyalti.
  • 2. Gánaskĭdi.
  • 3. Tóʻnenĭli.
  • 4. Nayénĕzgạni.
  • 5. Toʻbadzĭstsíni.
  • 6. Dsahadoldzá.
  • 7. Hastsézĭni.
  • 8. Hastséhogan.
  • 9. Hátdastsĭsi.266
  • 10. Hastséltsi.271
  • 11. Tsóhanoai.
  • 12. Kléhanoai, or Tléhanoai.
  • 13. Hastsébaka.

Each, for the first seven, wears a different mask. The last six wear masks of one pattern, that of yébaka. (See plate I., fig. 1.)

Each of the first seven wears a different mask. The last six wear masks of the same pattern, that of yébaka. (See plate I., fig. 1.)

FEMALE.

WOMAN.

  • 14. Hastséoltoi.
  • 15 to 21. Hastsébaad, or goddesses.

All the female characters wear masks of one kind. (See fig. 28 and plate I., fig. 3.)

All the female characters are wearing masks of one type. (See fig. 28 and plate I., fig. 3.)

268. The language of the Eleventh Census is quoted here, although it differs slightly from the official report of the count of 1869, made by the acting agent, Capt. Frank T. Bennett, U.S.A. Captain Bennett says the count was made on two separate days, October 2d and 18th, and gives the number of Indians actually counted at 8,181. (Report of Commission of Indian Affairs for 1869, p. 237.298)

268. The wording from the Eleventh Census is referenced here, even though it varies a bit from the official report of the 1869 count made by the acting agent, Capt. Frank T. Bennett, U.S.A. Captain Bennett notes that the count took place over two different days, October 2nd and 18th, and states that the number of Indians actually counted was 8,181. (Report of Commission of Indian Affairs for 1869, p. 237.298)

269. Plate IV. represents a man dressed to personate Nayénĕzgạni, or Slayer of the Alien Gods, as he appears in an act of succor in the ceremony of the night chant, on the afternoon of the ninth day, in company with two other masqueraders (Toʻbadzĭstsíni270 and Hastséoltoi206). The personator has his body painted black with charcoal of four sacred plants, and his hands painted white. He wears a black mask which has a fringe of yellow or reddish hair across the crown and an ornament of turkey’s and eagle’s feathers on top. Five parallel lines with five angles in each, to represent lightning, are painted on one cheek of the mask (sometimes the right, sometimes the left). Small, diamond-shaped holes are cut in the mask for eyes and mouth, and to the edge of each hole a small white shell is attached. On his body there are drawn in white clay the figures of eight bows; six are drawn as shown in the picture and two more are drawn over the [253]shoulder-blades. All these bows are shown as complete (or strung) except those on the left leg and left side of the back, which are represented open or unstrung, as shown in the plate and fig. 41. The symbol at the left leg is made first, that on the left shoulder last of all. All the component lines of the symbol are drawn from above downward; fig. 41 shows the order in which they must be drawn. The symbols must all turn in one direction. The personator wears a collar of fox-skin, a number of rich necklaces of shell, turquoise and coral, a fine skirt or sash around his loins (usually scarlet baize, bayeta, but velvet or any rich material will do), a belt decorated with silver, and ordinary moccasins. He carries in his right hand a great stone knife, with which, in the scene of succor, he makes motions at the patient and at the medicine-lodge to draw out the disease. The patient prays to him, and gives him a cigarette painted black and decorated with the bow-symbols in white. This cigarette is preferably deposited under a piñon-tree. A dry-painting of this god has never been seen by the author, and he has been told that none is ever made.

269. Plate IV. shows a man dressed as Nayénĕzgạni, or Slayer of the Alien Gods, performing a healing act in the night chant ceremony on the afternoon of the ninth day, alongside two other performers (Toʻbadzĭstsíni270 and Hastséoltoi206). The performer has his body painted black with charcoal from four sacred plants and his hands painted white. He wears a black mask adorned with a fringe of yellow or reddish hair on top and is decorated with turkey and eagle feathers. Five parallel lines with five angles each, symbolizing lightning, are painted on one cheek of the mask (sometimes the right, sometimes the left). There are small diamond-shaped holes cut for the eyes and mouth, with a small white shell attached to the edge of each hole. His body is decorated with white clay drawings of eight bows; six are drawn as depicted in the picture, and two more are drawn over the[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]shoulder blades. All the bows are shown as complete (or strung) except for those on the left leg and the left side of the back, which are depicted open or unstrung, as illustrated in the plate and fig. 41. The symbol on the left leg is made first, and the one on the left shoulder is made last. All the lines of the symbol are drawn from top to bottom; fig. 41 indicates the order in which they should be drawn. All symbols must be oriented in the same direction. The performer wears a fox-skin collar, several elaborate necklaces made of shell, turquoise, and coral, a fine skirt or sash around his waist (usually scarlet baize, bayeta, but velvet or any luxurious material works), a silver-decorated belt, and regular moccasins. He holds a large stone knife in his right hand, which he uses in the healing scene to make motions towards the patient and the medicine lodge to draw out the illness. The patient prays to him and gives him a cigarette painted black and adorned with the bow symbols in white. This cigarette is preferably placed under a piñon tree. A dry-painting of this god has never been seen by the author, and he has been informed that none is ever created.

Fig. 41. Diagram of the bow-symbol on the left leg of the personator of Nayénĕzgạni.

Fig. 41. Diagram of the bow-symbol on the left leg of the personator of Nayénĕzgạni.

Fig. 41. Diagram of the bow symbol on the left leg of the personator of Nayénĕzgạni.

Fig. 42. Diagram of queue-symbol on the left leg of the personator of Toʻbadzĭstsíni.

Fig. 42. Diagram of queue-symbol on the left leg of the personator of Toʻbadzĭstsíni.

Fig. 42. Diagram of the queue symbol on the left leg of the performer of Toʻbadzĭstsíni.

270. Plate VII. represents the personator of the War God, Toʻbadzĭstsíni, or Child of the Water, as he appears in the act of succor described in notes 206 and 269. His body and limbs are painted with a native red ochre; his hands are smeared with white earth; and eight symbols are drawn in his body in white,—two on the chest, two on the arms, two on the legs, and two on the back, partly over the shoulder-blades. As with the bow-symbols of Nayénĕzgạni (note 269), two of the symbols are left open or unfinished,—that on the left leg (painted first) and that over the left shoulder-blade (painted last), to indicate (some say) that the labors of the god are not yet done. Fig. 42 shows the order and direction in which each component line of the symbol must be drawn. The symbols represent [254]a queue, such as the Navahoes now wear (fig. 31). Some say these figures represent the queue of the god’s mother, others say they represent the scalps of conquered enemies; the latter is a more probable explanation. The personator wears a mask painted also with red ochre (all except a small triangular space over the face, which is colored black and bordered with white); and it is decorated both in front and behind with a number of queue-symbols (the number is never the same in two masks, but is always a multiple of four). The mask has a fringe of red or yellow hair, and a cockade of turkey-tail and a downy eagle-feather. The holes for the eyes and mouth are diamond-shaped, and have white shells attached to them. The actor carries in his left hand a small round cylinder of cedar-wood painted red, and in his right a cylinder of piñon painted black. With these, in the scene of succor, he makes motions at the patient and at the lodge. Like his companion, the personator of Nayénĕzgạni, he wears a collar of fox-skin (Vulpes velox); rich necklaces of shell, turquoise, and coral; a skirt or sash of bayeta, or some other rich material; a belt adorned with plaques of silver; and ordinary moccasins. The sacrificial cigarette which he receives is painted red, marked with the queue-symbols, and deposited under a cedar-tree. No dry-painting of Toʻbadzĭstsíni has been seen by the author, and he has been assured that none is made.

270. Plate VII. represents the avatar of the War God, Toʻbadzĭstsíni, or Child of the Water, as depicted in the act of providing help mentioned in notes 206 and 269. His body and limbs are painted with natural red ochre; his hands are coated with white clay; and eight symbols are drawn on his body in white—two on the chest, two on the arms, two on the legs, and two on the back, partly over the shoulder blades. Similar to the bow-symbols of Nayénĕzgạni (note 269), two of the symbols are left open or unfinished—the one on the left leg (painted first) and the one over the left shoulder blade (painted last)—to suggest (some say) that the god's work is still ongoing. Fig. 42 indicates the order and direction in which each line of the symbol should be drawn. The symbols represent [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]a queue, like the ones worn by the Navajos today (fig. 31). Some believe these figures symbolize the queue of the god’s mother, while others believe they represent the scalps of defeated enemies; the latter is a more likely explanation. The performer wears a mask painted in red ochre as well (except for a small triangular area over the face, which is black and edged in white); it is adorned both in front and behind with several queue-symbols (the number varies in each mask, but is always a multiple of four). The mask is fringed with red or yellow hair, and decorated with a turkey-tail cockade and a soft eagle feather. The holes for the eyes and mouth are diamond-shaped and have white shells attached to them. The actor holds in his left hand a small round cedar-wood cylinder painted red, and in his right, a piñon cylinder painted black. With these, during the scene of help, he gestures toward the patient and the lodge. Like his counterpart, the personator of Nayénĕzgạni, he wears a collar of fox fur (Vulpes velox); elaborate necklaces made of shell, turquoise, and coral; a skirt or sash of bayeta, or another luxurious material; a belt decorated with silver plaques; and standard moccasins. The sacrificial cigarette he receives is painted red, marked with queue-symbols, and placed under a cedar tree. No dry painting of Toʻbadzĭstsíni has been observed by the author, and he has been told that none is created.

271. The name Has-tsél-tsi (Red God) is derived from Hastsé (God, see par. 78) and lĭtsí (red). The Red God, it is said, is never depicted in dry-paintings. The author has never seen the character in masquerade; it seldom appears,—only on the rare occasions when there is no dance of the naakhaí on the last night of the night chant. He seems to be a god of racing. The following account of him is from verbal description: Red God is one of the yéi, and dwells wherever other yéi dwell (hence there are many). His representative never appears in an act of succor and never helps the patient. A fast runner is chosen to play the part. He goes round among the assembled Indians and challenges men, by signs and inarticulate cries, to race with him. If he wins, he whips the loser with two wands of yucca leaves (culled with special observances) which he carries. If he loses, the winner must not whip him. If the loser begs him to whip softly he whips hard, and vice versa. His body is painted red and has queue-symbols drawn on it, like those of Toʻbadzĭstsíni (plate VII.). His mask, which is a domino and not a cap, is painted red and marked with circles and curves in white. His cigarette is prepared on the fourth day, but it is not given to him to sacrifice; it is placed by other hands. Song and prayer accompany the preparation and sacrifice of the cigarette. The latter is painted red, and decorated in white with queue-symbols, either two or four; if four, two are closed or complete, and two open or incomplete. (Note 270.)

271. The name Has-tsél-tsi (Red God) comes from Hastsé (God, see par. 78) and lĭtsí (red). The Red God, it is said, is never shown in dry paintings. The author has never seen this character in a mask; he rarely shows up—only on the rare occasions when there is no naakhaí dance on the last night of the night chant. He seems to be a god of racing. The following description of him comes from verbal accounts: Red God is one of the yéi, and lives wherever other yéi live (hence there are many). His representative never comes to help and never aids the patient. A fast runner is chosen to play the part. He walks around among the gathered people and challenges men, through signs and nonsensical shouts, to race with him. If he wins, he whips the loser with two yucca leaf wands (collected with special rituals) that he carries. If he loses, the winner is not allowed to whip him. If the loser asks him to whip lightly, he whips hard, and vice versa. His body is painted red and has queue-symbols drawn on it, like those of Toʻbadzĭstsíni (plate VII.). His mask, which is a domino and not a cap, is painted red and marked with circles and curves in white. His cigarette is prepared on the fourth day but is not given to him to sacrifice; it is placed by someone else. Song and prayer accompany the preparation and offering of the cigarette. The cigarette is painted red and decorated in white with queue-symbols, either two or four; if there are four, two are complete, and two are incomplete. (Note 270.)

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

NAVAHO MUSIC.

BY PROF. JOHN COMFORT FILLMORE.

BY PROF. JOHN COMFORT FILLMORE.

272. The twenty-eight songs which I have transcribed from phonographic records made by Dr. Washington Matthews have very great scientific interest and value, inasmuch as they throw much light on the problem of the form spontaneously assumed by natural folk-songs. Primitive man, expressing his emotions, especially strongly excited feeling, in song, without any rules or theories, must, of course, move spontaneously along the lines of least resistance. This is the law under which folk-melodies must necessarily be shaped. The farther back we can get toward absolutely primitive expression of emotion in song, the more valuable is our material for scientific purposes; because we can be certain that it is both spontaneous and original, unaffected by contact with civilized music and by [255]any and all theories. In such music we may study the operation of natural psychical laws correlated with physical laws, working freely and coming to spontaneous expression through the vocal apparatus.

272. The twenty-eight songs that I’ve transcribed from recordings made by Dr. Washington Matthews have significant scientific interest and value because they provide insight into how natural folk songs typically form. Primitive people, when expressing their emotions—especially intense feelings—through song, do so without any rules or theories, naturally following the path of least resistance. This principle shapes folk melodies. The further back we can trace these expressions of emotion in song, the more valuable our material is for scientific study; we can be sure it is both spontaneous and original, untainted by exposure to civilized music or [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] any theories. In this type of music, we can explore how natural psychological laws interact with physical laws, working freely and expressing themselves spontaneously through the vocal apparatus.

These Navaho songs are especially valuable because they carry us well back toward the beginnings of music-making. One only needs to hear them sung, or listen to them in the admirable phonographic records of Dr. Matthews, to be convinced of this from the very quality of tone in which they are sung. In all of them the sounds resemble howling more than singing, yet they are unmistakably musical in two very important particulars: (1) In their strongly marked rhythm; (2) In the unquestionably harmonic relations of the successive tones. I shall deal with them, therefore, under the two heads of Rhythm and Harmonic Melody.

These Navajo songs are particularly valuable because they take us back to the origins of music. Just listening to them sung or hearing the amazing recordings by Dr. Matthews makes this clear through the unique quality of their tone. In all of them, the sounds are more like howling than singing, yet they are undeniably musical in two key ways: (1) Their strong rhythm; (2) The clear harmonic relationships of the successive tones. Therefore, I will discuss them under the two categories of Beat and Harmonious Tune.

1. Rhythm.—Mr. Richard Wallascheck, the distinguished author of “Primitive Music,” has lately called attention to the importance of sonant rhythm. Not only does the rhythmic impulse precede the other musical elements, but the superiority of sonant rhythm is such as to serve as an incitement to tone-production. Rhythm tends to set the voice going; and of course vocal sounds, which constitute the first music, do not become music until they are rhythmically ordered. They tend to become so ordered by a natural law of pulsation which need not be discussed here. The regularly recurring pulsations, which specially show themselves in all prolonged emissions of vocal sounds, tend also to form themselves in metrical groups; speaking broadly, these metrical groups are usually twos or threes, or simple multiples of twos or threes. This is so, for the most part, in savage folk-music, in our most advanced culture-music, and in all the development which comes between. The metrical grouping into fives or sevens is comparatively rare; but I have found it more frequently by far in savage folk-music than in our music of civilization.

Below is a short piece of text (5 words or fewer). Modernize it into contemporary English if there's enough context, but do not add or omit any information. If context is insufficient, return it unchanged. Do not add commentary, and do not modify any placeholders. If you see placeholders of the form __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_x__, you must keep them exactly as-is so they can be replaced with links. Beat.—Mr. Richard Wallascheck, the noted author of “Primitive Music,” has recently highlighted the significance of sound rhythm. Not only does the rhythmic impulse come before other musical elements, but the prominence of sound rhythm is such that it encourages tone production. Rhythm tends to start the voice; and of course, vocal sounds, which form the earliest music, only become music when they are rhythmically organized. They naturally tend to be organized through a fundamental law of pulsation that doesn’t need to be explored here. The regular, repeating pulses that are especially evident in all prolonged vocal sounds also tend to form metrical groups; generally speaking, these metrical groups are usually in twos or threes, or simple multiples of twos or threes. This is mostly true in primitive folk music, in our most developed cultural music, and in all the variations in between. Grouping into fives or sevens is relatively rare; however, I have found it much more often in primitive folk music than in our civilized music.

The most striking characteristic of the metrical grouping of tones in the Navaho songs here given is the freedom with which the singer changes from one elementary metre to the other; i.e. from twos to threes and vice versa. So in the compound metres: two twos and three twos, or two threes and three threes, are intermingled with the utmost freedom, so that few of them can be marked in the notation with a single-time signature. Or, if they are, there is almost sure to be an exceptional measure or two here and there which varies from the fundamental metrical type. Thus, the first song on cylinder No. 38 has metrical groupings of three threes and of two threes; i.e. 98 and 68 time. The two songs on cylinder No. 41 have three twos and two twos, treating the eighth note as a unit; or, better, 24 and 34 metre, mingled at the pleasure of the singer. Nearly all the songs vary the metre in this way. The one on cylinder No. 62 has an exceptionally rich variety of metrical arrangement; while the second one, on cylinder No. 38, is exceptionally simple and monotonous in metre and rhythm. A few of them, like No. 25, recorded on cylinder No. 143, are singularly irregular. This song would seem to be based on a grouping of simple twos (24 time, equal to 48) as its fundamental metrical conception; yet a great many measures contain only three eighth notes, and some contain five or even six. The song numbered 28, on cylinder No. 144, has a 88 metre as its foundation, but varied by 24, equal to 48. In respect of metrical grouping, these Navaho songs do not differ in any essential characteristic from the songs of the Omahas, the Kwakiutls, the Pawnees, the Otoes, the Sioux, and other aboriginal folk-music, nor from that of other nations and races, including our own. The complexity of metrical arrangement has been carried much farther by some other tribes, notably the Omahas and the Kwakiutls, than by the Navahoes, so far as appears from the present collection of songs. There is no record here of an accompanying drum-beat, so that, if the combinations of dissimilar rhythms which are so common in the two above-named tribes exist among the Navahoes, they are yet to be recorded and transcribed. [256]

The most noticeable feature of the metrical grouping of tones in the Navaho songs provided here is the singer's flexibility in switching between different basic meters; that is, from twos to threes and back again. In the compound meters, combinations of two twos and three twos, or two threes and three threes, are blended freely, so that few can be notated with a single time signature. If they are notated, there will almost always be an unusual measure or two that deviates from the main metrical style. For example, the first song on cylinder No. 38 features metrical groupings of three threes and two threes; specifically, 98 and 68 time. The two songs on cylinder No. 41 use three twos and two twos, treating the eighth note as a unit; or, more clearly, 24 and 34 meter, mixed as the singer wishes. Almost all the songs vary their meter this way. The one on cylinder No. 62 has an exceptionally diverse metrical arrangement, while the second song on cylinder No. 38 is much simpler and more repetitive in meter and rhythm. A few songs, like No. 25 from cylinder No. 143, are quite irregular. This song appears to be based on a simple twos grouping (24 time, equivalent to 48), yet many measures include only three eighth notes, while others have five or even six. Song number 28 on cylinder No. 144 has a base of 88 meter, but is varied by 24, which is the same as 48. In terms of metrical grouping, these Navaho songs do not significantly differ from the songs of the Omahas, the Kwakiutls, the Pawnees, the Otoes, the Sioux, and other indigenous folk music, nor from those of other nations and cultures, including our own. The complexity of metrical arrangement has been developed further by some other tribes, especially the Omahas and the Kwakiutls, compared to the Navahoes, based on the current collection of songs. There is no record of an accompanying drumbeat here, so if the combinations of different rhythms common in the aforementioned tribes exist among the Navahoes, they have yet to be documented and transcribed. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

2. Harmonic Melody.—These songs seem to be a real connecting link between excited shouting and excited singing. In quality of tone they are shouts or howls. In pitch-relations they are unmistakably harmonic. Some of them manifest this characteristic most strikingly. For example, the two songs on cylinder No. 41 contain all the tones which compose the chord of C major, and no others. The second one on cylinder No. 38 has the tones D and F sharp and no others, except in the little preliminary flourish at the beginning, and here there is only a passing E, which fills up the gap between the two chord-tones. D is evidently the key-note, and the whole melody is made up of the Tonic chord incomplete. The first song on the same cylinder is similarly made up of the incomplete Tonic chord in C minor; only the opening phrase has the incomplete chord of E flat, the relative major. Cylinder No. 49 has nothing but the Tonic chord in C major, and the chord is complete. No. 61 has the complete chord of B flat minor and nothing else. No. 62 is made up mainly of the chord of F major complete. It has two by-tones occasionally used, G and D, the former belonging to the Dominant and the other to both the Sub-dominant and Relative minor chords. Song No. 9 on cylinder No. 100 has the incomplete chord of D sharp minor, with G sharp, the Sub-dominant in the key, as an occasional by-tone. The last tone of each period, the lowest tone of the song, sounds in the phonograph as if the singer could not reach it easily, and the pitch is rather uncertain. It was probably meant for G sharp; but a personal interview with the singer would be necessary to settle the point conclusively. Song No. 10, on the same cylinder, has the complete Tonic chord in D sharp minor and nothing else except the tone C sharp, which is here not a melodic by-tone, but a harmonic tone, a minor seventh added to the Tonic chord. This is curiously analogous to some of the melodies I heard in the Dahomey village at the World’s Fair, and also to some of the melodies of our own Southern negroes. Song No. 11, on the same cylinder, has the same characteristics as No. 9. Nos. 12 and 13, on cylinder No. 135, contain the complete chord of D flat and nothing else. The two songs on cylinder No. 138 contain the complete chord of C major and nothing else, except at the beginning, where A, the relative minor tone, comes in, in the opening phrase. As a rule, whatever by-tones there are in these songs are used in the preliminary phrase or flourish of the song, and then the singer settles down steadily to the line of the Tonic chord. The two songs recorded on No. 139 have the complete major chord of B flat, with G, the relative minor, as a by-tone. The two songs on No. 143 are in C sharp minor and embody the Tonic chord, with F sharp, the Sub-dominant, as a by-tone. Only the first of the two begins with the tone B, which does not occur again. Song No. 27, on cylinder No. 144, embodies only the complete chord of C sharp minor. No. 28 has the same chord, with F sharp as a by-tone. The two songs on No. 145 are in D minor and are made up mainly of the Tonic chord. The by-tones used are G and B flat, which make up two thirds of the Sub-dominant chord, and C, which belongs to the relative major. No. 32, on cylinder No. 146, has more of diatonic melody. It is in G major, and embodies the chord of the Tonic with by-tones belonging to both the Dominant and Sub-dominant chords, one from each chord. No. 33, on the same cylinder, is less melodious, but has the same harmonic elements. Cylinder 147 has two songs in D major which embody the Tonic chord complete, with slight use of a single by-tone, B, the relative minor. The same is true of song No. 36, on cylinder No. 148. Song No. 37, on the same cylinder, has the major chord of C and nothing else.

2. Harmonious Tune.—These songs seem to be a real bridge between excited shouting and excited singing. In terms of tone quality, they are shouts or howls. In pitch relations, they are unmistakably harmonic. Some of them show this characteristic very clearly. For example, the two songs on cylinder No. 41 include all the tones that make up the C major chord, and no others. The second song on cylinder No. 38 has the tones D and F sharp and only those, apart from a brief flourish at the beginning, where there’s just a passing E that fills the gap between the two chord tones. D is clearly the key note, and the whole melody consists of an incomplete Tonic chord. The first song on the same cylinder is also made of an incomplete Tonic chord in C minor; only the opening phrase has the incomplete chord of E flat, the relative major. Cylinder No. 49 contains only the complete Tonic chord in C major. No. 61 has the complete chord of B flat minor and nothing else. No. 62 mostly consists of the complete chord of F major. It has two occasional by-tones, G and D, the former belonging to the Dominant and the latter to both the Sub-dominant and Relative minor chords. Song No. 9 on cylinder No. 100 features the incomplete chord of D sharp minor, with G sharp, the Sub-dominant in the key, as an occasional by-tone. The last tone of each phrase, which is the lowest tone of the song, sounds on the phonograph as if the singer struggled to reach it, making the pitch seem rather uncertain. It was likely intended to be G sharp; however, a personal interview with the singer would be needed to clarify it. Song No. 10 on the same cylinder presents the complete Tonic chord in D sharp minor, along with the tone C sharp, which here is not a melodic by-tone but a harmonic tone, a minor seventh added to the Tonic chord. This interestingly resembles some of the melodies I heard in the Dahomey village at the World’s Fair, and also some of the melodies from our own Southern Black communities. Song No. 11 on the same cylinder shares the same traits as No. 9. Nos. 12 and 13 on cylinder No. 135 contain the complete chord of D flat and nothing else. The two songs on cylinder No. 138 consist of the complete chord of C major with nothing else, except at the start where A, the relative minor tone, appears in the opening phrase. Generally, any by-tones in these songs are featured in the introductory phrase or flourish, after which the singer settles into the Tonic chord. The two songs recorded on No. 139 have the complete major chord of B flat, with G, the relative minor, as a by-tone. The two songs on No. 143 are in C sharp minor and include the Tonic chord, with F sharp, the Sub-dominant, as a by-tone. Only the first of the two starts with the tone B, which does not appear again. Song No. 27 on cylinder No. 144 consists solely of the complete chord of C sharp minor. No. 28 features the same chord, with F sharp as a by-tone. The two songs on No. 145 are in D minor and are mostly made up of the Tonic chord. The by-tones used are G and B flat, which form two thirds of the Sub-dominant chord, and C, which belongs to the relative major. No. 32 on cylinder No. 146 has more diatonic melody. It is in G major and features the Tonic chord with by-tones from both the Dominant and Sub-dominant chords, one from each chord. No. 33 on the same cylinder is less melodious but has the same harmonic elements. Cylinder 147 has two songs in D major that include the complete Tonic chord, with slight use of a single by-tone, B, the relative minor. The same applies to song No. 36 on cylinder No. 148. Song No. 37, on the same cylinder, presents the major chord of C and nothing else.

