This is a modern-English version of Asser's Life of King Alfred, originally written by Asser, John.
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and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If
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ASSER’S
KING ALFRED'S LIFE
TRANSLATED FROM THE TEXT OF STEVENSON’S EDITION
TRANSLATED FROM THE TEXT OF STEVENSON’S EDITION
BY
ALBERT S. COOK
BY
ALBERT S. COOK
Professor of the English Language and Literature in Yale University
Professor of English Language and Literature at Yale University
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Copyright, 1906
By ALBERT S. COOK
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
Copyright, 1906
By ALBERT S. COOK
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
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PREFACE
The issue of Stevenson’s long and eagerly expected edition of Asser’s Life of King Alfred has provided an opportunity to supply the ever increasing number of the great king’s admirers with a more satisfactory rendering into English of this, perhaps the most precious document, notwithstanding all its faults, for the comprehension of his life and character.
The release of Stevenson’s long-awaited edition of Asser’s Life of King Alfred has given the growing number of the great king’s fans a chance to get a better English version of this possibly most valuable document, despite its flaws, for understanding his life and character.
The authenticity of the Life was impugned by Thomas Wright in 1841, by Sir Henry Howorth in 1876–77, and by an unknown writer in 1898, and it had become somewhat the fashion to regard it as a production of a later period, and therefore entitled to but little credence. The doubts as to its authenticity have been satisfactorily dispelled by the two eminent scholars who have most recently discussed the difficulties, Plummer and Stevenson.
The authenticity of the Life was questioned by Thomas Wright in 1841, by Sir Henry Howorth in 1876-77, and by an unknown writer in 1898. It became somewhat trendy to see it as a work from a later time, and thus deserving of limited credibility. The doubts about its authenticity have been effectively cleared up by the two respected scholars who have most recently tackled the issues, Plummer and Stevenson.
The former, in his Life and Times of Alfred the Great, Oxford, 1902, says (p. 52): ‘The work which bears Asser’s name cannot be later than 974, and the attempt to treat it as a forgery of the eleventh or twelfth century must be regarded as having broken down. I may add that I started with a strong prejudice against the authenticity of Asser, so that my conclusions have at any rate been impartially arrived at.’ The latter, in his noble edition (Oxford, 1904), remarks (p. vii): ‘In discussing the work I have attempted to approach it without any bias for or against it, and throughout my endeavor has been to subject every portion of it to as searching an examination asvi my knowledge and critical powers would permit. The net result has been to convince me that, although there may be no very definite proof that the work was written by Bishop Asser in the lifetime of King Alfred, there is no anachronism or other proof that it is a spurious compilation of later date. The serious charges brought against its authenticity break down altogether under examination, while there remain several features that point with varying strength to the conclusion that it is, despite its difficulties and corruptions, really a work of the time it purports to be. This result is confirmed by the important corroboration of some of its statements by contemporary Frankish chroniclers. Thus the profession of belief in its authenticity by such eminent historians as Kemble, Pauli, Stubbs, and Freeman agrees with my own conclusion.’
The author of Life and Times of Alfred the Great, Oxford, 1902, states (p. 52): ‘The work attributed to Asser cannot be dated later than 974, and the claim that it was forged in the eleventh or twelfth century must be seen as having failed. I should point out that I initially had a strong bias against the authenticity of Asser, so my conclusions have at least been reached impartially.’ The other author, in his distinguished edition (Oxford, 1904), notes (p. vii): ‘In discussing this work, I've tried to approach it without any favoritism for or against it, and throughout, my goal has been to subject every part of it to as thorough an examination as my understanding and critical skills allow. The overall result has convinced me that, while there may not be solid evidence that the work was written by Bishop Asser during King Alfred's lifetime, there’s no evidence to suggest it's a fake from a later date. The serious accusations against its authenticity completely collapse under scrutiny, while several aspects indicate, with varying strength, that it is, despite its challenges and errors, genuinely a product of the period it claims to be from. This conclusion is supported by significant corroboration from some of its claims by contemporary Frankish chroniclers. Therefore, the belief in its authenticity expressed by notable historians like Kemble, Pauli, Stubbs, and Freeman aligns with my own conclusion.’
Notwithstanding their general rehabilitation of the work, however, neither critic is prepared to trust it implicitly. Plummer says (p. 52): ‘On the whole, then, Asser is an authority to be used with criticism and caution; partly because we have always to be alive to the possibility of interpolation, partly because the writer’s Celtic imagination is apt to run away with him.’ And thus Stevenson (p. cxxx): ‘The work still presents some difficulties. Carelessness of transcription may possibly explain those that are merely verbal, but there still remain certain passages that lay the author open to the charge of exaggeration, such as his mention of gold-covered and silver-covered buildings, if that be the literal meaning of the passage, and his statement that Alfred might, if he had chosen, have been king before his elder brother Æthelred, with whom, it is clear, he was on most intimate terms.’
Despite their overall positive reassessment of the work, neither critic is willing to fully trust it. Plummer says (p. 52): ‘Overall, Asser is a source to be used with criticism and caution; partly because we must always be aware of the possibility of additions, and partly because the writer’s Celtic imagination can be quite fanciful.’ Similarly, Stevenson (p. cxxx) states: ‘The work still poses some challenges. Carelessness in transcription might explain those issues that are just verbal, but there are still certain passages that expose the author to accusations of exaggeration, such as his mention of buildings covered in gold and silver, if that is indeed the literal meaning of the passage, and his claim that Alfred could have been king before his older brother Æthelred, with whom he was obviously very close.’
The style of the book is not uniform. The passages translated from the Chronicle are simpler, while in the more original parts the author displays an unfortunate tendency to a turgid and at times bombastic manner ofvii writing. Indeed, it displays, in many passages, the traits of that Hesperic Latinity which, invented or made fashionable in the sixth century, probably by a British monk in the southwestern part of England, was more or less current in England from the time of Aldhelm until the Norman Conquest. This Hesperic, or Celtic, Latinity has been compared to the mock euphuism of Sir Piercie Shafton in Scott’s Monastery (Professor H. A. Strong, in American Journal of Philology 26. 205), and may be illustrated by Professor Strong’s translation into English of certain sentences from the Hisperica Famina, the production, as it is believed, of the monk referred to above: ‘This precious shower of words glitters, by no awkward barriers confining the diction, and husbands its strength by an exquisite balance and by equable device, trilling sweet descant of Ausonian speech through the speaker’s throat by this shower of words passing through Latin throats; just as countless swarms of bees go here and there in their hollow hives, and sip the honey-streams in their homes, and set in order, as they are wont, their combs with their beaks.’
The style of the book is inconsistent. The passages taken from the Chronicle are simpler, while in the more original sections, the author shows an unfortunate tendency toward a convoluted and at times overly dramatic writing style. In fact, many sections exhibit the characteristics of that Hesperic Latinity which, created or popularized in the sixth century—likely by a British monk in the southwestern part of England—was somewhat prevalent in England from the time of Aldhelm until the Norman Conquest. This Hesperic, or Celtic, Latinity has been likened to the forced eloquence of Sir Piercie Shafton in Scott’s Monastery (Professor H. A. Strong, in American Journal of Philology 26. 205), and can be illustrated by Professor Strong’s English translation of certain sentences from the Hisperica Famina, a work believed to be by the aforementioned monk: ‘This precious shower of words shines, unfettered by clumsy barriers to its diction, and maintains its vigor through exquisite balance and even craftsmanship, producing a sweet melody of Ausonian speech through the speaker's mouth as this shower of words flows through Latin tongues; just like countless swarms of bees moving about in their hives, sipping the honey streams at home, and arranging, as is their custom, their combs with their beaks.’
With the passage just quoted may be compared an extract from chapter 88 of Asser, the translation of which is given below (pp. 49, 50): ‘Ac deinde cotidie inter nos sermocinando, ad hæc investigando aliis inventis æque placabilibus testimoniis, quaternio ille refertus succrevit, nec immerito, sicut scriptum est, “super modicum fundamentum ædificat justus et paulatim ad majora defluit,” velut apis fertilissima longe lateque gronnios interrogando discurrens, multimodos divinæ scripturæ flosculos inhianter et incessabiliter congregavit, quis præcordii sui cellulas densatim replevit.’ Such Latin as this is difficult to translate into satisfactory English. If one renders it literally, the result is apt to look rather absurd; and beyond a certain point condensation is impracticable, or else misrepresents the original, faults and merits alike.
With the passage just quoted, you can compare an excerpt from chapter 88 of Asser, the translation of which is given below (pp. 49, 50): ‘And then, by talking among ourselves daily, and investigating other equally admirable findings, that collection filled up, and rightly so, as it is written, “the righteous builds on a small foundation and gradually overflows to greater things,” like a very fruitful bee, going around and questioning far and wide, eagerly and continuously gathered many blossoms of divine scripture, which filled the chambers of his heart densely.’ Such Latin as this is hard to translate into satisfactory English. If you translate it literally, it tends to sound rather absurd; and beyond a certain point, condensation isn’t feasible, or it misrepresents the original, its flaws and strengths alike.
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Hitherto there have been three translations of Asser into English—that by J. A. Giles in Bohn’s Six Old English Chronicles, London, 1848; that by Joseph Stevenson in Church Historians of England, Vol. 2, London, 1854; and that by Edward Conybeare, Alfred in the Chroniclers, London, 1900. As the basis of my work I have taken the translation of Giles, sometimes following it rather closely, and at other times departing from it more or less widely.
So far, there have been three translations of Asser into English: the one by J. A. Giles in Bohn’s Six Old English Chronicles, London, 1848; the one by Joseph Stevenson in Church Historians of England, Vol. 2, London, 1854; and the one by Edward Conybeare, Alfred in the Chroniclers, London, 1900. For my work, I have used Giles's translation as the foundation, sometimes sticking closely to it and at other times straying more significantly.
The reader familiar with the traditional Asser will miss some matter with which he is familiar, such as the story of Alfred and the cakes, that of the raven-banner of the Danes, etc. These are derived from interpolations made in the manuscript by Archbishop Parker, which modern critical scholarship has at length excised. For all matters regarding the manuscript, the earlier editions, etc., as well as for copious illustrative notes on the text, the reader is referred to Stevenson’s edition.
The reader who knows the traditional Asser will notice the absence of some familiar stories, like the tale of Alfred and the cakes or the story of the Danes' raven banner. These were added later by Archbishop Parker, but modern critical scholarship has finally removed them. For information about the manuscript, earlier editions, and detailed notes on the text, the reader should refer to Stevenson’s edition.
Insertions made in the text by Stevenson, on what he considers sufficient grounds, are indicated by < >. The chapter-divisions and -numbering are Stevenson’s; the chapter-headings mine. Where modern forms of proper names exist, I have not hesitated to adopt them, and in general have tended rather to normalize them than scrupulously to follow the sometimes various spellings of the text. The notes have almost always been derived from Stevenson’s edition, whether or not explicit acknowledgment has been made, but now and then, as in the case of the long note on chapter 56, are my own.
Insertions made in the text by Stevenson, on what he believes are sufficient grounds, are indicated by < >. The chapter divisions and numbering are Stevenson's; the chapter headings are mine. Where modern forms of proper names exist, I have not hesitated to use them, and in general have tended to normalize them rather than strictly follow the sometimes varied spellings of the text. The notes have almost always been taken from Stevenson’s edition, whether or not explicit acknowledgment has been made, but occasionally, as in the case of the long note on chapter 56, they are my own.
Yale University
July 4, 1905
Yale University
July 4, 1905
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CONTENTS
PAGE | ||
1. | Alfred’s Birth and Genealogy | 1 |
2. | Genealogy of Alfred’s Mother | 2 |
3. | The Danes at Wicganbeorg and Sheppey | 3 |
4. | The Danes sack Canterbury | 3 |
5. | Battle of Aclea | 4 |
6. | Defeat of the Danes at Sandwich | 4 |
7. | Æthelwulf assists Burgred | 4 |
8. | Alfred at Rome | 5 |
9. | Other Events of 853 | 5 |
10. | The Heathen winter in Sheppey | 6 |
11. | Æthelwulf journeys to Rome | 6 |
12. | Rebellion of Æthelbald | 6 |
13. | Judith’s Position in Wessex | 7 |
14. | Offa and Eadburh | 8 |
15. | Eadburh’s Further Life | 9 |
16. | Æthelwulf’s Will | 10 |
17. | Æthelbald marries Judith | 11 |
18. | Æthelbert’s Reign | 12 |
19. | Æthelbert’s Death | 12 |
20. | The Danes in Kent | 12 |
21. | Æthelred’s Accession | 13 |
22. | Alfred’s Rearing | 13 |
23. | Alfred and the Book of Saxon Poems | 14 |
24. | Alfred’s Handbook | 14 |
25. | Alfred’s Love of Learning | 15 |
26. | The Danes occupy York | 16 |
27. | Defeat of the Northumbrians | 16 |
28. | Death of Ealhstan | 17 |
29. | Alfred marries | 17x |
30. | The Danes at Nottingham | 17 |
31. | The Danes at York | 18 |
32. | The Danes at Thetford | 18 |
33. | The Danes triumph | 18 |
34. | Ceolnoth dies | 18 |
35. | The Danes defeated at Englefield | 19 |
36. | Battle of Reading | 19 |
37. | Battle of Ashdown | 20 |
38. | Alfred begins the Attack | 20 |
39. | The Heathen Rout and Loss | 21 |
40. | Battle of Basing | 22 |
41. | Æthelred’s Death | 22 |
42. | Alfred comes to the Throne; Battle of Wilton | 22 |
43. | Peace made | 24 |
44. | The Heathen winter in London | 24 |
45. | The Heathen winter in Lindsey | 24 |
46. | The Danes in Mercia | 24 |
47. | The Danes in Northumbria and Cambridge | 25 |
48. | Alfred’s Battle at Sea | 25 |
49. | Movements of the Danes | 25 |
50. | Halfdene partitions Northumbria | 26 |
51. | Division of Mercia | 26 |
52. | The Danes at Chippenham | 26 |
53. | Alfred in Somersetshire | 27 |
54. | The Danes defeated at Cynwit | 27 |
55. | Alfred at Athelney | 28 |
56. | Battle of Edington, and Treaty with Guthrum | 28 |
57. | The Danes go to Cirencester | 30 |
58. | Danes at Fulham | 31 |
59. | An Eclipse | 31 |
60. | The Danes in East Anglia | 31 |
61. | The Smaller Army leaves England | 31 |
62. | The Danes fight with the Franks | 31 |
63. | The Danes on the Meuse | 31 |
64. | Alfred’s Naval Battle with the Danes | 31 |
65. | The Danes at Condé | 32xi |
66. | Deliverance of Rochester | 32 |
67. | Alfred’s Naval Battle at the Mouth of the Stour | 32 |
68. | Death of Carloman, of Louis II, and of Louis III | 33 |
69. | The Danes in Old Saxony | 33 |
70. | Charles, King of the Alemanni | 34 |
71. | Death of Pope Marinus | 34 |
72. | The Danes break their Treaty | 34 |
73. | Asser makes a New Beginning | 34 |
74. | Alfred’s Maladies | 35 |
75. | Alfred’s Children and their Education | 37 |
76. | Alfred’s Varied Pursuits | 38 |
77. | Alfred’s Scholarly Associates: Werfrith, Plegmund, Æthelstan, and Werwulf | 41 |
78. | Grimbald and John, the Old Saxon | 42 |
79. | Asser’s Negotiations with King Alfred | 42 |
80. | The Welsh Princes who submit to Alfred | 44 |
81. | How Alfred rewards Submission | 45 |
82. | The Siege of Paris | 46 |
83. | Alfred rebuilds London | 47 |
84. | The Danes leave Paris | 47 |
85. | Division of the Empire | 47 |
86. | Alfred sends Alms to Rome | 48 |
87. | Alfred begins to translate from Latin | 48 |
88. | Alfred’s Manual | 48 |
89. | Alfred’s Handbook | 50 |
90. | Illustration from the Penitent Thief | 51 |
91. | Alfred’s Troubles | 51 |
92. | Alfred builds Two Monasteries | 54 |
93. | Monasticism was decayed | 55 |
94. | Monks brought from beyond Sea | 55 |
95. | A Crime committed at Athelney | 55 |
96. | The Plot of a Priest and a Deacon | 56 |
97. | The Execution of the Plot | 57 |
98. | The Convent at Shaftesbury | 58 |
99. | Alfred divides his Time and his Revenues | 58 |
100. | The Threefold Division of Officers at Court | 59xii |
101. | The Distribution for Secular Purposes | 59 |
102. | The Distribution for Religious Purposes | 60 |
103. | Alfred’s Dedication of Personal Service | 61 |
104. | Alfred’s Measure of Time | 61 |
105. | Alfred judges the Poor with Equity | 63 |
106. | His Correction of Unjust and Incompetent Judges | 63 |
APPENDIXES | 67 | |
Appendix I: Alfred’s Preface to his Translation of Gregory’s Pastoral Care | 69 | |
Appendix II: Letter from Fulco, Archbishop of Rheims, to Alfred | 72 | |
INDEX | 79 |
1
1
ASSER’S LIFE OF KING ALFRED
To my lord Alfred, king of the Anglo-Saxons, the worshipful and pious ruler of all Christians in the island of Britain, Asser, least of all the servants of God, wisheth thousandfold prosperity for both lives, according to the desires of his heart.
To my lord Alfred, king of the Anglo-Saxons, the revered and devout leader of all Christians in Britain, Asser, the most humble servant of God, wishes you endless success in both this life and the next, just as your heart desires.
1. Alfred’s Birth and Genealogy.1—In the year of our
Lord’s incarnation 849, Alfred, King of the Anglo-Saxons,
was born at the royal vill of Wantage, in Berkshire (which
receives its name from Berroc Wood, where the box-tree
grows very abundantly). His genealogy is traced in
the following order: King Alfred was the son of King
Æthelwulf; he of Egbert; he of Ealhmund; he of Eafa;
he of Eoppa; he of Ingild. Ingild and Ine, the famous
king of the West Saxons, were two brothers. Ine went to
Rome, and there ending the present life honorably, entered
into the heavenly fatherland to reign with Christ. Ingild
and Ine were the sons of Cœnred; he of Ceolwald; he of
Cutha2; he of Cuthwine; he of Ceawlin; he of Cynric; he
of Creoda; he of Cerdic; he of Elesa;
1. Alfred’s Birth and Genealogy.1—In the year 849, Alfred, King of the Anglo-Saxons, was born at the royal village of Wantage, in Berkshire (which gets its name from Berroc Wood, where the box-tree grows abundantly). His ancestry is traced like this: King Alfred was the son of King Æthelwulf; Æthelwulf was the son of Egbert; Egbert was the son of Ealhmund; Ealhmund was the son of Eafa; Eafa was the son of Eoppa; Eoppa was the son of Ingild. Ingild and Ine, the famed king of the West Saxons, were brothers. Ine traveled to Rome and, after living honorably, entered the heavenly homeland to reign with Christ. Ingild and Ine were the sons of Cœnred; Cœnred was the son of Ceolwald; Ceolwald was the son of Cutha2; Cutha was the son of Cuthwine; Cuthwine was the son of Ceawlin; Ceawlin was the son of Cynric; Cynric was the son of Creoda; Creoda was the son of Cerdic; Cerdic was the son of Elesa;
2. Genealogy of Alfred’s Mother.6—The mother of Alfred was named Osburh, an extremely devout woman, noble in mind, noble also by descent; she was daughter to Oslac, the famous cupbearer of King Æthelwulf. This Oslac3 was a Goth by nation, descended from the Goths and Jutes—of the seed, namely, of Stuf and Wihtgar, two brothers and ealdormen. They, having received possession of the Isle of Wight from their uncle, King Cerdic, and his son Cynric their cousin,7 slew the few British inhabitants whom they could find in that island, at a place called Wihtgaraburg8; for the other inhabitants of the island had either been slain or had escaped into exile.
2. Genealogy of Alfred’s Mother.6—Alfred's mother was named Osburh, a very religious woman, noble in character and also by birth; she was the daughter of Oslac, the well-known cupbearer of King Æthelwulf. This Oslac3 was of Gothic descent, coming from the Goths and Jutes—specifically, the lineage of Stuf and Wihtgar, two brothers and earls. They, having taken control of the Isle of Wight from their uncle, King Cerdic, and his son Cynric, their cousin,7 killed the few British inhabitants they could find on that island, at a location called Wihtgaraburg8; for the remaining inhabitants of the island had either been killed or had fled into exile.
3. The Danes at Wicganbeorg and Sheppey.9—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 851, which was the third of King Alfred’s life, Ceorl, Ealdorman of Devon, fought with the men of Devon against the heathen at a place called Wicganbeorg,10 and the Christians gained the victory. In that same year the heathen first wintered in the island called Sheppey, which means ‘Sheep-island,’ situated in the river Thames between Essex and Kent, though nearer to Kent than to Essex, and containing a fair monastery.11
3. The Danes at Wicganbeorg and Sheppey.9—In the year 851, which was the third year of King Alfred’s reign, Ceorl, the Earl of Devon, and the men of Devon battled against the pagans at a place called Wicganbeorg,10 and the Christians won the fight. In that same year, the pagans spent their first winter on the island known as Sheppey, which means ‘Sheep-island,’ located in the River Thames between Essex and Kent, although it is closer to Kent than to Essex, and it has a beautiful monastery.11
4. The Danes sack Canterbury.12—The same year a great
army of heathen came with three hundred and fifty ships
to the mouth of the river Thames, and sacked Dorubernia,
or Canterbury,13
4. The Danes sack Canterbury.12—The same year, a massive army of pagans arrived with three hundred and fifty ships at the mouth of the River Thames and plundered Dorubernia, or Canterbury,13
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5. Battle of Aclea.14—Having done these things there, the aforesaid heathen host went into Surrey, which is a shire situated on the south shore of the river Thames, and to the west of Kent. And Æthelwulf, King of the Saxons, and his son Æthelbald, with the whole army, fought a long time against them at a place called Aclea,15 that is, ‘Oak-plain’; there, after a lengthy battle, which was fought with much bravery on both sides, the most part of the heathen horde was utterly destroyed and slain, so that we never heard of their being so smitten, either before or since, in any region, in one day16; and the Christians gained an honorable victory, and kept possession of the battle-field.
5. Battle of Aclea.14—After doing these things there, the previously mentioned pagan army moved into Surrey, a county located on the southern bank of the river Thames, to the west of Kent. King Æthelwulf of the Saxons and his son Æthelbald, along with the entire army, fought for a long time against them at a place called Aclea,15 which means ‘Oak-plain’; there, after a long battle fought with great courage on both sides, most of the pagan horde was completely destroyed and killed, such that we never heard of them being so defeated, either before or since, in any area, in a single day16; and the Christians achieved an honorable victory and took control of the battlefield.
6. Defeat of the Danes at Sandwich.17—In that same year Æthelstan and Ealdorman Ealhere slew a large army of the heathen in Kent, at a place called Sandwich, and took nine ships of their fleet, the others escaping by flight.
6. Defeat of the Danes at Sandwich.17—In that same year, Æthelstan and Ealdorman Ealhere defeated a massive army of the pagans in Kent, at a location called Sandwich, and captured nine ships from their fleet, while the rest fled.
7. Æthelwulf assists Burgred.18—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 853, which was the fifth of King Alfred’s life, Burgred, King of the Mercians, sent messengers to beseech Æthelwulf, King of the West Saxons, to come and help him in reducing to his sway the inhabitants of Mid-Wales, who dwell between Mercia and the western sea, and who were struggling against him beyond measure. So without delay King Æthelwulf, on receipt of the embassy, moved his army, and advanced with King Burgred against Wales19;5 and immediately upon his entrance he ravaged it, and reduced it under subjection to Burgred. This being done, he returned home.
7. Æthelwulf helps Burgred.18—In the year 853, which was the fifth year of King Alfred's life, Burgred, the King of the Mercians, sent messengers to ask Æthelwulf, the King of the West Saxons, for help in bringing the people of Mid-Wales under his control. These people lived between Mercia and the western sea and were resisting him fiercely. Without hesitation, King Æthelwulf, upon receiving the request, gathered his army and marched with King Burgred into Wales19;5 where he quickly devastated the land and brought it under Burgred’s rule. After this was accomplished, he returned home.
8. Alfred at Rome.20—In that same year King Æthelwulf sent his above-named son Alfred to Rome, with an honorable escort both of nobles and commoners. Pope Leo at that time presided over the apostolic see, and he anointed as king21 the aforesaid child22 Alfred in the town, and, adopting him as his son, confirmed him.23
8. Alfred in Rome.20—That same year, King Æthelwulf sent his son Alfred to Rome, accompanied by a respectable group of nobles and commoners. At that time, Pope Leo was in charge of the apostolic see, and he anointed the young Alfred as king21 in the town, adopting him as his son and confirming him.23
9. Other Events of 853.24—That same year also, Ealdorman Ealhere with the men of Kent, and Huda with the men of Surrey, fought bravely and resolutely against an army of the heathen in the island which is called Tenet25 in the Saxon tongue, but Ruim in the Welsh language. At first the Christians were victorious. The battle lasted a long time; many fell on both sides, and were drowned in the water; and both the ealdormen were there slain. In the same year also, after Easter, Æthelwulf, King of the West Saxons, gave his daughter to Burgred, King of the Mercians, as his queen, and the marriage was celebrated in princely wise at the royal vill of Chippenham.
9. Other Events of 853.24—That same year, Ealdorman Ealhere and the men of Kent, along with Huda and the men of Surrey, fought courageously against an army of pagans on the island known as Tenet25 in Saxon, but Ruim in Welsh. Initially, the Christians were successful. The battle went on for a long time; many were killed on both sides and drowned in the water; and both ealdormen were slain there. In the same year, after Easter, Æthelwulf, King of the West Saxons, gave his daughter to Burgred, King of the Mercians, as his queen, and the wedding was celebrated in a grand manner at the royal village of Chippenham.
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10. The Heathen winter in Sheppey.26—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 855, which was the seventh of the aforesaid king’s life, a great army of the heathen spent the whole winter in the aforesaid island of Sheppey.
10. The Heathen winter in Sheppey.26—In the year 855, which was the seventh year of the reign of that king, a large army of pagans spent the entire winter on the island of Sheppey.
11. Æthelwulf journeys to Rome.27—In that same year the aforesaid worshipful King Æthelwulf freed the tenth part of all his kingdom from every royal service and tribute, and offered it up as an everlasting grant to God the One and Three, on the cross of Christ, for the redemption of his own soul and those of his predecessors. In the same year he went to Rome with much honor; and taking with him his son, the aforesaid King Alfred, a second time on the same journey, because he loved him more than his other sons, he remained there a whole year. After this he returned to his own country, bringing with him Judith, daughter of Charles, King of the Franks.28
11. Æthelwulf journeys to Rome.27—In that same year, the honorable King Æthelwulf freed a tenth of his entire kingdom from all royal services and taxes, and dedicated it as a lasting gift to God the One and Three, on the cross of Christ, for the salvation of his own soul and those of his ancestors. In the same year, he traveled to Rome with great honor, taking his son, the aforementioned King Alfred, with him again on this journey, as he favored him more than his other sons, and he stayed there for a whole year. After this, he returned to his homeland, bringing back with him Judith, the daughter of Charles, King of the Franks.28
12. Rebellion of Æthelbald.29—In the meantime, however, whilst King Æthelwulf was residing this short time beyond sea, a base deed was done in the western part of Selwood,30 repugnant to the morals of all Christians. For King Æthelbald, Ealhstan, Bishop of the church of Sherborne, and Eanwulf, Ealdorman of Somerset, are said to have formed a conspiracy to the end that King Æthelwulf, on his return from Rome, should not again be received in his kingdom. This unfortunate occurrence, unheard-of in all previous ages, is ascribed by many to the bishop and ealdorman alone, since, say they, it resulted from their counsels. Many also ascribe it solely to the insolence of the king, because he was headstrong in this matter and in many other perversities, as I have heard related by certain persons, and as was7 proved by the result of that which followed. For on his return from Rome, Æthelwulf’s son aforesaid, with all his counselors, or rather waylayers, attempted to perpetrate the crime of repulsing the king from his own kingdom; but neither did God suffer it, nor did the nobles of all Wessex consent thereto. For to prevent this irremediable danger to Wessex of a war between father and son, or rather of the whole nation waging civil war more fiercely and cruelly from day to day, as they espoused the cause of the one or the other,—by the extraordinary clemency of the father, seconded by the consent of all the nobles, the kingdom which had hitherto been undivided was parted between the two, the eastern districts being given to the father, and the western to the son. Thus where the father ought by just right to have reigned, there did his unjust and obstinate son bear rule; for the western part of Wessex is always superior to the eastern.
12. Rebellion of Æthelbald.29—In the meantime, while King Æthelwulf was abroad for a short time, a disgraceful act took place in the western part of Selwood,30which was against the morals of all Christians. King Æthelbald, Ealhstan, the Bishop of Sherborne, and Eanwulf, the Ealdorman of Somerset, are said to have conspired so that King Æthelwulf would not be welcomed back into his kingdom upon his return from Rome. This unfortunate incident, unprecedented in all previous times, is attributed by many to the bishop and ealdorman alone, as it is claimed it stemmed from their advice. Others attribute it solely to the king’s arrogance, stating he was stubborn in this matter and in many other wrongdoings, as I've heard from some people, which was7evidenced by what followed. When returning from Rome, Æthelwulf’s son, along with all his advisors—who were more like plunderers—attempted to carry out the act of blocking the king from his own kingdom; however, neither did God allow this, nor did the noblemen of Wessex agree to it. To avert the grave threat of civil war between father and son, or rather to stop the entire nation from engaging in a fierce and cruel conflict daily as they took sides, the father's remarkable mercy, supported by the agreement of all the nobles, led to a division of the previously undivided kingdom. The eastern regions were assigned to the father, and the western to the son. Thus, where the father was rightfully meant to rule, his unjust and stubborn son instead governed; for the western part of Wessex always holds more power than the eastern.
13. Judith’s Position in Wessex.31—When Æthelwulf, therefore, returned from Rome, the whole nation, as was fitting, so rejoiced32 in the arrival of the ruler that, if he had allowed them, they would have expelled his unruly son Æthelbald, with all his counselors, from the kingdom. But he, as I have said, acting with great clemency and prudent counsel, would not act in this way, lest the kingdom should be exposed to peril. He likewise bade Judith, daughter of King Charles, whom he had received from her father, take her seat by his own side on the royal throne, without any dispute or enmity from his nobles even to the end of his life, though contrary to the perverse custom of that nation.338 For the nation of the West Saxons does not allow the queen to sit beside the king, nor to be called queen, but only the king’s wife; which refusal, or rather reproach, the chief persons of that land say arose from a certain headstrong and malevolent queen of the nation, who did all things so contrary to her lord and to the whole people that not only did the hatred which she brought upon herself bring to pass her exclusion from the queenly throne, but also entailed the same corruption upon those who came after her, since, in consequence of the extreme malignity of that queen, all the inhabitants of the land banded themselves together by an oath never in their lives to let any king reign over them who should bid his queen take her seat on the royal throne by his side. And because, as I think, it is not known to many whence this perverse and detestable custom first arose in Wessex, contrary to the custom of all the Germanic peoples, it seems to me right to explain it a little more fully, as I have heard it from my lord Alfred the truth-teller, King of the Anglo-Saxons, who often told me about it, as he also had heard it from many men of truth who related the fact, or, I should rather say, expressly preserved the remembrance of it.
13. Judith’s Position in Wessex.31—When Æthelwulf returned from Rome, the entire nation joyfully welcomed their ruler so much so that if he had allowed it, they would have driven his rebellious son Æthelbald and all his advisors out of the kingdom. However, as I mentioned earlier, he showed great mercy and wise judgment by not doing so, fearing it would put the kingdom in danger. He also instructed Judith, the daughter of King Charles, whom he had received from her father, to take her place beside him on the royal throne, without any dispute or resentment from his nobles until the end of his life, despite this being against the unfortunate tradition of that nation.338 The West Saxon people do not permit the queen to sit next to the king or be referred to as queen; she is referred to only as the king's wife. This refusal, or rather this insult, the leading figures of that region claim stems from a certain stubborn and vindictive queen of the nation, who acted so contrary to her husband and the entire populace that not only did the animosity she cultivated lead to her being excluded from the throne, but it also cast the same shame on those who came after her. Because of that queen's extreme malice, all the people of the land took an oath never to allow a king to reign over them who would let his queen sit on the royal throne beside him. And since, as I believe, it is not known to many where this twisted and hateful custom originated in Wessex, which is contrary to the traditions of all Germanic peoples, I think it is right to explain it a bit more, as I have heard it from my lord Alfred the truth-teller, King of the Anglo-Saxons, who often shared this with me, having heard it from many honest men who either recounted the events or, more accurately, made sure to preserve the memory of it.
14. Offa and Eadburh.34—There was in Mercia in recent times a certain valiant king, who was dreaded by all the neighboring kings and states. His name was Offa, and it was he who had the great dike made from sea to sea between Wales and Mercia.35 His daughter, named Eadburh, was married to Beorhtric, King of the West Saxons. The moment she had possessed herself of the king’s good will, and practically the whole power of the realm, she began to9 live tyrannically, after the manner of her father. Every man whom Beorhtric loved she would execrate, and would do all things hateful to God and man, accusing to the king all whom she could, thus depriving them insidiously either of life or of power. And if she could not obtain the king’s consent, she used to take them off by poison, as is ascertained to have been the case with a certain young man beloved by the king, whom she poisoned, seeing that she could not accuse him to the king. It is said, moreover, that King Beorhtric unwittingly tasted of the poison, though the queen had intended to give it, not to him, but to the young man; the king, however, was beforehand with him, and so both perished.
14. Offa and Eadburh.34—Recently in Mercia, there was a courageous king who was feared by all the neighboring kings and regions. His name was Offa, and he was the one who had the great dyke built from sea to sea between Wales and Mercia.35 His daughter, named Eadburh, was married to Beorhtric, King of the West Saxons. Once she had won the king’s favor and nearly all the power of the kingdom, she started to9 rule tyrannically, like her father. Anyone Beorhtric cared for, she would detest and would do everything despicable to both God and man, slandering anyone she could to the king, thereby insidiously stripping them of either life or power. If she couldn’t get the king’s approval, she would have them removed by poison, as turned out to be the case with a certain young man favored by the king, whom she poisoned because she couldn’t accuse him. It’s also said that King Beorhtric unknowingly consumed the poison, even though the queen had intended it for the young man; however, the king got to it first, and so both met their end.
15. Eadburh’s Further Life.36—King Beorhtric therefore being dead, the queen, since she could no longer remain among the Saxons, sailed beyond sea with countless treasures, and came to Charles,37 King of the Franks. As she stood before the dais, bringing many gifts to the king, Charles said to her: ‘Choose, Eadburh, between me and my son, who stands with me on this dais.’ She, without deliberation, foolishly replied: ‘If I am to have my choice, I choose your son, because he is younger than you.’ At which Charles smiled and answered: ‘If you had chosen me, you should have had my son; but since you have chosen him, you shall have neither me nor him.’ However, he gave her a large convent of nuns, in which, having laid aside her secular habit, and assumed the dress worn by the nuns, she discharged the office of abbess for a few years. As she is said to have lived irrationally in her own country, so she appears to have acted much more so among a foreign people; for, being finally caught in illicit intercourse with a man of her own nation, she was expelled from the monastery by order of10 King Charles. Henceforward she lived a life of shame in poverty and misery until her death; so that at last, accompanied only by one slave, as I have heard from many who saw her, she begged her bread daily at Pavia,38 and so wretchedly died.
15. Eadburh’s Further Life.36—King Beorhtric was dead, so the queen, unable to stay among the Saxons, sailed across the sea with countless treasures and arrived at the court of Charles,37 King of the Franks. When she stood before the king, bringing many gifts, Charles said to her: ‘Choose, Eadburh, between me and my son, who stands with me here.’ She, without thinking, foolishly replied: ‘If I get to choose, I choose your son, because he’s younger than you.’ At this, Charles smiled and replied: ‘If you had chosen me, you would have gotten my son; but since you’ve chosen him, you’ll have neither me nor him.’ However, he provided her with a large convent of nuns, where, after giving up her royal attire and putting on the nuns' dress, she served as abbess for a few years. Just as she is said to have lived irrationally in her own country, she seemed to act even more so among a foreign people; for, when she was finally caught having an affair with a man from her own nation, King Charles ordered her expelled from the monastery. From then on, she lived a life of shame in poverty and misery until her death; so that eventually, accompanied only by one servant, as I’ve heard from many who saw her, she begged for her daily bread in Pavia,38 and died in wretched circumstances.
16. Æthelwulf’s Will.39—Now King Æthelwulf lived two years after his return from Rome; during which, among many other good deeds of this present life, reflecting on his departure according to the way of all flesh, that his sons might not quarrel unreasonably after their father’s death, he ordered a will or letter of instructions to be written,40 in which he commanded that his kingdom should be duly divided between his two eldest sons; his private heritage between his sons, his daughter, and his relatives; and the money which he should leave behind him between his soul41 and his sons and nobles. Of this prudent policy I have thought fit to record a few instances out of many for posterity to imitate, namely, such as are understood to belong principally to the needs of the soul; for the others, which relate only to human stewardship, it is not necessary11 to insert in this little work, lest prolixity should create disgust in those who read or wish to hear. For the benefit of his soul, then, which he studied to promote in all things from the first flower of his youth, he directed that, through all his hereditary land, one poor man to every ten hides,42 either native or foreigner, should be supplied with food, drink, and clothing by his successors unto the final Day of Judgment; on condition, however, that that land should still be inhabited both by men and cattle, and should not become deserted. He commanded also a large sum of money, namely, three hundred mancuses,43 to be carried annually to Rome for the good of his soul, to be there distributed in the following manner: a hundred mancuses in honor of St. Peter, especially to buy oil for the lights of that apostolic church on Easter Eve, and also at cockcrow; a hundred mancuses in honor of St. Paul, for the same purpose of buying oil for the church of St. Paul the apostle, to fill the lamps for Easter Eve and cockcrow; and a hundred mancuses for the universal apostolic Pope.
16. Æthelwulf’s Will.39—King Æthelwulf lived for two more years after returning from Rome. During this time, he thought about his passing like everyone else and wanted to prevent his sons from arguing over his estate after he was gone. He ordered a will or letter of instructions to be written,40 in which he directed that his kingdom be fairly divided between his two oldest sons; his personal belongings divided among his sons, daughter, and relatives; and any money he left behind be divided between his soul41 and his sons and nobles. I believe it's worth noting a few examples of his wise decisions for future generations to follow, especially those that pertain to the needs of the soul. The other aspects related to managing worldly matters aren't necessary to include in this short work, to avoid boring those who wish to read or listen. For the benefit of his soul, which he focused on throughout his life, he ordered that for every ten hides of land42, one poor person, whether a local or a stranger, should be provided with food, drink, and clothing by his successors until the End of Days. However, this was conditional on the land being inhabited by both people and livestock and not left abandoned. He also commanded a significant amount of money, specifically three hundred mancuses,43 to be sent to Rome each year for the good of his soul, which was to be distributed as follows: one hundred mancuses in honor of St. Peter, particularly to purchase oil for the lights of that apostolic church on Easter Eve and again at dawn; one hundred mancuses in honor of St. Paul, for the same purpose of buying oil for the church of St. Paul the Apostle, to fill the lamps for Easter Eve and at dawn; and one hundred mancuses for the Pope, the universal apostolic leader.
17. Æthelbald marries Judith.44—But when King Æthelwulf
was dead
17. Æthelbald marries Judith.44—But when King Æthelwulf
was dead
18. Æthelbert’s Reign.47—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation
860, which was the twelfth of King Alfred’s life,
18. Æthelbert’s Reign.47—In the year 860, which was the twelfth year of King Alfred’s life,
19. Æthelbert’s Death.48—So Æthelbert governed his kingdom five years in peace and love and honor; and went the way of all flesh, to the great grief of his subjects. He rests interred in honorable wise at Sherborne, by the side of his brother.
19. Æthelbert’s Death.48—Æthelbert ruled his kingdom for five years in peace, love, and honor, and then he passed away, leaving his subjects deeply saddened. He is buried respectfully in Sherborne, alongside his brother.
20. The Danes in Kent.49—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 864 the heathen wintered in the isle of Thanet, and made a firm treaty with the men of Kent, who promised them money for observing their agreement. In the meantime, however, the heathen, after the manner of foxes, burst forth with all secrecy from their camp by night, and setting at naught their engagements, and spurning the promised money—which they knew was less than they13 could get by plunder—they ravaged all the eastern coast of Kent.