There are two striking facts in all this: (1) When these Navahoes make music spontaneously,—make melodies by singing tones in rhythmically ordered succession,—there is always a tone which forces itself on our consciousness as a key-note, [257]or Tonic, and this tone, together with the tones which make up its chord (whether major or minor), invariably predominates overwhelmingly; (2) Whenever by-tones are employed, they invariably belong to the chords which stand in the nearest relation to the Tonic.

There are two striking facts in all this: (1) When these Navajos make music spontaneously—creating melodies by singing tones in a rhythmically ordered way—there's always a tone that stands out to us as the key-note, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] or Tonic, and this tone, along with the tones that make up its chord (whether major or minor), always dominates; (2) Whenever by-tones are used, they always belong to the chords that are closest to the Tonic.

I do not care at present to go into any speculations as to why this is so. No matter now what may be the influence of sonant rhythm; what may be the relations of the psychical, physiological, and physical elements; how sound is related to music; how men come to the conception of a minor Tonic when only the major chord is given in the physical constitution of tone. All these questions I wish to waive at this time and only to insist on this one fact, viz.: That, so far as these Navaho songs are concerned, the line of least resistance is always a harmonic line. If we find the same true of all other folk-melodies, I can see no possible escape from the conclusion that harmonic perception is the formative principle in folk-melody. This perception may be sub-conscious, if you please; the savage never heard a chord sung or played as a simultaneous combination of tones in his life; he has no notion whatever of the harmonic relations of tones. But it is not an accident that he sings, or shouts, or howls, straight along the line of a chord, and never departs from it except now and then to touch on some of the nearest related chord-tones, using them mainly as passing-tones to fill up the gap between the tones of his Tonic chord. Such things do not happen by accident, but by law.

I don't want to speculate right now about why this is the case. It doesn't matter what the impact of sound rhythm is; how the psychological, physiological, and physical elements relate; how sound connects to music; or how people develop the idea of a minor Tonic when only the major chord exists in the actual structure of tone. I want to set aside all these questions for now and emphasize just one fact: regarding these Navaho songs, the path of least resistance is always a harmonic path. If the same is true for all other folk melodies, I see no way to avoid concluding that harmonic perception is the foundational principle of folk melody. This perception may be subconscious; the primitive person has never heard a chord sung or played as a simultaneous combination of tones in their life and has no concept of the harmonic relationships between tones. Yet, it’s not a coincidence that they sing, shout, or howl straight along a chord and only occasionally touch on some of the closest related chord tones, mainly using them as passing tones to fill the gaps between the tones of their Tonic chord. These patterns don’t happen by chance, but by law.

That these Navahoes do precisely this thing, no listener can doubt who knows a chord when he hears it. But the same thing is true of all the folk-music I have ever studied. Hundreds of Omaha, Kwakiutl, Otoe, Pawnee, Sioux, Winnebago, Iroquois, Mexican Indian, Zuñi, Australian, African, Malay, Chinese, Japanese, Hindoo, Arab, Turkish, and European folk-songs which I have carefully studied, taking down many of them from the lips of the native singers, all tell the same story. They are all built on simple harmonic lines, all imply harmony, are all equally intelligible to peoples the most diverse in race, and consequently owe their origin and shaping to the same underlying formative principles.

That these Navajos do exactly this, no one who knows a chord when they hear it can doubt. But the same applies to all the folk music I’ve studied. Hundreds of Omaha, Kwakiutl, Otoe, Pawnee, Sioux, Winnebago, Iroquois, Mexican Indian, Zuñi, Australian, African, Malay, Chinese, Japanese, Hindu, Arab, Turkish, and European folk songs that I've carefully studied, many taken down from the native singers themselves, all tell the same story. They are all based on simple harmonic structures, all imply harmony, and are all equally understandable to people from the most diverse backgrounds, which means they originate and are shaped by the same fundamental principles.

Mr. Wallascheck has called attention to the fact that the rhythmic impulse precedes the musical tones, and also to the part played by sonant rhythm in setting tone-production going. The rhythmic impulse is doubtless the fundamental one in the origination of music. But when the tone-production is once started by the rhythmic impulse, it takes a direction in accordance with the laws of harmonic perception. I was long ago forced to this conclusion in my study of the Omaha music; and these Navaho songs furnish the most striking corroboration of it. How else can we possibly account for the fact that so many of these songs contain absolutely nothing but chord tones? How can we escape the conclusion that the line of least resistance is a harmonic line? Is it not plain that, in the light of this principle, every phenomenon of folk-music becomes clear and intelligible? Is there any other hypothesis which will account for the most striking characteristics of folk-music? Every student must answer these questions for himself. But I, for my part, am wholly unable to resist the conviction that the harmonic sense is the shaping, formative principle in folk-melody.

Mr. Wallascheck has pointed out that the rhythmic impulse comes before the musical tones, and he has highlighted the role of sonant rhythm in initiating tone production. The rhythmic impulse is undoubtedly fundamental in the creation of music. However, once tone production is triggered by the rhythmic impulse, it follows the principles of harmonic perception. I reached this conclusion a long time ago in my study of Omaha music, and these Navaho songs provide the most compelling evidence for it. How else can we explain the fact that so many of these songs consist solely of chord tones? How can we avoid concluding that the path of least resistance is a harmonic path? Isn't it obvious that, based on this principle, every aspect of folk music becomes clear and understandable? Is there any other theory that can explain the most prominent features of folk music? Every student must grapple with these questions themselves. But as for me, I can't help but believe that the harmonic sense is the defining and shaping principle in folk melody.

[In the numbers of The Land of Sunshine (Los Angeles, Cal.), for October and November, 1896, under the title of “Songs of the Navajos,” the poetry and music of this tribe have already been discussed by Professor Fillmore and the author. All the music which follows (see pp. 258, 279–290), except that of the “Dove Song,” was written by Professor Fillmore.] [258]

[In the issues of The Land of Sunshine (Los Angeles, CA), for October and November 1896, titled “Songs of the Navajos,” the poetry and music of this tribe have been discussed by Professor Fillmore and the author. All the music that follows (see pp. 258, 279–290), except for the “Dove Song,” was composed by Professor Fillmore.] [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

273. DOVE SONG.

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Musical notation.

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TEXTS AND INTERLINEAR TRANSLATIONS.

274. ASSEVERATION OF TORLINO (IN PART).

Naestsán Earth (Woman Horizontal), bayántsĭn. for it I am ashamed.

Naestsán Earth (Woman Horizontal), bayántsĭn. because I feel embarrassed about it.

dĭll Sky (dark above), bayántsĭn. for it I am ashamed.

Sky (dark above), I'm ashamed of it.

Hayoll Dawn, bayántsĭn. for it I am ashamed.

Hayoll Dawn, bayántsĭn. for that I am ashamed.

Nahotsói Evening (Land of Horizontal Yellow), bayántsĭn. for it I am ashamed.

Naotsói Evening (Land of Horizontal Yellow), bayántsĭn. because it makes me feel embarrassed.

Nahodotlĭ′zi Blue sky (Land or Place of Horizontal Blue), bayántsĭn. for it I am ashamed.

Nahodotlĭ′zi Blue sky (Land or Place of Horizontal Blue), because I'm embarrassed about it.

Tsall Darkness, bayántsĭn. for it I am ashamed.

Darkness, for it I am ashamed.

Tsóhanoai Sun, bayántsĭn. for it I am ashamed.

Tsóhanoai Sun, bayántsĭn. I'm ashamed of it.

Si sĭzíni In me it stands, beyastíʻyi with me it talks, bayántsĭn. for it I am ashamed.

It's within me, it speaks to me, I feel ashamed of it.

275. BEGINNING OF ORIGIN LEGEND.

Toʻbĭlhaskĭ′digi Water with Hill Central in haádze to the east lakaígo white taʻĭ′ndĭlto; up rose; tsin day dzilínla they thought it tsĭ′ni. they say. Sadaádze To the south dotlĭ′zgo blue taʻĭ′ndilto; up rose; tábĭtsin still their day ĭndzĭlté they went around tsĭ′ni. they say. Inádze To the west lĭtsógo yellow taʻĭ′ndilto; up rose; ininála evening always áʻle it showed tsĭ′ni. they say. Akógo Then hokosdze to the north dĭlyĭ′lgo dark taʻĭ′ndilto; up rose; akógo then dazĭntsá they lay down dádzĭlkos they slept tsĭ′ni. they say.

Water with Hill Central in to the east lakaígo white it rose up; tsin day they believed it they say. To the south dotlĭ′go blue it rose up; still their day they went around they say. To the west lĭtsógo yellow it rose up; evening always it appeared they say. Then to the north dillydally dark it rose up; then they laid down they slept tsĭ′ni. they say.

Toʻbĭlhaskĭ′di Water with Hill Central toʻaltsáhazlin; water flowed from in different directions; haádze to the east la one ilín, flowed, sadaágo at the south la one ilín, flowed, la one [259] inádze to the west ilín flowed tsĭ′ni. they say. Haádze To the east ilínigi where it flowed ban its border hodzĭti; place where they dwelt; sadaádze to the south ĕltóʻ; also; inádze to the west ĕltóʻ also ban its border hodzĭti place where they dwelt tsĭ′ni. they say.

Water with Hill Central water flowed from different directions; to the east la 1 ilín, flowed, to the south one ilín, flowed, la one [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] to the west ilín flowed they say. To the east where it flowed its border place where they lived; to the south also; to the west also bans its border place where they lived they say.

Haádze To the east Tan Corn holgé; a place called; sadaádze to the south Nahodoóla Nahodoóla holgé; a place called; inádze to the west Lókatsosakád Reed Great Standing holgé. a place called. Haádze To the east Ăsalái Pot One holgé; a place called; sadaádze to the south Thádzĭtĭl Water They Come for Often holgé; a place called; inádze to the west Dsĭllĭtsíbehogán Mountain Red Made of House holgé. a place called. Haádze To the east Léyahogan Earth under House holgé; a place called; sadaádze to the south Tsĭltsĭ′ntha Aromatic Sumac among holgé; a place called; inádze to the west Tseʻlĭtsíbehogán Rock Red Made of House holgé. a place called.

To the east Tan Corn a place called; to the south Nahodoóla holgé; a place named; to the west Lókatsosakád Reed Great Standing holgé. a place called. To the east Ăsalái Pot One a place called; to the south Water They Come for Often holgé; a place called; to the west Mountain Red Made of House a place called. To the east Earth under House a place called; to the south T’aşilt’intha Aromatic Sumac among a place called; to the west Rock Red House a place called.

Holatsí Ants Dĭlyĭ′le Dark hati lived ĭnté. there. Holatsí Ants Lĭtsí Red hati lived ĭnté. there. Tanĭlaí Dragon-flies hati lived ĭnté. there. Tsaltsá (Yellow beetles) hati lived ĭnté. there. Woĭntlĭ′zi Beetles (?) hard hati lived ĭnté. there. Tseʻyoáli Stone carriers (beetles) hati lived ĭnté. there. Kĭnlĭ′zĭn Bugs black (beetles) hati lived ĭnté. there. Maitsán Coyote-dung (beetles) hati lived ĭnté. there. Andĭ′ta Besides Tsápani Bats hati lived ĭnté. there. Totsóʻ (White-faced beetles) hati lived ĭnté. there. Wonĭstsídi Locusts hati lived ĭnté. there. Wonĭstsídi Locusts Kaí White hati lived ĭnté. there. Nakidátago Twelve dĭnéʻ people aísi these dezdél. started (in life).

Ants Dilyile Dark lived there. Holatsí Ants Red lived Inté. There. Dragonflies hati lived ĭnté. there. Yellow beetles hati lived there. Woĭntlĭ′zi Beetles (?) tough kēhati lived there. Stone carriers (beetles) lived there. Kĭnlĭ′zĭn Bugs black (beetles) hati was living there. Coyote poop (beetles) hati lived there. Besides Tsapani Bats lived ĭnté. there. Totsóʻ White-faced beetles lived there. Wonĭstsídi Locusts lived there. Locusts Kaí White lived there. Naki’dátago Twelve Diné people these dezdél. began (in life).

Haádze To the east hahóse extended toʻsĭgĭ′n ocean tsĭ′ni; they say; Sadaádze to the south toʻsĭgĭ′n ocean tsĭ′ni; they say; inádze to the west toʻsĭgĭ′n ocean tsĭ′ni; they say; hokosdze to the north toʻsĭgĭ′n ocean tsĭ′ni. they say. Haádze To the east toʻsĭgĭ′n ocean bígi within Tiéholtsodi Tiéholtsodi sitín lay tsĭ′ni. they say. Natáni Chief ĭnlíngo; he was; hanantáï Chief of the people tsĭ′ni. they say. Sadaádze To the south toʻsĭgĭ′n ocean bígi within Thaltláhale Blue Heron sitín lay tsĭ′ni. they say. Natáni Chief ĭnlin′go; he was; hanantáï chief of the people tsĭ′ni. they say. Inádze To the west toʻsĭgĭ′n ocean bígi within Tsal Frog sitín lay tsĭ′ni. they say. Natáni Chief ĭnlíngo; he was; hanantáï chief of the people tsĭ′ni. they say. hokosdze To the north toʻsĭgĭ′n ocean bígi within Idníʻdsĭlkai Thunder Mountain White sitín lay tsĭ′ni; they say; hanantáï chief of the people tsĭ′ni. they say.

To the east se extended toʻsĭgĭ′n sea they say; to the south toʻsĭgĭ′n ocean they say; to the west ocean they say; to the north ocean they say. To the east ocean within Tiéholtsodi sitín relax they say. Natáni Chief he was; hanantáï Tribe Leader tsĭ′ni. they say. To the south ocean within Thaltláhale Blue Heron lay tsĭ′ni. They say. Natáni Chief he was; hanantáï tribal leader they say. To the west ocean bígi inside Tsal Frog sit-in lay they say. Natáni Chief he was; chief of the people they say. To the north ocean inside Idníʻdsĭlkai Thunder Mountain White lay they say; hanantáï leader of the people they say.

Tígi In this itégo way hazágo they quarrelled dahatsitigo; around where they lived; ĕ′hyidelnago with one another ahádaztĭlge they committed adultery tsĭ′ni. they say. Ĕ′hyidelnago With one another estsáni women altsan several tatsĭkíd committed crime tsĭ′ni. they say. Yúwe To banish it tséhalni they failed tsĭ′ni. they say. Tiéholtsodi Tiéholtsodi haádze to the east Hatégola “In what way doléla? shall we act? Hwehéya Their land holdáʻodakaʻla.” the place they dislike.” Sadaádze To the south Thaltláhale Blue Heron halní spoke to them tsĭ′ni. they say. Inádze To the west “Kạt “Now si I (say) dokoné not here kehadzitídolel,” shall they dwell,” Tsal Frog hatsí he said Natáni Chief ĭnlĭ′ni, he was, hatsí he said tsĭ′ni. they say. hokosdze To the north Idníʻdsĭlkai Thunder Mountain White Taʻkadáʻ “Quickly hádzeta elsewhere dahízdĭnolidi” they must depart” tsĭ′ni. they say. [260]

In this itégo way they argued around where they lived; with each other they cheated they say. With each other estsáni women altsan several tatsĭkíd committed a crime they say. Yúwe Get rid of it they failed they say. Tiéholtsodi to the east “In what way” shall we act? Hwehéya Their land the place they dislike. To the south Thaltláhale Blue Heron halní talked to them they say. To the west “Kạt Now I (say) not here “shall they dwell,” Tsal Frog he said Natáni Chief he was, he said they say. To the north Thunder Mountain White “Quickly” elsewhere they must depart they say. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

Haádze To the east Tiéholtsodi Tiéholtsodi ahánadazdeyago when again they committed adultery alkinatsidzé among themselves again fought tohatsí nothing he said tsĭ′ni. they say. Sadaádze To the south Thaltláhale Blue Heron tatohanantsída again said nothing to them tsĭ′ni. they say. Inádze To the west Tsal Frog natáni chief ĭnlĭnéni he formerly was tatohanantsída again said nothing to them tsĭ′ni. they say. hokosdze To the north Idníʻdsĭlkai Thunder Mountain White tatohanantsída again said nothing to them tsĭ′ni. they say. Tóbĭltahozondala Not with pleasant ways, one tsĭ′ni. they say.

To the east Tiéholtsodi when they cheated again alkinatsidzé fought among themselves again nothing he said they say. To the south Blue Heron again said nothing to them they say. To the west Tsal Frog natáni leader ĭnlĭnéni he used to be again said nothing to them they say. To the north Thunder Mountain White again said nothing to them they say. Not with pleasant ways, one they say.

Tin Four naikálago again ends of nights takonáhotsa again the same happened tsĭ′ni. they say. Sadaádze To the south hodzĭtini the dwellers takonátsidza did the same again tsĭ′ni; they say; kinatsidzé again they fought tsĭ′ni. they say. Haádze To the east la one estsánigo woman la one dĭnégo man yahatsz tried to enter two together ĭnté; there; tsehodĭnĕltsa, they were driven tsĭ′ni. they say. Sadaádze To the south Thaltláhale Blue Heron sitínedze to where he lay yahanátsataz again they tried to enter two together ĭnté; there; tsenáhodĭnĕltsa again they were driven out tsĭ′ni. they say. Inádze To the west Tsal Frog natáni chief ĭnlĭ′nedze to where he was yahanátsataz again they tried to enter two together ĭnté; there; tsenáhodĭnĕltsa again they were driven out tsĭ′ni. they say. hokosdze To the north tsĕnáhodĭnĕltsa again they were driven out. Tóta “Not níʻyila. one of you. Dainokáʻ Keep on going hádzeta,” elsewhere,” hoʻdoní thus he spoke tsĭ′ni. they say. Andĭ′ta Besides aibĭtlé the same night Nahodoóla Nahodoóla baĭ′ndadzitigo they discussed it iská′ the end of the night tatoastetsáda they did not decide tsĭ′ni. they say. Naʻdéyayilkágo After dawn Tiéholtsodi Tiéholtsodi hayálti began to talk tsĭ′ni. they say. Todadotsáda “You pay no attention tsĭníʻyitsinyasti all I said to you hádis anywhere tadidotsíl you will disobey; níʻyilaʻ all of you hádzeta elsewhere tanelída; must go; koné here tóta not tiʻ this ni earth dasakádgi upon stand in kạt now tóta;” not;” hodoní thus he said tsĭ′ni. they say.

Tin Four naikálago nights end again takonáhotsa the same thing happened again they say. To the south the dwellers did it again they say; again they fought they say. To the east one estsánigo woman la a single one dĭnégo guy tried to enter two together ĭnté; there; they were driven they say. To the south Blue Heron to where he was lying yahanátsataz once more, they attempted to enter two at a time ĭnté; there; driven out again they say. To the west Frog natáni leader headed to where he was yahanátsataz once again, they attempted to enter together ĭnté; there; tsenáhodĭnĕltsa they were kicked out again they say. To the north again they were driven out. “Not” one of you. Keep going hádzeta,” elsewhere,” thus he spoke they say. And besides the same night Naho Doóla they talked about it the end of the night they didn't decide they say. After dawn Tiéholtsodi hayálti started to speak tsĭ′ni. they say. “Stop ignoring me” all I said to you anywhere you will disobey; all of you elsewhere must go; koné here not this ni earth upon stand in now tóta;” no; thus he said they say.

Estsánigo Among the women tin four iskágo ends of nights, till basahatsilágo they talked about it tsĭ′ni. they say. Tín Four iskáʻ ends of nights apĭ′nigo in the morning názditse as they were rising ĭnté there tsĭ′ni, they say, haádze to the east hatísi something lakáigo white taigánil it appeared tsĭ′ni; they say; andĭ′ta besides sadaádze to the south ĕltóʻ also taigánil it appeared tsĭ′ni; they say; naakoné again here inádze to the west ĕltóʻ also taigánil it appeared tsĭ′ni; they say; andĭ′ta besides hokosdze to the north ĕltóʻ also taigánil it appeared tsĭ′ni. they say. Dsĭl Mountains ahyénaʻaʻ rising up around náhalĭni like silín it stretched tsĭ′ni; they say; tatobĭtáʻhazani. without opening. Toʻahyéĭntsil Water all around tsĭ′ni; they say; ttobĭtyĭó, water not to be crossed, tatódĭzaatego not to be climbed ahyéĭntsĭlin flowed all around tsĭ′ni. they say. Táako At once tahadĭltél they started tsĭ′ni. they say.

Estsánigo Among Women tin four ends of nights, till they discussed it they say. Tín Four ends of nights in the morning as they were rising ĭnté there they say, to the east something lakáigo white it appeared they say; besides to the south also it appeared they say; again here to the west also it appeared they say; and besides to the north also it showed up they say. Dsĭl Mountains ahyénaʻaʻ coming up around like it stretched they say; without opening. Water all around they say; water not to be crossed tatódĭzaatego no climbing flowed all around they say. Right now they started they say.

Ahyéĭltégo They went around in circles nihiziĭlté thus they went tsĭ′ni; they say; yabiĭlté they went to the sky tsĭ′ni. they say. Dĭlkógo. It was smooth. Táado Thence tan down ĭndazdéti they looked tsĭ′ni; they say; t water ĭ′ndadĭltlayengi; where it had risen; t water toahotéhida nothing else there tsĭ′ni. they say. Nité There kondé from here la one haznolán stuck out tsĭ′ni; they say; tsi head dotlĭ′z blue léi; it had; hatsotsí he called to them tsĭ′ni; they say; “Kónne,” “In here,” tsĭné, he said, haádzego “to the eastward ahótsala” a hole” tsĭ′ni. they say. Akónne In here [261] ooĭlté they went entering tsĭ′ni; they say; bĭnakáʻ through it ĭlté they went tsĭ′ni they say; bagándze to the upper surface hasté they came out tsĭ′ni. they say. Dotlĭ′zeni The blue one Hastsósidĭneʻ Swallow People ati′nla belonged to tsĭ′ni. they say. Hastsósidĭneʻ Swallow People kéhatil lived there tsĭ′ni. they say. Hogánin The houses togólgo rough (lumpy) naznĭ′l, scattered around, tsĭ′ni; they say; háhos a great many yiláʻ were placed tsĭ′ni. they say. Bĭlathádze Toward their tops dahatsózgo; they tapered; áde from that yahadáhazts gave entrance an opening tsĭ′ni. they say. Háhos A great many dĭnéʻ people altsí collected kot together tsĭ′ni. they say. Háalahazlín They crowded together tsĭ′ni. they say.

They went around in circles thus they went they say; they went to the sky they say. It was smooth. Then tan take down they looked they say; to water ĭ′ndadĭltlayengi; where it had risen; to water nothing else there they say. Nité There from here one stuck out they say; head dotlĭ′z blue it had; he called to them they say; “Konne,” “In here,” tsĭné, he said, “to the eastward a hole they say. In here [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] they went entering they say; through it they went they say; to the upper surface they came out they say. The blue one Swallow People ati′nla belonged to they say. Swallow People lived there they say. The houses rough (lumpy) scattered around, they say; a lot of were set they say. Toward their tops dahatsózgo; they tapered; from that gave entrance an opening tsĭ′ni. they say. A ton Diné people altsí gathered together tsĭ′ni. they say. They huddled together tsĭ′ni. they say.

276. SONG OF ESTSÁNATLEHI.

Aieneyá. (No meaning.)

Aieneyá. (No meaning.)

Eó eá aiá ahèea aía eeeaía ainá. (A meaningless prelude twice repeated.)

Eó eá aiá ahèea aía eeeaía ainá. (A pointless introduction repeated two times.)

I.

1. Yéinaĕzgạni Nayénĕzgạni s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

Yéinaĕzgạni for me he brings, (meaningless.)