20. The Danes in Kent.49—In the year 864, the pagans spent the winter on the Isle of Thanet and made a solid agreement with the people of Kent, who promised them money for keeping their end of the deal. However, the pagans, like crafty foxes, secretly snuck out of their camp at night, disregarded their commitments, and rejected the promised money—which they knew was less than what they could take by plundering—devastating the entire eastern coast of Kent.
21. Æthelred’s Accession.50—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 866, which was the eighteenth of King Alfred’s life, Æthelred, brother of King Æthelbert, undertook the government of the West Saxon realm. The same year a great fleet of heathen came to Britain from the Danube,51 and wintered in the kingdom of the East Saxons, which is called in Saxon East Anglia; and there they became in the main an army of cavalry. But, to speak in nautical phrase, I will no longer commit my vessel to wave and sail, or steer my roundabout course at a distance from land through so many calamities of wars and series of years, but rather return to that which first prompted me to this task: that is to say, I think it right briefly to insert in this place the little that has come to my knowledge about the character of my revered lord Alfred, King of the Anglo-Saxons, during the years of infancy and boyhood.
21. Æthelred’s Accession.50—In the year 866, which was the eighteenth year of King Alfred’s life, Æthelred, the brother of King Æthelbert, took over the rule of the West Saxon kingdom. That same year, a large fleet of pagans arrived in Britain from the Danube,51 and spent the winter in the kingdom of the East Saxons, known in Saxon as East Anglia; and there they mostly became a cavalry force. But, to use a nautical term, I will no longer risk my ship on the waves or steer my meandering course far from shore through so many calamities of wars and years, but instead, I will return to what originally prompted me to this task: namely, I think it’s right to briefly share what I know about the character of my respected lord Alfred, King of the Anglo-Saxons, during his childhood and youth.
22. Alfred’s Rearing.52—He was extraordinarily beloved by both his father and mother, and indeed by all the people, beyond all his brothers; in inseparable companionship with them he was reared at the royal court.53 As he advanced through the years of infancy and youth, he appeared more comely in person than his brothers, as in countenance, speech, and manners he was more pleasing than they. His noble birth and noble nature implanted in him from his cradle a love of wisdom above all things, even amid all the occupations of this present life; but—with shame be it spoken!—by the unworthy neglect of his14 parents and governors he remained illiterate till he was twelve years old or more, though by day and night he was an attentive listener to the Saxon poems which he often heard recited, and, being apt at learning, kept them in his memory. He was a zealous practiser of hunting in all its branches, and followed the chase with great assiduity and success; for his skill and good fortune in this art, and in all the other gifts of God, were beyond those of every one else, as I have often witnessed.
22. Alfred’s Rearing.52—He was incredibly loved by both his father and mother, and indeed by everyone, more than all his brothers; he grew up alongside them at the royal court.53 As he moved through his early years, he became more handsome than his brothers, and in terms of looks, speech, and manners, he was more charming than they were. His noble birth and nature instilled in him from a young age a love for wisdom above all else, despite the distractions of everyday life; but—shamefully!—due to the neglect of his parents and guardians, he remained uneducated until he was twelve years old or more, even though he listened attentively to Saxon poems that he often heard recited day and night and, being quick to learn, memorized them. He was passionate about hunting in all its forms and pursued it with great determination and success; his talent and luck in this skill, and in all other gifts from God, surpassed everyone else's, as I have often observed.
23. Alfred and the Book of Saxon Poems.54—Now on a certain
day his mother was showing him and his brothers a
book of Saxon poetry, which she held in her hand, and
finally said: ‘Whichever of you can soonest learn this volume,
to him will I give it.’ Stimulated by these words, or
rather by divine inspiration, and allured by the beautifully
illuminated letter at the beginning of the volume,
23. Alfred and the Book of Saxon Poems.54—One day, his mother was showing him and his brothers a book of Saxon poetry that she was holding, and finally said, “Whoever can learn this book the fastest will get it from me.” Inspired by her words, or perhaps by divine motivation, and drawn in by the beautifully decorated letter at the start of the book,
24. Alfred’s Handbook.57—After this
24. Alfred’s Handbook.57—After this,
25. Alfred’s Love of Learning.61—This he would confess, with many lamentations and with sighs from the bottom of his heart, to have been one of his greatest difficulties and impediments in this present life, that when he was young and had leisure and capacity for learning, he had no masters; but when he was more advanced in years, he was continually occupied, not to say harassed, day and night, by so many diseases unknown to all the physicians of this island, as well as by internal and external anxieties of sovereignty, and by invasions of the heathen by sea and land, that though he then had some store of teachers and writers,62 it was quite impossible for him to study. But yet among the impediments of this present life, from childhood to the present day [and, as I believe, even until his death],63 he has continued to feel the same insatiable desire.
25. Alfred’s Love of Learning.61—He would admit, with many regrets and deep sighs, that one of his biggest challenges in life was that when he was younger and had time and the ability to learn, he had no teachers. However, as he got older, he found himself constantly busy, not to mention stressed, day and night, by various illnesses that no doctors on this island could diagnose, along with the internal and external worries of ruling, and invasions by pagans on both land and sea. So even though he had access to some teachers and writers then,62 it was completely impossible for him to focus on studying. Yet, throughout the obstacles of his life, from childhood up until now [and, as I believe, even until his death],63 he has maintained that same unquenchable thirst for knowledge.
16
16
26. The Danes occupy York.64—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 867, which was the nineteenth of the aforesaid King Alfred’s life, the army of heathen before mentioned removed from East Anglia to the city of York, which is situated on the north bank of the river Humber.
26. The Danes occupy York.64—In the year 867, during the nineteenth year of King Alfred’s reign, the army of pagans mentioned earlier moved from East Anglia to the city of York, which is located on the north bank of the river Humber.
27. Defeat of the Northumbrians.64—At that time a violent discord arose, by the instigation of the devil, among the Northumbrians, as always is wont to happen to a people who have incurred the wrath of God. For the Northumbrians at that time, as I have said,65 had expelled their lawful king Osbert from his realm, and appointed a certain tyrant named Ælla, not of royal birth, over the affairs of the kingdom. But when the heathen approached, by divine providence, and the furtherance of the common weal by the nobles, that discord was a little appeased, and Osbert and Ælla uniting their resources, and assembling an army, marched to the town of York. The heathen fled at their approach, and attempted to defend themselves within the walls of the city. The Christians, perceiving their flight and the terror they were in, determined to follow them within the very ramparts of the town, and to demolish the wall; and this they succeeded in doing, since the city at that time was not surrounded by firm or strong walls. When the Christians had made a breach, as they had purposed, and many of them had entered into the city along with the heathen, the latter, impelled by grief and necessity, made a fierce sally upon them, slew them, routed them, and cut them down, both within and without the walls. In that battle fell almost all the Northumbrian17 troops, and both the kings were slain; the remainder, who escaped, made peace with the heathen.
27. Defeat of the Northumbrians.64—At that time, a fierce conflict broke out, instigated by the devil, among the Northumbrians, as often happens to a people who have incurred God's wrath. The Northumbrians, as I mentioned, had driven their rightful king Osbert out of his kingdom and appointed a tyrant named Ælla, who wasn't of royal descent, to rule. However, when the heathens approached, thanks to divine intervention and the support of the nobles, the conflict eased somewhat, and Osbert and Ælla combined their forces to assemble an army and marched towards York. The heathens fled at their approach and tried to defend themselves within the city's walls. The Christians, seeing their flight and panic, decided to pursue them right into the city and break down the walls, which they managed to do since the city wasn’t protected by strong fortifications at that time. Once the Christians had made a breach and many of them entered the city along with the heathens, the latter, driven by desperation and anger, launched a fierce counterattack, killing them, defeating them, and cutting them down both inside and outside the walls. In that battle, almost all the Northumbrian17 troops were killed, and both kings perished; the few who survived made peace with the heathens.
28. Death of Ealhstan.66—In the same year, Ealhstan, Bishop of the church of Sherborne, went the way of all flesh, after he had honorably ruled his see fifty years; and in peace he was buried at Sherborne.
28. Death of Ealhstan.66—In the same year, Ealhstan, Bishop of the Church of Sherborne, passed away after honorably leading his diocese for fifty years; he was buried peacefully at Sherborne.
29. Alfred marries.67—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 868, which was the twentieth of King Alfred’s life, the aforesaid revered King Alfred, then occupying only the rank of viceroy (secundarii), betrothed68 and espoused a noble Mercian lady,69 daughter of Æthelred, surnamed Mucill, Ealdorman of the Gaini.70 The mother of this lady was named Eadburh, of the royal line of Mercia, whom I often saw with my own eyes a few years before her death. She was a venerable lady, and after the decease of her husband remained many years a chaste widow, even till her own death.
29. Alfred marries.67—In the year 868, which was the twentieth year of King Alfred’s life, the respected King Alfred, who was then only a viceroy (secundarii), became engaged68 and married a noble lady from Mercia,69 the daughter of Æthelred, known as Mucill, Ealdorman of the Gaini.70 This lady's mother was named Eadburh, from the royal lineage of Mercia, whom I often saw with my own eyes a few years before she passed away. She was a distinguished woman and remained a devoted widow for many years after her husband died, until her own passing.
30. The Danes at Nottingham.71—In that same year the
above-named army of heathen, leaving Northumbria, invaded
Mercia, and advanced to Nottingham, which is called in
Welsh Tigguocobauc,72 but in Latin ‘The House of Caves,’18
and wintered there that same year. Immediately on their
approach, Burgred, King of the Mercians, and all the
nobles of that nation, sent messengers to Æthelred,73 King
of the West Saxons, and his brother Alfred, entreating
them to come and aid them in fighting against the aforesaid
army. Their request was readily granted; for the
brothers, as soon as promised, assembled an immense army
from every part of their
30. The Danes at Nottingham.71—In that same year, the aforementioned army of pagans, leaving Northumbria, invaded Mercia and moved toward Nottingham, which is called in Welsh Tigguocobauc,72 but in Latin ‘The House of Caves,’18 and wintered there. Right after they arrived, Burgred, King of the Mercians, and all the nobles of that region sent messengers to Æthelred,73 King of the West Saxons, and his brother Alfred, begging them to come and help them fight against the invading army. Their request was quickly granted; for the brothers, as soon as they promised to help, gathered a huge army from every part of their
31. The Danes at York.74—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 869, which was the twenty-first of King Alfred’s life, the aforesaid army of heathen, riding back to Northumbria, went to the city of York, and there passed the whole winter.
31. The Danes at York.74—In the year 869, which was the twenty-first year of King Alfred’s life, the aforementioned pagan army, returning to Northumbria, went to the city of York and stayed there for the entire winter.
33. The Danes triumph.74—That same year Edmund, King of the East Angles, fought most fiercely against that army; but, lamentable to say, the heathen triumphed, for he and most of his men were there slain, while the enemy held the battle-field, and reduced all that region to subjection.
33. The Danes triumph.74—That same year, Edmund, King of the East Angles, fought fiercely against that army; unfortunately, the heathens won, as he and most of his men were killed there, while the enemy took control of the battlefield and brought the entire region under their rule.
34. Ceolnoth dies.76—That same year Ceolnoth, Archbishop of Canterbury, went the way of all flesh, and was buried in peace in that city.
34. Ceolnoth dies.76—That same year, Ceolnoth, Archbishop of Canterbury, passed away and was laid to rest peacefully in that city.
19
19
35. The Danes defeated at Englefield.77—In the year of
our Lord’s incarnation 871, which was the twenty-third of
King Alfred’s life, the heathen army, of hateful memory,
left East Anglia, and, entering the kingdom of the West
Saxons, came to the royal vill called Reading, situated on
the south bank of the Thames, in the district called Berkshire;
and there, on the third day after their arrival, their
35. The Danes defeated at Englefield.77—In the year 871, the twenty-third year of King Alfred’s life, the heathen army, notorious in history, left East Anglia and entered the kingdom of the West Saxons. They arrived at the royal village called Reading, located on the south bank of the Thames in the area known as Berkshire. On the third day after their arrival, their
36. Battle of Reading.77—Four days afterwards, King Æthelred and his brother Alfred, uniting their forces and assembling an army, marched to Reading, where, on their arrival at the castle gate, they cut to pieces and overthrew the heathen whom they found outside the fortifications. But the heathen fought no less valiantly and, rushing like wolves out of every gate, waged battle with all their might. Both sides fought long and fiercely, but at last, sad to say, the Christians turned their backs, the heathen obtained the victory and held the battle-field, the aforesaid Ealdorman Æthelwulf being among the slain.
36. Battle of Reading.77—Four days later, King Æthelred and his brother Alfred came together with their forces and gathered an army. They marched to Reading, and when they got to the castle gate, they slaughtered and defeated the pagans they found outside the walls. However, the pagans fought just as fiercely, pouring out from every gate like wolves and battling with all their strength. Both sides fought fiercely for a long time, but sadly, the Christians eventually turned and ran. The pagans won the battle and took control of the battlefield, with the aforementioned Ealdorman Æthelwulf among the dead.
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37. Battle of Ashdown.80—Roused by this grief and shame, the Christians, after four days, with all their forces and much spirit advanced to battle against the aforesaid army, at a place called Ashdown,81 which in Latin signifies ‘Ash’s82 Hill.’ The heathen, forming in two divisions, arranged two shield-walls of similar size; and since they had two kings and many ealdormen, they gave the middle83 part of the army to the two kings, and the other part to all the ealdormen. The Christians, perceiving this, divided their army also into two troops, and with no less zeal formed shield-walls.84 But Alfred, as I have been told by truthful eye-witnesses, marched up swiftly with his men to the battle-field; for King Æthelred had remained a long time in his tent in prayer, hearing mass, and declaring that he would not depart thence alive till the priest had done, and that he was not disposed to abandon the service of God for that of men; and according to these sentiments he acted. This faith of the Christian king availed much with the Lord, as I shall show more fully in the sequel.
37. Battle of Ashdown.80—Driven by their grief and shame, the Christians, after four days, gathered all their forces and courage to take on the mentioned army at a place called Ashdown,81 which means ‘Ash’s82 Hill’ in Latin. The pagans formed two divisions, creating two shield-walls of similar size. Since they had two kings and many nobles, they assigned the center83 part of the army to the two kings, and the other part to all the nobles. The Christians, noticing this, split their army into two groups as well and formed shield-walls with equal determination.84 But Alfred, as I've heard from reliable witnesses, quickly marched in with his men to the battlefield; King Æthelred had stayed in his tent for a long time in prayer, attending mass, and declared he wouldn’t leave alive until the priest was finished, stating that he had no intention of abandoning the service of God for that of men; and he acted in line with these beliefs. This faith of the Christian king had a significant impact on the Lord, as I will explain more thoroughly later.
38. Alfred begins the Attack.85—Now the Christians had
determined that King Æthelred, with his men, should
attack the two heathen kings, and that his brother Alfred,
with his troops, should take the chance of war against all
the leaders of the heathen. Things being so arranged on21
both sides, the king still continued a long time in prayer,
and the heathen, prepared for battle, had hastened to the
field. Then Alfred, though only second in command, could
no longer support the advance of the enemy, unless he
either retreated or charged upon them without waiting for
his brother. At length, with the rush of a wild boar, he
courageously led the Christian troops against the hostile
army, as he had already designed, for, although the king
had not yet arrived, he relied upon God’s counsel and
trusted to His aid. Hence, having closed up his shield-wall
in due order, he straightway advanced his standards
against the foe.
38. Alfred begins the Attack.85—Now the Christians had decided that King Æthelred, along with his men, should attack the two pagan kings, and that his brother Alfred, with his troops, would take the opportunity to engage in battle against all the leaders of the pagans. With both sides prepared, the king continued to pray for a long time, while the pagans, ready for battle, rushed to the battlefield. Then Alfred, although he was only the second in command, could no longer hold back the enemy’s advance, unless he either retreated or charged at them without waiting for his brother. Finally, with the strength of a wild boar, he boldly led the Christian troops against the enemy army, just as he had planned, for even though the king had not yet arrived, he relied on God’s guidance and trusted in His support. So, having properly formed his shield-wall, he immediately advanced his banners toward the foe.
39. The Heathen Rout and Loss.87—But here I must inform those who are ignorant of the fact that the field of battle was not equally advantageous to both parties, since the heathen had seized the higher ground, and the Christian array was advancing up-hill. In that place there was a solitary low thorn-tree, which I have seen with my own eyes, and round this the opposing forces met in strife with deafening uproar from all, the one side bent on evil, the other on fighting for life, and dear ones, and fatherland. When both armies had fought bravely and fiercely for a long while, the heathen, being unable by God’s decree longer to endure the onset of the Christians, the larger part of their force being slain, betook themselves to shameful flight. There fell one of the two heathen kings and five ealdormen; many thousand of their men were either slain at this spot or lay scattered far and wide over the22 whole field of Ashdown. Thus there fell King Bagsecg, Ealdorman Sidroc the Elder and Ealdorman Sidroc the Younger, Ealdorman Osbern, Ealdorman Fræna, and Ealdorman Harold; and the whole heathen army pursued its flight, not only until night, but until the next day, even until they reached the stronghold88 from which they had sallied. The Christians followed, slaying all they could reach, until it became dark.
39. The Pagan Defeat and Retreat.87—But I need to tell those who don’t know that the battlefield wasn’t equally favorable for both sides, as the pagans had taken the high ground, while the Christians were advancing uphill. There was a solitary low thorn tree that I have seen with my own eyes, and around it the two forces clashed with a deafening roar, one side intent on destruction, the other fighting for their lives, loved ones, and homeland. After both armies had fought valiantly and fiercely for a long time, the pagans, unable to withstand the Christians any longer due to God’s will, and with a significant portion of their force killed, retreated in disgrace. One of the two pagan kings and five earls fell; many thousands of their men were either killed at this spot or lay scattered across the22 entire field of Ashdown. Thus fell King Bagsecg, Earl Sidroc the Elder, Earl Sidroc the Younger, Earl Osbern, Earl Fræna, and Earl Harold; and the entire pagan army fled, not just until night, but into the next day, back to the stronghold88 from which they had emerged. The Christians pursued them, killing all they could reach until darkness fell.
40. Battle of Basing.89—After90 fourteen days had elapsed King Æthelred and his brother Alfred joined their forces, and marched to Basing91 to fight with the heathen. Having thus assembled, battle was joined, and they held their own for a long time, but the heathen gained the victory, and held possession of the battle-field. After this fight, another army of heathen came from beyond sea, and joined them.
40. Battle of Basing.89—After90 fourteen days had passed, King Æthelred and his brother Alfred combined their forces and marched to Basing91 to confront the pagans. Once gathered, they engaged in battle and held their ground for quite a while, but the pagans ultimately won and took control of the battlefield. Following this battle, another group of pagans arrived from overseas and joined them.
41. Æthelred’s Death.92—That same year, after Easter, the aforesaid King Æthelred, having bravely, honorably, and with good repute governed his kingdom five years through many tribulations, went the way of all flesh, and was buried in Wimborne Minster,93 where he awaits the coming of the Lord and the first resurrection with the just.
41. Æthelred’s Death.92—That same year, after Easter, King Æthelred, who had governed his kingdom bravely, honorably, and with a good reputation for five years despite many challenges, passed away and was buried in Wimborne Minster,93 where he awaits the return of the Lord and the first resurrection with the righteous.
42. Alfred comes to the Throne; Battle of Wilton.94—That
same year the aforesaid Alfred, who had been up
to that time, during the lifetime of his brothers, only
of secondary rank, now, on the death of his brother, by
God’s permission undertook the government of the whole23
kingdom, amid the acclamations of all the people; and
indeed, if he had chosen, he might easily have done so with
the general consent whilst his brother above named was
still alive, since in wisdom and every other good quality he
surpassed all his brothers, and especially because he was
brave and victorious in nearly every battle. And when he
had reigned a month almost against his will—for he did not
think that he alone, without divine aid, could sustain the
ferocity of the heathen, though even during his brothers’
lifetimes he had borne the calamities of many—he fought
a fierce battle with a few men, and on very unequal terms,
against all the army of the heathen, at a hill called Wilton,
on the south bank of the river Wiley,95 from which river
the whole of that shire is named; and after a severe
engagement, lasting a considerable part of the day, the
heathen, seeing the whole extent of the danger they were
in, and no longer able to bear the attack of their enemies,
turned their backs and fled. But, shame to say, they
took advantage of their pursuers’ rashness,96 and, again
rallying, gained the victory and kept the battle-field. Let
no one be surprised that the Christians had but a small
number of men, for the Saxons as a people had been all
but worn out by eight battles in this selfsame year against
the heathen, in which there died one king, nine chieftains,
and innumerable troops of soldiers, not to speak of countless
skirmishes both by night and by day, in which the oft-named
42. Alfred comes to the Throne; Battle of Wilton.94—That same year, Alfred, who until then had been of secondary rank during his brothers' lives, now, following his brother's death, took on the leadership of the entire23kingdom with the people's cheers. In fact, had he wanted to, he could have easily done this with everyone's agreement while his brother was still alive, since he outshone all his brothers in wisdom and other good qualities, especially because he was brave and victorious in almost every battle. After reigning for nearly a month against his own wishes—he believed he alone, without divine help, could not withstand the fierceness of the pagans, even though he had already faced many hardships during his brothers' lives—he fought a fierce battle with just a few men, under very unequal conditions, against the entire pagan army at a hill called Wilton, on the south side of the river Wiley, 95 the river after which the entire county is named. After a tough engagement lasting a significant part of the day, the pagans, realizing the full extent of their danger and unable to endure their enemies' assault any longer, turned and fled. But, unfortunately, they took advantage of their pursuers' carelessness,96 regrouped, and won the battle, claiming the battlefield for themselves. Don’t be surprised that the Christians had only a small number of fighters; the Saxons had already been nearly exhausted by eight battles that year against the pagans, in which one king, nine chieftains, and countless soldiers were killed, not to mention numerous skirmishes day and night where the often-named
43. Peace made.97—In that same year the Saxons made peace with the heathen, on condition that they should take their departure; and this they did.
43. Peace made.97—In that same year, the Saxons reached an agreement with the pagans, on the condition that they would leave; and they did.
44. The Heathen winter in London.98—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 872, being the twenty-fourth of King Alfred’s life, the aforesaid army of heathen went to London, and there wintered; and the Mercians made peace with them.
44. The Heathen winter in London.98—In the year 872, during the twenty-fourth year of King Alfred’s reign, the mentioned army of pagans came to London and spent the winter there; and the Mercians made peace with them.
45. The Heathen winter in Lindsey.98—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 873, being the twenty-fifth of King Alfred’s life, the oft-named army, leaving London, went into Northumbria, and there wintered in the shire of Lindsey; and the Mercians again made peace with them.
45. The Heathen winter in Lindsey.98—In the year 873, during the twenty-fifth year of King Alfred's reign, the frequently mentioned army left London and headed into Northumbria, where they spent the winter in the county of Lindsey; and the Mercians once again made peace with them.
46. The Danes in Mercia.99—In the year of our Lord’s
incarnation 874, being the twenty-sixth of King Alfred’s
life, the above-named army left Lindsey and marched to Mercia,
where they wintered at Repton.100 Also they compelled
Burgred, King of Mercia, against his will to leave his kingdom
and go beyond sea to Rome, in the twenty-second year
of his reign. He did not live long after his arrival at Rome,
but died there, and was honorably buried in the Colony of
the Saxons,101 in St. Mary’s church,102 where he awaits the
Lord’s coming and the first resurrection with the just. The
heathen also, after his expulsion, subjected the whole kingdom
of Mercia to their dominion; but, by a miserable
arrangement, gave it into the custody of a certain foolish25
man, named Ceolwulf, one of the
46. The Danes in Mercia.99—In the year 874, during the twenty-sixth year of King Alfred’s life, the named army left Lindsey and marched to Mercia, where they spent the winter in Repton.100 They also forced Burgred, King of Mercia, against his will to leave his kingdom and travel to Rome, in the twenty-second year of his reign. He did not live long after arriving in Rome, but died there and was honorably buried in the Saxon Colony,101 in St. Mary’s church,102 where he awaits the Lord’s coming and the first resurrection with the righteous. After his removal, the heathens subjected the entire kingdom of Mercia to their rule; however, in a tragic arrangement, they gave it into the hands of a foolish man named Ceolwulf, one of the king’s thanes, on the condition that he would peacefully return it to them whenever they desired. To solidify this agreement, he gave them hostages and swore that he would not oppose their wishes in any way and would be obedient to them in all respects.
47. The Danes in Northumbria and Cambridge.103—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 875, being the twenty-seventh of King Alfred’s life, the above-mentioned army, leaving Repton, separated into two bodies, one of which went with Halfdene into Northumbria, and having wintered there near the Tyne, and reduced all Northumbria to subjection, also ravaged the Picts and the people of Strathclyde.104 The other division, with Guthrum,105 Oscytel, and Anwind, three kings of the heathen, went to Cambridge, and there wintered.
47. The Danes in Northumbria and Cambridge.103—In the year 875, during the twenty-seventh year of King Alfred’s reign, the previously mentioned army, leaving Repton, split into two groups. One group, led by Halfdene, headed to Northumbria, where they wintered near the Tyne and brought all of Northumbria under control, also attacking the Picts and the people of Strathclyde.104 The other group, consisting of Guthrum,105 Oscytel, and Anwind, three kings of the pagans, went to Cambridge, where they also spent the winter.
48. Alfred’s Battle at Sea.106—In that same year King Alfred fought a battle at sea against six ships of the heathen, and took one of them, the rest escaping by flight.
48. Alfred’s Battle at Sea.106—In that same year, King Alfred fought a battle at sea against six enemy ships and captured one, while the others fled.
49. Movements of the Danes.107—In the year of our Lord’s
incarnation 876, being the twenty-eighth year of King
Alfred’s life, the oft-mentioned army of the heathen, leaving
Cambridge by night, entered a fortress called Wareham,108
where there is a monastery of nuns between the two rivers
Froom
49. Movements of the Danes.107—In the year 876, the twenty-eighth year of King Alfred’s life, the previously mentioned army of pagan invaders left Cambridge at night and entered a fort called Wareham,108 where there is a convent for nuns situated between the two rivers Froom
50. Halfdene partitions Northumbria.—In that same year Halfdene, king of that part of Northumbria, divided up the whole region between himself and his men, and settled there with his army.
50. Halfdene divides Northumbria.—In that same year, Halfdene, the king of that part of Northumbria, split the entire area between himself and his men and established his base there with his army.
52. The Danes at Chippenham.116—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 878, being the thirtieth of King Alfred’s life, the oft-mentioned army left Exeter, and went to Chippenham, a royal vill, situated in the north of Wiltshire, on the east bank of the river which is called Avon in Welsh, and27 there wintered. And they drove many of that people by their arms, by poverty, and by fear, to voyage beyond sea, and reduced almost all the inhabitants of that district to subjection.
52. The Danes at Chippenham.116—In the year 878, during the thirtieth year of King Alfred’s life, the well-known army left Exeter and went to Chippenham, a royal village located in the north of Wiltshire, on the east bank of the river known as Avon in Welsh, and there they wintered. They forced many of the local people to flee overseas due to their military might, poverty, and fear, and nearly all the inhabitants of that area were brought under their control.
53. Alfred in Somersetshire.—At that same time the above-mentioned King Alfred, with a few of his nobles, and certain soldiers and vassals, was leading in great tribulation an unquiet life among the woodlands and swamps of Somersetshire; for he had nothing that he needed except what by frequent sallies he could forage openly or stealthily from the heathen or from the Christians who had submitted to the rule of the heathen.117
53. Alfred in Somersetshire.—At that same time, King Alfred, along with a few of his nobles and some soldiers and vassals, was enduring a difficult life in the forests and marshes of Somersetshire. He lacked everything he needed except what he could gather through frequent raids, either openly or stealthily, from the heathens or from the Christians who had submitted to heathen rule.117
54. The Danes defeated at Cynwit.118—In that same year the brother119 of Inwar120 and Halfdene, with twenty-three ships, came, after many massacres of the Christians, from Dyfed,121 where he had wintered, and sailed to Devon, where with twelve hundred others he met with a miserable death, being slain, while committing his misdeeds, by the king’s thanes, before the fortress of Cynwit,122 in which many of the king’s thanes, with their followers, had shut themselves up for safety. The heathen, seeing that the fortress was unprepared and altogether unfortified, except that it merely had fortifications after our manner, determined not to assault it, because that place is rendered secure by its position on all sides except the eastern, as I myself have seen, but began to besiege it, thinking that those men would soon surrender from famine, thirst, and the blockade, since28 there is no water close to the fortress. But the result did not fall out as they expected; for the Christians, before they began at all to suffer from such want, being inspired by Heaven, and judging it much better to gain either victory or death, sallied out suddenly upon the heathen at daybreak, and from the first cut them down in great numbers, slaying also their king, so that few escaped to their ships.
54. The Danes defeated at Cynwit.118—In that same year, the brother119 of Inwar120 and Halfdene, with twenty-three ships, came after committing many massacres against Christians, from Dyfed,121 where he had wintered, and sailed to Devon. There, with twelve hundred others, he met a miserable end, being killed by the king’s thanes while engaged in his wrongdoing, before the fortress of Cynwit,122 where many of the king’s thanes, along with their followers, had shut themselves in for safety. The heathens, noticing that the fortress was unprepared and not really fortified—just having some basic defenses—decided not to attack because the location was mostly secure, except on the eastern side, as I have observed myself. They began to lay siege, thinking the men inside would soon surrender due to hunger, thirst, and the blockade, since28 there was no water nearby the fortress. But the outcome wasn’t what they expected; for the Christians, before they even started to suffer from such deprivation, inspired by Heaven and believing it was far better to achieve either victory or death, suddenly charged out against the heathens at dawn, and right from the start, they cut down many of them, killing their king, so that only a few managed to escape to their ships.
55. Alfred at Athelney.123—The same year, after Easter, King Alfred, with a few men, made a stronghold in a place called Athelney,124 and from thence sallied with his vassals of Somerset to make frequent and unwearied assaults upon the heathen. And again, the seventh week after Easter, he rode to Egbert’s Stone,125 which is in the eastern part of Selwood Forest (in Latin ‘Great Forest,’ and in Welsh Coit Maur). Here he was met by all the neighboring folk of Somersetshire and Wiltshire, and such of Hampshire as had not sailed beyond sea for fear of the heathen; and when they saw the king restored alive, as it were, after such great tribulation, they were filled, as was meet, with immeasurable joy, and encamped there for one night. At daybreak of the following morning, the king struck his camp, and came to Æglea,126 where he encamped for one night.
55. Alfred at Athelney.123—The same year, after Easter, King Alfred, along with a small group of men, built a fort in a place called Athelney,124 and from there, he launched frequent and relentless attacks against the heathens with his supporters from Somerset. Again, seven weeks after Easter, he rode to Egbert’s Stone,125 which is located in the eastern part of Selwood Forest (in Latin ‘Great Forest,’ and in Welsh Coit Maur). Here, he was joined by folks from Somersetshire, Wiltshire, and those from Hampshire who hadn’t sailed overseas due to the threat of the heathens. When they saw the king alive and well after such tremendous hardship, they were understandably filled with immense joy and set up camp for one night. At daybreak the next morning, the king broke camp and moved to Æglea,126 where he camped for one night.
56. Battle of Edington, and Treaty with Guthrum.127—The
next morning at dawn he moved his standards to Edington,128
and there fought bravely and perseveringly by means of a
close shield-wall against the whole army of the heathen,29
whom at length, with the divine help, he defeated with
great slaughter, and pursued them flying to their stronghold.
Immediately he slew all the men and carried off all
the horses and cattle that he could find without the fortress,
and thereupon pitched his camp, with all his army, before
the gates of the heathen stronghold. And when he had
remained there fourteen days, the heathen, terrified by
hunger, cold, fear, and last of all by despair, begged for
peace, engaging to give the king as many designated hostages
as he pleased, and to receive none from him in return—in
which manner they had never before made peace
with any one. The king, hearing this embassage, of his
own motion took pity upon them, and received from them
the designated hostages, as many as he would. Thereupon
the heathen swore, besides, that they would straightway
leave his kingdom; and their king, Guthrum, promised to
embrace Christianity, and receive baptism at King Alfred’s
hands—all of which articles he and his men fulfilled as
they had promised. For after
56. Battle of Edington, and Treaty with Guthrum.127—The next morning at dawn, he moved his standards to Edington,128 and there fought bravely and persistently with a solid shield-wall against the entire army of the pagans,29 whom, with divine assistance, he ultimately defeated with heavy losses and chased them back to their stronghold. He then killed all the men and gathered as many horses and cattle as he could find outside the fortress, and set up his camp with his entire army in front of the gates of the pagan stronghold. After staying there for fourteen days, the pagans, frightened by hunger, cold, fear, and finally despair, asked for peace, agreeing to give the king as many hostages as he wanted, without asking for any in return—in a way they had never made peace with anyone before. Upon hearing this message, the king, feeling compassion, accepted the hostages they offered. The pagans then swore they would immediately leave his kingdom; their king, Guthrum, promised to adopt Christianity and be baptized by King Alfred—all of which he and his men carried out as promised. After
57. The Danes go to Cirencester.133—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 879, which was the thirty-first of King Alfred’s life, the aforesaid army of heathen, leaving Chippenham, as they had promised, went to Cirencester, which is called in Welsh Cairceri, and is situated in the southern31 part of the kingdom of the Hwicce,134 and there they remained one year.
57. The Danes go to Cirencester.133—In the year 879, which was the thirty-first year of King Alfred’s life, the aforementioned army of pagans, leaving Chippenham as they had sworn, went to Cirencester, known in Welsh as Cairceri, located in the southern31 part of the kingdom of the Hwicce,134 and there they stayed for one year.
58. Danes at Fulham.135—In that same year a large army of heathen sailed from beyond sea into the river Thames, and joined the greater army. However, they wintered at Fulham, near the river Thames.
58. Danes at Fulham.135—In that same year, a large army of pagans sailed from overseas into the river Thames and joined the larger army. They spent the winter at Fulham, near the river Thames.
60. The Danes in East Anglia.138—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 880, which was the thirty-second of King Alfred’s life, the oft-mentioned army of heathen left Cirencester, and went to East Anglia, where they divided up the country and began to settle.
60. The Danes in East Anglia.138—In the year 880, the thirty-second year of King Alfred’s reign, the well-known army of pagans left Cirencester and moved to East Anglia, where they divided the land and started to establish themselves.
61. The Smaller Army leaves England.139—That same year the army of heathen, which had wintered at Fulham, left the island of Britain, and sailed over sea to East Frankland, where they remained for a year at a place called Ghent.
61. The Smaller Army leaves England.139—That same year, the army of pagans, which had spent the winter at Fulham, departed from Britain and sailed across the sea to East Francia, where they stayed for a year in a place called Ghent.
62. The Danes fight with the Franks.—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 881, which was the thirty-third of King Alfred’s life, the army went further on into Frankland, and the Franks fought against them; and after the battle the heathen, obtaining horses, became an army of cavalry.
62. The Danes fight with the Franks.—In the year 881, the thirty-third year of King Alfred’s life, the army moved deeper into Frankland, and the Franks battled against them. After the fight, the heathens got horses and became a cavalry force.
63. The Danes on the Meuse.140—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 882, which was the thirty-fourth of King Alfred’s life, the aforesaid army sailed their ships up into Frankland by a river called the Meuse, and there wintered one year.
63. The Danes on the Meuse.140—In the year 882, which was the thirty-fourth year of King Alfred’s life, the aforementioned army sailed their ships up into France along a river called the Meuse, and there spent the winter for a year.
64. Alfred’s Naval Battle with the Danes.141—In that same year Alfred, King of the Anglo-Saxons, fought a battle at32 sea against the heathen fleet, of which he captured two ships, and slew all who were on board. Two commanders of the other ships, with all their crews, worn out by the fight and their wounds, laid down their arms, and submitted to the king on bended knees with many entreaties.
64. Alfred’s Naval Battle with the Danes.141—In that same year, Alfred, King of the Anglo-Saxons, fought a sea battle against the pagan fleet, capturing two ships and killing everyone on board. Two leaders of the other ships, along with their crews, exhausted from the battle and their injuries, laid down their arms and submitted to the king on their knees, pleading for mercy.
65. The Danes at Condé.142—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 883, which was the thirty-fifth of King Alfred’s life, the aforesaid army sailed their ships up the river called Scheldt to a convent of nuns called Condé, and there remained one year.
65. The Danes at Condé.142—In the year 883, which was the thirty-fifth year of King Alfred’s life, the army mentioned earlier sailed their ships up the river Scheldt to a convent of nuns called Condé, where they stayed for a year.
66. Deliverance of Rochester.143—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 884, which was the thirty-sixth of King Alfred’s life, the aforesaid army divided into two parts: one body of them went into East Frankland, and the other, coming to Britain, entered Kent, where they besieged a city called in Saxon Rochester, situated on the east bank of the river Medway. Before the gate of the town the heathen suddenly erected a strong fortress; but they were unable to take the city, because the citizens defended themselves bravely until King Alfred came up to help them with a large army. Then the heathen abandoned their fortress and all the horses which they had brought with them out of Frankland, and, leaving behind them in the fortress the greater part of their prisoners on the sudden arrival of the king, fled in haste to their ships; the Saxons immediately seized upon the prisoners and horses left by the heathen; and so the latter, compelled by dire necessity, returned the same summer to Frankland.
66. Deliverance of Rochester.143—In the year 884, which was the thirty-sixth year of King Alfred’s life, the army mentioned earlier split into two parts: one group headed to East Frankland, while the other came to Britain and entered Kent, where they laid siege to a city called Rochester, located on the east bank of the river Medway. In front of the town's gate, the invaders suddenly built a strong fortress; however, they were unable to capture the city because the citizens fought back courageously until King Alfred arrived with a large army to assist them. The invaders then abandoned their fortress and the horses they had brought from Frankland, leaving most of their prisoners behind in the fortress. Upon the king's unexpected arrival, they quickly fled to their ships; the Saxons immediately took possession of the prisoners and horses left by the invaders, and so the latter, driven by desperation, returned to Frankland later that summer.
67. Alfred’s Naval Battle at the Mouth of the Stour.144—In that same year Alfred, King of the Anglo-Saxons, shifted his fleet, full of fighting men, from Kent to East33 Anglia,145 for the sake of spoil. No sooner had they arrived at the mouth of the river Stour than thirteen ships of the heathen met them, prepared for battle; a fierce naval combat ensued, and the heathen were all slain; all the ships, with all their money, were taken. After this, while the victorious royal fleet was reposing,146 the heathen who occupied East Anglia assembled their ships from every quarter, met the same royal fleet at sea in the mouth of the same river, and, after a naval engagement, gained the victory.
67. Alfred’s Naval Battle at the Mouth of the Stour.144—In that same year, Alfred, King of the Anglo-Saxons, moved his fleet, filled with warriors, from Kent to East Anglia,145 in search of treasure. As soon as they arrived at the mouth of the River Stour, they encountered thirteen ships of the pagans, ready for battle; a fierce naval fight broke out, and all the pagans were killed; every ship, along with all their riches, was captured. After this, while the victorious royal fleet was resting,146 the pagans who inhabited East Anglia gathered their ships from all directions and confronted the same royal fleet at sea in the mouth of the same river, and, after a naval battle, they emerged victorious.
68. Death of Carloman, of Louis II, and of Louis III.147—In that same year also, Carloman, King of the West Franks, while engaged in a boar-hunt, was miserably slain by a boar, which inflicted a dreadful wound on him with its tusk. His brother Louis, who had also been King of the Franks, had died the year before. Both these were sons of Louis,148 King of the Franks, who also had died in the year above mentioned, in which the eclipse of the sun took place.149 This Louis was the son of Charles,150 King of the Franks, whose daughter Judith151 Æthelwulf, King of the West Saxons, took to queen with her father’s consent.
68. Death of Carloman, of Louis II, and of Louis III.147—In that same year, Carloman, King of the West Franks, was tragically killed while boar-hunting when a boar wounded him badly with its tusk. His brother Louis, who had also been King of the Franks, had passed away the year before. Both were sons of Louis,148 King of the Franks, who also died in the same year mentioned above, which was the year of the solar eclipse.149 This Louis was the son of Charles,150 King of the Franks, whose daughter Judith151 married Æthelwulf, King of the West Saxons, with her father's approval.
69. The Danes in Old Saxony.152—In that same year a great army of the heathen came from Germany153 into the country of the Old Saxons, which is called in Saxon Eald-Seaxum. To oppose them the same Saxons and Frisians joined their forces, and fought bravely twice in that same34 year.154 In both these battles the Christians, by God’s merciful aid, gained the victory.