2. Kạt Now téelgĕti Téelgĕt s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

Now Téelgĕt for me he brings, (meaningless.)

3. Tsĭ′da Truly la one bĭdzái his lung s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

3. Tsĭ′da Truly la one bĭdzái his lung s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

4. Dĭnéʻ People nahostlĭ′di. are restored. S For me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

4. Dĭnéʻ People nahostlĭ′di. are restored. S For me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

Haía aína aiyéya aína. (Meaningless refrain after each stanza.)

Haía aína aiyéya aína. (Meaningless refrain after each stanza.)

II.

1. Kạt Now Toʻbadzĭstsíni Toʻbadzĭstsíni s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

Kạt Now Toʻbadzĭstsíni Toʻbadzĭstsíni s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (pointless.)

2. Tsĕninaholĭ′si Tseʻnáhale s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

Tsĕninaholĭ′si Tseʻnáhale s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

3. Tsĭ′da Truly la one tái, his wing, s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

3. Tsĭ′da Truly la one tái, his wing, s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

4. Dĭnéʻ People nahostlĭ′di. are restored. S For me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

4. Dĭnéʻ People nahostlĭ′di. are restored. S For me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

III.

1. Kạt Now Léyaneyani Léyaneyani s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

Kạt Now Léyaneyani Léyaneyani s for me niyĭ′nigi, he delivers, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

2. Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

2. Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (pointless.)

3. Tsĭ′da Truly tlapĭ′le his side-lock s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

3. Tsĭ′da Truly tlapĭ′le his side-lock s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

4. Dĭnéʻ People nahostlĭ′di. are restored. S For me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

4. Dĭnéʻ People nahostlĭ′di. are restored. S For me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. It’s meaningless.

IV.

1. Kạt Now Tsówenatlehi Tsówenatlehi s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

Now Tsówenatlehi for me he brings, (meaningless.)

2. Bĭnáye Bĭnáye Tsagáni Aháni s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.) [262]

Bĭnáye Aháni for me he brings, (meaningless.) [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

3. Tsĭ′da Truly la one bĭnái his eye s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

3. Tsĭ′da Truly la one bĭnái his eye s for me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

4. Dĭnéʻ People nahostlĭ′di. are restored. S For me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

4. Dĭnéʻ People nahostlĭ′di. are restored. S For me niyĭ′nigi, he brings, yeyeyéna. (meaningless.)

In line 1, stanza I., Nayénĕzgạni is changed to Yéinaĕzgạni, and in line 1, stanza IV., Bĭnáye Aháni is changed to Bĭnáye Tsagáni. Nahostlĭ′di in the last line of each stanza is rendered here “restored,” but the more exact meaning is, not that the original people are called back to life, but that others are given in place of them. This verb is used if a man steals a horse and gives another horse as restitution for the one he stole.

In line 1, stanza I, Nayénĕzgạni is changed to Yéinaĕzgạni, and in line 1, stanza IV, Bĭnáye Aháni is changed to Bĭnáye Tsagáni. Nahostlĭ′di in the last line of each stanza is rendered here as “restored,” but the more precise meaning is that it’s not the original people being brought back to life, but that others are put in their place. This verb is used when a man steals a horse and gives another horse as compensation for the one he took.

277. SONG OF NAYÉNĔZGẠNI (NAYÉNĔZGẠNI BĬGĬ′N).

I.

Atsé Atsé Estsán Estsán Nayénĕzgạni Nayénĕzgạni yihaholnĭ′z, began to tell her of,

Atsé Atsé Estsán Estsán Nayénĕzgạni Nayénĕzgạni yihaholnĭ′z, started to tell her about,

téelgĕti Téelgĕt yilhaholnĭ′z, began to tell her of,

téelgĕti Téelgĕt yilhaholnĭ′z, started to tell her about,

Nayé Anáye holóde from where they are yihaholnĭ′z. began to tell her of.

Nayé Anáye holóde from where they are yihaholnĭ′z. started to tell her about.

II.

Estsánatlehi Estsánatlehi Toʻbadzĭstsíni Toʻbadzĭstsíni yilhaholnĭ′z, began to tell her of,

Estsánatlehi Estsánatlehi Toʻbadzĭstsíni Toʻbadzĭstsíni yilhaholnĭ′z, started to tell her about,

Tseʻnahalési Tséʻnahale yilhaholnĭ′z, began to tell her of,

Tseʻnahalési Tséʻnahale yilhaholnĭ′z, started to tell her about,

Nayé Anáye holóde from where they are yilhaholnĭ′z. began to tell her of.

Nayé Anáye from where they are started to share with her.

III.

Atsé Atsé Estsán Estsán Léyaneyani Léyaneyani yilhaholnĭ′z, began to tell her of,

Atsé Atsé Estsán Estsán Léyaneyani Léyaneyani yilhaholnĭ′z, started to tell her about,

Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli yilhaholnĭ′z, began to tell her of,

Tse’tahotĭltáli began to tell her of,

Nayé Anáye holóde from where they are yilhaholnĭ′z. began to tell her of.

Nayé Anáye from where they are yilhaholnĭ′z. began to explain to her.

IV.

Estsánatlehi Estsánatlehi Tsówenatlehi Tsówenatlehi yilhaholnĭ′z, began to tell her of,

Estsánatlehi Estsánatlehi Tsówenatlehi Tsówenatlehi yilhaholnĭ′z, started to tell her about,

Bĭnáye Bĭnáye Tsagáni Aháni yilhaholnĭ′z, began to tell her of,

Bĭnáye Aháni began to tell her of,

Nayé Anáye holóde from where they are yilhaholnĭ′z. began to tell her of.

Nayé Anáye from where they are yilhaholnĭ′z. began sharing stories with her.

Prelude, refrain, and meaningless syllables are omitted from this text.

Prelude, refrain, and meaningless syllables have been removed from this text.

278. SONG OF NAYÉNĔZGẠNI.

I.

Kạt Now Nayénĕzgạni Slayer of the Alien Gods koanígo thus he says dĭgíni, a holy one,

Kạt Now Nayénĕzgạni: Slayer of the Alien Gods so he says dĭgíni, a spiritual leader,

Kạt Now Tsóhanoai The Sun koanígo, thus he says,

Kạt Now Tsóhanoai The Sun koanígo, so he says,

Dĭgĭ′n Holy yikáʻ thereon sĭzíni he stands koanígo. thus he says.

Dĭgĭ′n Holy yikáʻ thereon sĭzíni he stands koanígo. so he says.

[263]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

II.

Kạt Now Toʻbadzĭstsíni Child of the Water koanígo thus he says dĭgíni, a holy one,

Kạt Now Child of the Water so he says dĭgíni, a sacred being,

Kạt Now Kléhanoai The Moon koanígo, thus he says,

Kạt Now Kléhanoai The Moon koanígo, he says this,

Dĭgĭ′n Holy yikáʻ thereon holési he goes forth koanígo. thus he says.

Dĭgĭ′n Holy yikáʻ thereon holési he goes forth koanígo. thus he says.

III.

Kạt Now Léyaneyani Reared under the Earth koanígo thus he says dĭgíni, a holy one,

Kạt Now Léyaneyani Raised underground that's what he says dĭgíni, a holy one,

Kạt Now Tsóhanoai The Sun koanígo, thus he says,

Kạt Now Tsóhanoai The Sun koanígo, so he says,

Dĭgĭ′n Holy yikáʻ thereon sĭzíni he stands koanígo. thus he says.

Dĭgĭ′n Holy yikáʻ thereupon sĭzíni he stands koanígo. thus he speaks.

IV.

Kạt Now Tsówenatlehi Changing Grandchild koanígo thus he says dĭgíni, a holy one,

Now Changing Grandchild so he says sacred one

Kạt Now Kléhanoai The Moon koanígo, thus he says,

Kạt Now Kléhanoai The Moon koanígo, so he says,

Dĭgĭ′n Holy yikáʻ thereon holési he goes forth koanígo. thus he says.

Dĭgĭ′n Holy yikáʻ thereon holési he goes on koanígo. thus he says.

Meaningless parts omitted. Koanígo is from kónigo, which is the prose form.

Meaningless parts omitted. Koanígo comes from kónigo, which is the prose form.

279. SONG OF NAYÉNĔZGẠNI.

I.

Kạt Now Yénaezgạni Slayer of the Alien Gods (Nayénĕzgạni) la one dĭsĭtsáya. I hear him.

Kạt Now Yénaezgạni Slayer of the Alien Gods (Nayénĕzgạni) la one I can hear him.

Ya Sky benikásde through from la one dĭsĭtsáya. I hear him.

Ya Sky through from one I hear him.

Bíniye His voice tsíye sounds tĭ′snĭsad in every direction lée. (no meaning).

His voice sounds in every direction. (no meaning).

Bíniye His voice tsíye sounds dígini holy, divine lée. (no meaning).

Bíniye His voice tsíye sounds dígini holy, divine lée. (no meaning).

II.

Kạt Now Toʻbadzĭstsíni Child of the Water la one dĭsĭtsáya. I hear him.

Kạt Now Child of the Water la one I can hear him.

T Water benikásde through from la one dĭsĭtsáya. I hear him.

Water through from one I hear him.

Bíniye His voice tsíye sounds tĭ′snĭsad in every direction lée. (no meaning).

His voice sounds in every direction.

Bíniye His voice tsíye sounds dígini divine lée. (no meaning).

His voice sounds divine.

III.

Kạt Now Léyaneyani Reared under the Ground la one dĭsĭtsáya. I hear him.

Now Reared Underground the one I hear him.

Niʻ Earth benikásde through from la one dĭsĭtsáya. I hear him. [264]

Niʻ Earth benikásde from la one dĭsĭtsáya. I hear him. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

Bíniye His voice tsíye tĭ sounds ′snĭsad in every direction lée. (no meaning).

His voice sounds in every direction. (no meaning).

Bíniye His voice tsíye sounds dígini divine lée. (no meaning).

Bíniye His voice tsíye sounds dígini divine lée. (no meaning).

IV.

Kạt Now Tsówenatlehi Changing Grandchild la one dĭsĭtsáya. I hear him.

Now Changing Grandchild one I hear him.

Kos Clouds benikásde through from la one dĭsĭtsáya. I hear him.

Kos Clouds benikásde through from la one dĭsĭtsáya. I hear him.

Bíniye His voice tsíye sounds tĭ′snĭsad in every direction lée. (no meaning).

His voice sounds in every direction.

Bíniye His voice tsíye sounds dígini divine lée. (no meaning).

His voice sounds divine.

Nayénĕzgạni changed to Yénaezgạni; bĭne (his voice) changed to bíniye; dĭgĭ′n changed to dígini, for poetic reasons. Preludes and refrains omitted.

Nayénĕzgạni changed to Yénaezgạni; bĭne (his voice) changed to bíniye; dĭgĭ′n changed to dígini, for poetic reasons. Preludes and refrains omitted.

280. A SONG OF NAYÉNĔZGẠNI.

I.

Kạt Now Nayénĕzgạni Slayer of the Alien Gods nahaníya, he arrives,

Kạt Now Nayénĕzgạni Slayer of the Alien Gods he arrives,

Pes Knives dĭlyĭ′li dark behogánla a house made of ásde from nahaníya, he arrives,

Pes Knives dĭlyĭ′li dark behogánla a house made of ásde from nahaníya, he arrives,

Pes Knives dĭlyĭ′li dark daʻhoníhe dangle high ásde from nahaníya. he arrives.

Pes Knives dĭlyĭ′li dark daʻhoníhe dangle high ásde from nahaníya. he's here.

Nizáza Your treasures dĭnĭgíni, you holy one, síka for my sake not. tóta.

Your treasures you sacred one, for my benefit not. tota.

II.

Kạt Now Toʻbadzĭstsíni Child of the Water nahaníya, he arrives,

Kạt Now Toʻbadzĭstsíni Child of the Water nahaníya, he's here,

Pes Knives dolgási serrate behogánla a house made of ásde from nahaníya, he arrives,

Pes Knives dolgási serrate behogánla a house made of ásde from nahaníya, he's here,

Pes Knives dolgási serrate daʻhoníhe dangle high ásde from nahaníya. he arrives.

Pes Knives dolgási serrated daʻhoníhe dangles high ásde from nahaníya. he's here.

Nizáza Your treasures dĭnĭgíni, you holy one, síka for my sake not. tóta.

Nizáza Your treasures you holy one, for my sake not. tota.

III.

Kạt Now Léyaneyani Reared under the Earth nahaníya, he arrives,

Kạt Now Léyaneyani Raised underground nahaníya, he arrives,

Pes Knives althasaí of all kinds behogánla a house made of ásde from nahaníya, he arrives,

Pes Knives all kinds a house made of ásde from nahaníya, he arrives,

Pes Knives althasaí of all kinds daʻhoníhe dangle high ásde from nahaníya. he arrives.

Pes Knives althasaí of all kinds daʻhoníhe dangle high ásde from nahaníya. he’s here.

Nizáza Your treasures dĭnĭgíni, you holy one, síka for my sake tóta. not.

Nizáza Your valuables dĭnĭgíni, you sacred one, for my sake tóta. nope.

IV.

Kạt Now Tsówenatlehi Changing Grandchild nahaníya, he arrives,

Kạt Now Tsówenatlehi Changing Grandchild nahaníya, he's here,

Pes Knives lĭtsói yellow behogánla yellow a house made of ásde from nahaníya, he arrives, [265]

Pes Knives lĭtsói yellow a yellow house made of ásde from he arrives, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

Pes Knives lĭtsói yellow daʻhoníhe dangle high ásde from nahaníya. he arrives.

Pe Knives yellow dangle high from he arrives.

Nizáza Your treasures dĭnĭgíni, you holy one, síka for my sake tóta. not.

Nizáza Your treasures you holy one, for my sake tóta. nope.

In endeavoring to explain the meaning of this song, the singer related that Nayénĕzgạni said to his mother, “You are the divine one, not I.” She replied, “No, you are the divine one.” They were exchanging compliments. Then he said, “Not for my sake, but for yours, were these treasures (weapons, etc.) given by the Sun. They are yours.” For the meaning of bĭzá (his treasure), see note 246. Nizá or nĭ′za means your treasure; the last syllable is here repeated perhaps as a poetic plural. The houses of knives are said to be the different chambers in the house of the Sun. Meaningless syllables are omitted in this text.

In trying to explain the meaning of this song, the singer shared that Nayénĕzgạni told his mother, “You are the divine one, not me.” She responded, “No, you are the divine one.” They were exchanging compliments. Then he said, “These treasures (weapons, etc.) were given by the Sun, not for my sake, but for yours. They belong to you.” For the meaning of bĭzá (his treasure), see note 246. Nizá or nĭ′za means your treasure; the last syllable is possibly repeated here as a poetic plural. The houses of knives are thought to be the different chambers in the house of the Sun. Meaningless syllables are omitted in this text.

281. SONG OF THE SUN.

I.

Kạt Now Nayénĕzgạni Slayer of the Alien Gods sĭdeyáïye, I come (or approach) with,

Now Nayénĕzgạni: Slayer of Alien Gods I'm coming with,

Pes Knives dĭlyĭ′li dark behogánde from house made of sĭdeyáïye, I come with,

Pes Knives dĭlyĭ′li dark from a house made of I come with,

Pes Knives dĭlyĭ′li dark dhoníde from where they dangle high sĭdeyáïye, I come with,

Pes Knives dark from where they hang high I come with,

S For me alíli an implement of the rites sĭdeyáïye, I come with, aníhoyéle to you dreadful aineyáhi ainé. (no meaning).

For me a ritual tool I come with, to you, scary one, aineyáhi ainé. (no meaning).

II.

Kạt Now Toʻbadzĭstsíni Child of the Water sĭdeyáïye, I come with,

Kạt Now Child of the Water I'm here with,

Pes Knives dolgási264 serrate behogánde from house made of sĭdeyáïye, I come with,

Pes Knives dolgási__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ toothed from house made of I come with,

Pes Knives dolgási serrate dhoníde from where they dangle high sĭdeyáïye, I come with,

Pe Knives dolgási serrate from where they hang high I come with,

S For me alíli an implement of the rites sĭdeyáïye, I come with, anídĭgĭnle to you sacred (divine, holy) aineyáhi ainé. (no meaning).

For me a ritual tool I bring to you, sacred (divine, holy) aineyáhi ainé. (no meaning).

III.

Kạt Now Léyaneyani Reared Beneath the Earth, sĭdeyáïye, I come with,

Kạt Now Léyaneyani Lifted from the Ground, I come with,

Pes Knives althasaí of all kinds behogánde from house made of sĭdeyáïye, I come with,

Pes Knives of all kinds beogánde from a house made of I come with,

Pes Knives althasaí of all kinds dhoníde from where they dangle high sĭdeyáïye, I come with,

Pes Knives althasaí of all types from where they hang high I come with,

S For me alíli an implement of the rites sĭdeyáïye, I come with, aníhoyéle, to you dreadful, aineyáhi ainé. (no meaning).

For me a ritual tool I come with, to you scary, aineyáhi ainé. (no meaning).

IV.

Kạt Now Tsówenatlehi Changing Grandchild sĭdeyáïye, I come with,

Kạt Now Tsówenatlehi Changing Grandchild sĭdeyáïye, I'm here with,

Pes Knives lĭtsói yellow behogánde from the house made of sĭdeyáïye, I come with,

Pes Knives yellow from the house made of I come with,

Pes Knives lĭtsói yellow dhoníde from where they dangle high sĭdeyáïye, I come with,

Pes Knives lĭtsói yellow from where they hang high I come with,

S For me alíli an implement of the rites sĭdeyáïye, I come with, anídĭgĭnle to you sacred aineyáhi ainé. (no meaning.)

For me a ceremonial tool I come with, sacred to you aineyáhi ainé. (no meaning.)

[266]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

Alíl or alíli means a show, dance, or other single exhibition of the rites (see fig. 30). It also means a wand or other sacred implement used in the rites. It is thought that the colored hoops for raising a storm, described in par. 355, are the alíli referred to in this song.

Alíl or alíli refers to a performance, dance, or other single display of the rituals (see fig. 30). It also refers to a wand or other sacred tool used in the rituals. It is believed that the colored hoops for creating a storm, mentioned in par. 355, are the alíli referred to in this song.

282. SONG OF THE SUN.

I.

Sĭníʻ My mind   deyá approaches, aá,   deyá approaches, aá,  

My mind approaches, my mind approaches,

Tsínhanoai The Sun God   deyá approaches, aá,  

Tsínhanoai The Sun God   deyá is coming, aá,  

Niʻnĭnélaʻ Border of the Earth   deyá approaches, aá,  

Niʻnĭnélaʻ Border of the Earth   deyá is approaching, aá,  

Estsánatlesi Estsánatlehi bigáni her house yúnidze toward the hearth deyá approaches, aá,  

Estsánatlesi Estsánatlehi bigáni her house yúnidze toward the fireplace deyá approaches, aá,  

na In old age nagái walking   deyá approaches, aá,  

In old age walking approaches, aá,

Bĭké His trail hozóni beautiful   deyá approaches. aá.  

His trail beautiful   approaches.  

Sĭníʻ My mind   deyá approaches, aá,   deyá approaches. aá.  

My mind approaches, approaches.

II.

Sĭníʻ My mind   deyá approaches, aá,   deyá approaches, aá,  

My mind   approaches,   approaches,  

Kléhanoai The Moon God   deyá approaches, aá,  

Kléhanoai The Moon God   deyá is coming, aá,  

Niʻnĭnélaʻ Border of the Earth   deyá approaches, aá,  

Niʻnĭnélaʻ Border of the Earth   deyá is coming, aá,  

Yolkaí Yolkaí Estsán Estsán bigáni her house yúnidze toward the hearth deyá approaches, aá,  

Yolkaí Yolkaí Estsán Estsán bigáni big house yúnidze toward the fire deyá approaches, aá,

na In old age nagái walking   deyá approaches, aá,  

In old age walking   approaches,  

Bĭké His trail hozóni beautiful   deyá approaches. aá.  

His trail beautiful   approaches.  

Sĭníʻ My mind   deyá approaches,   deyá approaches. aá.  

My mind approaches, approaches.

Yúni, here translated hearth, is a certain part of the floor of the Navaho lodge. Yúnidze means in the direction of the yúni.

Yúni, here translated as "hearth," is a specific part of the floor in a Navajo lodge. Yúnidze means towards the yúni.

The expressions Sána nagái and Bĭké hozóni appear in many songs and prayers, and are always thus united. Their literal translation is as given above; but they are equivalent to saying, “Long life and happiness;” as part of a prayer, they are a supplication for a long and happy life. Hozóni means, primarily, terrestrially beautiful; but it means also happy, happily, or, in a certain sense, good.

The phrases Sána nagái and Bĭké hozóni show up in many songs and prayers, and are always connected. Their literal translation is as mentioned above; however, they are essentially saying, “Long life and happiness;” when used in a prayer, they are a request for a long and joyful life. Hozóni primarily means beautiful in a worldly sense; but it also means happy, cheerfully, or, in a certain way, good.

Estsánatlehi is often called, in song, Estsánatlesi, and Tsóhanoai is often called (apparently with greater propriety) Tsínhanoai. Sĭníʻ = Sĭ′ni.

Estsánatlehi is often referred to in songs as Estsánatlesi, and Tsóhanoai is commonly called (it seems more appropriate) Tsínhanoai. Sĭníʻ = Sĭ′ni.

The syllables not translated are meaningless.

The untranslated syllables are pointless.

283. SIGNIFICANT WORDS OF SONGS OF THE LOG, FIRST SET.

First Song:— Tsĭn Tree (log, stick) zóni beautiful s for me niĭ′nitha. they fell. [267]

First Song:— Tsĭn Tree (log, stick) zóni stunning for me niĭ′nitha. they fell. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

Second Song:— Tsĭn Tree zóni beautiful s for me haídile. they prepare or trim.

Second Song:— Tsĭn Tree beautiful for me haídile. they get ready or trim.

Third Song:— Tsĭn Tree zóni beautiful s for me haiyĭdílaʻ. they have prepared.

Third Song:— Tsĭn Tree zóni beautiful s for me haiyĭdílaʻ. they have gotten ready.

Fourth Song:— Tsĭn Tree zóni beautiful sĭláʻ with me yidĭtíʻyiʻ. they carry.

Fourth Song:— Tsĭn Tree zóni beautiful sĭláʻ with me yidĭtíʻyiʻ. they carry.

Fifth Song:— Tsĭn Tree zóni beautiful sĭláʻ with me tháiyiyitin. they put in the water.

Fifth Song:— Tsĭn Tree zóni gorgeous stay with me tháiyiyitin. they put it in water.

The word for beautiful is usually pronounced ĭnzóni, not nĭzóni as above.

The word for beautiful is usually pronounced ĭnzóni, not nĭzóni as mentioned above.

284. SIGNIFICANT WORDS OF SONGS OF THE LOG, SECOND SET.

First Song:— Tsĭn Tree zóni beautiful sĭláʻ with me neyĭlgóʻ. they push.

First Song:— Tsĭn Tree zóni beautiful sĭláʻ with me neyĭlgóʻ. they push.

Second Song:— Tsĭn Tree zóni beautiful sĭláʻ with me yidisél. floats.

Second Song:— Tsĭn Tree zóni beautiful sĭláʻ with me yidisél. floats.

Third Song:— Tsĭn Tree zóni beautiful sĭláʻ with me yiyilól. moves floating.

Third Song:— Tsĭn Tree zóni beautiful sĭláʻ with me yiyilól. moves gracefully.

285. WORDS OF THE EAGLE.

Ahaláni Greeting, sz! my child! Eʻyéhe Thanks, sz! my child! Nĭtsĭ′li Your younger brother ta down toadainĭnĭ′lda, you did not throw, Donikí. Donikí.

Hello, sz! my kid! Thank you, sz! my kid! Nĭtsĭ′li Your little brother ta sit down you didn't throw, Donikí. Donikí.

286. SONG OF THE EAGLES.—A SONG OF THE BEAD CHANT.

I.

Aóoóo aiá-hená an an anaié anaié. (Meaningless prelude.)

Aóoóo aiá-hená an an anaié anaié.

Kinnakíye Kinnakíye yéye   saaíyista there he sits, an an,  

Kinnakíye Kinnakíye yéye   saaíyista he's sitting there, an an,  

Hayáaaá When he rises, yéye   saaíyista there he sits, an an,  

Hayáaaá When he gets up, yéye   saaíyista there he sits, an an,  

Yiltsá We shall see, aá yéye   saaíyista there he sits, an an,  

Yiltsá We'll see, aá yéye   saaíyista he's sitting there, an an,  

Tall He will flap, aá yéye   saaíyista there he sits. an an.  

He will flap, aá yéye there he sits. a an.

Aiadoséye aiadoséye an an an ohaneyé. (Meaningless refrain.)

Aiadoséye aiadoséye an an an ohaneyé.