69. The Danes in Old Saxony.152—In that same year, a massive army of pagans came from Germany153 into the land of the Old Saxons, which in Saxon is called Eald-Seaxum. To fight against them, the Saxons and Frisians combined their forces and bravely battled twice in that same34 year.154 In both battles, the Christians, with God's merciful help, achieved victory.
70. Charles, King of the Alemanni.155—In that same year also, Charles, King of the Alemanni, received with universal consent the kingdom of the West Franks, and all the kingdoms which lie between the Tyrrhene Sea and that gulf156 situated between the Old Saxons and the Gauls, with the exception of the kingdom of Armorica.157 This Charles was the son of King Louis,158 who was brother of Charles, King of the Franks, father of Judith, the aforesaid queen; these two brothers were sons of Louis,159 Louis being the son of Charlemagne, son of Pepin.
70. Charles, King of the Alemanni.155—That same year, Charles, King of the Alemanni, was given the kingdom of the West Franks with everyone’s approval, along with all the kingdoms located between the Tyrrhenian Sea and the gulf156 that lies between the Old Saxons and the Gauls, except for the kingdom of Armorica.157 This Charles was the son of King Louis,158 who was the brother of Charles, King of the Franks, and father of Judith, the queen mentioned earlier; these two brothers were sons of Louis,159 who was the son of Charlemagne, son of Pepin.
71. Death of Pope Marinus.160—In that same year Pope Marinus, of blessed memory, went the way of all flesh; it was he who, for the love of Alfred, King of the Anglo-Saxons, and at his request, generously freed the Saxon Colony in Rome from all tribute and tax. He also sent to the aforesaid king many gifts on that occasion, among which was no small portion of the most holy and venerable cross on which our Lord Jesus Christ hung for the salvation of all mankind.
71. Death of Pope Marinus.160—In that same year, Pope Marinus, who is remembered fondly, passed away; he was the one who, out of love for Alfred, King of the Anglo-Saxons, and at his request, generously relieved the Saxon Colony in Rome of all tribute and taxes. He also sent many gifts to the king on that occasion, including a significant piece of the most holy and revered cross on which our Lord Jesus Christ hung for the salvation of all humanity.
72. The Danes break their Treaty.161—In that same year also the army of heathen which dwelt in East Anglia disgracefully broke the peace which they had concluded with King Alfred.
72. The Danes break their Treaty.161—In that same year, the pagan army living in East Anglia shamefully violated the peace they had made with King Alfred.
73. Asser makes a New Beginning.162—And now, to return to that from which I digressed, lest I be compelled by my35 long navigation to abandon the haven of desired rest,163 I propose, as far as my knowledge will enable me, to speak somewhat concerning the life, character, and just conduct, and in no small degree concerning the deeds, of my lord Alfred, King of the Anglo-Saxons, after he married the said respected wife of noble Mercian race; and, with God’s blessing, I will despatch it concisely and briefly, as I promised, that I may not, by prolixity in relating each new event, offend the minds of those who may be somewhat hard to please.
73. Asser Makes a New Beginning.162—Now, to get back to what I was talking about before and not let my long journey make me lose focus on the rest I’ve been seeking,163 I want to talk, to the best of my knowledge, about the life, character, and proper actions of my lord Alfred, King of the Anglo-Saxons, especially after he married his respected wife from the noble Mercian family; and, with God's blessing, I will keep it brief and to the point, as I promised, so that I don’t bore those who might be a bit hard to please with too many details.
74. Alfred’s Maladies.164—While his nuptials were being honorably celebrated in Mercia, among innumerable multitudes of both sexes, and after long feasts by night and by day, he was suddenly seized, in the presence of all the people, by instant and overwhelming pain, unknown to any physician. No one there knew, nor even those who daily see him up to the present time—and this, sad to say, is the worst of all, that it should have continued uninterruptedly through the revolutions of so many years, from the twentieth to the fortieth year of his life and more—whence such a malady arose. Many thought that it was occasioned by the favor and fascination of the people who surrounded him; others, by some spite of the devil, who is ever jealous of good men; others, from an unusual kind of fever; while still others thought it was the ficus,165 which species of severe disease he had had from his childhood. On a certain occasion it had come to pass by the divine will that when he had gone to Cornwall on a hunting expedition, and had turned out of the road to pray in a certain church in which rests Saint Gueriir [and now also St. Neot reposes there],166 he had of his own accord prostrated himself for a long time36 in silent prayer—since from childhood he had been a frequent visitor of holy places for prayer and the giving of alms—and there he besought the mercy of the Lord that, in his boundless clemency, Almighty God would exchange the torments of the malady which then afflicted him for some other lighter disease, provided that such disease should not show itself outwardly in his body, lest he should be useless and despised—for he had great dread of leprosy or blindness, or any such complaint as instantly makes men useless and despised at its coming. When he had finished his praying, he proceeded on his journey, and not long after felt within himself that he had been divinely healed, according to his request, of that disorder, and that it was entirely eradicated, although he had obtained even this complaint in the first flower of his youth by his devout and frequent prayers and supplications to God. For if I may be allowed to speak concisely, though in a somewhat inverted order, of his zealous piety to God—in his earliest youth, before he married his wife, he wished to establish his mind in God’s commandments, for he perceived that he could not abstain from carnal desires167; and because he saw that he should incur the anger of God if he did anything contrary to His will, he used often to rise at cockcrow and at the matin hours, and go to pray in churches and at the relics of the saints. There he would prostrate himself, and pray that Almighty God in His mercy would strengthen his mind still more in the love of His service, converting it fully to Himself by some infirmity such as he might bear, but not such as would render him contemptible and useless in worldly affairs. Now when he had37 often prayed with much devotion to this effect, after an interval of some time he incurred as a gift from God the before-named disease of the ficus, which he bore long and painfully for many years, even despairing of life, until he entirely got rid of it by prayer. But, sad to say, though it had been removed, a worse one seized him, as I have said, at his marriage, and this incessantly tormented him, night and day, from the twentieth to the forty-fifth year of his life. But if ever, by God’s mercy, he was relieved from this infirmity for a single day or night, or even for the space of one hour, yet the fear and dread of that terrible malady never left him, but rendered him almost useless, as he thought, in every affair, whether human or divine.
74. Alfred’s Maladies.164—While his wedding was being celebrated with great honor in Mercia, amidst countless crowds of both men and women, and after long feasts both day and night, he was suddenly struck by intense and overwhelming pain, something no doctor could identify. No one there knew the cause, not even those who saw him daily, and sadly, this pain continued uninterrupted for so many years, from the age of twenty to over forty. Many speculated that it was due to the attention and admiration of the people around him; others thought it might be the result of some devilish spite, always envious of good men; others believed it was due to an unusual type of fever; while some considered it was the ficus,165 a severe illness he had suffered from in his childhood. On one occasion, as fate would have it, when he traveled to Cornwall for a hunting trip, he took a detour to pray in a certain church where Saint Gueriir is buried [and now also St. Neot rests there],166 he voluntarily prostrated himself for a long time in silent prayer—having been a frequent visitor to holy places for prayer and charity since childhood—and there he pleaded with the Lord to, in His infinite mercy, exchange the torment of his present illness for a lesser affliction, as long as that ailment wouldn’t show itself outwardly on his body, fearing that he would become useless and despised—he greatly dreaded leprosy, blindness, or any such ailment that would make a person instantly contemptible. After finishing his prayer, he continued on his journey and soon felt a divine healing, as he had requested, completely eliminating that disorder, although he had first acquired this complaint in his youth through his devout and persistent prayers to God. To put it briefly, although I may rearrange the order a bit, he was zealous in his devotion to God—before marrying, he wanted to strengthen his mind in God’s commandments, realizing he couldn’t resist carnal desires167; and because he knew he would anger God by acting contrary to His will, he often rose at dawn and during morning hours to pray in churches and at the relics of the saints. There, he would prostrate himself and pray that Almighty God would, in His mercy, further strengthen his mind to love His service, fully converting it to Himself by some affliction that he could bear, but not one that would make him contemptible and useless in worldly matters. After he had prayed devotedly for this many times, he eventually received as a gift from God the previously mentioned disease of the ficus, which he endured painfully for many years, even dwelling in despair, until he completely overcame it through prayer. But, sadly, although that illness was removed, a worse one struck him, as I mentioned, during his marriage, and this one tormented him continuously, day and night, from age twenty to forty-five. If, by God’s grace, he ever found relief from this affliction for a single day or night, or even for one hour, the fear and dread of that horrible disease remained with him, rendering him nearly useless in every endeavor, whether human or divine.
75. Alfred’s Children and their Education.168—The sons and daughters whom he had by his wife above-mentioned were Æthelflæd, the eldest, after whom came Edward, then Æthelgivu, then Ælfthryth, and finally Æthelward—besides those who died in childhood. The number of ...169 Æthelflæd, when she arrived at a marriageable age, was united to Æthelred,170 Ealdorman of Mercia. Æthelgivu, having dedicated her maidenhood to God, entered His service, and submitted to the rules of the monastic life, to which she was consecrate. Æthelward, the youngest, by the divine counsel and by the admirable foresight of the king, was intrusted to the schools of literary training, where, with the children of almost all the nobility of the country, and many also who were not noble, he was under the diligent care of the teachers. Books in both languages, namely, Latin and Saxon, were diligently read in the school.171 They also learned to write; so that before they38 were of an age to practise human arts, namely, hunting and other pursuits which befit noblemen, they became studious and clever in the liberal arts. Edward and Ælfthryth were always bred up in the king’s court, and received great attention from their tutors and nurses; nay, they continue to this day, with much love from every one, to show humbleness, affability, and gentleness towards all, both natives and foreigners, while remaining in complete subjection to their father. Nor, among the other pursuits which appertain to this life and are fit for noble youths, are they suffered to pass their time idly and unprofitably without liberal training; for they have carefully learned the Psalms172 and Saxon books, especially Saxon poems, and are in the habit of making frequent use of books.
75. Alfred’s Children and their Education.168—The sons and daughters he had with his previously mentioned wife were Æthelflæd, the eldest, followed by Edward, then Æthelgivu, Ælfthryth, and finally Æthelward—along with those who died in childhood. The number of ...169 Æthelflæd, when she reached a marriageable age, married Æthelred,170 Ealdorman of Mercia. Æthelgivu, having dedicated her virginity to God, entered His service and committed herself to monastic life, to which she was consecrated. Æthelward, the youngest, by divine guidance and the king's remarkable foresight, was entrusted to educational institutions, where, alongside children from almost all the noble families in the country, and many who weren't noble, he was under the attentive care of the teachers. Books in both Latin and Saxon were diligently read at school.171 They also learned to write; so that before they reached an age to engage in human activities, such as hunting and other pursuits appropriate for noblemen, they became studious and skilled in the liberal arts. Edward and Ælfthryth were always raised in the king's court and received great care from their tutors and nurses; they continue to show humility, friendliness, and kindness towards everyone, both locals and foreigners, while remaining completely devoted to their father. Furthermore, among their other pursuits appropriate for noble youths, they are not allowed to spend their time idly and unprofitably without liberal training; for they have carefully learned the Psalms172 and Saxon texts, especially Saxon poetry, and regularly make use of books.
76. Alfred’s Varied Pursuits.173—In the meantime, the king, during the wars and frequent trammels of this present life, the invasions of the heathen, and his own daily infirmities of body, continued to carry on the government, and to practise hunting in all its branches; to teach his goldsmiths174 and all his artificers, his falconers, hawkers, and dog-keepers; to build houses, majestic and rich beyond all custom of his predecessors, after his own new designs; to recite the Saxon books, and especially to learn by heart Saxon poems,175 and to make others learn them, he alone never ceasing from studying most diligently to the best of his ability. He daily attended mass and the other services of religion; recited certain psalms, together with prayers, and the daily and nightly hour-service; and frequented the churches at night, as I have said, that he might pray in39 secret, apart from others. He bestowed alms and largesses both on natives and on foreigners of all countries; was most affable and agreeable to all; and was skilful in the investigation of things unknown.176 Many Franks, Frisians,177 Gauls, heathen,178 Welsh, Irish,179 and Bretons,180 noble and simple, submitted voluntarily to his dominion; and all of them, according to their worthiness,181 he ruled, loved, honored, and enriched with money and power, as if they had been his own people.182 Moreover, he was sedulous and zealous in the habit of hearing the divine Scriptures read by his own countrymen, or if, by any chance it so happened that any one arrived from abroad, to hear prayers in company with foreigners. His bishops, too, and all the clergy, his ealdormen and nobles, his personal attendants and friends, he loved with wonderful affection. Their sons, too, who were bred up in the royal household, were no less dear to him than his own; he never ceased to instruct them in all kinds of good morals, and, among other things, himself to teach them literature night and day. But as if he had no consolation in all these things, and suffered no other annoyance either from within or without, he was so40 harassed by daily and nightly sadness that he complained and made moan to the Lord, and to all who were admitted to his familiarity and affection, that Almighty God had made him ignorant of divine wisdom and of the liberal arts; in this emulating the pious, famous, and wealthy Solomon, King of the Hebrews, who at the outset, despising all present glory and riches, asked wisdom of God, and yet found both, namely, wisdom and present glory; as it is written, ‘Seek first the kingdom of God and his righteousness, and all these things shall be added unto you.’183 But God, who is always the observer of the thoughts of the inward mind, the instigator of meditations and of all good purposes, and a plentiful aider in the formation of good desires—for He would never inspire a man to aim at the good unless He also amply supplied that which the man justly and properly wished to have—stirred up the king’s mind from within, not from without; as it is written, ‘I will hearken what the Lord God will say concerning me.’184 He would avail himself of every opportunity to procure assistants in his good designs, to aid him in his strivings after wisdom, that he might attain to what he aimed at; and, like a prudent bee,185 which, rising in summer at early morning from her beloved cells, steers her course with rapid flight along the uncertain paths of the air, and descends on the manifold and varied flowers of grasses, herbs, and shrubs, essaying that which most pleases her, and bearing it home, he directed the eyes of his mind afar, and sought that without which he had not within, that is, in his own kingdom.186
76. Alfred’s Varied Pursuits.173—In the meantime, the king, amidst the wars and constant struggles of life, the attacks from invaders, and his own daily health challenges, continued to govern and pursued hunting in all its forms; he taught his goldsmiths174 and all his craftsmen, falconers, hawkers, and dog handlers; he built grand and lavish houses unlike anything his predecessors had created, following his own innovative designs; he recited Saxon texts and notably committed Saxon poems175 to memory, encouraging others to learn them too, as he relentlessly focused on studying as best he could. He attended mass and other religious services daily; recited specific psalms along with prayers and the daily and nightly prayer services; and visited churches at night, as previously mentioned, to pray in solitude. He gave alms and generous gifts to both locals and foreigners from all nations; he was friendly and easy to get along with, and he was skilled in uncovering the unknown.176 Many Franks, Frisians,177 Gauls, heathens,178 Welsh, Irish,179 and Bretons,180 both noble and common, willingly accepted his rule; and he governed all of them according to their merit, showing them love, respect, and generosity as if they were his own subjects.181 Furthermore, he was diligent and enthusiastic about hearing the divine Scriptures read by his countrymen, or if anyone from abroad happened to arrive, he would join in their prayers. He cared deeply for his bishops, clergy, ealdormen, nobles, personal attendants, and friends. Their sons, raised in the royal household, were just as dear to him as his own; he continually instructed them in all sorts of virtuous behavior and made it a point to teach them literature day and night. Yet, as if he found no solace in these activities and was troubled both above and below, he was so overwhelmed by constant sadness that he expressed to God, and to all who were close to him, that the Almighty had left him in the dark regarding divine wisdom and the liberal arts; in this, he mirrored the dedicated, renowned, and wealthy Solomon, King of the Hebrews, who, at the start, disregarding all earthly glory and wealth, asked God for wisdom and received both wisdom and earthly riches; as it is written, ‘Seek first the kingdom of God and his righteousness, and all these things shall be added unto you.’183 But God, who always knows our inner thoughts, inspires our reflections and good intentions, and generously supports the development of good desires—He would never push someone toward good unless He also provided sufficiently for what that person rightly wished to attain—moved the king's heart from within, not from the outside; as it is written, ‘I will listen to what the Lord God will say about me.’184 He took every chance to find help for his noble goals, aiming to gain the wisdom he desired; and like a wise bee,185 rising at dawn from her cherished hive and quickly navigating the uncertain air, landing on the diverse and colorful flowers of grasses, herbs, and shrubs, sampling whatever delighted her, and bringing it back home, he set his sights far and sought what he lacked within his own kingdom.186
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77. Alfred’s Scholarly Associates: Werfrith, Plegmund, Æthelstan, and Werwulf.187—But God at that time, as some consolation to the king’s benevolence, enduring no longer his kindly and just complaint, sent as it were certain luminaries, namely, Werfrith,188 Bishop of the church of Worcester, a man well versed in divine Scripture, who, by the king’s command, was the first to interpret with clearness and elegance the books of the Dialogues of Pope Gregory and Peter, his disciple, from Latin into Saxon, sometimes putting sense for sense; then Plegmund,189 a Mercian by birth, Archbishop of the church of Canterbury, a venerable man, endowed with wisdom; besides Æthelstan190 and Werwulf, learned priests and clerks,191 Mercians by birth. These four King Alfred had called to him from Mercia, and he exalted them with many honors and powers in the kingdom of the West Saxons, not to speak of those which Archbishop Plegmund and Bishop Werfrith had in Mercia. By the teaching and wisdom of all these the king’s desire increased continually, and was gratified. Night and day, whenever he had any leisure, he commanded such men as these to read books to him—for he never suffered himself to be without one of them—so that he came to possess a knowledge of almost every book, though of himself he could not yet understand anything of books, since he had not yet learned to read anything.
77. Alfred’s Scholarly Associates: Werfrith, Plegmund, Æthelstan, and Werwulf.187—But at that time, as a bit of comfort to the king's generosity, God, unable to ignore his kind and fair complaint any longer, sent certain guiding figures, namely, Werfrith,188 Bishop of the church of Worcester, a man well-versed in divine Scripture, who, at the king's request, was the first to clearly and elegantly translate the books of the Dialogues of Pope Gregory and his disciple Peter from Latin into Saxon, sometimes adapting meaning for meaning; then Plegmund,189 a Mercian by birth, Archbishop of the church of Canterbury, a respected man filled with wisdom; along with Æthelstan190 and Werwulf, educated priests and clerks,191 also of Mercian descent. These four men were called to King Alfred from Mercia, and he honored them with many positions and powers in the kingdom of the West Saxons, not to mention those held by Archbishop Plegmund and Bishop Werfrith in Mercia. Through the teaching and wisdom of all these, the king’s desire grew continually and was fulfilled. Night and day, whenever he had any free time, he had such men read books to him—for he never allowed himself to be without one of them—so that he came to possess knowledge of almost every book, even though he could not yet understand any of them since he had not yet learned to read.
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78. Grimbald and John, the Old Saxon.192—But since the king’s commendable avarice could not be gratified even in this, he sent messengers beyond sea to Gaul, to procure teachers, and invited from thence Grimbald,193 priest and monk, a venerable man and excellent singer, learned in every kind of ecclesiastical discipline and in holy Scripture, and adorned with all virtues. He also obtained from thence John,194 both priest and monk, a man of the keenest intellect, learned in all branches of literature, and skilled in many other arts. By the teaching of these men the king’s mind was greatly enlarged, and he enriched and honored them with much power.
78. Grimbald and John, the Old Saxon.192—But since the king’s admirable desire for wealth couldn’t be satisfied even with this, he sent messengers across the sea to France to find teachers, and invited Grimbald,193 a priest and monk, a respected man and great singer, knowledgeable in all areas of church discipline and holy Scripture, and filled with all virtues. He also brought back John,194 another priest and monk, a man of sharp intellect, well-versed in all fields of literature, and skilled in many other arts. Under their guidance, the king’s mind was greatly expanded, and he honored and empowered them with significant influence.