Kinnakíye = Kinníki. The vocables not translated have no meaning now.

Kinnakíye = Kinníki. The words that haven't been translated don't mean anything now.

287. SONG OF THE ASCENSION.

I.

Aió éo éo éo he, éo óo éo éo he. (Meaningless prelude.)

Hey, hey, hey, now, oh, now, hey. (Meaningless prelude.)

1. Tsĭ′natan Plant of corn alkaí white, eé eé,  

Tsĭ′natan Corn plant alkaí White, eé eé,  

2. Bidági Its ear sticks up in tso great ínyan to eat. eé.   [268]

2. Bidági Its ear stands up in tso great to eat. eé. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

3. Nantá Stay down. anán tosé tosé.  

Nantá Stay down. anán tosé tosé.  

Tosé eyé eyé.

Toissé eyé eyé.

II.

(Repeat prelude as in stanza I.)

(Repeat prelude as in stanza I.)

1. Tsĭ′natan Plant of corn dotlĭ′z blue, eé eé,  

Tsĭ′natan Corn plant dotlĭ′z blue, eé eé,  

2. Bidági Its ear sticks up in tso great ínyan to eat. eé.  

2. Bidági Its ear is upright tso awesome ínyan to eat. eé.

3. Nantá Stay down. anán tosé tosé.  

Stay down.  

(Repeat refrain as in stanza I.)

(Repeat refrain as in stanza I.)

III.

(Repeat prelude.)

(Repeat prelude.)

1. Tsĭ′natan Plant of corn altsói yellow, eé eé,  

Plant of corn yellow,

2. Bidági Its ear sticks up in tso great ínyan to eat. eé.  

2. Bidági Its ear stands up in tso great ínyan to eat. eé.

3. Nantá Stay down. anán tosé tosé.  

3. Nantá Stay down. anán tosé tosé.  

(Repeat refrain.)

(Repeat chorus.)

IV.

(Repeat prelude.)

(Repeat prelude.)

1. Tsĭ′nataa Plant of corn zĭ′ni black, eé eé,  

Tsĭ′nataa Corn plant zĭ′ni Black, eé eé,

2. Bidági Its ear sticks up in tso great ínyan to eat. eé.  

2. Bidági Its ear is perked up tso great to eat. eé.

3. Nantá Stay down. anán tosé tosé.  

Stay down. anán tosé tosé.

(Repeat refrain.)

(Repeat chorus.)

V.

(Repeat prelude.)

(Repeat prelude.)

1. Tsĭ′nat Plant of corn althasaí all kinds or colors, eé eé,  

1. Corn plant various types or colors, eé eé,

2. Bidági Its ear sticks up in tso great ínyan to eat. eé.  

2. Bidági Its ear stands up in tso great to eat. eé.

3. Nantá Stay down. anán tosé tosé.  

3. Nantá Stay down. anán tosé tosé.  

(Repeat refrain.)

(Repeat chorus.)

VI.

(Repeat prelude.)

(Repeat prelude.)

1. Tsĭ′natan Plant of corn dĭtsól round (nubbin), eé eé,   [269]

Tsĭ′natan Corn plant dĭtsól nubbin (round), eé eé,   [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

2. Bidági Its ear sticks up in tso great ínyan to eat. eé.  

2. Bidági Its ear is upright in great ínyan to eat. eé.

3. Nantá Stay down. anán tosé tosé.  

Nantá Stay down. anán tosé tosé.  

(Repeat refrain.)

(Repeat refrain.)

Great changes are made in some of the words in this song for prosodic reasons. Tsĭ′natan, tsĭ′nataa, and tsĭ′nat (1st lines) are all from tsĭl (plant) and natán (corn), Bidági (2d lines) is from bidí (its ear), iáʻ (it sticks up), and gi (in). Alkaí (line 1, stanza I.) = lakaí. Altsói (line 1, stanza III.) = lĭtsói.

Great changes are made to some of the words in this song for rhythmic reasons. Tsĭ′natan, tsĭ′nataa, and tsĭ′nat (1st lines) are all derived from tsĭl (plant) and natán (corn). Bidági (2d lines) comes from bidí (its ear), iáʻ (it sticks up), and gi (in). Alkaí (line 1, stanza I.) = lakaí. Altsói (line 1, stanza III.) = lĭtsói.

288. PRAYER OF FIRST DANCERS FROM THE CEREMONY OF THE NIGHT CHANT.

1. Tseʻgíhigi, Tseʻgíhi in

Tseʻgíhi in

2. Hayoll Dawn behogángi, made of house in,

Dawn made of house in,

3. Nahotsói Evening twilight behogángi, made of house in,

3. Nahotsói Evening twilight behogángi, made of house in,

4. Kósdĭll Cloud dark behogángi, made of house in,

Cloudy house vibes

5. Nĭltsabaká Rain male behogángi, made of house in,

Nĭltsabaká Rain male made of house in,

6. Áʻdĭll Mist dark behogángi, made of house in,

6. Áʻdĭll Dark mist behogángi, made in a house,

7. Nĭltsabaád Rain female behogángi, made of house in,

Nĭltsabaád Rain female made of house in,

8. Thaditín Pollen behogángi, made of house in,

8. Thaditín Pollen behogángi, made of house in,

9. Anĭltáni Grasshoppers behogángi, made of house in,

9. Anĭltáni Grasshoppers behogángi, house-made,

10. Áʻdĭll Mist dark dadĭnlági, at the door,

Mist dark at the door,

11. Natsílĭt Rainbow bĭkedzétin, his trail the road,

11. Natsílĭt Rainbow bĭkedzétin, his path the road,

12. Atsĭniklĭ′si Zigzag lightning yíki on it dasizíni, high stands,

12. Atsĭniklĭ′si Zigzag lightning yíki on it dasizíni, high stands,

13. Nĭltsabaká Rain male yíki on it dasizíni, high stands,

13. Nĭltsabaká Rain male yíki on it dasizíni, high stands,

14. Hastsébaka, Deity male,

Hastébaka, Male Deity

15. Kósdĭll Cloud dark nĭkégo your moccasins nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

15. Kósdĭll Dark cloud nĭkégo your moccasins nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

16. Kósdĭll Cloud dark nĭsklégo your leggings nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

16. Kósdĭll Cloud dark nĭsklégo your leggings nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

17. Kósdĭll Cloud dark niégo your shirt nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

17. Kósdĭll Dark cloud niégo your shirt nahaíniyaʻ. Come to us.

18. Kósdĭll Cloud dark nĭtságo your headdress nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

18. Kósdĭll Dark cloud nĭtságo your headdress nahaíniyaʻ. join us.

19. Kósdĭll Cloud dark bininĭnlágo your mind enveloping nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

19. Cloudy bininĭnlágo your mind wrapping come to us.

20. Nĭkĭ′dze You above idníʻdĭll thunder dark dahitágo high flying nahaíniyaʻ. come to us. [270]

20. Nĭkĭ′dze You above thunder dark high flying come to us. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

21. Kosistsín Cloud having a shape bikégo at feet dahitágo high flying nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

21. Cloud with a shape bikégo at our feet soaring high come to us.

22. Ĭntsekádo Your head over kósdĭll cloud dark beatsadasyélgo made of far darkness dahitágo high flying nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

22. Your head over dark cloud made of distant darkness high flying come to us.

23. Ĭntsekádo Your head over nĭltsabaká rain male beatsadasyélgo made of far darkness dahitágo high flying nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

23. Your head over nĭltsabaká rain guy made of deep darkness high flying come to us.

24. Ĭntsekádo Your head over áʻdĭll mist dark beatsadasyélgo made of far darkness dahitágo high flying nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

24. Your head over misty dark beatsadasyélgo made of deep darkness high flying come to us.

25. Ĭntsekádo Your head over nĭltsabaád rain female beatsadasyélgo made of far darkness dahitágo high flying nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

25. Your head over nĭltsabaád rain girl beatsadasyélgo made of deep darkness high flying come to us.

26. Ĭntsekádo Your head over atsĭniklĭ′si zigzag lightning hadahatĭlgo high out flung dahitágo high flying nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

26. Your head over zigzag lightning high out flung high-flying come to us.

27. Ĭntsekádo Your head over natsílĭt rainbow adahazlágo high hanging dahitágo high flying nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

27. Get your head over the rainbow adahazlágo that's high up that's soaring come to us.

28. taʻlatháʻdo Your wings on ends of kósdĭll cloud dark beatsadasyélgo made of far darkness dahitágo high flying nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

28. taʻlatháʻdo Your wings at the ends of dark clouds made of distant darkness dahitágo soaring high come to us.

29. taʻlatháʻdo Your wings on ends of nĭltsabaká rain male beatsadasyélgo made of far darkness dahitágo high flying nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

29. taʻlatháʻdo Your wings on the tips of nĭltsabaká rain dude beat sad as yélgo made of deep darkness high-flying come to us.

30. taʻlatháʻdo Your wings on ends of áʻdĭll mist dark beatsadasyélgo made of far darkness dahitágo high flying nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

30. taʻlatháʻdo Your wings on the edges of dark mist made of distant darkness soaring high come to us.

31. taʻlatháʻdo Your wings on ends of nĭltsabaád rain female beatsadasyélgo made of far darkness dahitágo high flying nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

31. taʻlatháʻdo Your wings at the tips of rain woman made of distant darkness high flying come to us.

32. taʻlatháʻdo Your wings on ends of atsĭniklĭ′si zigzag lightning hadahatĭ′lgo high out flung dahitágo high flying nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

32. taʻlatháʻdo Your wings at the tips of zigzag lightning high out flung high flying come to us.

33. taʻlatháʻdo Your wings on ends of natsílĭt rainbow adahazlágo high hanging dahitágo high flying nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

33. taʻlatháʻdo Your wings at the tips of rainbow high up soaring high come to us.

34. Kósdĭll, Cloud dark, nĭltsabaká, rain male, áʻdĭll, mist dark, nĭltsabaád rain female bil with it benatsidasyélgo made of near darkness nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

34. Kósdĭll, Dark clouds, male rain dark mist nĭltsabaád female rain bill included crafted from near darkness come to us.

35. Niʻgidasyél On the earth darkness nahaíniyaʻ. come to us.

35. On Earth, darkness come to us.

36. Aíbe With the same natátso great corn tadl floating over biági at bottom tálawus foam yiltoʻlín with water flowing esĭ′nosĭn. that I wish.

36. Aíbe Just like the great corn floating above at the bottom tálawus foam with water flowing that I want.

37. Nigel Your sacrifice isláʻ. I have made.

Your sacrifice I have made.

38. Nadé For you smoke hiláʻ. I have prepared.

38. Nadé You're smoking hiláʻ. I’ve got it ready.

39. Sĭké My feet sdĭtlil. for me restore (as they were).

39. My feet sdĭtlil. to bring them back (to their original condition).

40. Sĭtsát My legs sdĭtlil. for me restore.

40. Sĭtsát My legs sdĭtlil. help me heal.

41. Sĭtsís My body sdĭtlil. for me restore.

My body for me restore.

42. Sĭ′ni My mind sdĭtlil. for me restore.

My mind restore for me.

43. Sĭné My voice sdĭtlil. for me restore.

43. Sĭné My voice sdĭtlil. restore it for me.

44. Ádĭstsin This day nalíl your spell sdilel. for me take out.

44. Ádĭstsin Today nalíl your charm sdilel. for me to take off.

45. Ádĭstsin This day nalíl your spell saanĭ′nlaʻ. for me remove (take away).

45. Ádĭstsin Today your charm for me to take away.

46. Sĭtsádze Away from me tahĭ′ndĭnlaʻ. you have taken it.

46. Leave me alone you took it.

47. Nĭzágo Far off sĭtsaʻ from me nénlaʻ. it is taken.

47. Nĭzágo Far away sĭtsaʻ from me nénlaʻ. it is taken.

48. Nĭzágo Far off nastlín. you have done it. [271]

Far away you have done it. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

49. Hozógo Happily (in a way of beauty) nadedestál. I recover.

49. Happily (in a beautiful way) I'm feeling better.

50. Hozógo Happily sĭtáhadĭnokél. my interior becomes cool.

50. Hozógo Happily sĭtáhadĭnokél. I feel calm inside.

51. Hozógo Happily sĭná my eyes, nahodotlél. I regain (the power of).

51. Hozógo Joyfully my eyes, I regain (the power of).

52. Hozógo Happily sĭtsé my head dĭnokél. becomes cool.

Happily, my head becomes cool.

53. Hozógo Happily sĭtsát my limbs nahodotlél. I regain.

Happily my limbs I regain.

54. Hozógo Happily nadedĕstsíl. again I hear.

54. Hozógo Happily nadedĕstsíl. I hear it again.

55. Hozógo Happily sáhadadoltóʻ. for me it is taken off.

55. Hozógo Happy sáhadadoltóʻ. It's removed for me.

56. Hozógo Happily nasádo. I walk.

56. Hozógo Happily nasádo. I'm walking.

57. Tosohododelnígo Impervious to pain nasádo. I walk.

Impervious to pain I walk.

58. Sĭtáhago My interior sólago light nasádo. I walk.

58. Sĭtáhago My interior sólago light nasádo. I walk.

59. Sanáʻ My feelings sngo lively nasádo. I walk.

My feelings lively. I walk.

60. Hozógo Happily (in terrestrial beauty) kósdĭll clouds dark senahotlédo. I desire (in abundance).

60. Hozógo Happily (in earthly beauty) dark clouds I want a lot.

61. Hozógo Happily áʻdĭll mists dark senahotlédo. I desire.

61. Hozógo Happily áʻdĭll dark mists senahotlédo. I long for.

62. Hozógo Happily sedaahuiltyído passing showers senahotlédo. I desire.

62. Hozógo Happily sedaahuiltyído passing showers senahotlédo. I want.

63. Hozógo Happily nanisé plants of all kinds senahotlédo. I desire.

Happily plants of all kinds I desire.

64. Hozógo Happily thaditín pollen senahotlédo. I desire.

64. Hozógo Happily thaditín pollen senahotlédo. I want.

65. Hozógo Happily datóʻ dew senahotlédo. I desire.

65. Hozógo Happily datóʻ dew senahotlédo. I want.

66. Hozógo Happily natálkai corn white yasóni good beautiful niʻdahazlágo to the end of the earth niʻyilokaí. may (it) come with you.

66. Hozógo Joyfully white corn good and beautiful niʻdahazlágo to the ends of the earth niʻyilokaí. may it come with you.

67. Hozógo Happily natáltsoi corn yellow yasóni good beautiful niʻdahazlágo to the end of the earth niʻyilokaí. may come with you.

67. Happily corn yellow good beautiful niʻdahazlágo to the ends of the earth may come with you.

68. Hozógo Happily natadotlĭ′zi corn blue yasóni good beautiful niʻdahazlágo to the end of the earth niʻyilokaí. may come with you.

68. Happily corn blue good beautiful niʻdahazlágo to the ends of the earth may come with you.

69. Hozógo Happily nataalthasaí corn of all kinds yasóni good beautiful niʻdahazlágo to the end of the earth niʻyilokaí. may come with you.

69. Hozógo Happy corn of all kinds good beautiful niʻdahazlágo to the ends of the earth may come with you.

70. Hozógo Happily nanisé plants of all kinds yasóni good beautiful niʻdahazlágo to the end of the earth niʻyilokaí. may come with you.

70. Happily nanisé all kinds of plants good beautiful niʻdahazlágo to the ends of the earth may come with you.

71. Hozógo Happily di goods althasaí of all kinds yasóni good beautiful niʻdahazlágo to the end of the earth niʻyilokaí. may come with you.

71. Hozógo Gladly di goods althasaí of all types good beautiful niʻdahazlágo to the ends of the earth may come with you.

72. Hozógo Happily ĭnklĭ′z jewels althasaí of all kinds yasóni good beautiful niʻdahazlágo to the end of the earth niʻyilokaí. may come with you.

72. Hozógo Happily ĭnklĭ′z jewels all kinds good beautiful niʻdahazlágo to the edge of the earth may go with you.

73. Tíbe With these niʻyitsĭ′de before you hozógo happily niʻyilokaí. may come with you.

73. Tíbe With these before you hozógo happily may come with you.

74. Tíbe With these niʻyikéde behind you hozógo happily niʻyilokaí. may come with you.

74. With these behind you hozógo happily may come with you.

75. Tíbe With these niʻyiyági below you hozógo happily niʻyilokaí. may come with you. [272]

75. With these below you hozógo happily may come with you. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

76. Tíbe With these niʻyikígi above you hozógo happily niʻyilokaí. may come with you.

76. With these above you hozógo happily may come with you.

77. Tíbe With these niʻyinagidáltso all around you hozógo happily niʻyilokaí. may come with you.

77. With these all around you hozógo happily may come with you.

78. Tibikégo In this way hozógo happily nahodolál. you accomplish your tasks.

78. This way hozógo cheerfully you get your tasks done.

79. Hozógo Happily nastúwin old men taʻnĭshyítĭnolil. they will look at you.

79. Hozógo Happy old men taʻnĭshyítĭnolil. they will look at you.

80. Hozógo Happily sáni old women taʻnĭshyítĭnolil. they will look at you.

80. Hozógo Happily old women they will look at you.

81. Hozógo Happily tsĭlké young men taʻnĭshyítĭnolil. they will look at you.

81. Hozógo Happily young men they will look at you.

82. Hozógo Happily tsĭké young women taʻnĭshyítĭnolil. they will look at you.

82. Hozógo Happy young women they will look at you.

83. Hozógo Happily asiké boys taʻnĭshyítĭnolil. they will look at you.

Happily boys, they will look at you.

84. Hozógo Happily atéte girls taʻnĭshyítĭnolil. they will look at you.

84. Hozógo Happily atéte girls taʻnĭshyítĭnolil. They will look at you.

85. Hozógo Happily altsíni children taʻnĭshyítĭnolil. they will look at you.

85. Hozógo Happily altsíni children taʻnĭshyítĭnolil. they will look at you.

86. Hozógo Happily ĭntanitaíʻ chiefs taʻnĭshyítĭnolil. they will look at you.

86. Hozógo Happily ĭntanitaíʻ chiefs taʻnĭshyítĭnolil. they will look at you.

87. Hozógo Happily taidoltáʻ scattering in different directions taʻnĭshyítĭnolil. they will look at you.

87. Hozógo Joyfully scattering in different directions they will look at you.

88. Hozógo Happily nitailté getting home taʻnĭshyítĭnolil. they will look at you.

88. Hozógo Joyfully getting home they will look at you.

89. Hozógo Happily thaditínke pollen trail etíngo on road nitailtéde. they get home.

89. Hozógo Happily thaditínke pollen trail etíngo on the road nitailtéde. they get home.

90. Hozógo Happily ninádahidoka. may they all get back.

90. Hozógo Happily ninádahidoka. may they all return.

91. Hozógo Happily (or in beauty) nasádo. I walk.

91. Hozógo Happily (or beautifully) nasádo. I walk.

92. Sĭtsĭ′dze Me before toward hozógo happily nasádo. I walk.

92. Sĭtsĭ′dze Me before toward hozógo happily nasádo. I walk.

93. Sĭkéde Me behind from hozógo happily nasádo. I walk.

Me behind from happily I walk.

94. Siyági Me below in hozógo happily nasádo. I walk.

94. Siyági I’m below hozógo happily nasádo. I’m walking.

95. Sĭkĭ′dze Me above toward hozógo happily nasádo. I walk.

Me above toward happily I walk.

96. Sĭná Me around dáltso all hozógo happily nasádo. I walk.

96. Sĭná Me around dáltso all hozógo happily nasádo. I walk.

97. Hozóna In happiness (or beauty) again hastlé, it is finished (or done),

97. Hozóna In joy (or beauty) again it's done

98. Hozóna In beauty again hastlé, it is finished,

In beauty again it is finished,

99. Hozóna In beauty again hastlé, it is finished,

99. Hozóna In beauty again hastlé, it's done,

100. Hozóna In beauty again hastlé, it is finished, [273]

100. Hozóna In beauty again hastlé, it's done, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

FREE TRANSLATION OF PRAYER.

1. In Tseʻgíhi (oh you who dwell!)

In Tseʻgíhi (oh you who live!)

2. In the house made of the dawn,

2. In the house made of the dawn,

3. In the house made of the evening twilight,

3. In the house built from the evening twilight,

4. In the house made of the dark cloud,

4. In the house built from the dark cloud,

5. In the house made of the he-rain,

5. In the house made of the male rain,

6. In the house made of the dark mist,

6. In the house made of dark mist,

7. In the house made of the she-rain,

7. In the house made of the she-rain,

8. In the house made of pollen,

8. In the house made of pollen,

9. In the house made of grasshoppers,

9. In the house made of grasshoppers,

10. Where the dark mist curtains the doorway,

10. Where the dark fog covers the doorway,

11. The path to which is on the rainbow,

11. The path that runs along the rainbow,

12. Where the zigzag lightning stands high on top,

12. Where the zigzag lightning strikes high above,

13. Where the he-rain stands high on top,

13. Where the guy stands high on top,

14. Oh, male divinity!

14. Oh, male deity!

15. With your moccasins of dark cloud, come to us.

15. With your dark cloud moccasins, come to us.

16. With your leggings of dark cloud, come to us.

16. With your dark cloud leggings, come to us.

17. With your shirt of dark cloud, come to us.

17. With your dark cloud shirt, come to us.

18. With your headdress of dark cloud, come to us.

18. With your dark cloud headdress, come to us.

19. With your mind enveloped in dark cloud, come to us.

19. When your mind is surrounded by darkness, come to us.

20. With the dark thunder above you, come to us soaring.

20. With the dark thunder overhead, come to us flying high.

21. With the shapen cloud at your feet, come to us soaring.

21. With the shaped cloud at your feet, come to us flying.

22. With the far darkness made of the dark cloud over your head, come to us soaring.

22. With the deep darkness created by the dark cloud above you, come to us flying.

23. With the far darkness made of the he-rain over your head, come to us soaring.

23. With the deep darkness of the rain pouring down over you, come to us flying high.

24. With the far darkness made of the dark mist over your head, come to us soaring.

24. With the deep darkness formed by the dark mist above you, come to us flying.

25. With the far darkness made of the she-rain over your head, come to us soaring.

25. With the dark sky filled with rain over your head, come to us flying.

26. With the zigzag lightning flung out on high over your head, come to us soaring.

26. With the jagged lightning flashing above your head, come to us flying.

27. With the rainbow hanging high over your head, come to us soaring.

27. With the rainbow shining brightly above you, come to us flying high.

28. With the far darkness made of the dark cloud on the ends of your wings, come to us soaring.

28. With the deep darkness created by the dark clouds at the tips of your wings, come to us flying.

29. With the far darkness made of the he-rain on the ends of your wings, come to us soaring.

29. With the distant darkness created by the rain on the edges of your wings, come to us flying.

30. With the far darkness made of the dark mist on the ends of your wings, come to us soaring.

30. With the deep darkness created by the mist at the tips of your wings, come to us flying.

31. With the far darkness made of the she-rain on the ends of your wings, come to us soaring.

31. With the distant darkness created by the rain on the tips of your wings, come to us flying.

32. With the zigzag lightning flung out on high on the ends of your wings, come to us soaring.

32. With the zigzag lightning bursting from the tips of your wings, come to us flying high.

33. With the rainbow hanging high on the ends of your wings, come to us soaring.

33. With the rainbow high at the tips of your wings, come to us flying.

34. With the near darkness made of the dark cloud, of the he-rain, of the dark mist, and of the she-rain, come to us.

34. With the almost complete darkness created by the dark cloud, the heavy rain, the thick mist, and the light rain, come to us.

35. With the darkness on the earth, come to us.

35. With the darkness covering the earth, come to us.

36. With these I wish the foam floating on the flowing water over the roots of the great corn.

36. With these, I hope the foam is floating on the moving water over the roots of the tall corn.

37. I have made your sacrifice.

37. I have made your sacrifice.

38. I have prepared a smoke for you. [274]

38. I’ve rolled a cigarette for you. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

39. My feet restore for me.

My feet refresh me.

40. My limbs restore for me.

40. My arms and legs heal for me.

41. My body restore for me.

41. My body rejuvenates for me.

42. My mind restore for me.

42. Restore my mind for me.

43. My voice restore for me.

43. My voice returns to me.

44. To-day, take out your spell for me.

44. Today, pull out your spell for me.

45. To-day, take away your spell for me.

45. Today, lift your spell from me.

46. Away from me you have taken it.

46. You've taken it away from me.

47. Far off from me it is taken.

47. It is taken far away from me.

48. Far off you have done it.

48. You've done it from far away.

49. Happily I recover.

I'm recovering happily.

50. Happily my interior becomes cool.

50. Thankfully, my mind is at ease.

51. Happily my eyes regain their power.

51. Fortunately, my vision is coming back.

52. Happily my head becomes cool.

52. Luckily, my head is starting to feel clear.

53. Happily my limbs regain their power.

53. Thankfully, my limbs are getting their strength back.

54. Happily I hear again.

54. I’m happily hearing again.

55. Happily for me (the spell) is taken off.

55. Luckily for me, the spell has been lifted.

56. Happily I walk.

I walk happily.

57. Impervious to pain, I walk.

57. Unbothered by pain, I walk.

58. Feeling light within, I walk.

58. Feeling light inside, I walk.

59. With lively feelings, I walk.

59. I walk with vibrant emotions.

60. Happily (or in beauty) abundant dark clouds I desire.

60. I happily desire abundant dark clouds.

61. Happily abundant dark mists I desire.

61. I happily desire thick, dark mists.

62. Happily abundant passing showers I desire.

62. I wish for plenty of pleasant passing showers.

63. Happily an abundance of vegetation I desire.

63. Luckily, I want plenty of vegetation.

64. Happily an abundance of pollen I desire.

64. Thankfully, I want lots of pollen.

65. Happily abundant dew I desire.

65. I wish for plenty of joyful dew.

66. Happily may fair white corn, to the ends of the earth, come with you.

66. May lovely white corn joyfully travel with you to the ends of the earth.

67. Happily may fair yellow corn, to the ends of the earth, come with you.

67. May the beautiful golden corn happily accompany you to the ends of the earth.

68. Happily may fair blue corn, to the ends of the earth, come with you.

68. May the beautiful blue corn gladly accompany you to the ends of the earth.

69. Happily may fair corn of all kinds, to the ends of the earth, come with you.

69. May beautiful corn of all kinds happily travel with you to the ends of the earth.

70. Happily may fair plants of all kinds, to the ends of the earth, come with you.

70. May beautiful plants of all kinds happily travel with you to the ends of the earth.

71. Happily may fair goods of all kinds, to the ends of the earth, come with you.

71. May beautiful things of all kinds happily travel with you to the ends of the earth.

72. Happily may fair jewels of all kinds, to the ends of the earth, come with you.

72. May beautiful jewels of all kinds happily accompany you to the ends of the earth.

73. With these before you, happily may they come with you.

73. With these in front of you, may they happily join you.

74. With these behind you, happily may they come with you.

74. With those behind you, may they joyfully join you.

75. With these below you, happily may they come with you.

75. With those below you, may they happily join you.

76. With these above you, happily may they come with you.

76. With the ones mentioned above, they may happily accompany you.

77. With these all around you, happily may they come with you.

77. With all of them around you, may they happily join you.

78. Thus happily you accomplish your tasks.

78. So you happily complete your tasks.

79. Happily the old men will regard you.

79. The old men will look at you with happiness.

80. Happily the old women will regard you.

80. The old ladies will happily look at you.

81. Happily the young men will regard you.

81. The young men will happily look up to you.

82. Happily the young women will regard you.

82. Fortunately, the young women will look at you positively.

83. Happily the boys will regard you.

83. The boys will look at you with happiness.

84. Happily the girls will regard you.

84. The girls will happily pay attention to you.

85. Happily the children will regard you.

85. The children will look up to you happily.

86. Happily the chiefs will regard you.

86. The chiefs will happily respect you.

87. Happily, as they scatter in different directions, they will regard you. [275]

87. Fortunately, as they disperse in different directions, they will look at you. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

88. Happily, as they approach their homes, they will regard you.

88. Fortunately, as they get closer to their homes, they will look at you.

89. Happily may their roads home be on the trail of pollen (peace).

89. May their journeys home be filled with peace along the way.

90. Happily may they all get back.

90. Hopefully, they all return safely.

91. In beauty (happily) I walk.

91. I walk happily in beauty.

92. With beauty before me, I walk.

92. I walk with beauty in front of me.

93. With beauty behind me, I walk.

93. I walk with beauty behind me.

94. With beauty below me, I walk.

94. I walk with beauty all around me.

95. With beauty above me, I walk.

95. I walk under the beauty above me.

96. With beauty all around me, I walk.

96. I walk with beauty all around me.

97. It is finished (again) in beauty,

It’s done beautifully (again),

98. It is finished in beauty,

It's beautifully done,

99. It is finished in beauty,

It's beautifully done.

100. It is finished in beauty.

It's beautifully done.

REMARKS ON THE PRAYER.

This prayer is addressed to a mythic thunder-bird, hence the reference to wings; but the bird is spoken of as a male divinity, and is supposed to dwell with other yéi at Tseʻgíhi. The prayer is said at the beginning of work, on the last night of the klédzi hatál. The shaman speaks it, verse by verse, as it is here recorded, and one of the atsáʻlei or first dancers, repeats it, verse by verse, after him.

This prayer is directed to a mythical thunderbird, which is why wings are mentioned; however, the bird is referred to as a male deity and is believed to reside with other spirit beings at Tseʻgíhi. The prayer is recited at the start of work, on the final night of the klédzi hatál. The shaman delivers it, line by line, as recorded here, and one of the atsáʻlei or first dancers echoes it, line by line, after him.

The word hozó means, primarily, terrestrial beauty. Its derivative hozógo means in a beautiful earthly manner. Hozóni means beautiful on the earth, locally beautiful (ĭnzóni refers to the beauty of objects and persons); Hozóna signifies again beautiful. But the meanings of these words, and others of similar derivation, have been extended to mean happy, happiness, in a happy or joyful manner, etc. In a free translation they must be rendered by various English words.

The word hozó primarily means earthly beauty. Its derivative hozógo means in a beautifully earthly way. Hozóni means beautiful on earth, locally beautiful (ĭnzóni refers to the beauty of objects and people); Hozóna means beautiful again. However, the meanings of these words, and others derived similarly, have been broadened to also mean happy, happiness, in a happy or joyful manner, and so on. In a free translation, they must be expressed using various English words.

The four final verses have been previously recorded by the author as hozóni haslé (Qojòni qaslè), but he now regards the form hozóna hastlé as more correct.289 This expression, repeated twice or four times, according to circumstances, ends all Navaho prayers, yet recorded. It is analogous to the Christian Amen.

The four final verses have been previously recorded by the author as hozóni haslé (Qojòni qaslè), but he now views the form hozóna hastlé as more accurate.289 This phrase, repeated two to four times depending on the situation, concludes all recorded Navaho prayers. It’s similar to the Christian Amen.

289. In a few instances, in this work, a Navaho word may be found spelled or accentuated with slight differences in different places. It must not be inferred from this that one form is correct and the other not. As usage varies in the languages of the most cultured races, so does it vary (only in greater degree) in the languages of the unlettered. A word was often heard differently pronounced and was therefore differently recorded by the author. An effort has been made to decide on a single standard of form and always to give preference to this; but, in a few cases, variations may have been overlooked. Words sometimes undergo great changes when they become parts of compound words. Where the form of a word in this work varies from that presented in previous works by the author the variation may be accounted for, in some cases by the difference in the alphabets used, and in others by the changes of opinion which have come to him in time, as the result of a more extended experience or a more advanced study of the language.

289. In a few instances in this work, you might find a Navaho word spelled or accented slightly differently in various places. You shouldn't assume that one version is correct and the other is not. Just as usage varies among the most cultured races, it varies even more in the languages of those who are uneducated. A word was often heard pronounced differently and was therefore recorded differently by the author. Efforts have been made to settle on a single standard form and to prefer that form; however, a few variations may have been missed. Words can undergo significant changes when they become part of compound words. If a word in this work differs from that in previous works by the author, the variation might be due to differences in the alphabets used, or it may reflect changes in the author's understanding over time as a result of greater experience or more advanced study of the language.

290. Note 290 is omitted. [276]

290. Note 290 is omitted. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTES.

BY FREDERICK WEBB HODGE.

BY FREDERICK WEBB HODGE.

For the convenience of the reader, a list of the principal works referred to in this book, and of all papers on the subject of the Navahoes written by the author, is here given.

For the reader's convenience, a list of the main works mentioned in this book, along with all the papers on the subject of the Navajos written by the author, is provided here.

291.

291.

Backus, E. An account of the Navajoes of New Mexico. (In Schoolcraft, Information respecting the history, condition and prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States, part IV. pp. 209–215, Philadelphia, 1854.)

Backus, E. A report on the Navajo people of New Mexico. (In Schoolcraft, Information about the history, status, and future of the Indian tribes of the United States, part IV. pp. 209–215, Philadelphia, 1854.)

292.

292.

Bancroft, Hubert Howe. The native races of the Pacific states of North America, vol. III., New York, 1875.

Bancroft, Hubert Howe. The native races of the Pacific states of North America, vol. III., New York, 1875.

293.

293.

Bickford, F. T. Prehistoric cave-dwellings. (In Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine, New York, vol. XL. No. 6, pp. 896–911, October, 1890.)

Bickford, F.T. Prehistoric cave dwellings. (In Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine, New York, vol. 40. No. 6, pp. 896–911, October, 1890.)

294.

294.

Bourke, John Gregory. Snake Dance of the Moquis of Arizona, New York, 1884.

Bourke, John Gregory. Snake Dance of the Moquis of Arizona, New York, 1884.

295.

295.

—— The Medicine-men of the Apache. (In ninth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 443–595, Washington, 1892.)

—— The Medicine-men of the Apache. (In the ninth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 443–595, Washington, 1892.)

296.

296.

Catlin, George. Letters and notes on the manners, customs, and condition of the North American Indians, etc., two vols., London, 1841.

Catlin, George. Letters and notes on the behaviors, traditions, and status of the North American Indians, etc., two vols., London, 1841.

297.

297.

Census. Report on Indians taxed and Indians not taxed in the United States (except Alaska) at the eleventh census: 1890, Washington, 1894.

Census data. Report on Indians who were taxed and those who weren't taxed in the United States (excluding Alaska) at the eleventh census: 1890, Washington, 1894.

298.

298.

Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Report of, to the Secretary of the Interior, for the year 1867, Washington, 1868. The same for 1870, Washington, 1870.

Indian Affairs Commissioner. Report to the Secretary of the Interior for the year 1867, Washington, 1868. The same for 1870, Washington, 1870.

299.

299.

Dutton, Clarence E. Mount Taylor and the Zuñi plateau. (In sixth annual report of the U.S. Geological Survey, pp. 105–198, Washington, 1886.)

Dutton, Clarence E. Mount Taylor and the Zuñi Plateau. (In the sixth annual report of the U.S. Geological Survey, pp. 105–198, Washington, 1886.)

300.

300.

Eaton, J. H. Description of the true state and character of the New Mexican tribes. (In Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, part IV. pp. 216–221, Philadelphia, 1854.)

Eaton, J.H. A description of the actual state and character of the New Mexican tribes. (In Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, part IV. pp. 216–221, Philadelphia, 1854.)

301.

301.

Hodge, Frederick Webb. The early Navajo and Apache. (In American Anthropologist, vol. VIII. No. 3, pp. 223–240, Washington, July, 1895.)

Frederick Webb Hodge. The early Navajo and Apache. (In American Anthropologist, vol. VIII. No. 3, pp. 223–240, Washington, July, 1895.)

302.

302.

Hough, Walter. Fire-making apparatus in the United States National Museum. (In report of National Museum 1887–88. pp. 531–587, Washington, 1890.)

Hough, Walter. Fire-making tools in the United States National Museum. (In the report of the National Museum 1887–88. pp. 531–587, Washington, 1890.)

303.

303.

Letherman, Jona. Sketch of the Navajo tribe of Indians, territory of New Mexico. (In Smithsonian report for 1855, pp. 283–297, Washington, 1856.)

Letherman, Jona. Overview of the Navajo tribe of Indians, located in New Mexico. (In Smithsonian report for 1855, pp. 283–297, Washington, 1856.)

304.

304.

Mason, Otis Tufton. Cradles of the American Aborigines. (In report of National Museum 1886–87, pp. 161–235, Washington, 1889.)

Mason, Otis Tufton. Cradles of the American Indigenous Peoples. (In report of National Museum 1886–87, pp. 161–235, Washington, 1889.)

305.

305.

Matthews, Washington. Ethnography and philology of the Hidatsa Indians. (Department of the Interior, United [277]States Geological and Geographical Survey, miscellaneous publications No. 7, Washington, 1877.)

Matthews, WA. Study of the culture and language of the Hidatsa Indians. (Department of the Interior, United [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]States Geological and Geographical Survey, miscellaneous publications No. 7, Washington, 1877.)

306.

306.

—— A part of the Navajo’s mythology. (In American Antiquarian, vol. V. No. 3, pp. 207–224, Chicago, April, 1883.)

—— A part of the Navajo mythology. (In American Antiquarian, vol. V. No. 3, pp. 207–224, Chicago, April, 1883.)

307.

307.

—— Navajo Silversmiths. (In second annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 169–178, Washington, 1883.)

—— Navajo Silversmiths. (In the second annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 169–178, Washington, 1883.)

308.

308.

—— A night with the Navajos. By Zay Elini. (In Forest and Stream, vol. XXIII. pp. 282–283, New York, Nov. 6, 1884.)

—— A night with the Navajos. By Zay Elini. (In Forest and Stream, vol. XXIII. pp. 282–283, New York, Nov. 6, 1884.)

309.

309.

—— Navajo weavers. (In third annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 371–391, Washington, 1884.)

—— Navajo weavers. (In the third annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 371–391, Washington, 1884.)

310.

310.

—— The origin of the Utes. A Navajo myth. (In American Antiquarian, vol. VII. No. 5, pp. 271–274, Chicago, September, 1885.)

—— The origin of the Utes. A Navajo myth. (In American Antiquarian, vol. VII. No. 5, pp. 271–274, Chicago, September, 1885.)

311.

311.

—— Mythic dry-paintings of the Navajos. (In American Naturalist, vol. XIX. No. 10, pp. 931–939, Philadelphia, October, 1885.)

—— Mythic dry-paintings of the Navajos. (In American Naturalist, vol. XIX. No. 10, pp. 931–939, Philadelphia, October, 1885.)

312.

312.

—— Navajo names for plants. (In American Naturalist, vol. XX. pp. 767–777, Philadelphia, September, 1886.)

—— Navajo names for plants. (In American Naturalist, vol. XX. pp. 767–777, Philadelphia, September, 1886.)

313.

313.

—— Some deities and demons of the Navajos. (In American Naturalist, vol. XX. pp. 841–850, Philadelphia, October, 1886.)

—— Some deities and demons of the Navajos. (In American Naturalist, vol. XX. pp. 841–850, Philadelphia, October, 1886.)

314.

314.

—— The mountain chant: a Navajo ceremony. (In fifth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 379–467, Washington, 1887.)

—— The mountain chant: a Navajo ceremony. (In the fifth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 379–467, Washington, 1887.)

315.

315.

—— The prayer of a Navajo shaman. (In American Anthropologist, vol. I. No. 2, pp. 149–170, Washington, April, 1888.)

—— The prayer of a Navajo shaman. (In American Anthropologist, vol. I. No. 2, pp. 149–170, Washington, April, 1888.)

316.

316.

—— Navajo gambling songs. (In American Anthropologist, vol. II. No. 1, pp. 1–19, Washington, January, 1889.)

—— Navajo gambling songs. (In American Anthropologist, vol. II. No. 1, pp. 1–19, Washington, January, 1889.)

317.

317.

—— Noqoìlpi, the gambler: a Navajo myth. (In Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. II. No. ii. pp. 89–94, Boston and New York, April-June, 1889.)

—— Noqoìlpi, the gambler: a Navajo myth. (In Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. II. No. ii. pp. 89–94, Boston and New York, April-June, 1889.)

318.

318.

—— The gentile system of the Navajo Indians. (In Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. III. No. ix. pp. 89–110, Boston and New York, April-June, 1890.)

—— The social system of the Navajo Indians. (In Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. III. No. ix. pp. 89–110, Boston and New York, April-June, 1890.)

319.

319.

—— A study in butts and tips. (In American Anthropologist, vol. V. No. 4, pp. 345–350, Washington, October, 1892.)

—— A study in buttocks and suggestions. (In American Anthropologist, vol. V. No. 4, pp. 345–350, Washington, October, 1892.)

320.

320.

—— Some illustrations of the connection between myth and ceremony. (In Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology, pp. 246–251, Chicago, 1894.)

—— Some examples of the link between myth and ritual. (In Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology, pp. 246–251, Chicago, 1894.)

321.

321.

—— The basket drum. (In American Anthropologist, vol. VII. No. 2, pp. 202–208, Washington, April, 1894.)

—— The basket drum. (In American Anthropologist, vol. VII. No. 2, pp. 202–208, Washington, April, 1894.)

322.

322.

—— Songs of sequence of the Navajos. (In Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. VII. No. xxvi. pp. 185–194, Boston and New York, July-September, 1894.)

—— Songs of the sequence of the Navajos. (In Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. VII. No. xxvi. pp. 185–194, Boston and New York, July-September, 1894.)

323.

323.

—— A vigil of the gods—a Navajo ceremony. (In American Anthropologist, vol. IX. No. 2, pp. 50–57, Washington, February, 1896.)

—— A vigil of the gods—a Navajo ceremony. (In American Anthropologist, vol. IX. No. 2, pp. 50–57, Washington, February, 1896.)

324.

324.

Mindeleff, Victor. A study of pueblo architecture: Tusayan and Cibola. (In eighth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 3–228, Washington, 1891.)

Victor Mindeleff. A study of pueblo architecture: Tusayan and Cibola. (In the eighth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 3–228, Washington, 1891.)

325.

325.

Morgan, Lewis Henry. Ancient Society or researches in the lines of human progress from savagery, through barbarism to civilization, New York, 1877.

Morgan, Lewis Henry. Ancient Society or Researches in the Lines of Human Progress from Savagery, Through Barbarism to Civilization, New York, 1877.

326.

326.

Powers, Stephen. Tribes of California. (Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. III., Washington, 1877.) [278]

Powers, Stephen. Tribes of California. (Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. III., Washington, 1877.) [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

327.

327.

Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe. Information respecting the history, condition and prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States, part IV. Philadelphia, 1854.

Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe. Information about the history, situation, and future of the Indian tribes in the United States, part IV. Philadelphia, 1854.

328.

328.

Simpson, James H. Report of an expedition into the Navajo country in 1849. (In senate ex. doc. 64, 31st cong., 1st sess., Washington, 1850.)

James H. Simpson Report of a mission to the Navajo region in 1849. (In senate ex. doc. 64, 31st cong., 1st sess., Washington, 1850.)

329.

329.

Stephen, A. M. The Navajo. (In American Anthropologist, vol. VI. No. 4, pp. 345–362, Washington, October, 1893.) [279]

Stephen A. M. The Navajo. (In American Anthropologist, vol. VI. No. 4, pp. 345–362, Washington, October, 1893.) [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

MELODIES1

Recorded on the phonograph by Washington Matthews, and noted from the cylinders by John C. Fillmore. [281]

Recorded on the phonograph by Washington Matthews, and noted from the cylinders by John C. Fillmore. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

No. 1.

SONG OF THE APPROACH OF THE WAR GODS.

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[Music notation]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

No. 2.

SONG OF THE WAR GODS.

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[Music notation]

[282]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

No. 3.

TWELFTH YIKAÍGĬN OR DAYLIGHT SONG.

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[Music notation]

[283]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

No. 4.

A SONG OF THE NAAKHAÍ,
OR DANCE OF THE LAST NIGHT OF THE NIGHT CHANT.

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[Music notation]

[284]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

No. 5.

A SONG OF THE NAAKHAÍ.

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

Composed by Thomas Torlino.

By Thomas Torlino.

[Music notation]

[285]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

No. 6.

SEVENTH SONG IN THE FARM OF HASTSÉHOGAN.

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[Music notation]

[286]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

No. 7.

TENTH AND ELEVENTH SONGS IN THE FARM OF HASTSÉHOGAN.

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[Music notation]

[287]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

No. 8.

FIFTEENTH SONG IN THE FARM OF HASTSÉHOGAN.

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[Music notation]

This song offers some very curious metrical problems. [288]

This song presents some really interesting rhythm issues. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

No. 9.

TWENTY-SECOND SONG IN THE FARM OF HASTSÉHOGAN.

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[Music notation]

[289]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

No. 10.

TWENTY-THIRD SONG IN THE FARM OF HASTSÉHOGAN.

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[Music notation]

This Indian howls so that it is much more difficult than usual to be sure of the pitch-relations. Also it is hard to tell, in many places, whether he means a double or a triple rhythm. [290]

This Indian howls, making it much harder than usual to be sure of the pitch relations. It’s also difficult to tell in many places whether he's indicating a double or a triple rhythm. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

No. 11.

TWENTY-FIFTH SONG IN THE FARM OF HASTÉHOGAN.

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[MIDI | | MusicXML]

[Music notation]

[291]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]


1 See Note 272

1 View __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

INDEX.

[293]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

Ablutions, 69, 73, 83, 212.

Washing up, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Accouchement, 106, 231.

Giving birth, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Adultery, 64, 66, 67.

Adultery, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Adultery, punishment for, 143, 144, 240.

Adultery, consequences for, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Agála (district), 154, 157, 242.

Agáli (district), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Áhodĭseli, see Natĭnĕsthani.

Áodĭseli, see Natĭnĕsthani.

Akánĭnĭli, messenger, 207.

Akánĭnĭli, messenger, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Akĭdanastáni (sacred mountain), Hosta Butte, N. Mex., 79, 222.

Akĭdanastáni (sacred mountain), Hosta Butte, New Mexico, 79, 222.

Alphabet, 54.

Alphabet, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Alviso, Jesus, 39.

Alviso, Jesus, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Amarantaceæ, 250.

Amaranth family, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Amulets, or talismans, 249, 250.

Amulets or talismans, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Anáye, alien gods, cannibals, monsters, 37, 81, 91, 123, 126, 212.

Anáye, alien gods, cannibals, monsters, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__.

Anáye, blood of, produces monsters, 81, 234.

Anáye, blood of, creates monsters, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Anáye, born of women, 218.

Anáye, born of women, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Anáye, changed to stone, 119.

Anáye, turned to stone, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Anáye, destroyed by storm, 129.

Anáye, wrecked by storm, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Anáye, outwitted, 92, 119.

Anáye, outsmarted, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Ant Peoples, 53.

Ant People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Antelope farm, 185, 248.

Antelope farm, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Antidotes, 192, 193.

Antidotes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Apaches, 18, 32, 145, 146, 156, 157.

Apaches, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__.

Apaches, Jicarilla, 154.

Apaches, Jicarilla, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Arabis holböllii, 235.

Arabis holböllii, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Archaisms, 25.

Old-fashioned terms, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Armor, 113, 116, 232, 233, 234.

Armor, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Arrow-case, ancient, 140, 239.

Arrow case, ancient, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Arrows, 18, 142, 218.

Arrows, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Arrow-snakes, 200, 250.

Arrow snakes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Ascension, of Nati′nĕsthani, 194.

Ascension, of Natinĕsthani, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Atsáʻlei, first dancers, 205, 251.

Atsáʻlei, first dancers, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Ásihi, Salt People (gens), 30, 158.

Ásihi, Salt People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Ásihi Estsán (Salt Woman), 236.

Ásihi Estsán (Salt Woman), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Atáhyĭtsoi, home of Léyaneyani, 103.

Ataíhyĭtsoi, home of Léyaneyani, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Athapascan, or Dèné, 9, 211.

Athabascan, or Dene, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Atsá (game), 219.

Atsá (game), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Atsé Estsán (goddess), 126.

Atsé Estsán (goddess), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Atsósi hatál, rite of, 194.

Atsósi hatál, rite of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Atsósidze hatál, feather ceremony, 53, 194, 250.

Atsósidze hatál, feather ceremony, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Baby-case, 12, 231.

Baby gear, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Badger, creation of, 71, 76.

Badger, created by __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Ball, game of, 86.

Ball game, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Barthelmess, Christian, 258.

Barthelmess, Christian, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Baskets, 18, 19, 178, 210, 211.

Baskets, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Bat, 84, 126.

Bat, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Bat Woman, 120.

Batwoman, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Baths, ceremonial, 184, 204, 211, 212, 226, 227.

Baths, ceremonial, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__.

Bead chant, see yóidze hatál.

Bead chant, see yóidze hatál.

Bean, 183.

Bean, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Bear, sacred animal, 186, 249.

Bear, sacred animal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Bear-maiden, 99, 100.

Bear-girl, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Bear that Pursues (anáye), 124.

Bear that Chases (anáye), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Bears, pet names of, 187, 249.

Bears, used as nicknames for, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Beaver, 168.

Beaver, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Beetle Peoples, 63.

Beetle People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Beggar, 196.

Homeless person, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Begging, 22.

Panhandling, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Békotsĭdi, moon-bearer, god of Americans, 86, 226.

Békotsĭdi, moon-bearer, god of Americans, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Bélahatĭni, prophet, 53.

Bélahatĭni, prophet, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Berdache, see Hermaphrodites.

Berdache, see Intersex.