79. Asser’s Negotiations with King Alfred.195—At that time I also came to Wessex, out of the furthest coasts of Western Wales; and when I had proposed to go to him through many intervening provinces, I arrived in the country of the South Saxons, which in Saxon is called Sussex, under the guidance of some of that nation; and there I first saw him in the royal vill which is called Dene.196 He received me with kindness, and, among other conversation, besought me eagerly to devote myself to his service and become his friend, and to leave for his sake everything which I possessed on the northern and western side of the Severn, promising he would give me more than an equivalent for it, as in fact he did. I replied that I could not incautiously and rashly promise such things; for it seemed to me unjust that I should leave those sacred places in which I had been43 bred and educated, where I had received the tonsure, and had at length been ordained, for the sake of any earthly honor and power, unless by force and compulsion. Upon this he said: ‘If you cannot accede to this, at least grant me half your service: spend six months with me here, and six in Wales.’ To this I replied: ‘I could not easily or rashly promise even that without the approval of my friends.’ At length, however, when I perceived that he was really anxious for my services, though I knew not why, I promised him that, if my life were spared, I would return to him after six months, with such a reply as should be agreeable to him as well as advantageous to me and mine. With this answer he was satisfied; and when I had given him a pledge to return at the appointed time, on the fourth day we rode away from him, and returned to my own country. After our departure, a violent fever seized me in the city of Cærwent,197 where I lay for twelve months and one week, night and day, without hope of recovery. When at the appointed time, therefore, I had not fulfilled my promise of visiting him, he sent letters to hasten my journey on horseback to him, and to inquire the cause of my delay. As I was unable to ride to him, I sent a reply to make known to him the cause of my delay, and assure him that, if I recovered from my illness, I would fulfil what I had promised. My disease finally left me, and accordingly, by the advice and consent of all my friends, for the benefit of that holy place and of all who dwelt therein, I devoted myself to the king’s service as I had promised, the condition being that I should remain with him six months44 every year, either continuously, if I could spend six months with him at once, or alternately, three months in Wales and three in Wessex. It was also understood that he should in all ways be helpful to St. Davids, as far as his power extended.198 For my friends hoped by this means to sustain less tribulation and harm from King Hemeid—who often plundered that monastery and the parish of St. Davids, and sometimes expelled the bishops who ruled over it, as he did Archbishop Nobis, my relative, and on occasion myself, their subordinate—if in any way I could secure the notice and friendship of the king.
79. Asser’s Negotiations with King Alfred.195—At that time, I also arrived in Wessex, coming from the farthest shores of Western Wales. After planning to travel through several regions, I reached the land of the South Saxons, known in Saxon as Sussex, guided by some of the locals. There, I first met him in the royal village called Dene.196 He welcomed me warmly and, during our conversation, earnestly urged me to commit to his service and become his friend, asking me to leave behind everything I owned on the northern and western side of the Severn, promising that he would compensate me well for it, which he indeed did. I replied that I couldn't carelessly make such promises, as it felt wrong to abandon the sacred places where I had been raised and educated, where I had received the tonsure, and had finally been ordained, just for some worldly honor and power, unless forced to do so. He then said, “If you can’t agree to this, then at least give me half your service: spend six months with me here, and six in Wales.” I replied, “I can't easily or recklessly promise even that without my friends’ approval.” However, when I saw that he genuinely wanted my assistance, even though I didn't understand why, I assured him that if I survived my illness, I would return to him in six months with an answer that would be both pleasing to him and beneficial to me and mine. He was satisfied with this response, and after I pledged to return at the appointed time, we departed from him on the fourth day and returned to my homeland. After leaving, I was struck by a severe fever in the city of Cærwent,197 where I lay for twelve months and one week, day and night, without any hope of recovery. As the appointed time approached and I hadn’t fulfilled my promise to visit him, he sent letters urging me to come quickly and to find out why I was delayed. Since I couldn’t ride to him, I sent a reply explaining the reason for my delay and assuring him that if I recovered, I would fulfill my promise. Eventually, my illness passed, and with the advice and consent of all my friends, for the good of that holy place and everyone living there, I committed myself to the king’s service as I had agreed, with the understanding that I would stay with him for six months each year, either all at once or split into three months in Wales and three in Wessex. It was also agreed that he would support St. Davids in every way possible.198 My friends hoped that, through this arrangement, we would endure less trouble and harm from King Hemeid—who often raided that monastery and the parish of St. Davids, and sometimes expelled the bishops, including Archbishop Nobis, my relative, and occasionally myself, their subordinate—if I could win the king's attention and friendship in any way.
80. The Welsh Princes who submit to Alfred.199—At that time, and long before, all the countries in South Wales belonged to King Alfred, and still belong to him. For instance, King Hemeid, with all the inhabitants of the region of Dyfed,200 restrained by the violence of the six sons of Rhodri,201 had submitted to the dominion of the king. Howel also, son of Ris, King of Glywyssing,202 and Brochmail and Fernmail, sons of Mouric, kings of Gwent,203 compelled by the violence and tyranny of Ealdorman Æthelred and of the Mercians, of their own accord sought out the same king,204 that they might enjoy rule and protection from him against their enemies. Helised, also, son of Teudubr, King of Brecknock, compelled by the violence of the same sons of Rhodri, of his own accord sought the lordship of the45 aforesaid king; and Anarawd, son of Rhodri, with his brothers, at length abandoning the friendship of the Northumbrians, from whom he had received no good, but rather harm, came into King Alfred’s presence, and eagerly sought his friendship. The king received him with honor, adopted him as his son by confirmation from the bishop’s hand,205 and bestowed many gifts upon him. Thus he became subject to the king with all his people, on condition that he should be obedient to the king’s will in all respects, in the same way as Æthelred and the Mercians.
80. The Welsh Princes who submit to Alfred.199—At that time, and long before, all the regions in South Wales were under King Alfred's rule and still are. For example, King Hemeid, along with all the people in the area of Dyfed,200 was forced by the aggression of the six sons of Rhodri,201 to submit to the king's authority. Howel, son of Ris, King of Glywyssing,202 and Brochmail and Fernmail, sons of Mouric, kings of Gwent,203 driven by the tyranny of Ealdorman Æthelred and the Mercians, voluntarily sought out the same king,204 hoping to gain his ruling and protection against their enemies. Helised, also, son of Teudubr, King of Brecknock, forced by the same sons of Rhodri, sought the lordship of the45 aforementioned king on his own initiative; and Anarawd, son of Rhodri, along with his brothers, eventually breaking away from the friendship of the Northumbrians, from whom he had received nothing but harm, came before King Alfred, earnestly seeking his friendship. The king welcomed him with honor, confirmed him as his son with the bishop's blessing,205 and gave him many gifts. Thus, he became subservient to the king along with all his people, on the condition that he would be obedient to the king's will in all matters, just like Æthelred and the Mercians.
81. How Alfred rewards Submission.206—Nor was it in vain that they all gained the friendship of the king. For those who desired to augment their worldly power obtained power; those who desired money gained money; those who desired his friendship acquired his friendship; those who wished more than one secured more than one. But all of them had his love and guardianship and defense from every quarter, so far as the king, with all his men, could defend himself. When therefore I had come to him at the royal vill called Leonaford,207 I was honorably received by him, and remained that time with him at his court eight months; during which I read to him whatever books he liked, of such as he had at hand; for this is his peculiar and most confirmed habit, both night and day, amid all his other occupations of mind and body,208 either himself to read books, or to listen to the reading of others. And when I frequently had sought his permission to return, and had in no46 way been able to obtain it, at length, when I had made up my mind by all means to demand it, he called me to him at twilight on Christmas Eve, and gave me two letters in which was a manifold list of all the things which were in the two monasteries which are called in Saxon Congresbury and Banwell209; and on that same day he delivered to me those two monasteries with everything in them, together with a silken pallium of great value, and of incense a load for a strong man, adding these words, that he did not give me these trifling presents because he was unwilling hereafter to give me greater. For in the course of time he unexpectedly gave me Exeter, with the whole diocese which belonged to him in Wessex and in Cornwall, besides gifts every day without number of every kind of worldly wealth; these it would be too long to enumerate here, lest it should weary my readers. But let no one suppose that I have mentioned these presents in this place for the sake of glory or flattery, or to obtain greater honor; I call God to witness that I have not done so, but that I might certify to those who are ignorant how profuse he was in giving. He then at once gave me permission to ride to those two monasteries, so full of all good things, and afterwards to return to my own.
81. How Alfred rewards Submission.206—It wasn’t for nothing that they all earned the king’s friendship. Those who sought to increase their power gained it; those who wanted money received it; those who wished for his friendship acquired it; those who wanted more than one got more than one. But they all had his love, protection, and support from every angle, as much as the king and his men could defend themselves. When I arrived at the royal village called Leonaford,207 I was warmly welcomed by him and stayed in his court for eight months; during that time, I read to him any books he wanted from what he had available. This was his unique and established routine, day and night, amid all his other duties—either reading books himself or listening to others read. After I often asked for permission to return and couldn’t get it, I finally decided to insist on it. On Christmas Eve at twilight, he called me over and presented me with two letters listing everything found in the two monasteries known in Saxon as Congresbury and Banwell209; on that same day, he handed over those two monasteries with everything in them, along with a valuable silk pallium and a load of incense for a strong man, saying he didn’t give me these small gifts because he was unwilling to offer greater ones later. Over time, he unexpectedly granted me Exeter, along with the entire diocese he controlled in Wessex and Cornwall, plus countless gifts of worldly wealth every day; it would take too long to list them all here, and I wouldn’t want to bore my readers. But no one should think I mention these gifts to seek glory or flatter anyone, or to gain more honor; I swear to God I don’t do it for that reason, but rather to show those who don’t know how generous he was in giving. He then immediately allowed me to travel to those two monasteries, so full of good things, and later return to my own.
82. The Siege of Paris.210—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 886, which was the thirty-eighth of King Alfred’s life, the army so often mentioned again fled the country, and went into that of the West Franks. Entering the river Seine with their vessels, they sailed up it as far as the city of Paris; there they wintered, pitching their camp on both sides of the river almost to the bridge, in order that they might prevent the citizens from crossing the bridge—since the city occupies a small island in the middle of the47 stream. They besieged the city for a whole year, but, by the merciful favor of God, and by reason of the brave defense of the citizens, they could not force their way inside the walls.
82. The Siege of Paris.210—In the year 886, the thirty-eighth year of King Alfred’s life, the frequently mentioned army retreated from the country and moved into the lands of the West Franks. They entered the Seine River with their ships and sailed up to the city of Paris; there they spent the winter, setting up camp on both sides of the river nearly up to the bridge, so they could stop the citizens from crossing it—since the city is located on a small island in the middle of the47 river. They besieged the city for an entire year, but thanks to God's mercy and the brave defense of the citizens, they were unable to break through the walls.
83. Alfred rebuilds London.211—In that same year Alfred, King of the Anglo-Saxons, after the burning of cities and massacres of the people, honorably rebuilt the city of London, made it habitable, and gave it into the custody of Æthelred, Ealdorman of Mercia. To this king212 all the Angles and Saxons who hitherto had been dispersed everywhere, or were in captivity with the heathen,213 voluntarily turned, and submitted themselves to his rule.214
83. Alfred rebuilds London.211—In that same year, Alfred, King of the Anglo-Saxons, after the cities had been burned and the people massacred, honorably rebuilt the city of London, made it livable, and handed it over to Æthelred, Ealdorman of Mercia. To this king212 all the Angles and Saxons who had been scattered everywhere or were captive with the heathens213 willingly rallied and accepted his leadership.214
84. The Danes leave Paris.215—In the year of our Lord’s incarnation 887, which was the thirty-ninth of King Alfred’s life, the above-mentioned army of the heathen, leaving the city of Paris uninjured, since otherwise they could get no advantage, passed under the bridge and rowed their fleet up the river Seine for a long distance, until they reached the mouth of the river Marne; here they left the Seine, entered the mouth of the Marne, and, sailing up it for a good distance and a good while, at length, not without labor, arrived at a place called Chézy, a royal vill, where they wintered a whole year. In the following year they entered the mouth of the river Yonne, not without doing much damage to the country, and there remained one year.
84. The Danes leave Paris.215—In the year 887, which was the thirty-ninth year of King Alfred’s life, the previously mentioned army of pagans, leaving the city of Paris unharmed since they couldn't gain anything from it, went under the bridge and rowed their ships up the Seine River for quite a distance, until they reached the mouth of the Marne River. Here they left the Seine, entered the Marne, and after sailing up it for a good distance and a significant amount of time, they finally, not without effort, arrived at a place called Chézy, a royal village, where they spent the entire winter. The following year, they entered the mouth of the Yonne River, causing a lot of damage to the area, and they stayed there for another year.
85. Division of the Empire.216—In that same year Charles,217 King of the Franks, went the way of all flesh; but Arnolf,48 his brother’s son, six weeks before he died, had expelled him from the kingdom. Immediately after his death five kings were ordained, and the kingdom was split into five parts; but the principal seat of the kingdom justly and deservedly fell to Arnolf, were it not that he had shamefully sinned against his uncle. The other four kings promised fidelity and obedience to Arnolf, as was meet; for none of these four kings was heir to the kingdom on his father’s side, as was Arnolf; therefore, though the five kings were ordained immediately upon the death of Charles, yet the Empire remained to Arnolf. Such, then, was the division of that realm; Arnolf received the countries to the east of the river Rhine; Rudolf the inner part of the kingdom218; Odo the western part; Berengar and Wido, Lombardy, and those countries which are on that side of the mountain. But they did not keep such and so great dominions in peace among themselves, for they twice fought a pitched battle, and often mutually ravaged those kingdoms, and drove one another out of their dominions.
85. Division of the Empire.216—In that same year, Charles,217 King of the Franks, passed away; however, Arnolf,48 his nephew, had banished him from the kingdom six weeks before he died. Immediately after his death, five kings were appointed, and the kingdom was divided into five parts; however, the main seat of the kingdom rightfully belonged to Arnolf, had he not committed a shameful act against his uncle. The other four kings pledged loyalty and obedience to Arnolf, which was appropriate, since none of them were heirs to the kingdom on their father's side, unlike Arnolf; thus, although the five kings were appointed immediately upon Charles' death, the Empire was still under Arnolf's control. This was how the realm was divided: Arnolf received the territories east of the Rhine River; Rudolf took the central part of the kingdom218; Odo governed the western region; Berengar and Wido got Lombardy and the lands on that side of the mountains. However, they did not maintain such extensive domains peacefully among themselves, as they fought two major battles and frequently devastated each other's territories, displacing one another from their lands.
87. Alfred begins to translate from Latin.221—In that same year also the oft-mentioned Alfred, King of the Anglo-Saxons, by divine inspiration first began, on one and the same day, to read and to translate; but that this may be clearer to those who are ignorant, I will relate the cause of this long delay in beginning.
87. Alfred starts translating from Latin.221—In that same year, the frequently mentioned Alfred, King of the Anglo-Saxons, was inspired by divine guidance to begin reading and translating for the first time, all on the same day. To make this clearer for those who don't know, I'll explain the reason for the long wait before starting.
88. Alfred’s Manual.222—On a certain day we were both of us sitting in the king’s chamber, talking on all kinds of49 subjects, as usual, and it happened that I read to him a quotation out of a certain book. While he was listening to it attentively with both ears, and pondering it deeply with his inmost mind, he suddenly showed me a little book223 which he carried in his bosom, wherein were written the daily course, together with certain Psalms and prayers which he had read in his youth, and thereupon bade me write the quotation in that book. Hearing this, and perceiving in part his active intelligence and goodness of heart, together with his devout resolution of studying divine wisdom, I gave, though in secret, yet with hands uplifted to heaven, boundless thanks to Almighty God, who had implanted such devotion to the study of wisdom in the king’s heart. But since I could find no blank space in that book wherein to write the quotation, it being all full of various matters, I delayed a little, chiefly that I might stir up the choice understanding of the king to a higher knowledge of the divine testimonies. Upon his urging me to make haste and write it quickly, I said to him, ‘Are you willing that I should write that quotation on some separate leaf? Perhaps we shall find one or more other such which will please you; and if that should happen, we shall be glad that we have kept this by itself.’ ‘Your plan is good,’ said he; so I gladly made haste to get ready a pamphlet of four leaves, at the head of which I wrote what he had bidden me; and that same day I wrote in it, at his request, and as I had predicted, no less than three other quotations which pleased him. From that time we daily talked together, and investigated the same subject by the help of other quotations which we found and which pleased him, so that the pamphlet gradually became full, and deservedly so, for it is written, ‘The righteous man builds upon a50 moderate foundation, and by degrees passes to greater things.’224 Thus, like a most productive bee, flying far and wide, and scrutinizing the fenlands, he eagerly and unceasingly collected various flowers of Holy Scripture, with which he copiously stored the cells of his mind.225
88. Alfred’s Manual.222—One day, we were both sitting in the king’s chamber, chatting about all sorts of49 topics, as usual. I read a quote from a certain book out loud. While he listened intently and reflected deeply, he suddenly pulled out a small book223 from his chest, which contained the daily schedule along with some Psalms and prayers he had read in his youth. He then asked me to write the quote in that book. Hearing this, and seeing a glimpse of his keen mind and kind heart, along with his sincere commitment to studying divine wisdom, I quietly, though with hands raised to heaven, offered endless thanks to Almighty God for instilling such a passion for wisdom in the king. But since I couldn’t find any blank space in that book to write the quote—it was completely filled with various topics—I hesitated for a moment, mainly to inspire the king's understanding toward a richer knowledge of divine truths. When he urged me to hurry and write it down, I asked him, ‘Would you like me to write that quote on a separate page? We might find one or more others that you’ll like, and if that happens, we can be glad to keep this one separate.’ ‘That’s a good idea,’ he replied. So, I quickly prepared a four-page pamphlet, where I wrote what he asked me to at the top. That same day, at his request, I wrote no less than three other quotes that pleased him. From then on, we talked every day and explored the same topics using other quotes we found that he liked, gradually filling the pamphlet. It is rightly said, ‘The righteous man builds upon a50 moderate foundation, and by degrees moves on to greater things.’224 Thus, like a very productive bee, flying far and wide and examining the fields, he eagerly and tirelessly gathered various flowers of Holy Scripture, filling his mind with them.225
89. Alfred’s Handbook.226—When that first quotation had been copied, he was eager at once to read, and to translate into Saxon, and then to teach many others—even as we are assured concerning that happy thief who recognized the Lord Jesus Christ, his Lord, aye, the Lord of all men, as he was hanging on the venerable gallows of the holy cross, and, with trustful petition, casting down of his body no more than his eyes, since he was so entirely fastened with nails that he could do nothing else, cried with humble voice, ‘O Christ, remember me when thou comest into thy kingdom!‘227—since it was only on the cross that he began to learn the elements of the Christian faith.228 Inspired by God, he began the rudiments of Holy Scripture on the sacred feast of St. Martin.229 Then he went on, as far as he was able, to learn the flowers230 collected from various quarters by any and all of his teachers, and to reduce them into the form of one book, although jumbled together, until it became almost as large as a psalter. This book he called his Enchiridion23151 or Handbook,232 because he carefully kept it at hand day and night, and found, as he then used to say, no small consolation therein.
89. Alfred’s Handbook.226—After he had copied that first quotation, he was eager to read it, translate it into Saxon, and then teach it to many others—just like that fortunate thief who recognized the Lord Jesus Christ, his Lord, yes, the Lord of all people, as he was hanging on the revered gallows of the holy cross, and, with a trusting plea, lowered his body no more than his eyes, since he was so completely fastened with nails that he could do nothing else, cried out humbly, ‘O Christ, remember me when you come into your kingdom!’227—for it was only on the cross that he began to grasp the basics of the Christian faith.228 Inspired by God, he started learning the fundamentals of Holy Scripture on the sacred feast of St. Martin.229 Then he continued, as much as he could, to learn the teachings230 gathered from many sources by all his teachers, and to compile them into a single book, even though they were mixed together, until it became almost as big as a psalter. He called this book his Enchiridion23151 or Handbook,232 because he always kept it close at hand day and night, and found, as he used to say, great comfort in it.
I see that I must be especially watchful, in that I just now drew a kind of comparison, though in dissimilar manner,235 between the happy thief and the king; for the cross is hateful to every one in distress.236 But what can he do, if he cannot dislodge himself or escape thence? or in what way can he improve his condition by remaining there? He must, therefore, whether he will or no, endure with pain and sorrow that which he is suffering.
I realize that I need to be particularly alert, since I just made a kind of comparison, although in a different way, 235 between the lucky thief and the king; because the burden is hated by everyone in trouble.236 But what can he do if he can't get free or escape? And how can he make his situation better by staying there? So, whether he likes it or not, he has to endure the pain and sorrow of what he's going through.
91. Alfred’s Troubles.237—Now the king was pierced with many nails of tribulation, though established in the royal sway; for from the twentieth year of his age to the present year, which is his forty-fifth,238 he has been constantly afflicted with most severe attacks of an unknown disease, so that there is not a single hour in which he is not either suffering from that malady, or nigh to despair by reason of the gloom which is occasioned by his fear of it. Moreover the constant invasions of foreign nations, by which he was continually harassed by land and sea, without any interval of quiet, constituted a sufficient cause of disturbance.