Bickford, F. T., 195, 223.

Bickford, F. T., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Big Snake (pueblo chief), 200.

Big Snake (pueblo chief), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Bikehalzĭ′n, home of Teelgĕt, 117.

Bikehalzin, home of Teelget, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Bĭnáye Aháni (anáye), 108, 113, 123, 124, 236.

Bĭnáye Aháni (anáye), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Bird monsters, see Tseʻnă′hale.

Bird monsters, see Tsé'nă′hale.

táhotsi, Sunset Peak, 153, 242.

táhotsi, Sunset Peak, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

táni, Brow of Mountain People (gens), 30, 242.

táni, Brow of Mountain People (group), 30, 242.

táʻni, Folded Arms People (gens), 30, 148, 150, 153, 159, 242.

táʻni, Folded Arms People (tribe), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__.

Bĭtsís Dotlĭ′z, Blue Body (god), 68, 73, 78.

Bĭtsís Dotlĭ′z, Blue Body (god), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Bĭtsís Lakaí, White Body (god), 68, 73, 104, 216.

Bĭtsís Lakaí, White Body (god), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Bĭtsís Lĭtsói, Yellow Body (god), 68.

Bĭtsís Lĭtsói, Yellow Body (deity), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Bĭtsís Lĭzĭ′n, Black Body (god), 68.

Bĭtsís Lĭzĭ′n, Black Body (god), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Blackbird, 79.

Blackbird, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Black Mountain, Arizona, see Dsĭllĭzĭ′n.

Black Mountain, Arizona, see Dsĭlĭzĭ′n.

Black Thunder (sun-youth), 111, 232, 233.

Black Thunder (sun-youth), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Black under the Rock (anáye), 126.

Black under the Rock (anáye), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Blankets, 21, 141.

Blankets, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Blankets, sacred, 136.

Blankets, sacred, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Blue Fox (pueblo chief), 200.

Blue Fox (pueblo chief), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Blue Fox People, 192.

Blue Fox People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Blue Heron (chief in first world), 63, 64.

Blue Heron (leader in the first world), 63, 64.

Blue Sky People, 104.

Blue Sky People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Blue Thunder, 111, 232, 233.

Blue Thunder, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Blue under the Rock (anáye), 126.

Blue under the Rock (anáye), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Blue Water (lake near Tóʻsato), 114.

Blue Water Lake, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Bluebird, 28, 79.

Bluebird, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Blushing, 175.

Blushing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Borrowing of rites, 41.

Borrowing rituals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Bourke, J. G., 32, 212, 294.

Bourke, J. G., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Breath of gods, magical, 129, 228.

Gods' breath, magical, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Breath or wind, spirit of life, 69, 78.

Breath or wind, spirit of life, 69, 78.

Bow of Darkness, 86.

Bow of Darkness, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Bows, 18, 142.

Bows, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Bow-symbol, 253.

Bow emoji, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Boy Who Produces Goods, 79, 222.

Boy Who Makes Things, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Brennan, G. A., 238.

Brennan, G. A., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Buckskin, sacred, 46, 69, 214, 220, etc.

Buckskin, sacred, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, etc.

Bumblebees, war with eagles, 201–204.

Bumblebees, eagle conflict, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__–204.

Bundle, magical, 97.

Bundle, enchanted, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Buteo borealis, 250. [294]

Buteo borealis, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__]

Butterfly Goddess, 46.

Butterfly Goddess, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Buzzard, spy for anáye, 107.

Buzzard, spy for anáye, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Cabezon Peak, head of Yéitso, 234.

Cabezon Peak, the summit of Yéitso, 234.

Cactus, 102, 107, 110, 229.

Cactus, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Cannel coal, 237.

Cannel coal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Cannibal wizard, 187.

Cannibal wizard, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Captives, ancestors of gentes, 146.

Captives, ancestors of clans, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Carnelian Girl, 79.

Carnelian Girl, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Carrizo Mountains, see Dsĭlnáodsĭl.

Carrizo Mountains, see Dsĭlnáodsíl.

Caterpillar, 112.

Caterpillar, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Cedar-bark, 161, 175.

Cedar bark, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Census, Eleventh, 7, 252.

Census, Eleventh, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Cercocarpus parvifolius, 231.

Cercocarpus parvifolius, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Ceremonies, in general, 40, 41, 241.

Ceremonies, in general, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Cereus, 231.

Cactus, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Chaco Canyon, 81, 140, 195.

Chaco Canyon, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Chanter, 40.

Chanter, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Charens Station, 243.

Charens Station, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Charms, 109, 192, 249, 250.

Charms, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Chelly Canyon, 36, 206, 257.

Chelly Canyon, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Chenopodiaceæ, 250.

Chenopodiaceae, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Chicken hawks, 88.

Chicken hawks, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Chinlee Valley, 238.

Chinlee Valley, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Chronology of legend, 137, 239.

Chronology of legend, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Chusca Knoll, see Tsúskai.

Chusca Knoll, see Tsúskai.

Cigarettes, sacred, 42, 170, 185, 191, 193, 194, 212, 248, 249, 254.

Cigarettes, sacred, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_7__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_8__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_9__.

Circle of branches, ceremonial, 206, 241.

Circle of branches, ritual, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Circuit, ceremonial, 99, 181, 213, 216.

Circuit, ceremonial, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Cliff-dwellers, 37, 40.

Cliff dwellers, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Cliff-houses, 21, 142.

Cliff houses, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Cliff Swallow People, 65, 99, 216.

Cliff Swallow Individuals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Clothing, ancient, 141, 161, 175, 240.

Clothing, ancient, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Clown, in rites, 167, 229, 230.

Clown, in ceremonies, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Cobero (town), 206.

Cobero, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Colaptes mexicanus, 245.

Colaptes mexicanus, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Cold, goddess of, 130.

Cold, goddess of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Color, symbolic scheme of, 65, 67, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 221, 236, 243, 245.

Color symbolism, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_7__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_8__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_9__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_10__.

Colors, sacred, five, 189.

Colors, sacred, five, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Corn, four kinds of, 181.

Four types of corn, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Corn, manner of cooking, 183, 248.

Corn, how to cook it, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Corn meal, ceremonial, 69.

Cornmeal, ceremonial, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Corn, planting of, 173.

Corn planting, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Corn, Pueblo, superior, why, 78.

Corn, Pueblo, superior, why, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Corn, sacred, 137, 140, etc.

Corn, sacred, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, etc.

Corpse-demon, 38.

Corpse demon, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Cosmography, 65, 113, 114.

Cosmography, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Cowania mexicana, a cliff-rose, 12, 248.

Cowania mexicana, a cliff rose, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Coyote, 71, 216, 218, 219, 222, 226, 249, etc.

Coyote, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__, etc.

Coyote and Badger, children of sky, 71.

Coyote and Badger, kids of the sky, 71.

Coyote and Hawks (tale), 88.

Coyote and Hawks (story), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Coyote and Otters (tale), 98.

Coyote and Otters (story), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Coyote and Spiders (tale), 98.

Coyote and Spiders (story), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Coyote and Water Monster (tale), 74, 75.

Coyote and Water Monster (story), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Coyote and Wolf (tale), 87.

Coyote and Wolf (story), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Coyote and Yélapahi (tale), 92, 93.

Coyote and Yélapahi (story), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Cranes, or swans, 218.

Cranes or swans, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Dances, 48, 50, 83, 144, 225, 227, 230.

Dances, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__.

Darkness, see Tsall.

Darkness, see Tsall.

Dawn Boy and Girl, 220.

Dawn Boy and Girl, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Daylight People, 87, 104.

Daylight People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Dead, belonging to Sun and Moon, 223.

Dead, belonging to Sun and Moon, 223.

Dead, to behold, dangerous, 78.

Dead, to see, risky, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Death, house abandoned after, 17, 102, 229.

Death, house left empty later, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Decoration, 78, 79, 174, 177.

Decoration, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Deer farm, 185, 186.

Deer farm, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Deer masks, 70, 71, 154, 217.

Deer masks, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Deer Raiser, 184–192.

Deer Farmer, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__–192.

Deer Spring (place), 155, 242.

Deer Spring, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Defiance, Fort, 11, 212, 214.

Defiance, Fort, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Deluges, 64, 74, 77, 217, 219.

Deluges, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Demonolatry, 39, 40.

Demon worship, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Demons, cannibal, see Anáye.

Demons, cannibal, check out Anáye.

Depĕ′ntsa, San Juan Mountains, 78, 81, 130, 135, 219, 222.

Depĕ′ntsa, San Juan Mountains, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__.

Dĕstsíni, Red Streak People (gens), 30, 146, 157.

Dĕstsíni, Red Streak People (group), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Devil, 37, 97.

Devil, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Devils, chief of, see Estsán Natán.

Devils, chief of, see Estsán Natán.

Digging animals, 217.

Burrowing animals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Dĭgíni, holy ones, 37, 39, 164, 230.

Dĭgíni, sacred beings, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Dilkón (game), 219.

Dilkón (game), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Dĭnéʻ dĭgíni, Holy People, 140, 145, 230, 239.

Dĭnéʻ dĭgíni, Holy People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Dĭnéʻ Nahotlóni (far-off kin), 154, 242.

Dĭnéʻ Nahotlóni (distant relatives), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Dĭnéʻ Nakidáta, Twelve People, 149, 226.

Diné Nakídáta, Twelve People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Dĭnéʻ, Navahoes, 9, 210.

Dĭnéʻ, Navajos, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Disease, 178, 205, 247.

Disease, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Dĭtsĭ′n, Hunger (anáye), 131.

Dĭtĭsĭ′n, Hunger (anáye), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Dokoslíd, San Francisco Mountain, 3, 78, 134, 153, 221, 238.

Dokoslíd, San Francisco Mountain, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__.

Domestic animals, creation of, 86.

Domestic animal creation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Donikí (prophet), 198.

Donikí (prophet), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Dove Song, 27, 258.

Dove Song, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Dragon-fly Peoples, 53.

Dragonfly People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Drowning, treatment for, 170.

Drowning treatment, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Drumstick, 229.

Drumstick, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Dry-paintings, 39, 43, 45, 49, 245, 250.

Dry paintings, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__.

Dsahadoldzá, Fringe Mouths, 170, 245.

Dsahadoldzá, Fringe Mouths, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Dsĭldasdzĭ′ni (place), 131.

Dsíldasdzĭ′ni (place), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Dsĭllĭzĭ′n, Black Mountain, Ariz., 134, 238.

Dsĭllĭzĭ′n, Black Mountain, AZ, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Dsĭlnáodsĭl, Carrizo Mountains, 159, 211, 222.

Dsĭlnáodsĭl, Carrizo Mountains, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Dsĭlnáotĭl, sacred mountain, 108, 222, 230, etc.

Dsĭl náo, sacred mountain, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, etc.

Dsĭlnaotĭ′lni (gens), 30, 140, 141.

Dsĭlnaotĭ′lni (gens), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Dsĭltláʻ, Base of Mountain (place), 142.

Dsĭltláʻ, Mountain Base (place), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Dsĭltáʻni (gens), 30, 142, 145, 157.

Dsĭltáʻni (gens), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Dsĭlyĭ′dze hatál, mountain chant, 27, 144, 206, 207, 211, 226, 227, 241, 257.

Dsĭlyĭ′dze hatál, mountain chant, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_7__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_8__.

Dsĭ′lyiʻ Neyáni (prophet), 46, 235.

Dsĭ′lyiʻ Neyáni (prophet), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Eagle, creation of, 120.

Eagle, created by, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Eagle-robe, 199.

Eagle robe, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Eagle trapping, 232.

Eagle trapping, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Eagles, 120, 196, 203, 204, 205.

Eagles, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Earth from sacred mountains, 75.

Earth from sacred mountains, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Earth-Mother, see Naestsán.

Earth-Mother, see Naestsán.

Embroidery, 18.

Embroidery, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Emergence, story of, 51, 63.

Emergence, story of __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Equisetum hiemale, 250.

Equisetum hiemale, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Estsánatlehi, the Woman Who Changes (chief goddess), 27, 34, 106, 134, 137, 148, 230, 237, etc.

Estsánatlehi, the Woman Who Changes (chief goddess), 27, 34, 106, 134, 137, 148, 230, 237, etc.

Estsánatlehi, trail of, 148.

Estsánatlehi Trail, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Estsán Natán, Woman Chief, chief of witches, 40, 220.

Estsán Natán, Woman Chief, leader of witches, 40, 220.

Ethics, of shamans, 58.

Shaman ethics, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Famine, in Zuñi, 158.

Famine, in Zuñi, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Farming, ancient Navaho, 172, 183.

Farming, ancient Navajo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Fawn-cheese, 182.

Fawn cheese, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Feather ceremony, see Atsósidze hatál.

Feather ceremony, see Atsósidze hatál.

Feather-dress, magical, 109, 199. [295]

Feather dress, magical, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__]

Feathers, ceremonial use of, 42.

Ceremonial use of feathers, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Fendleria rupicola, 173.

Fendleria rupicola, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Fifth World, 76.

Fifth World, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Figures of speech, 27.

Figures of speech, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Fillmore, J. C., 254, 257.

Fillmore, J. C., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Fire arrows, 198.

Fire arrows, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Fire-drill, 169, 202, 246.

Fire drill, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Fire god, see Hastsézĭni.

Fire god, see Hastézĭni.

Fires, 138, 141.

Fires, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

First Man and Woman, 38, 69, 70, 76, 77, 78, 80, 216, 218, 230, 234.

First Man and Woman, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_7__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_8__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_9__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_10__.

First world, 63–65.

First world, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__–65.

Fish, tabooed, 239.

Fish, forbidden, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Flagstaff, Ariz., 221.

Flagstaff, AZ, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Flocks, and herds, 5.

Flocks and herds, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Food, ancient, 139, 153, 156, 162, 196, 239.

Food, ancient, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__.

Forestiera neo-mexicana, 214.

Forestiera neo-mexicana, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Fort Defiance, 228.

Fort Defiance, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Fort Wingate, 227.

Fort Wingate, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Four directions, 63, etc.

Four directions, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, etc.

Four rivers, 76.

Four rivers, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Fourth world, 67.

Fourth world, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Fringe Mouths, see Dsahadoldzá.

Fringe Mouths, see Dsahadoldzá.

Frog, 64, 168, 170.

Frog, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Gambling, 82, 86.

Gambling, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Games, 77, 90, 97, 219, 240.

Games, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

naskĭdi, Mountain Sheep People, divinities, 37, 166, 170, 206, 244, 245, 246.

naskĭdi, Mountain Sheep People, gods, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__.

Gardens, of divinities, 248.

Gardens of the gods, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Garments, ancient, 141.

Clothes, ancient, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Gentes, list of, 29, 30.

People, list of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Giants, see Anáye.

Giants, check out Anáye.

Giants, powers of drinking, 115.

Giants, drinking legends, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Girl Who Produces Goods, 79.

Girl Who Makes Things, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Girl Who Produces Jewels, 79.

Girl Who Makes Jewelry, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

God, no supreme, 33.

God, no supreme being, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Gods, calls of, 47, 68, 73, 82, 135, 136, 163, 187, 217.

Gods, calls of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_7__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_8__.

Gods, homes of, 70, 164.

Gods, places of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Gods of mountains, 220.

Mountain gods, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Gods of springs, 237.

Gods of springs, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Góntso or Big Knee (chief), 143, 144, 146, 147, 155.

Góntso or Big Knee (chief), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Gopher, 83, 118.

Gopher, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Grant’s (station), 233.

Grant’s station, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Grasshopper Girl, 79, 104, 137.

Grasshopper Girl, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Grasshoppers, 66, 67, 79.

Grasshoppers, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Grease-wood, 173.

Greasewood, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Great Hawk, 75.

Great Hawk, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Great shell of Kĭ′ndotz, 206, 207.

Great shell of Kĭ′ndotz, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Great shell of Kĭntyél, 53, 195, 206, 207.

Great shell of Kĭntyél, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Great Snake, 83.

Great Snake, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Great Wolf, 203.

Great Wolf, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Grebes, 76.

Grebes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Ground-heat Girl, 137.

Ground-heat Girl, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Ground Squirrel, 118.

Ground Squirrel, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Gutierrezia euthamiæ, 244.

Gutierrezia euthamiæ, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Hair, of anáye, 122.

Hair, of anáye, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Hair, of gods, color, 228.

Godlike hair color, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Haliotis shell, 79.

Haliotis shell, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Háltso, Yellow Bodies (gens), 30, 147, 241.

Háltso, Yellow Bodies (gens), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Harmonic melody, 256.

Harmonious tune, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Harvest God, see Gánaskĭdi.

Harvest God, see Gánaskĭdi.

Haskánhatso, Much Yucca People (gens), 30, 140, 239.

Haskańhatsō, the Yucca People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Haslĭ′zni, Mud People (gens), 30, 148, 150, 152, 155.

Haslĭ′zni, Mud People (tribe), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Hastséhogan (house god), 36, 70, 83, 170, 225, etc.

Hastéhogan (house god), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, etc.

Hastséltsi, Red God, god of racing, 252, 254.

Hastesèlti, Red God, god of racing, 252, 254.

Hastséoltoi, divine huntress, 37, 244, 246, 252.

Hasteséoltoi, divine huntress, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Hastséyalti, talking god, 36, 68, 82, 104, 135, 163, 224, etc.

Hastséyalti, the speaking god, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__, etc.

Hastséyalti, mask of, 47.

Hastséyalti, mask of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Hastsézĭni, Black God, god of fire, 37, 68, 169, 170, 219, 246.

Hastézin, Black God, god of fire, 37, 68, 169, 170, 219, 246.

Hatál, chant, 214.

Hatá, chant, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Hatáli, chanter, priest, 40.

Hatáli, singer, priest, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Hatáli Natlói, Smiling Chanter, 57, 215.

Hátáli Natlói, Smiling Chanter, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Hatáli Nĕz, Tall Chanter, 50, 51, 58, 215, 223, 235.

Hatalí Nez, Tall Chanter, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__.

Hatdastsĭsi (god), 251.

H𐰤𐰀𐰃𐰕 (god), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Headdress, ancient, 184.

Headdress, ancient, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Hermaphrodites, 70, 77, 217, 220.

Hermaphrodites, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Hermaphrodites, authors of inventions, 70.

Intersex people, creators of inventions, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Hodge, Frederick Webb, 1, 239.

Hodge, Frederick Webb, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Hogans, huts, 115.

Hogans, huts, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Holy ones, see Dĭgíni.

Holy ones, check out Dĭgíni.

Holy people, see Dĭnéʻ dĭgíni.

Holy people, see Dĭnéʻ dĭgíni.

Honagáʻni, Place of Walking People (gens), 30, 148, 154, 157, 242.

Honagáʻni, Place of Walking People (group), 30, 148, 154, 157, 242.

Hoops, magical, 108, 128, 201, 266.

Hoops, enchanting, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Horns, demonic, 117, 235.

Horns, devilish, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Horse, 233.

Horse, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Hosta Butte, see Akĭdanastáni.

Hosta Butte, see Akĭdanastáni.

Hosdi (bird), 124, 236.

Hosdi (bird), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Hottentot apron, 236.

Hottentot apron, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Houses, summer, 15.

Houses, summer, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Hozóni hatál (rite), 58, 218, 220, 232, 235.

Hozóni hatál (rite), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Hummingbirds, 88.

Hummingbirds, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Hunger, see Dĭtsĭ′n.

Hunger, see *D*ĭt*i*sĭ′n.

Hunt, methods of, 89, 239.

Hunting methods, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Hunting-masks, 191, 193, 217.

Hunting masks, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Husband, follows wife, 150.

Husband follows wife, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Hyíĕtyĭn (place), 143, 146.

Hyíĕtyĭn (place), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Idols or images, 104.

Idols or images, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Illegitimacy, 107.

Illegitimacy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Incense, 177, 247.

Incense, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Incest, 187.

Incest, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Indigo, 44.

Indigo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Irrigation, 70.

Irrigation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Island Lake, Colo., 219.

Island Lake, CO, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Jake the silversmith, 11, 19, 50.

Jake the silversmith, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Jelly of yucca fruit, 229.

Yucca fruit jelly, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Jemez (pueblo), 145, 158.

Jemez (pueblo), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Jewels, ĭnklĭ′z, 133, 147, 222.

Jewels, inkblots, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Kĕsĭtsé (game), 141, 240.

Kĕsĭtsé (game), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Kethawns, 39, 42, 43, 117, 213.

Kethawns, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

ltsói (tribe), 150.

ltsói (tribe), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Kinaáʻni, People of the High Standing House (gens), 30, 150, 158, 242, 243.

Kinaáʻni, People of the High Standing House (tribe), 30, 150, 158, 242, 243.

Kĭ′ndotz (town), 82, 167, 195, 196, 206, 207, 237, 245.

Kindotli (town), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_7__.

Kindred, forbidden degrees of, 33.

Kindred, forbidden degrees of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Kinníki, Chief of Eagles, 198.

Kinníki, Chief of Eagles, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Kinship, terms of, sign of amity, 65, 131, 156, 198.

Kinship, terms of, sign of friendship, 65, 131, 156, 198.

Kĭntyél (place), 81, 87, 140, 195, 196, 205, 206, 207.

Kĭntyél (place), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_7__.

Kĭntyél, how built, 82.

Kĭntyél, how it's built, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Kisáni, Pueblos, 10, 68, 70, 77, 78, 195, 197, 198, 226. [296]

Kisáni, Pueblos, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_7__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_8__. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_9__]

Kit-fox, 226.

Kit fox, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Klédzi hatál, or night chant, 35, 37, 53, 229, 243, 251.

Night chant, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__.

Kléhanoai (moon-bearer) 80, 226.

Kléhanoai (moon-bearer) __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Klógi, name of old pueblo, 30.

Klógi, the name of an old town, 30.

Knife Boy, 101.

Knife Boy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Knitting, 21.

Knitting, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Knives, ancient, 233.

Knives, ancient, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Language, mixed, 143.

Language, hybrid, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Lava, blood of giants, 116, 234.

Lava, the giants' blood, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Legends, different versions, many, 50.

Legends, various versions, many, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Legends, local, abundant, 38.

Local legends, plentiful, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Legerdemain, 48, 241.

Sleight of hand, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Letherman, Dr. J., 22, 23, 276.

Letherman, Dr. J., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Léyaneyani, Reared Below Ground (hero), 101, 103, 124, 126, 236, 237.

Léyaneyani, Raised Underground (hero), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__.

Life-feather, or breath-feather, of eagle, magical, 109, 111, 231.

Life-feather, or breath-feather, of an eagle, magical, 109, 111, 231.

Life principle, concealed, 91, 94, 102, 217.

Life principle, hidden, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Life token, 122.

Life token, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Lightning, 80, 115, 119, 165, 200, 245, 246, 250, 252.

Lightning, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_7__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_8__.

Lightning arrows, 101, 115–120, 125, 126.

Lightning arrows, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__–120, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Lightning, crooked, 165, 166.

Lightning, jagged, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Lightning, sheet, 80.

Lightning, sheet, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Lightning, straight, 165, 166.

Lightning, straight, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Lightnings, sentinel, 111.

Lightnings, guardian, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Little bird, transformations of feathers of Tseʻnă′hale, 121.

Little bird, changes in Tseʻnă′hale's feathers, 121.

Locust People, 53, 74, 76, 218.

Locust People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Lokáadikĭsi (mythic place), 110.

Lokáadikĭsi (mythic place), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Loom, 20, 23, 25.

Loom, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Magpie, spy of anáye, 108.

Magpie, spy of anáye, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Maid Who Becomes a Bear, see Tsĭké Sas Nátlehi.

Maid Who Becomes a Bear, see Tsĭké Sas Nátlehi.

Maitóʻ, Coyote Water (spring), 152.

Maitóʻ, Coyote Water (spring), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Maitóʻdĭneʻ, Coyote People (gens), 30, 152, 242.

Maióʻĭneʻ, Coyote People (group), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Male and female gender, how applied, 42, 113, 137, 211, 235, 243.

Male and female gender, how it’s applied, 42, 113, 137, 211, 235, 243.

Maledictions, 144.

Curses, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Mammilaria, round cactus, 231.

Mammilaria, round cactus, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Mancos Canyon, 238.

Mancos Canyon, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Mandans, 16, 225.

Mandans, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Manuelito, 3, 11.

Manuelito, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Mariano, 4, 11.

Mariano, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Marsh Pass, Ariz., 238.

Marsh Pass, Arizona, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Masks, 46, 70, 191, 213, 252, etc.

Masks, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, etc.

McElmo Canyon, 238.

McElmo Canyon, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Medicine, 59, 100, 176, 195, 247, 250.

Medicine, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__.

Medicine-lodge, 15, 16, 205, 214, 241.

Medicine lodge, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Medicine-men, see Shamans.

Medicine men, see Shamans.

Melodies, 279.

Tunes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Melons, 150, 183.

Melons, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Mescal, creation of, 125.

Mescal, made by __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Mexicans, creation of, 87.

Mexican creation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Mine, The Lost Adam (legendary), 2.

Mine, The Lost Adam (legendary), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Minor ceremonies, 41.

Minor events, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Mirage Boy, 137.

Mirage Boy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Mirage People, 69, 142, 238.

Mirage People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Mirage Stone, 79, 221.

Mirage Stone, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Mirage Stone People, 104.

Mirage Stone People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Moccasins, 190.

Moccasins, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Mohaves, 158.

Mohaves, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Moki, 41, 216.

Moki, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Moon, creation of, 80.

Moon, created by, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Moon-bearer, see Békotsĭdi.

Moon-bearer, see Békotsĭdi.

Morgan, H. L., Dr., 31.

Morgan, H. L., Dr., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Mountain chant, see Dsĭlyĭ′dze hatál.

Mountain chant, see Dsĭlýdze hatál.

Mountain mahogany, 214, 231, 235, 248.

Mountain mahogany, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Mountains, sacred, seven, 36, 71, 220, 221, 222.

Mountains, sacred, seven, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Mount Taylor, see Tsótsĭl.

Mount Taylor, see Tsótsĭl.

Music, Navaho, 22, 29, 254, 258, 279.

Music, Navajo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Nabĭnĭltáhi (chief), 141.

Nabĭnĭltáhi (chief), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Naestsán, Woman Horizontal, Earth Mother, 230.

Naestsán, Woman Horizontal, Earth Mother, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Nahopá, Brown Horizontal Streak (place), 141.

Nahopá, Brown Horizontal Streak (place), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Nahopáni (gens), 30, 141, 157.

Nahopáni (gens), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Nahikáï (rite), 241.

Nahikáï (ritual), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Nahodĭtáhe (hero), 196, etc.

Nahodĭtáhe (hero), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, etc.

Naídikĭsi, name of Toʻbadzĭstsíni, 116.

Naïdiki, name of Tobadzisíni, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Nalkénaaz (divine couple), 136.

Nalkénaaz (divine couple), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Nánzoz (game), 84, 97, 141, 226.

Nánzoz (game), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Nastsé Estsán, Spider Woman, 109, 110, 119, 201–203, 232, 250.

Nasté Estsán, Spider Woman, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__–203, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__.

Natĭ′nĕsthani, He Who Teaches Himself (hero), 53, 58, 160–194, 243, 248, etc.

Natĭ′nĕsthani, He Who Teaches Himself (hero), 53, 58, 160–194, 243, 248, etc.

Natĭ′nĕsthanini (Natĭ′nĕsthani dead), 187, 249.

Na'tĭnĕsthanini (Na'tĭnĕsthani dead), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Natsĭ′d, ceremony, 146, 147, 241.

Natsĭ′d, ceremony, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Natsĭsaán, Navaho Mountain, 123, 154, 236.

Natsĭsaán, Navajo Mountain, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Navaho country and people, 1–22.

Navajo country and people, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__–22.

Navaho Springs, Ariz., 224.

Navaho Springs, AZ, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Nayénĕzgạni, Slayer of the Alien Gods (war god), 34, 106–134, 165, 231, 233, 236, 253.

Nayénĕzgạni, Slayer of the Alien Gods (war god), 34, 106–134, 165, 231, 233, 236, 253.

Nayénĕzgạni, wife of, 244.

Nayénĕzgạni, wife of __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Nicotiana, various species of, 247.

Nicotiana, various species of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Night chant, see Klédzi hatál.

Night chant, see Klédzi hatál.

Nĭ′ltsi, Wind (god), 83, 101, 113, 127, 137, 225, etc.

Nĭ′ltsi, Wind (god), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, etc.

Nĭ′ltsi Dĭlkóhi, Smooth Wind, 76.

Nĭ′ltsi Dĭlkóhi, Smooth Wind, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Ninokádĭneʻ, People upon the Earth, Indians, 176, 247.

Ninokádĭneʻ, Earthlings, Indians, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Níyol, Whirlwind (god), 101, 103.

Níyol, Whirlwind (god), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Nohoílpi, He Who Wins Men at Play (gambling god, god of the Mexicans), 82–87.

Nohoílpi, He Who Wins Men at Play (gambling god, god of the Mexicans), 82–87.

Notes, character of, 56.

Character notes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Nubility, ceremony of, 238.

Coming of age ceremony, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Obstacles, supernatural, 110, 113, 232.

Obstacles, supernatural, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Oceans, four, 63.

Oceans, four, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Old Age Water, see Sántoʻ.

Old Age Water, see Sántoʻ.

Old Age, see San.

Old Age, see San.

Opuntia arborescens, 229.

Opuntia arborescens, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Oraibes, 154.

Oraibes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Origin Legend, 1–51, 68–159.

Origin Legend, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__–51, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__–159.

Otter, 97–100, 168, 170.

Otter, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__–100, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Otter, cigarette of, yellow, 170.

Otter, yellow cigarette, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Owl, creation of, 120, 236.

Owl, made by, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Pahutes, creation of, 123, 236.

Pahutes, creation of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Palettes, 44.

Palettes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Paradise, Navaho, 216.

Paradise, Navajo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Pastora Peak, 211.

Pastora Peak, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Pathology, 178, 247.

Pathology, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Pelado Peak, N. Mex., see Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni.

Pelado Peak, N. Mex., see Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni.

Pemmican, 184, 192, 248.

Pemmican, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Péslĭtsi, Red Knife (place), 134.

Péslĭtsi, Red Knife, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Pet animals, 149, 153, 164.

Pet animals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Phragmites communis, 42.

Phragmites australis, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Phratries, 32.

Phratries, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Pictures, ceremonial, 43, 49.

Ceremonial photos, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Pigments, five, 44. [297]

Pigments, five, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__]

Pintóʻdĭneʻ, Deer Spring People (gens), 30, 155, 242.

Pinbitodine, Deer Spring People (clan), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

niltani, Deer Raiser (god), 184, 191, 192.

niltani, Deer Raiser (god), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

niltani-bitsí, 184.

niltani-bitsí, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Pipes, 175, 176, 177, 246.

Pipes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Place of Emergence, Hadzinaí, 76, 135, 147, 214, 219.

Place of Emergence, Hadzinaí, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Planting stick, 173, 246.

Planting stick, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Poetry, 22.

Poetry, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Poison, 178–180.

Poison, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__–180.

Pollen, 41, 45, 109, 183, 214, 232, 233.

Pollen, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__.

Pollen Boy, 79, 104.

Pollen Boy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Porcupine, 87, 149, 153.

Porcupine, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Portraits, 11.

Portraits, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Potatoes, wild, 2.

Wild potatoes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Pottery, 18.

Pottery, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Pottery, invention of, 70.

Invention of pottery, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Poverty, see Tieín.

Poverty, see Tieí.

Powers, Stephen, 60.

Powers, Stephen, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Prayer, 49, 109, 192, 269–275.

Prayer, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__–275.

Preludes, of songs, 25.

Song prelude, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Priest, see Shaman.

Priest, refer to Shaman.

Pronunciation, 55.

Pronunciation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Pueblo Chettro Kettle, 224.

Pueblo Chettro Kettle, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Pueblo Grande, 224.

Pueblo Grande, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Pueblos, see Kisáni.

Pueblos, refer to Kisáni.

Puma, 77, 149, 153, 200.

Puma, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Puma People, 192.

Puma Squad, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Pumpkin, 173, etc.

Pumpkin, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, etc.

Queue, symbolic, 254.

Queue, symbolic, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Races, ceremonial, 106, 134.

Races, ceremonial, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Racing, god of, see Hastséltsi.

Racing, god of, see Hastséltsi.

Rafts, 161.

Rafts, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Rain ceremonies, 41.

Rain rituals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Rain, male and female, 78, 79, 106, 166.

Rain, everyone, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Rain, form of Yolkaí Estsán, 139.

Rain, form of Yolkaí Estsán, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Rain god, see Tóʻnenĭli.

Rain god, see Tóʻnenĭli.

Rainbows, 129, 168, 185, 231, 245.

Rainbows, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Rainbow apotheosized, 244.

Rainbow glorified, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Rainbow arrows, 233.

Rainbow arrows, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Rainbow bridge, 96, 228.

Rainbow bridge, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Rainbow trail, 164, 230.

Rainbow path, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Raven, spy of anáye, 107.

Raven, spy of anáye, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Reanimation, 91, 93, 95, 103.

Reanimation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Reared beneath the Earth, see Léyaneyani.

Reared underground, see Léyaneyani.

Red God, see Hastséltsi.

Red God, see Hastéltsi.

Red Lake, 39.

Red Lake, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Red Wind, 67.

Red Wind, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Refrains of songs, 25.

Song choruses, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Religion, 23.

Religion, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Rhyme, 28, 29.

Rhyme, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Rhythm, 255.

Rhythm, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Rio Grande, Toʻbaád, Female Water, 87, 210, 235.

Rio Grande, T toʻbaád, Female Water, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Rio San José, Toʻbaká, Male Water, 210, 235.

Rio San José, Toʻbaká, Male Water, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Rite, medicinal, 205.

Healing ritual, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Rite-myths, 50.

Ritual myths, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Rites, antiquity of, 45.

Ancient rituals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Ritual chants, see Hatál.

Ritual chants, see Hatál.

Rock Crystal Boy and Girl, 79, 136.

Rock Crystal Kid and Girl, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Rocks, heads of giants, 116.

Giant's heads, rocky cliffs, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Rock People, see Tséʻdĭneʻ.

Rock People, see Tséʻi dĭne.

Rocks That Crush (anáye), 109.

Rocks That Crush (anáye), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Rocky Mountain sheep, 96, 185, 244.

Rocky Mountain sheep, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Ropes, of rainbow, etc., 106, 165, 208.

Ropes in rainbow colors, etc., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Ruins, 195.

Ruins, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Sacred articles, eighteen, 163, 243.

Sacred items, eighteen, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Sacrifices, 42, 223.

Sacrifices, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Saíbehogan (old pueblo), 158.

Saíbehoğan (old town), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Saitád, land of rising sand, 110.

Saitád, land of rising sand, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Salt, used to blind anáye, 123.

Salt, used to blind anáye, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Salt Woman (goddess), 229, 236.

Salt Woman (goddess), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

San, Old Age (anáye), 130.

San, Old Age (anxiety), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

ntoʻ, Old Age Water, San Juan River, 36, 53, 134, 141–145, 155–177, 161, 211, 235, 238, 241, 244.

ntoʻ, Old Age Water, San Juan River, 36, 53, 134, 141–145, 155–177, 161, 211, 235, 238, 241, 244.

San Juan Mountains, see Depĕ′ntsa.

San Juan Mountains, see *D*epĕ′ntsa.

San Juan River, see Sántoʻ.

San Juan River, see Sanbito.

San Juan Valley, 52, 238.

San Juan Valley, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

San Mateo Mountains, see Tsótsĭl.

San Mateo Mountains, see Tsótsĭl.

San Miguel Lake and River, 218.

San Miguel Lake and River, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

San Rafael, see Tóʻsato.

San Rafael, see Tóʻsato.

Sandals, 161.

Sandals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Sand-altars, 44.

Sand altars, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Sand-paintings, see Dry-paintings.

Sand art, see Dry art.

Santa Fé, N. Mex., 87, 142.

Santa Fe, NM, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Sarcasm, 249.

Sarcasm, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Sasnalkáhi, Bear that Pursues (god), 124, 187, 189.

Sanalkáhi, Pursuing Bear (god), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Sciurus aberti, 22, 34.

Sciurus aberti, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Scourging, 106.

Scourging, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Scrofula, 8.

Scrofula, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Seats, refused by hero, 127.

Seats, denied by hero, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Seeds, magical growth of, 74.

Magic growth of seeds, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Sentinels, before house of Sun, 111.

Sentinels, in front of the house of the Sun, 111.

Second world, blue in color, 65.

Second world, blue, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Sexes, quarrel of, 72, 73.

Gender conflict, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Shamans, 26, 49, 56–59, 205.

Shamans, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__–59, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Shells, sacred, 83, 86, 226.

Shells, sacred, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Shells, white magical, 73, 152.

Shells, white magical, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

She-rain, 166.

She-rain, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Ship Rock, see Tséʻbĭt.

Ship Rock, see Tséʻbĭtai.

Shooting deity, see Hastséoltoi.

Shooting god, see Hastséoltoi.

Silver Lake, Colo., 219.

Silver Lake, CO, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Simpson, J. H., 220, 223, 234.

Simpson, J. H., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Sinew (so called), 240.

Sinew, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Sky, houses in, 86.

Houses against the sky, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Sky, of four colors, 92.

Sky of four colors, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Sky, poles or supports of, 113, 223.

Sky, poles or supports of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Sky Father, see Yádĭll.

Sky Father, see Yádiłiyí.

Sky-hole, 66, 113, 200, 204, 205, 233.

Sky-hole, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__.

Slavery, 86, 146, 241.

Slavery, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Slaves, descendants from gens, 146.

Slaves, descendants from clans, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Smell, discovery of hero by, 94.

Smell, discovery of the hero by, 94.

Snake-skin, assumed, 188.

Snake skin, assumed, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Snow buntings, couriers, 130.

Snow buntings, messengers, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Song of the Approach, 35.

Song of the Approach, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Song of the Eagles, 257.

Song of the Eagles, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Song of the Ascension, 257.

Song of the Ascension, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Song of Estsánatlehi, 124, 261.

Song of Estsánatlehi, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Songs of the Log, 266.

Songs of the Log, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Songs, sacred, 24–28, 166, 167, 199.

Songs, sacred, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__–28, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Spider People, 98.

Spider People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Spider Woman, see Nastsé Estsán.

Spider Woman, see Nasté Estsán.

Spiders, 98–100, 228, 231.

Spiders, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__–100, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Sporobolus cryptandrus, 162.

Sporobolus cryptandrus, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Squash, 183, etc.

Squash, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, etc.

Squirrels, 74.

Squirrels, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Stars, Creation of, 80, 223, 224.

Stars, Creation of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Stephen, A. M., 41, 212.

Stephen, A. M., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Sticks, sacrificial, 42.

Sticks, sacrifice, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Store-houses, 142, 240.

Warehouses, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Storm-cloud, in decoration, 244.

Storm cloud, in decor, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Storm-raising, see Hoops.

Storm-chasing, see Hoops.

Storms, northern, once women, 144. [298]

Storms, northern, once women, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__]

Sudatory, 16, 112.

Sweat lodge, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Suds, 163, 204.

Suds, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Sun, as god, 86, 223.

Sun, as a deity, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Sun, creation of, 80.

Sun, creation of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Sun, homes of, 111, 127, 133, 232.

Sun, homes of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Sunbeams, 117.

Sunshine, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Sunbeams on rain, 231.

Sunlight on rain, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Sun-bearer, see Tsóhanoai.

Sun-bearer, see Tsóhanoai.

Sun-children, go in quest of their father, 110–113, 232.

Sun-children, go find their father, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__–113, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Sunflowers, 202, 235.

Sunflowers, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Sun-god, 33.

Sun god, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Sun-maidens, 111, 232.

Sun maidens, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Sun-weapons, 113.

Sun weapons, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Sunset Peak, Ariz., 242.

Sunset Peak, AZ, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Swallow People, 65, 216.

Swallow People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Symbols, in body-painting, 253.

Symbols in body painting, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Taboo, 142, 239.

Taboo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Talismans, 82, 128, 237.

Talismans, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Tánapa, 6, 12.

Tánapa, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Tapeworm (disease), 247.

Tapeworm infection, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tarantulæ, 228, 231.

Tarantulas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Téelgĕt (anáye), 80, 107, 113, 116–124, 235.

Téelgĕt (analysis), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__–124, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Texts, how obtained, 54.

Texts, how acquired, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Thaʻnĕzáʻ, Among the Scattered Hills (place), 142.

Thaʻnĕzáʻ, Among the Scattered Hills (place), 142.

Thaʻnĕzáʻni (gens), 30, 142, 143, 157.

Thaʻnĕzáʻni (gens), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Tháʻpaha (gens), 30, 143–147, 157, 240.

Tháʻpaha (clan), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__–147, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Tháʻpaha-halkaí, 142, 145.

Tháʻpaha-halkaí, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Tháʻtsini (gens), 30, 145, 158.

Tháʻtsini (group), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Thirteen chips, game of, 83.

13 chips, game of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Three lights (white, morning, blue, day, yellow, evening), 63.

Three lights (white, morning, blue, day, yellow, evening), 63.

Three-sticks, game of, 77.

Three-stick game, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Throat disease, 8.

Throat infection, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tiéholtsodi (water god), 63, 64, 73, 74, 77, 126, 168–170, 212, 219, 220, 232.

Tiéholtsodi (water god), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__–170, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_7__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_8__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_9__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_10__.

Tiéholtsodi, of upper world, 120.

Tiéholtsodi, of the upper world, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tieín (Poverty), 131.

Tieín (Poverty), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tielín, sentinels of water god, 168, 246.

Tielín, guardians of the water god, 168, 246.

Tinneh, 12.

Tinneh, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Title of Book, 1.

Title of Book, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tlastsíni (gens), 30, 146, 158.

Tlastsíni (family), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Tloʻayuĭnlĭ′tigi, great fish, 168.

Great fish, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tobacco, sacred, 42, 176–178, 214, 247.

Tobacco, sacred, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__–178, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Toʻbadzĭstsíni, Child of the Water (war god), 34–36, 116, 122, 124, 126–128, 134, 165, 234, 246, 252–254.

Toʻbadzĭstsíni, Child of the Water (war god), 34–36, 116, 122, 124, 126–128, 134, 165, 234, 246, 252–254.

Toʻbĭlhaskĭ′di (Centre of First World), 63.

Toʻbĭlhaskĭ′di (Center of the First World), 63.

Toʻdĭtsíni (gens), 30, 148, 150, 155. 157.

Toʻdĭtsíni (clan), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Tdokónzi (place), 139, 152.

Toʻdokónzi (place), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Tdokónzi (gens), 30, 152, 239.

Tdokónzi (tribe), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Tóʻhani (gens), 30, 145, 157.

Tóʻhhani (gens), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Tóhe (magic cry), 93, 226.

Tóhe (magic cry), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Toʻĭ′ndotsos (place), 87, 142.

Toʻĭ′ndotsos (place), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Tóʻnenĭli, Water Sprinkler, rain-god, 37, 68, 126, 166–170, 252.

Tóʻnenĭli, Water Sprinkler, rain god, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__–170, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Tóʻnihilin (whirling lake), 194.

Tóʻnihilin (whirling lake), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Torlino (priest), 57, 58, 231.

Torlino (priest), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Tóʻsato, Warm Spring, San Rafael, N. Mex., 114, 232, 233.

Tóʻsato, Warm Spring, San Rafael, N. Mex., 114, 232, 233.

Totemism, 31, 239.

Totemism, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Tóʻtso, Great Water (place), 159.

Tóʻtso, Great Water, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tóʻtsoni (gens), 30, 159.

Tóʻtsoni (gens), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Toʻyĕ′tli, Meeting Waters, home of war gods, 30, 146, 154, 165, 238.

Toʻyĕ′tli, Meeting Waters, the home of war gods, 30, 146, 154, 165, 238.

Trails, or paths, holy, 104, 109, 134, 168, 230.

Trails or paths, sacred, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Transformation, 103, 112, etc.

Transformation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, etc.

Translation of legends, 53.

Translation of legends, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Transportation, miraculous, 165.

Transportation, amazing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Travelling Stone, anáye, 125.

Travelling Stone, anáye, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Trials, of hero, 111, 113, 179.

Heroic trials, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Tribal organization, 29.

Tribal organization, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Trophies, 116, 118, 123, 126, 132.

Trophies, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Trout Lake, 218.

Trout Lake, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tsall, Darkness, 83, 101.

Tsall, Darkness, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Tsaʻolgáhasze (place), 139, 140.

Tsaʻolgáhasze (place), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Tsasitsozsakád (place), home of Hatdastsĭsi, 253.

Tsasitsozsakád (place), home of Hatdastsĭsi, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tseʻahalzĭ′ni, Rock with Black Hole (home of Bĭnáye Aháni), 81, 123, 124.

Tseʻahalzĭ′ni, Rock with Black Hole (home of Bĭnáye Aháni), 81, 123, 124.

Tseʻbahástsĭt, Rock that Frightens, 124.

Tseʻbahástsĭt, Frightening Rock, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tséʻbĭt, Winged Rock, home of Tseʻnă′hale, 119, 120, 235.

Tsé'bĭt, Winged Rock, home of Tseʻnă′hale, 119, 120, 235.

Tsĕ′dăni, expression of contempt, 236.

Tsĕ′dăni, a look of disdain, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tseʻdezáʻ, Standing Rock (place), 195–197.

Tseʻdezáʻ, Standing Rock, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__–197.

Tséʻdĭneʻ, Rock People, 156.

Tséʻdĭneʻ, Rock People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni (gens), 29, 138, 158, 239.

Tseʻdzĭnkĭ′ni (tribe), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Tséʻespai (place), 125.

Tséʻespai (place), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tseʻgíhi (home of yéi), 87, 136, 166, 238, 246.

Tseʼgíhi (home of yéi), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Tseʻĭnlín Valley, 240.

Tseʼíílnín Valley, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tseʻlakaíia (place), 81, 104, 137, 138.

Tseʻlakaíia (place), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Tséʻnagahi, Travelling Stone (anáye), 125.

Tséʻnagahi, Travelling Stone (anáye), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tseʻnă′hale (winged monsters, anáye), 80, 107, 113, 119–124, 126, 235, 236.

Tseʻnă′hale (winged monsters, anáye), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__–124, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__.

Tseʻnahapĭ′lni (gens), 30, 156, 157.

Tseʻnahapĭ′lni (tribe), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Tséʻtadi (home of dĭgíni), 164, 166.

Tséʻtadi (home of dĭgíni), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli, He Who Kicks People Down the Cliff (anáye), 81, 107, 122, 124, 126.

Tse'tahotilitáli, He Who Kicks People Down the Cliff (anáye), 81, 107, 122, 124, 126.

Tseʻtláni (gems), 29, 139.

Tseʻtláni (gems), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Tseʻzĭndiaí (gens), 30, 145, 241.

Tseʻzĭndiai (gens), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Tsĭdastói (bird), 249.

Tsĭdastói (bird), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tsĭdastói Dĭnéʻ, mythic people, 191, 193.

Tsĭdastói Dĭnéʻ, mythical people, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Tsĭ′di Béze (birds, mythic), 89.

Tsĭ′di Béze (mythic birds), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tsĭdĭltói (Bird), 124, 236.

Tsĭdĭl̓tó (Bird), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Tsĭ′di Sási (birds, mythic), 89, 90.

Tsĭ′di Sási (mythical birds), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Tsiké Nazĭ′li, Young Woman who Rattles, 89.

Tsiké Nazĭ′li, Young Woman who Rattles, 89.

Tsiké Sas Nátlehi, 229.

Tsiké Sas Nátlehi, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tsĭlkáli (a bird), 84.

Tsĭlkáli (a bird), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tsĭnadzĭ′-ni (gens), 30, 141–143, 146.

Tsĭnadzĭ′-ni (group), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__–143, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Tsĭ′ndi (devil), 37.

Tsĭ′ndi (devil), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni, Pelado Peak, N. Mex., 71, 220, 221.

Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni, Pelado Peak, New Mexico, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Tsóhanoai, sun-bearer (god), 80, 111, 112, 113, 126, 127, 132, 133, 252.

Tsóhanoai, sun god, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_7__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_8__.

Tsolíhi (sacred mountain), 78, 79, 105, 133, 222.

Tsolíhi (sacred mountain), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Tsótsĭl (Mount Taylor), 200, 205–207.

Tsótsĭl (Mount Taylor), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__–207.

Tsozli (a bird), 79, 222.

Tsozli (a bird), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Tsówenatlehi, Changing Grandchild (war god), 124, 236, 237.

Tsówenatlehi, Changing Grandchild (war god), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Tsúskai, 39, 212.

Tuskai, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Tuĭntsá, Abundant Water, Tuincha Mountains, N. Mex., 134, 210.

Tuĭntsá, Abundant Water, Tuincha Mountains, N. Mex., 134, 210.

Turkey, why tail-feathers pale, 218.

Turkey, why are tail-feathers pale, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__?

Turkeys, pet, 164, 171–175, 180, 244.

Turkeys, pets, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__–175, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.

Turquoise, 80, 104, 111, 185, etc.

Turquoise, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, etc.

Underworld, 185.

Underworld, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Unktéhi, Dakota god, 212.

Unktéhi, Dakota deity, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Utes, 18, 30, 146.

Utes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Verbesina enceloides, 248. [299]

Verbesina enceloides, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__]

Vision of the war gods, 127.