91. Alfred’s Troubles.237—Now the king was burdened with many troubles, despite being firmly in power; for from the age of twenty until now, at forty-five,238 he has been continually plagued by a severe and mysterious illness, so that there is not a single hour when he is not either suffering from that sickness or on the brink of despair because of the darkness caused by his fear of it. Additionally, the constant attacks from foreign nations, which relentlessly distressed him by land and sea without any break, were enough to cause significant unrest.
What shall I say of his repeated expeditions against the heathen, his wars, and the incessant occupations of52 government? Of the daily ... of the239 nations which dwell on240 the Tyrrhene241 Sea to the farthest end of Ireland? For we have seen and read letters, accompanied with presents, which were sent to him from Jerusalem by the patriarch Elias.242 What shall I say of his restoration of cities and towns, and of others which he built where none had been before? of golden and silver buildings,243 built in incomparable style under his direction? of the royal halls and chambers, wonderfully erected of stone and wood at his command? of the royal vills constructed of stones removed from their old site, and finely rebuilt by the king’s command in more fitting places?
What should I say about his repeated campaigns against the non-believers, his wars, and the constant responsibilities of government? About the daily ... of the nations living by the Tyrrhenian Sea all the way to the farthest part of Ireland? We've seen and read letters, along with gifts, that were sent to him from Jerusalem by Patriarch Elias. What should I say about his restoration of cities and towns, and the others he built where none existed before? About the golden and silver buildings, constructed in an unmatched style under his direction? About the royal halls and chambers, beautifully built of stone and wood at his command? About the royal estates made of stones taken from their old locations and skillfully rebuilt in more suitable places at the king’s order?
Not to speak of the disease above mentioned, he was disturbed by the quarrels of his subjects,244 who would of their own choice endure little or no toil for the common need of the kingdom. He alone, sustained by the divine53 aid, once he had assumed the helm of government, strove in every way, like a skilful pilot, to steer245 his ship, laden with much wealth, into the safe and longed-for harbor of his country, though almost all his crew were weary, suffering them not to faint or hesitate, even amid the waves and manifold whirlpools of this present life. Thus his bishops, earls, nobles, favorite thanes, and prefects, who, next to God and the king, had the whole government of the kingdom, as was fitting, continually received from him instruction, compliment, exhortation, and command; nay, at last, if they were disobedient, and his long patience was exhausted, he would reprove them severely, and censure in every way their vulgar folly and obstinacy; and thus he wisely gained and bound them to his own wishes and the common interests of the whole kingdom. But if, owing to the sluggishness of the people, these admonitions of the king were either not fulfilled, or were begun late at the moment of necessity, and so, because they were not carried through, did not redound to the advantage of those who put them in execution—take as an example the fortresses which he ordered, but which are not yet begun or, begun late, have not yet been completely finished—when hostile forces have made invasions by sea, or land, or both, then those who had set themselves against the imperial orders have been put to shame and overwhelmed with vain repentance. I speak of vain repentance on the authority of Scripture, whereby numberless persons have had cause for sorrow when they have been smitten by great harm through the perpetration of deceit. But though by this means, sad to say, they may be bitterly afflicted, and roused to grief by the loss of fathers, wives, children, thanes, man servants, maid servants, products, and all their household stuff,54 what is the use of hateful repentance when their kinsmen are dead, and they cannot aid them, or redeem from dire captivity those who are captive? for they cannot even help themselves when they have escaped, since they have not wherewithal to sustain their own lives. Sorely exhausted by a tardy repentance, they grieve over their carelessness in despising the king’s commands; they unite in praising his wisdom, promising to fulfil with all their might what before they had declined to do, namely, in the construction of fortresses, and other things useful to the whole kingdom.
Not to mention the illness mentioned earlier, he was troubled by the fights among his people, who would hardly put in any effort for the good of the kingdom. He alone, supported by divine help, once he took over the leadership, worked tirelessly, like a skilled captain, to navigate his ship, filled with great wealth, into the safe and desired harbor of his country, even though most of his crew was exhausted, preventing them from giving up or hesitating amid the struggles and challenges of life. His bishops, earls, nobles, trusted thanes, and officials, who, next to God and the king, had the responsibility for governing the kingdom, consistently received guidance, praise, encouragement, and orders from him; and if they disobeyed, risking his patience, he would reprimand them harshly and criticize their foolishness and stubbornness; in doing so, he effectively aligned them with his own goals and the collective needs of the kingdom. But if, due to the laziness of the people, his advice went unheeded, or was only acted upon late during times of need—take the fortresses he ordered as an example, which were either not started or were delayed in completion—when enemy forces launched attacks by sea or land, those who ignored the imperial orders were left embarrassed and filled with regret. I mention regret based on Scripture, which states that many people have cause for sorrow when they suffer great harm due to deceitful actions. Although they may be deeply hurt and grieve the loss of fathers, wives, children, thanes, servants, belongings, and all their possessions, what good is regret when their loved ones are dead, and they can't help them or rescue the captives from dire situations? Even those who escape can't sustain themselves, as they lack the means to provide for their own lives. Worn out by delayed regret, they mourn their negligence in ignoring the king’s commands; they come together to praise his wisdom, vowing to do their utmost to fulfill what they had previously refused to do, such as building fortresses and other things beneficial to the whole kingdom.
92. Alfred builds two Monasteries.246—Concerning his desire and intent of excellent meditation, which, in the midst both of prosperity and adversity, he never in any way neglected, I cannot in this place with advantage forbear to speak. For, when he was reflecting, according to his wont, upon the need of his soul,247 he ordered, among the other good deeds to which his thoughts were by night and day248 especially turned, that two monasteries should be built, one of them being for monks at Athelney.249 This is a place surrounded by impassable fens and waters on every hand, where no one can enter but by boats, or by a bridge laboriously constructed between two fortresses, at the western end of which bridge was erected a strong citadel, of beautiful work, by command of the aforesaid king. In this monastery he collected monks of all kinds from every quarter, and there settled them.
92. Alfred builds two Monasteries.246—Regarding his passion and commitment to deep meditation, which he never overlooked in times of either prosperity or hardship, I can’t help but mention it here. As he often did, when he was pondering the needs of his soul,247 he decided, among the many good deeds that occupied his thoughts both day and night248, that two monasteries should be constructed, one of which was for monks at Athelney.249 This location is surrounded by impenetrable swamps and waters, accessible only by boats or through a bridge painstakingly built between two fortresses, at the western end of which a strong fortress, beautifully designed, was ordered by the king. In this monastery, he gathered monks of various types from all around and settled them there.
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93. Monasticism was decayed.250—At first he had no one of his own nation, noble and free by birth, who was willing to enter the monastic life, except children, who as yet could neither choose good nor reject evil by reason of their tender years. This was the case because for many years previous the love of a monastic life had utterly decayed in that as well as in many other nations; for, though many monasteries still remain in that country, yet no one kept the rule of that kind of life in an orderly way, whether because of the invasions of foreigners, which took place so frequently both by sea and land, or because that people abounded in riches of every kind, and so looked with contempt on the monastic life. On this account it was that King Alfred sought to gather monks of different kinds in the same monastery.
93. Monasticism was in decline.250—Initially, he had no one from his own nation, noble and free by birth, who was willing to commit to monastic life, except for children, who were too young to choose between good and evil. This situation arose because, for many years prior, the interest in monastic life had completely faded in that region and in many other nations as well. While many monasteries still existed in that country, no one followed the monastic rules properly, either due to frequent invasions by foreigners, both by sea and land, or because the people were so wealthy that they looked down on monastic life. For this reason, King Alfred attempted to bring together monks of various types into the same monastery.
94. Monks brought from beyond Sea.251—First he placed there John252 the priest and monk, an Old Saxon by birth, making him abbot; and then certain priests and deacons from beyond sea. Finding that he had not so large a number of these as he wished, he procured as many as possible of the same Gallic race253; some of whom, being children, he ordered to be taught in the same monastery, and at a later period to be admitted to the monastic habit. I have myself seen there in monastic dress a young man of heathen birth who was educated in that monastery, and by no means the hindmost of them all.
94. Monks brought from overseas.251—First, he appointed John252 as the priest and monk, who was originally from Old Saxony, making him the abbot; then he brought in some priests and deacons from overseas. Finding that he didn't have as many as he wanted, he brought in as many as he could of the same Gallic heritage253; some of them were children, and he arranged for them to be educated in the same monastery, with plans for them to later adopt the monastic life. I have personally seen a young man from a pagan background in monastic clothing who was educated there, and he was by no means the least among them.
95. A Crime committed at Athelney.254—There was a crime
committed once in that monastery, which I would
95. A Crime Committed at Athelney.254—There was a crime committed once in that monastery, which I would
96. The Plot of a Priest and a Deacon.256—Once upon a time, a certain priest and a deacon, Gauls by birth, of the number of the aforesaid monks, by the instigation of the devil, and roused by jealousy, became so embittered in secret against their abbot, the above-mentioned John, that, after the manner of the Jews, they circumvented and betrayed their master. For they so wrought upon two hired servants of the same Gallic race that in the night, when all men were enjoying the sweet tranquillity of sleep, they should make their way into the church armed, and, shutting it behind them as usual, hide themselves there, and wait till the abbot should enter the church alone. At length, when, as was his wont, he should secretly enter the church by himself to pray, and, bending his knees, bow before the holy altar, the men should fall upon him, and slay him on the spot. They should then drag his lifeless body out of the church, and throw it down before the house of a certain harlot, as if he had been slain whilst on a visit to her. This was their device, adding crime to crime, as it is said, ‘The last error shall be worse than the first.’257 But the divine mercy, which is always wont to aid the innocent, frustrated in great part the evil design of those evil men, so that it did not turn out in all respects as they had planned.
96. The Plot of a Priest and a Deacon.256—Once upon a time, a priest and a deacon, both from Gaul and among the aforementioned monks, were instigated by the devil and driven by jealousy to secretly resent their abbot, John. In a manner reminiscent of the Jews, they schemed against their leader. They convinced two hired men of the same Gallic descent to break into the church armed during the night, when everyone else was peacefully sleeping, and to hide there as usual, waiting for the abbot to enter alone. Finally, as was his custom, he quietly entered the church by himself to pray and knelt before the holy altar; the men would then attack him and kill him on the spot. They planned to drag his lifeless body out of the church and place it in front of a certain prostitute's house, making it look as if he had been killed while visiting her. This was their plot, compounding sin upon sin, as it is said, ‘The last error shall be worse than the first.’ 257 But divine mercy, which always tends to assist the innocent, largely frustrated the evil plans of these men, preventing it from unfolding exactly as they intended.
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97. The Execution of the Plot.258—When, therefore, the whole of the evil teaching had been explained by those wicked teachers to their wicked hearers, and enforced upon them, the night having come and being favorable, the two armed ruffians, furnished with a promise of impunity, shut themselves up in the church to await the arrival of the abbot. In the middle of the night John, as usual, entered the church to pray, without any one’s knowledge, and knelt before the altar. Thereupon the two ruffians rushed upon him suddenly with drawn swords, and wounded him severely. But he, being ever a man of keen mind, and, as I have heard say, not unacquainted with the art of fighting, if he had not been proficient in better lore, no sooner heard the noise of the robbers, even before he saw them, than he rose up against them before he was wounded, and, shouting at the top of his voice, struggled against them with all his might, crying out that they were devils and not men—and indeed he knew no better, as he thought that no men would dare to attempt such a deed. He was, however, wounded before any of his monks could come up. They, roused by the noise, were frightened when they heard the word ‘devils’; being likewise unfamiliar with such struggles, they, and the two who, after the manner of the Jews, were traitors to their lord, rushed toward the doors of the church; but before they got there those ruffians escaped with all speed, and secreted themselves in the fens near by, leaving the abbot half dead. The monks raised their nearly lifeless superior, and bore him home with grief and lamentations; nor did those two knaves shed tears less than the innocent. But God’s mercy did not allow so horrible a crime to pass unpunished: the desperadoes who perpetrated it, and all who urged them to it, were seized and bound; then, by58 various tortures, they died a shameful death. Let us now return to our main narrative.
97. The Execution of the Plot.258—After all the evil teachings were explained by those wicked teachers to their equally wicked listeners, and pushed upon them, they waited for the right moment under the cover of night. The two armed thugs, assured they would face no consequences, locked themselves in the church to wait for the abbot. In the middle of the night, John entered the church as usual to pray, unaware that anyone else was there, and knelt before the altar. Suddenly, the two thugs attacked him with drawn swords and seriously injured him. However, John was known to be sharp-witted and, as I’ve heard, wasn’t inexperienced in fighting. Even before he saw the attackers, as soon as he heard the noise, he stood up against them before getting hurt, yelling at the top of his lungs, fighting them with all his strength, declaring they were devils and not men—he couldn’t know any better, thinking no man would dare to commit such an act. Unfortunately, he was injured before any of his monks could reach him. Startled by the noise and terrified by the word ‘devils,’ the monks rushed in, unfamiliar with such violence. The two who had betrayed their lord, acting like traitors, hurried towards the church doors; however, by the time they reached them, the thugs had fled quickly and hidden themselves in the nearby marshes, leaving the abbot nearly dead. The monks, in deep sorrow, lifted their nearly lifeless superior and took him home, filled with grief and mourning; and the two knaves felt no less pain than the innocent. But God's mercy wouldn't let such a horrible crime go unpunished: the criminals who committed it, along with all who encouraged them, were captured and bound; then, through various tortures, they met a disgraceful end. Now, let’s return to our main story.
98. The Convent at Shaftesbury.259—Another260 monastery also was built by the aforesaid king as a residence for nuns, near the eastern gate of Shaftesbury; and over it he placed as abbess his own daughter Æthelgivu, a virgin dedicated to God. With her many other noble ladies, serving God in the monastic life, dwell in that convent. These two edifices were enriched by the king with much land, and with all sorts of wealth.
98. The Convent at Shaftesbury.259—Another260 monastery was also built by the king mentioned earlier as a home for nuns, close to the eastern gate of Shaftesbury; and he appointed his own daughter Æthelgivu, a virgin devoted to God, as the abbess. Alongside her, many other noble women, living a life of service to God, reside in that convent. The king enriched these two buildings with extensive land and various forms of wealth.
99. Alfred divides his Time and his Revenues.261—These things being thus disposed of, the king considered within himself, as was his practice, what more would conduce to religious meditation. What he had wisely begun and usefully conceived was adhered to with even more beneficial result; for he had long before heard out of the book of the law that the Lord262 had promised to restore to him the tenth many times over; and he knew that the Lord had faithfully kept His promise, and had actually restored to him the tithe manyfold. Encouraged by this precedent, and wishing to surpass the practice of his predecessors, he vowed humbly and faithfully to devote to God half his services, by day and by night, and also half of all the wealth which lawfully and justly came every year into his possession; and this vow, as far as human discretion can perceive and keep, he skilfully and wisely endeavored to fulfil. But that he might, with his usual caution, avoid that which Scripture warns us against, ‘If thou offerest aright, but dost not divide aright, thou sinnest,’263 he considered how he might divide aright that which he had59 joyfully vowed to God; and as Solomon had said, ‘The king’s heart is in the hand of the Lord’264—that is, his counsel—he ordered with a divinely inspired policy, which could come only from above, that his officers should first divide into two parts the revenues of every year.
99. Alfred divides his Time and his Revenues.261—With these matters settled, the king thought to himself, as was his custom, about what else would aid his religious contemplation. What he had thoughtfully begun and usefully envisioned brought even greater benefits; for he had long ago learned from the book of the law that the Lord262 had promised to restore to him the tenth multiple times over; and he knew that the Lord had reliably kept His promise, restoring to him the tithe abundantly. Inspired by this example, and wanting to outdo the actions of his predecessors, he vowed humbly and faithfully to dedicate half of his efforts, both day and night, as well as half of all the income that lawfully and justly came into his possession each year; and this vow, as far as human understanding allows, he skillfully and wisely sought to fulfill. But to avoid, with his usual caution, what Scripture warns us about, ‘If you offer correctly but do not divide correctly, you sin,’263 he considered how to properly divide that which he had59 joyfully vowed to God; and as Solomon had said, ‘The king’s heart is in the hand of the Lord’264—meaning his guidance—he organized with a divinely inspired strategy, which could only come from above, that his officials should first divide the revenues of each year into two parts.
100. The Threefold Division of Officers at Court.265—After this division had been made, he assigned the first part to worldly uses, and ordered that one third of it should be paid to his soldiers and to his officers, the nobles who dwelt by turns at court, where they discharged various duties, for thus it was that the king’s household was arranged at all times in three shifts,266 in the following manner. The king’s attendants being wisely distributed into three companies, the first company was on duty at court for one month, night and day, at the end of which they were relieved by the second company, and returned to their homes for two months, where they attended to their own affairs. At the end of the second month, the third company relieved the second, who returned to their homes, where they spent two months. The third company then gave place to the first, and in their turn spent two months at home. And in this order the rotation of service at the king’s court was at all times carried on.
100. The Threefold Division of Officers at Court.265—After this division was established, he allocated the first part for practical purposes and mandated that one third of it be distributed to his soldiers and his officers, the nobles who took turns staying at court to perform various duties. This was how the king’s household was organized at all times into three shifts, 266 structured as follows. The king’s attendants were strategically divided into three groups: the first group worked at court for one month, day and night, after which they were replaced by the second group and returned home for two months to handle their personal matters. At the end of the second month, the third group took over from the second, who then went back home for two months. The third group subsequently passed their duties back to the first, who rotated home for two months. This rotation system at the king’s court continued consistently.
101. The Distribution for Secular Purposes.267—To these, therefore, was paid the first of the three portions aforesaid, to each according to his standing and peculiar service; the second to the workmen whom he had collected from many nations and had about him in large numbers, men skilled in every kind of building; the third portion was assigned60 to foreigners who came to him out of every nation far and near; whether they asked money of him or not, he cheerfully gave to each with wonderful munificence according to their respective worthiness,268 exemplifying what is written, ‘God loveth a cheerful giver.’269
101. The Distribution for Secular Purposes.267—The first of the three portions mentioned was paid to these individuals, with amounts given based on their status and unique contributions; the second was given to the workers he had gathered from numerous nations, a large number of skilled builders; the third portion was allocated60 to foreigners who came to him from all over, regardless of whether they requested money, which he generously provided to each according to their merit, 268 demonstrating the saying, ‘God loves a cheerful giver.’269
102. The Distribution for Religious Purposes.270—But the second part of all his revenues, which came yearly into his possession, and was included in the receipts of the exchequer, as I mentioned just above, he with full devotion dedicated to God, ordering his officers to divide it carefully into four equal parts with the provision that the first part should be discreetly bestowed on the poor of every nation who came to him; on this subject he said that, as far as human discretion could guarantee, the remark of Pope Gregory on the proper division of alms should be followed, ‘Give not little to whom you should give much, nor much to whom little, nor nothing to whom something, nor something to whom nothing.’271 The second share to the two monasteries which he had built, and to those who were serving God in them, as I have described more at length above. The third to the school272 which he had studiously formed from many of the nobility of his own nation, but also from boys of mean condition. The fourth to the neighboring monasteries in all Wessex and Mercia, and also during some years, in turn, to the churches and servants of God dwelling in Wales, Cornwall,273 Gaul,274 Brittany, Northumbria,61 and sometimes, too, in Ireland; according to his means, he either distributed to them beforehand, or agreed to contribute afterwards, if life and prosperity did not fail him.
102. The Distribution for Religious Purposes.270—But the second part of all his income, which came to him every year and was included in the treasury receipts, as I mentioned earlier, he devoted entirely to God. He instructed his officers to carefully divide it into four equal parts, ensuring that the first part was generously given to the poor from every nation who came to him. Regarding this, he remarked that, as far as human judgment could ensure, the guideline from Pope Gregory on how to distribute alms should be followed: ‘Don’t give little to those you should give much, nor much to those you should give little, nor nothing to those you should give something, nor something to those you should give nothing.’ 271 The second share went to the two monasteries he had established, along with those who were serving God in them, as I have detailed further above. The third share was for the school272 that he had carefully created from many nobility in his own nation, as well as from boys of lower status. The fourth went to the neighboring monasteries throughout Wessex and Mercia, and also, for several years, in rotation, to the churches and servants of God living in Wales, Cornwall,273 Gaul,274 Brittany, Northumbria,61 and occasionally, too, in Ireland; based on his resources, he either distributed to them in advance or promised to contribute later if his life and prosperity allowed.