Vision of the war gods, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Vomiting, 227.

Throwing up, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Wallascheck, Richard, 255, 257.

Wallascheck, Richard, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Wands, magic, 150–153, 221.

Wands, magic, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__–153, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

War Gods, see Nayénĕzgạni and Toʻbadzĭstsíni.

War Gods, see Nayénĕzgạni and Toʻbadzĭstsíni.

War gods, apparitions of, 238.

War gods, ghostly figures, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Water bottle, invention of, 70.

Invention of the water bottle, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Water, causes conception, 105.

Water, triggers conception, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Water, four kinds of, 80, 218, 223.

Water: four types, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Water god, burned, 170.

Water god, destroyed, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Water god, see Tiéholtsodi.

Water god, see Tiéholtsodi.

Water made to spring up, 151.

Water made to spring up, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Water of Old Age, see San Juan River.

Water of Old Age, see San Juan River.

Water People, sacred, 169.

Water People, sacred, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Water, sacred, 222.

Water, sacred, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Water Sprinkler, see Tóʻnenĭli.

Water sprinkler, see Tóʻnenĭli.

Waters, house under the, 73.

Waters, under the house, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Weapons, divine, 113, 132, 233.

Divine weapons, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Weasels, 74.

Weasels, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Weaving, 19.

Weaving, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Western immigrants, so called, see Dĭnéʻ Nahotlóni.

Western immigrants, as they are called, see Dĭnéʻ Nahotlóni.

White Corn, symbolism of, 217.

White Corn, symbol of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

White Corn Boy, 79, 105.

White Corn Boy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

White House, home of yéi, Chelly Canyon, 36, 251.

White House, home of yéi, Chelly Canyon, 36, 251.

White Mountain Thunder (god), 64.

White Mountain Thunder (deity), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

White people (not Caucasians), 249.

White people, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

White shell beads, 163.

White shell beads, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

White Shell Woman, see Yolkaí Estsán.

White Shell Woman, see Yolkaí Estsán.

White under the Rock (anáye), 126.

White under the Rock (anáye), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Whirlwinds, 101, 202, 251.

Whirlwinds, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Wind, gives life, 69.

Wind gives life, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Wind, see Nĭ′ltsi.

Wind, see Nĭ′ltsi.

Wind, trail of, on finger-tips, 69.

Wind trail on fingertips, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Wind People, 177, 179, 184.

Wind People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Winds, four, 165, 166, 219.

Winds, four, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Witchcraft and witches, 40, 70, 187, 220, 249.

Witchcraft and witches, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

Witches, chieftainess of, see Estsán Natán.

Witches, chieftainess of, see Estsán Natán.

Wolf, 77, 87, 200.

Wolf, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Wolf People, 192.

Wolf People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Woman Who Rejuvenates Herself, see Estsánatlehi.

Woman Who Rejuvenates Herself, see Estsánatlehi.

Women, social position of, 10, 240.

Women, social status of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Woodpeckers, red-shafted, 245.

Red-shafted woodpeckers, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Wood-rats, 160–162.

Woodrats, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__–162.

World, edge of, 65, 80, 113.

World, edge of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

World, how enlarged, 223.

World, how expanded, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Worlds, five, 65–76.

Worlds, five, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__–76.

dĭll, Sky Father (god), 230.

dĭll, Sky Father (god), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Yazoni, beautiful, good, 247.

Yazoni, beautiful, great, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Yébaad, female yéi, 37, 243.

Yébaad, female yéi, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Yébaka, male yéi, 252.

Yébaka, dude, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Yébĭtsai, maternal grandfather, name of Hastséyalti, 224.

Yébĭtsai, maternal grandfather, name of Hastséyalti, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Yéi, gods, 35–38, 93, 106, 217, 231, 234, 254.

Yéi, gods, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__–38, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__.

Yéi, in klédzi hatál, list of, 252.

Yéi, in klédzi hatál, list of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Yéitso (anáye), 108, 113, 114–116, 231, 234.

Yéitso (anáye), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__–116, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.

lapahi (anáye), 91–94, 226.

lapahi (anáye), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__–94, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

Yellow Corn Girl, 79, 105, 136.

Yellow Corn Girl, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Yellow Fox People, 192.

Yellow Fox People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Yellow Light People, 104.

Yellow Light People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Yellow under the Rock (anáye), 126.

Yellow under the Rock (anáye), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Yellow Warbler, 79.

Yellow Warbler, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Yói hatál, 53, 195, 250.

Yói hatál, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Yóidze hatál, bead chant, 53, 250, 267.

Yóidze hatál, bead chant, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Yolkaí Estsán, White Shell Woman (goddess), 34, 105, 135, 230, 231, etc.

Yolkaí Estsán, White Shell Woman (goddess), 34, 105, 135, 230, 231, etc.

Young Woman Who Rattles, see Tsiké Nazĭ′li.

Young Woman Who Rattles, see Tsiké Nazĭ′li.

Yucca, 102, 103, 125, 212, 228, 229.

Yucca, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__.

Yucca-fibre, 161.

Yucca fiber, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Yucca People (gens), 30, 140, 239.

Yucca People, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

Yucca suds, 163, 184, 227.

Yucca soap, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

di (goods), 222.

di (products), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Zenith and nadir, 216.

Peak and low, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Zoölatry, 38.

Animal worship, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.

Zuñi, 2, 10, 22, 36, 145, 158, 242. [301]

Zuñi, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_5__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_6__. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_7__]

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

OFFICERS

OFFICERS

OF

OF

THE AMERICAN FOLK-LORE SOCIETY,

THE AMERICAN FOLKLORE SOCIETY,

1897.

1897.

President.

President.

STEWART CULIN, Philadelphia, Pa.

STEWART CULIN, Philadelphia, PA

First Vice-President.

First Vice President.

HENRY WOOD, Baltimore, Md.

HENRY WOOD, Baltimore, MD

Second Vice-President

Second VP

FRANZ BOAS, New York, N.Y.

FRANZ BOAS, New York, NY

Council.

Council.

W. M. BEAUCHAMP, Baldwinsville, N.Y.

W. M. BEAUCHAMP, Baldwinsville, NY

ROBERT BELL, Ottawa, Can.

ROBERT BELL, Ottawa, Canada.

DANIEL G. BRINTON, Philadelphia, Pa.

DANIEL G. BRINTON, Philadelphia, PA

HELI CHATELAIN, New York, N.Y.

HELI CHATELAIN, New York, NY

1CHARLES L. EDWARDS, Cincinnati, Ohio.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__CHARLES L. EDWARDS, Cincinnati, OH.

JAMES W. ELLSWORTH, Chicago, Ill.

JAMES W. ELLSWORTH, Chicago, IL

1MERRITT LYNDON FERNALD, Cambridge, Mass.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__MERRITT LYNDON FERNALD, Cambridge, MA

ALICE C. FLETCHER, Washington, D.C.

ALICE C. FLETCHER, Washington, D.C.

1ALCÉE FORTIER, New Orleans, La.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ALCÉE FORTIER, NOLA, LA.

STANSBURY HAGAR, Brooklyn, N.Y.

STANSBURY HAGAR, Brooklyn, NY

JOHN H. McCORMICK, Washington, D.C.

JOHN H. McCORMICK, Washington, D.C.

1D. P. PENHALLOW, Montreal, P. Q.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__D. P. PENHALLOW, Montreal, QC

1FREDERIC W. PUTNAM, Cambridge, Mass.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__FREDERIC W. PUTNAM, Cambridge, MA

GARDNER P. STICKNEY, Milwaukee, Wis.

GARDNER P. STICKNEY, Milwaukee, WI

Permanent Secretary.

Permanent Secretary.

W. W. NEWELL, Cambridge, Mass.

W. W. Newell, Cambridge, MA

Treasurer.

Treasurer.

JOHN H. HINTON, New York, N.Y. [302]

JOHN H. HINTON, New York, NY [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]


1 As Presidents of Local Branches. 

1 As Presidents of Local Chapters. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__

[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

SUBSCRIBERS
TO THE
PUBLICATION FUND
OF
THE AMERICAN FOLK-LORE SOCIETY,
1896.

John Abercromby, Edinburgh, Scotland.

John Abercromby, Edinburgh, Scotland.

I. Adler, New York, N.Y.

I. Adler, New York City, NY.

Samuel P. Avery, New York, N.Y.

Samuel P. Avery, New York, NY.

Mrs. Mary M. Barclay, Washington, D.C.

Mrs. Mary M. Barclay, Washington, D.C.

Eugene F. Bliss, Cincinnati, Ohio.

Eugene F. Bliss, Cincinnati, OH.

Boston Athenæum, Boston, Mass.

Boston Athenaeum, Boston, MA.

Charles P. Bowditch, Boston, Mass.

Charles P. Bowditch, Boston, MA.

Daniel G. Brinton, Philadelphia, Pa.

Daniel G. Brinton, Philadelphia, PA.

Philip Greely Brown, Portland, Me.

Philip Greely Brown, Portland, ME.

Miss Mary Chapman, Cambridge, Mass.

Miss Mary Chapman, Cambridge, MA.

Miss Ellen Chase, Brookline, Mass.

Ms. Ellen Chase, Brookline, MA.

1Francis James Child, Cambridge, Mass.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__Francis James Child, Cambridge, MA.

Clarence H. Clark, Philadelphia, Pa.

Clarence H. Clark, Philadelphia, PA.

Charles P. Daly, New York, N.Y.

Charles P. Daly, New York, NY.

William G. Davies, New York, N.Y.

William G. Davies, New York, NY.

Charles F. Daymond, New York, N.Y.

Charles F. Daymond, New York, NY.

Hiram Edmund Deats, Flemington, N.J.

Hiram Edmund Deats, Flemington, NJ.

Mrs. Henry Draper, New York, N.Y.

Mrs. Henry Draper, New York, NY.

James W. Ellsworth, Chicago, Ill.

James W. Ellsworth, Chicago, IL

John Fiske, Cambridge, Mass. [303]

John Fiske, Cambridge, MA [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

Miss Alice C. Fletcher, Washington, D.C.

Miss Alice C. Fletcher, Washington, D.C.

Alfred C. Garrett, Cambridge, Mass.

Alfred C. Garrett, Cambridge, MA.

George Bird Grinnell, New York, N.Y.

George Bird Grinnell, New York, NY.

Edwin Sidney Hartland, Gloucester, England.

Edwin Sidney Hartland, Gloucester, UK.

Mrs. Esther Herrmann, New York, N.Y.

Mrs. Esther Herrmann, New York, NY.

Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Cambridge, Mass.

Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Cambridge, MA.

John H. Hinton, New York, N.Y.

John H. Hinton, New York, NY.

Richard Hodgson, Boston, Mass.

Richard Hodgson, Boston, MA.

Miss Cornelia Horsford, Cambridge, Mass.

Miss Cornelia Horsford, Cambridge, MA.

John E. Hudson, Boston, Mass.

John E. Hudson, Boston, MA.

Theodore D. Hurlbut, Brooklyn, N.Y.

Theodore D. Hurlbut, Brooklyn, NY.

Clarence M. Hyde, New York, N.Y.

Clarence M. Hyde, New York, NY.

E. Francis Hyde, New York, N.Y.

E. Francis Hyde, New York, NY.

Frederick E. Hyde, New York, N.Y.

Frederick E. Hyde, New York, NY.

A. Jacobi, New York, N.Y.

A. Jacobi, New York, NY.

Edward C. James, New York, N.Y.

Edward C. James, New York, NY.

Miss Louise Kennedy, Concord, Mass.

Miss Louise Kennedy, Concord, MA.

Henry Charles Lea, Philadelphia, Pa.

Henry Charles Lea, Philadelphia, PA.

Walter Learned, New London, Conn.

Walter Learned, New London, CT.

Charles McK. Leoser, New York, N.Y.

Charles McK. Leoser, New York, NY.

Mrs. W. Kingsmill Marrs, Boston, Mass.

Mrs. W. Kingsmill Marrs, Boston, MA.

Albert Matthews, Boston, Mass.

Albert Matthews, Boston, MA.

J. Meyer, New York, N.Y.

J. Meyer, New York, NY.

Miss Agnes Morgan, Chicago, Ill.

Miss Agnes Morgan, Chicago, IL.

William Wells Newell, Cambridge, Mass.

William Wells Newell, Cambridge, MA.

Oswald Ottendorfer, New York, N.Y.

Oswald Ottendorfer, NYC.

Miss Mary A. Owen, St. Joseph, Mo.

Miss Mary A. Owen, St. Joseph, MO.

Dr. C. Augusta Pope, Boston, Mass. [304]

Dr. C. Augusta Pope, Boston, MA. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]

Frederic W. Putnam, Cambridge, Mass.

Frederic W. Putnam, Cambridge, MA.

Mrs. H. E. Raymond, Brookline, Mass.

Mrs. H. E. Raymond, Brookline, MA.

W. L. Richardson, Boston, Mass.

W. L. Richardson, Boston, MA.

John S. Ringwalt, Jr., Mt. Vernon, Ohio.

John S. Ringwalt, Jr., Mt. Vernon, Ohio.

Charles Schäffer, Philadelphia, Pa.

Charles Schäffer, Philadelphia, PA.

Otto B. Schlutter, Hartford, Conn.

Otto B. Schlutter, Hartford, CT.

C. Bernard Shea, Pittsburgh, Pa.

C. Bernard Shea, Pittsburgh, PA.

Gardner P. Stickney, Milwaukee, Wis.

Gardner P. Stickney, Milwaukee, WI.

Brandreth Symonds, New York, N.Y.

Brandreth Symonds, New York, NY.

F. F. Thompson, New York, N.Y.

F. F. Thompson, New York, NY.

John S. Tilney, Orange, N.J.

John S. Tilney, Orange, NJ.

Crawford H. Toy, Cambridge, Mass.

Crawford H. Toy, Cambridge, MA.

Henry H. Vail, New York, N.Y.

Henry H. Vail, New York, NY.

Washington Seminary, Washington, D.C.

Washington Seminary, Washington, DC

Alfred M. Williams, Providence, R.I.

Alfred M. Williams, Providence, RI.

Henry J. Willing, Chicago, Ill.

Henry J. Willing, Chicago, IL

Mrs. Henry J. Willing, Chicago, Ill.

Mrs. Henry J. Willing, Chicago, IL.

William Young, Philadelphia, Pa.

William Young, Philadelphia, PA.

Table of Contents

CONTENTS. v
ILLUSTRATIONS. vii
INTRODUCTION. 1
PREFATORY REMARKS. 1
HOME OF THE NAVAHOES. 1
POPULATION. 5
RACIAL AFFINITY—APPEARANCE. 9
PORTRAITS. 11
CRANIA. 12
LANGUAGE. 12
HOUSES. 13
ARTS. 18
INDUSTRY. 22
POETRY AND MUSIC. 22
TRIBAL ORGANIZATION. 29
RELIGION. 33
CEREMONIES. 40
THE LEGENDS. 50
ALPHABET USED. 54
SPELLING OF NAVAHO. 55
NOTES. 56
SHAMANS.16 56
A LAST WORD (TO POETS AND OTHERS). 59
LEGENDS. 61
THE NAVAHO ORIGIN LEGEND. 63
I. THE STORY OF THE EMERGENCE. 63
II. EARLY EVENTS IN THE FIFTH WORLD. 76
III. THE WAR GODS. 104
IV. GROWTH OF THE NAVAHO NATION. 135
NATĬ′NĔSTHANI. 160
THE GREAT SHELL OF KĬNTYÉL. 195
NOTES. 209
NAVAHO MUSIC. 254
DOVE SONG. 258
TEXTS AND INTERLINEAR TRANSLATIONS. 258
ASSEVERATION OF TORLINO (IN PART). 258
BEGINNING OF ORIGIN LEGEND. 258
SONG OF ESTSÁNATLEHI. 261
SONG OF NAYÉNĔZGẠNI (NAYÉNĔZGẠNI BĬGĬ′N). 262
SONG OF NAYÉNĔZGẠNI. 262
SONG OF NAYÉNĔZGẠNI. 263
A SONG OF NAYÉNĔZGẠNI. 264
SONG OF THE SUN. 265
SONG OF THE SUN. 266
SIGNIFICANT WORDS OF SONGS OF THE LOG, FIRST SET. 266
SIGNIFICANT WORDS OF SONGS OF THE LOG, SECOND SET. 267
WORDS OF THE EAGLE. 267
SONG OF THE EAGLES.—A SONG OF THE BEAD CHANT. 267
SONG OF THE ASCENSION. 267
PRAYER OF FIRST DANCERS FROM THE CEREMONY OF THE NIGHT CHANT. 269
FREE TRANSLATION OF PRAYER. 273
REMARKS ON THE PRAYER. 275
BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTES. 276
MELODIES 279
1. SONG OF THE APPROACH OF THE WAR GODS. 281
2. SONG OF THE WAR GODS. 281
3. TWELFTH YIKAÍGĬN OR DAYLIGHT SONG. 282
4. A SONG OF THE NAAKHAÍ, OR DANCE OF THE LAST NIGHT OF THE NIGHT CHANT. 283
5. A SONG OF THE NAAKHAÍ. 284
6. SEVENTH SONG IN THE FARM OF HASTSÉHOGAN. 285
7. TENTH AND ELEVENTH SONGS IN THE FARM OF HASTSÉHOGAN. 286
8. FIFTEENTH SONG IN THE FARM OF HASTSÉHOGAN. 287
9. TWENTY-SECOND SONG IN THE FARM OF HASTSÉHOGAN. 288
10. TWENTY-THIRD SONG IN THE FARM OF HASTSÉHOGAN. 289
11. TWENTY-FIFTH SONG IN THE FARM OF HASTSÉHOGANHASTSÉHOGAN. 290
INDEX. 291
SUBSCRIBERS TO THE PUBLICATION FUND OF THE AMERICAN FOLK-LORE SOCIETY, 1896. 302

Colophon

Availability

Scans of this book are available from the Internet Archive (copy 1, 2, 3).

Scans of this book can be found on the Internet Archive (copy 1, 2, 3).

A review by W. W. Newell appeared in The Journal of American Folklore of July 1896.

A review by W. W. Newell was published in The Journal of American Folklore in July 1896.

Metadata

Encoding

The orthography used in this book for Navajo differs significantly from the orthography currently in use. No attempt has been made to change this, but obvious inconsistencies have been corrected.

The spelling used in this book for Navajo is quite different from the spelling currently in use. There has been no effort to change this, but obvious mistakes have been fixed.

For convenient processing, the italic letters used in the orthography of Navajo have been encoded in Unicode as letters with macrons below. For derived files this encoding will be converted back to italic unadorned letters.

For easy processing, the italic letters used in the writing system of Navajo have been encoded in Unicode as letters with macrons underneath. For derived files, this encoding will be changed back to plain italic letters.

Revision History

  • 2019-06-19 Started.

External References

Corrections

The following corrections have been applied to the text:

The following corrections have been made to the text:

Page Source Correction Edit distance
N.A., 30, 269 [Not in source] ) 1
v Natĭ′nĕsthani Natĭ′nĕsthani 0
15 inclosed enclosed 1
15 hogáns hogáns 0
16 hogán hogán 0
30 Haskánhatso Haskánhatso 0
30, 30, 30, 294 [Not in source] , 1
30 Dĕstsíni Dĕstsíni 0
31 dĭneʻ dĭnéʻ 1 / 0
36, 83 Hastséhogan Hastséhogan 0
36 Hastséyalti Hastséyalti 0
38, 261 , . 1
39 senor señor 1 / 0
39 ),” ”), 2
40 hatáli hatáli 0
46 akáninili akánĭnĭli 2 / 0
52 Alili Alíli 1 / 0
54 winter summer 4
57 kledzi klédzi 1 / 0
63 Tan Tan 0
63 Tseʻlĭsíbehogán Tseʻlĭsíbehogán 0
63, 63 Holatsí Holatsí 0
63 lyĭ′le Dĭlyĭ′le 0
65 Hastsósidĭneʻ Hastsósidĭneʻ 0
69, 69, 207 inclosure enclosure 1
80, 107, 133 [Not in source] 1
82 Kĭ′ndotz Kĭ′ndotz 0
98 notwitstanding notwithstanding 1
103 tlehi Nátlehi 0
103 Dsĭllĭzĭ n Dsĭllĭzĭ′n 1
105 Hastseyalti Hastséyalti 1 / 0
106, 108, 134, 297 Yolkái Yolkaí 2 / 0
114 Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni 0
115 [Not in source] 1
119 Tséʻbĭt Tséʻbĭt 0
122 Tseʻdezá Tseʻtezáʻ 2
124 plead pleaded 2
134 Dokoslíd Dokoslíd 0
136 Dokoslĭd Dokoslíd 1 / 0
142 Thaʻnezáʻ Thaʻnĕzáʻ 1 / 0
142 Tháʻpahahalkaí Tháʻpahahalkaí 0
146, 157, 240 Tháʻpaha Tháʻpaha 0
148 afterterwards afterwards 3
153 incumbrance encumbrance 1
159 Bĭtáʻni táʻni 0
169, 295 Hastsézĭni Hastsézĭni 0
194, 243 hatál hatál 0
212 . , 1
212 commmonly commonly 1
213 fetiches fetishes 1
215, 216 Něz Nĕz 1 / 0
221 Torquoise Turquoise 1
222 Tha-dĭ-tín Tha-dĭ-tín 0
222 yúdi di 0
222 Nai-di-sĭ′s-i Nai-dĭ-sĭ′s-i 1 / 0
224 Tseʻnagáhi Tseʻnagahi 1 / 0
224, 247, 295, 295 Hatáli Hatáli 0
225 klédzi klédzi 0
226 maquerader masquerader 1
226 Natĭ′nesthani Natĭ′nĕsthani 1 / 0
230 Dsĭlnáotĭl Dsĭlnáotĭl 0
234 ana aná 1 / 0
237 Nanzoz Nánzoz 1 / 0
241 ntso Góntso 0
242, 249 fetich fetish 1
258 Hayolkál Hayoll 0
259 Dsĭllĭtsíbehogan Dsĭllĭtsíbehogán 1 / 0
259 Tseʻlĭtsíbehogan Tseʻlĭtsíbehogán 1 / 0
259 sadaádze Sadaádze 1
259 tsĭ′ni tsĭ′ni 0
259 sitín sitín 0
259 hanantáï hanantáï 0
260 Tsal Tsal 0
260 taigánil taigánil 0
261 for For 1
261 Toʻbadzistsíni Toʻbadzĭstsíni 1 / 0
262 Téelgĕt Téelgĕt 0
263 Tsóhanoai Tsóhanoai 0
263 yikaʻ yikáʻ 1 / 0
263 Nayénĕzgani Nayénĕzgạni 1 / 0
265 Nizáza Nizáza 0
265 daʻhoníde dhoníde 0
265 aníhoyele aníhoyéle 1 / 0
265 anieyáhi aineyáhi 2
265 sĭdeyáïe sĭdeyáïye 1
266, 266 Yolkai Yolkaí 1 / 0
267 ínyan ínyan 0
270 nahaíniyaʻ nahaíniyaʻ 0
271 kósdĭlyĭl kósdĭll 0
273 Tsegíhi Tseʻgíhi 1
290 HASTSÉHOGAN HASTSÉHOGAN 0
293 Natinĕsthani Nati′nĕsthani 1
293 Atsáʻlei Atsáʻlei 0
293, 296 Léyaneyani Léyaneyani 0
293 Aháni Aháni 0
293 Tóʻsato Tóʻsato 0
294 Tsúskai Tsúskai 0
294 Dĭgíni Dĭgíni 0
294 Dsíldasdzĭ′ni Dsĭldasdzĭ′ni 1 / 0
295 Haslĭ′zni Haslĭ′zni 0
295 Dinéʻ Dĭnéʻ 1 / 0
295 Hyíĕtyesi Hyíĕtyĭn 3
296 ,, , 1
297 Tónenĭli Tóʻnenĭli 1
297 Toʻsato Tóʻsato 1 / 0
297, 298 Tséʻbĭtai Tséʻbĭt 1 / 0
298 Tháʻtsini Tháʻtsini 0
298 Tielín Tielín 0
298 Tdĭtsíni Toʻdĭtsíni 0
298 Tóʻdokónzi Tdokónzi 1 / 0
298 Toʻnihilin Tóʻnihilin 1 / 0
298 Tseʻtadi Tséʻtadi 1 / 0
298 Tseʻtahotsĭltli Tseʻtahotsĭltáʻli 1 / 0
298 Tseʻzĭndiai Tseʻzĭndiaí 1 / 0
298 Dĭneʻ Dĭnéʻ 1 / 0
298 Sási Sási 0
298 Tsĭsnadzi′ni Tsĭsnadzĭ′ni 1 / 0
298 Tuĭntsá Tuĭntsá 0
299 Nĭl′tsi Nĭ′ltsi 2
299 Natán Natán 0


        
        
    
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