103. Alfred’s Dedication of Personal Service.275—When the king had arranged all these matters in due order, he remembered the text of holy Scripture which says, ‘Whosoever will give alms, ought to begin from himself,’276 and prudently began to reflect what he could offer to God from the service of his body and mind; for he proposed to offer to God no less out of this than he had done of external riches.277 Accordingly, he promised, as far as his infirmity and his means would allow, to render to God the half of his services, bodily and mental, by night and by day,278 voluntarily, and with all his might. Inasmuch, however, as he could not distinguish with accuracy the lengths of the night hours in any way, on account of the darkness, nor frequently those of the day, on account of the thick clouds and rains, he began to consider by what regular means, free from uncertainty, relying on the mercy of God, he might discharge the promised tenor of his vow undeviatingly until his death.
103. Alfred’s Dedication of Personal Service.275—When the king had sorted everything out, he recalled the saying from holy Scripture, "Anyone who wants to give to charity should start with themselves,"276 and wisely began to think about what he could offer to God through his body and mind; he aimed to donate as much from this as he had from his wealth.277 So, he committed, as much as his health and resources allowed, to give God half of his services, both physical and mental, day and night,278 willingly and with all his strength. However, since he couldn't accurately tell the lengths of the night hours due to the darkness, nor often those of the day because of thick clouds and rain, he started to think about how he could regularly fulfill his vow without uncertainty, trusting in God's mercy, until his death.
104. Alfred’s Measure of Time.279—After long reflection on these things, he at length, by a useful and shrewd invention, commanded his clerks280 to supply wax in sufficient quantity, and to weigh it in a balance against pennies. When enough wax was measured out to equal the weight of seventy-two62 pence, he caused the clerks to make six candles thereof, all of equal weight, and to mark off twelve inches as the length of each candle.281 By this plan, therefore, those six candles burned for twenty-four hours, a night and a day, without fail, before the sacred relics of many of God’s elect, which always accompanied him wherever he went. Sometimes, however, the candles could not continue burning a whole day and night, till the same hour when they were lighted the preceding evening, by reason of the violence of the winds, which at times blew day and night without intermission through the doors and windows282 of the churches, the sheathing, and the wainscot,283 the numerous chinks in the walls, or the thin material of the tents; on such occasions it was unavoidable that they should burn out and finish their course before the appointed hour. The king, therefore, set himself to consider by what means he might shut out the wind, and by a skilful and cunning invention ordered a lantern to be beautifully constructed of wood and ox-horn, since white ox-horns, when shaved thin, are as transparent as a vessel of glass. Into this63 lantern, then, wonderfully made of wood and horn, as I before said, a candle was put at night, which shone as brightly without as within, and was not disturbed by the wind, since he had also ordered a door of horn to be made for the opening of the lantern.284 By this contrivance, then, six candles, lighted in succession, lasted twenty-four hours, neither more nor less. When these were burned out, others were lighted.
104. Alfred’s Measure of Time.279—After careful thought on these matters, he finally devised a clever and practical solution. He instructed his clerks280 to prepare enough wax and to weigh it against pennies. Once they measured out enough wax to equal the weight of seventy-two62 pence, he had them make six candles of equal weight, each measuring twelve inches long.281 As a result, these six candles burned for a full twenty-four hours, one night and one day, without fail, in front of the sacred relics of many of God’s chosen ones, which always accompanied him. However, sometimes the candles couldn’t burn a full day and night until the same hour they were lit the previous evening, due to the strong winds that blew day and night through the doors and windows282 of the churches, the sheathing, and the wainscot, as well as the numerous cracks in the walls and the thin fabric of the tents; on such occasions, it was inevitable that they would burn out before the scheduled time. The king, therefore, thought about how to block the wind, and with a skillful and clever invention, ordered a lantern to be beautifully made of wood and ox-horn, as the white ox-horns, when shaved thin, are as clear as glass. Into this63 lantern, which was wonderfully made of wood and horn, as I mentioned earlier, a candle was placed at night, shining just as brightly outside as inside, and unaffected by the wind, since he had also had a horn door made for the lantern opening.284 With this setup, six candles lit in succession lasted exactly twenty-four hours. When these burned out, others were lit.
105. Alfred judges the Poor with Equity.285—When all these things were properly arranged, the king, eager to hold to the half of his daily service, as he had vowed to God, and more also, if his ability on the one hand, and his malady on the other, would allow him, showed himself a minute investigator of the truth in all his judgments, and this especially for the sake of the poor, to whose interest, day and night, among other duties of this life, he was ever wonderfully attentive. For in the whole kingdom the poor, besides him, had few or no helpers; for almost all the powerful and noble of that country had turned their thoughts rather to secular than to divine things: each was more bent on worldly business, to his own profit, than on the common weal.
105. Alfred judges the Poor with Equity.285—Once everything was properly organized, the king, eager to fulfill his daily vow to God and even do more if his health allowed, was a thorough investigator of the truth in all his judgments, especially for the sake of the poor. Day and night, he paid remarkable attention to their interests among his other responsibilities. In the entire kingdom, the poor had few or no supporters besides him; most of the powerful and noble in the country were more focused on secular matters than on divine ones. Each person was more concerned with their own profits than the common good.
106. His Correction of Unjust and Incompetent Judges.285—He strove also, in his judgments, for the benefit of both64 his nobles and commons, who often quarreled fiercely among themselves at the meetings of the ealdormen and sheriffs, so that hardly one of them admitted the justice of what had been decided by these ealdormen and sheriffs. In consequence of this pertinacious and obstinate dissension, all felt constrained to give sureties to abide by the decision of the king, and both parties hastened to carry out their engagements. But if any one was conscious of injustice on his side in the suit, though by law and agreement he was compelled, however reluctant, to come for judgment before a judge like this, yet with his own good will he never would consent to come. For he knew that in that place no part of his evil practice would remain hidden; and no wonder, for the king was a most acute investigator in executing his judgments, as he was in all other things. He inquired into almost all the judgments which were given in his absence, throughout all his dominion, whether they were just or unjust. If he perceived there was iniquity in those judgments, he would, of his own accord, mildly ask those judges, either in his own person, or through others who were in trust with him, why they had judged so unjustly, whether through ignorance or malevolence—that is, whether for the love or fear of any one, the hatred of another, or the desire of some one’s money. At length, if the judges acknowledged they had given such judgment because they knew no better, he discreetly and moderately reproved their inexperience and folly in such terms as these: ‘I greatly wonder at your assurance, that whereas, by God’s favor and mine, you have taken upon you the rank and office of the wise, you have neglected the studies and labors of the wise. Either, therefore, at once give up the administration of the earthly powers which you possess, or endeavor more zealously to study the lessons of wisdom.65 Such are my commands.’ At these words the ealdormen and sheriffs would be filled with terror at being thus severely corrected, and would endeavor to turn with all their might to the study of justice, so that, wonderful to say, almost all his ealdormen, sheriffs, and officers, though unlearned from childhood, gave themselves up to the study of letters, choosing rather to acquire laboriously an unfamiliar discipline than to resign their functions. But if any one, from old age or the sluggishness of an untrained mind, was unable to make progress in literary studies, he would order his son, if he had one, or one of his kinsmen, or, if he had no one else, his own freedman or servant, whom he had long before advanced to the office of reading, to read Saxon books before him night and day, whenever he had any leisure. And then they would lament with deep sighs from their inmost souls that in their youth they had never attended to such studies. They counted happy the youth of the present day, who could be delightfully instructed in the liberal arts, while they considered themselves wretched in that they had neither learned these things in their youth, nor, now they were old, were able to do so. This skill of young and old in acquiring letters, I have set forth as a means of characterizing the aforesaid king.
106. His Correction of Unjust and Incompetent Judges.285—He also worked in his judgments for the benefit of both64 his nobles and commoners, who often argued fiercely among themselves during the meetings of the ealdormen and sheriffs, to the point that hardly anyone accepted the rulings made by these ealdormen and sheriffs. Because of this stubborn and persistent disagreement, everyone felt pressured to provide guarantees to follow the king's decisions, and both sides rushed to fulfill their commitments. However, if someone was aware of their own unfairness in the case, even though they were legally and by agreement required to appear before such a judge, they would still refuse to go willingly. They understood that in that setting, none of their wrongful actions would remain secret; and it was no surprise, since the king was a highly skilled investigator in executing his judgments, just as he was in all other matters. He looked into almost all the rulings made in his absence throughout his entire realm, assessing whether they were fair or unfair. If he noticed any wrongdoing in those judgments, he would, on his own initiative, gently question those judges, either directly or through trusted individuals, about why they had ruled so unfairly, whether due to ignorance or malice—meaning whether it was out of love or fear of someone, hatred of another, or the desire for someone’s money. Eventually, if the judges admitted that they had made such a ruling out of ignorance, he would discreetly and moderately scold them for their inexperience and foolishness, saying something like: ‘I am truly amazed at your audacity, that although, by God’s grace and mine, you have taken on the position and duties of the wise, you have neglected the studies and efforts of the wise. Therefore, either step down from the power you hold, or strive more earnestly to learn the lessons of wisdom.’65 At these words, the ealdormen and sheriffs would be filled with fear at such a harsh reprimand and would strive with all their might to learn justice, so that, astonishingly, almost all his ealdormen, sheriffs, and officers, despite being uneducated from childhood, devoted themselves to learning, opting to painstakingly grasp an unfamiliar discipline rather than give up their roles. But if anyone, due to old age or the laziness of an untrained mind, was unable to progress in academic studies, he would instruct his son, if he had one, or another relative, or, if he had no one else, his own freedman or servant, whom he had previously appointed to the role of reading, to read Saxon books for him day and night whenever he had spare time. They would then lament with deep sighs from their hearts that in their youth, they had never engaged in such studies. They envied the youth of today, who could be joyfully educated in the liberal arts, while they saw themselves as unfortunate for having neither learned these things in their youth nor being able to do so now in their old age. This ability of both young and old to acquire knowledge, I have presented as a way to characterize the aforementioned king.
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APPENDIXES
APPENDIX I
Alfred’s Preface to his translation of Gregory’s Pastoral Care
THIS BOOK IS FOR WORCESTER286
King Alfred bids greet Bishop Wærferth with his words lovingly and with friendship; and I let it be known to thee that it has very often come into my mind what wise men there formerly were throughout England, both of sacred and secular orders; and what happy times there were then throughout England; and how the kings who had power over the nation in those days obeyed God and His ministers; how they preserved peace, morality, and order at home, and at the same time enlarged their territory abroad; and how they prospered both with war and with wisdom; and also how zealous the sacred orders were both in teaching and learning, and in all the services they owed to God; and how foreigners came to this land in search of wisdom and instruction, and how we should now have to get them from abroad if we were to have them. So general was its decay in England that there were very few on this side of the Humber who could understand their rituals in English, or translate a letter from Latin into English; and I believe that there were not many beyond the Humber. There were so few of them that I cannot remember a single one south of the Thames when I came to the throne. Thanks be to Almighty God that we have any teachers among us now. And therefore I command thee to do as I believe thou art willing, to disengage thyself from worldly matters as often as thou canst, that thou mayest apply the wisdom which God has given thee wherever thou canst. Consider what punishments would come upon us on account of this world, if we neither loved it [wisdom] ourselves nor suffered other men to obtain it: we should love70 the name only of Christian, and very few the virtues. When I considered all this, I remembered also that I saw, before it had been all ravaged and burned, how the churches throughout the whole of England stood filled with treasures and books; and there was also a great multitude of God’s servants, but they had very little knowledge of the books, for they could not understand anything of them, because they were not written in their own language. As if they had said: ‘Our forefathers, who formerly held these places, loved wisdom, and through it they obtained wealth and bequeathed it to us. In this we can still see their tracks, but we cannot follow them, and therefore we have lost both the wealth and the wisdom, because we would not incline our hearts after their example.’ When I remembered all this, I wondered extremely that the good and wise men who were formerly all over England, and had perfectly learned all the books, had not wished to translate them into their own language. But again I soon answered myself and said: ‘They did not think that men would ever be so careless, and that learning would so decay; through that desire they abstained from it, since they wished that the wisdom in this land might increase with our knowledge of languages.’ Then I remembered how the law was first known in Hebrew, and again, when the Greeks had learned it, they translated the whole of it into their own language, and all other books besides. And again the Romans, when they had learned them, translated the whole of them by learned interpreters into their own language. And also all other Christian nations translated a part of them into their own language. Therefore it seems better to me, if you think so, for us also to translate some books which are most needful for all men to know into the language which we can all understand, and for you to do as we very easily can if we have tranquillity enough, that is, that all the youth now in England of free men, who are rich enough to be able to devote themselves to it, be set to learn as long as they are not fit for any other occupation, until they are able to read English writing well: and let those be afterwards taught more in the Latin language who are to continue in learning, and be promoted to a higher rank. When I remembered how the knowledge of Latin had formerly decayed throughout England, and yet many could read English writing, I began, among other various and manifold troubles of this71 kingdom, to translate into English the book which is called in Latin Pastoralis, and in English Shepherd’s Book, sometimes word by word, and sometimes according to the sense, as I had learned it from Plegmund my archbishop, and Asser my bishop, and Grimbald my mass-priest, and John my mass-priest. And when I had learned it as I could best understand it, and as I could most clearly interpret it, I translated it into English; and I will send a copy to every bishopric in my kingdom; and in each there is a book-mark worth fifty mancuses.287 And I command in God’s name that no man take the book-mark from the book, or the book from the monastery. It is uncertain how long there may be such learned bishops as now, thanks be to God, there are nearly everywhere; therefore I wish them288 always to remain in their places, unless the bishop wish to take them with him, or they be lent out anywhere, or any one be making a copy from them.
King Alfred sends warm greetings to Bishop Wærferth and expresses his friendship. I want to share with you that I often think about the wise men who once existed throughout England, both religious and secular. Those were joyful times in England when the kings who ruled the nation obeyed God and His ministers; they maintained peace, morality, and order at home while expanding their territory abroad. They thrived in both war and wisdom. The religious leaders were passionate about teaching and learning, and they fulfilled all their duties to God. Foreigners came to our land seeking wisdom and education, and now we would have to look abroad to find it. The decline in England has been so severe that very few people on this side of the Humber could understand their rituals in English or translate a letter from Latin to English, and I believe the situation was similar beyond the Humber. I can’t recall a single person south of the Thames who could do this when I ascended the throne. Thank God we have some teachers among us now. Therefore, I urge you, as I believe you are willing, to free yourself from worldly distractions whenever you can, so you can apply the wisdom that God has given you wherever possible. Think about the consequences we would face for neglecting wisdom ourselves and preventing others from gaining it: we would merely hold the name of Christians while being devoid of the virtues. Reflecting on this, I also recalled how, before everything was destroyed and burned, the churches all over England were filled with treasures and books. There were many servants of God, but they had little understanding of the texts, as they weren't written in their own language. It felt as if they were saying, "Our ancestors who once held these places cherished wisdom, which brought them wealth and they passed it down to us. We can still see their traces, but we cannot follow them, and as a result, we have lost both the wealth and the wisdom because we haven’t allowed our hearts to follow their example." Upon remembering all this, I was astonished that the once numerous good and wise men throughout England, who had fully learned the books, did not make an effort to translate them into their own language. However, I soon answered myself, thinking: "They didn’t believe people would become so careless, and that learning would decline so severely; out of this hope, they refrained from translating, wishing for the wisdom in this land to grow along with our understanding of languages." Then I recalled how the law was initially known in Hebrew, and later, when the Greeks learned it, they translated everything into their language, as did the Romans with the help of skilled interpreters, as well as other Christian nations translating parts of it into their languages. Therefore, it seems more beneficial, if you agree, for us to also translate some essential books into a language that everyone can understand. I propose that all young free men in England, who have sufficient means to dedicate themselves to learning, should be taught until they can read English well. Those who continue learning should later be instructed more in Latin as they aim for a higher rank. As I considered how knowledge of Latin had diminished in England, even though many could read English, I began, amidst various challenges facing this kingdom, to translate a book called Pastoralis in Latin, or Shepherd’s Book in English. I sometimes translated it word for word, and other times based on the meaning, as I learned from Plegmund my archbishop, Asser my bishop, Grimbald my mass-priest, and John my mass-priest. After learning it as best I could and interpreting it clearly, I translated it into English. I plan to send a copy to each bishopric in my kingdom, and each will have a book-mark worth fifty mancuses.287 And in God’s name, I command that no one take the book-mark from the book or the book from the monastery. It’s uncertain how long we will have such learned bishops, who, thank God, are nearly everywhere, so I wish for them288 to remain in their positions, unless the bishop wants to take them with him, if they are lent out, or if someone is making a copy.
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APPENDIX II
Letter from Fulco, Archbishop of Rheims and Primate of the Franks, and legatus natus of the Apostolic See, to Alfred, the most Christian King of the Angles289
To Alfred, the most glorious and most Christian King of the Angles, Fulco, by the grace of God Archbishop of Rheims, and servant of the servants of God, wisheth both the sceptre of temporal dominion, ever triumphant, and the eternal joys of the kingdom of heaven.
To Alfred, the greatest and most Christian King of the Angles, Fulco, by the grace of God Archbishop of Rheims, and servant of the servants of God, wishes both the authority of earthly rule, always victorious, and the eternal joys of heaven's kingdom.
And first of all we give thanks to our Lord God, the Father of lights, and the Author of all good, from whom is every good gift and every perfect gift, who by the grace of His Holy Spirit hath not only been pleased to cause the light of His knowledge to shine in your heart, but also even now hath vouchsafed to kindle the fire of His love, by which at once enlightened and warmed, you earnestly tender the weal of the kingdom committed to you from above, by warlike achievements, with divine assistance attaining or securing peace for it, and desiring to extend the excellency of the ecclesiastical order, which is the army of God. Wherefore we implore the divine mercy with unwearied prayers that He who hath moved and warmed your heart to this73 would give effect to your wishes, by replenishing your desire with good things, that in your days both peace may be multiplied to your kingdom and people, and that ecclesiastical order, which as you say hath been disturbed in many ways, either by the continued irruptions and attacks of the pagans, or by lapse of years, or by the negligence of prelates, or by the ignorance of subjects, may by your diligence and industry be speedily reëstablished, exalted, and diffused.
And first of all, we thank our Lord God, the Father of lights, and the Source of all good, from whom every good and perfect gift comes. By the grace of His Holy Spirit, He has not only chosen to make the light of His knowledge shine in your heart but has also granted you the flame of His love. With this light and warmth, you are passionately committed to the well-being of the kingdom entrusted to you from above, striving through heroic deeds, with divine help, to achieve or maintain peace for it, and aiming to enhance the greatness of the church, which is God's army. Therefore, we earnestly pray for divine mercy that He who has inspired and warmed your heart would fulfill your wishes by filling your desires with good things, so that in your days peace may increase for your kingdom and people, and that the church, which you say has been disturbed in various ways—whether by the ongoing invasions and attacks from pagans, the passing of time, the negligence of leaders, or the ignorance of the people—may be quickly restored, uplifted, and spread through your diligence and effort.
And since you wish this to be effected chiefly through our assistance, and since from our see, over which St. Remigius, the apostle of the Franks, presides, you ask for counsel and protection, we think that this is not done without divine impulse. And as formerly the nation of the Franks obtained by the same St. Remigius deliverance from manifold error, and the knowledge of the worship of the only true God, so doth the nation of the Angles request that it may obtain from his see and doctrine one by whom they may be taught to avoid superstition, to cut off superfluities, and to extirpate all such noxious things as bud forth from violated custom or rude habits, and may learn, while they walk through the field of the Lord, to pluck the flowers, and to be upon their guard against the adder.
And since you want this to happen mainly with our help, and since from our see, which St. Remigius, the apostle of the Franks, oversees, you seek advice and protection, we believe this is inspired by divine guidance. Just as the Frankish nation once received deliverance from various errors and learned to worship the only true God through St. Remigius, the Angles now ask for guidance from his see and teachings so they can learn to avoid superstition, eliminate excess, and get rid of harmful practices that arise from broken traditions or rough behaviors. They want to learn how to gather the good things in the Lord's field while being cautious of dangers.
For St. Augustine, the first bishop of your nation, sent to us by your apostle St. Gregory, could not in a short time set forth all the decrees of the holy apostles, nor did he think proper suddenly to burden a rude and barbarous nation with new and strange enactments; for he knew how to adapt himself to their infirmities, and to say with the Apostle, ‘I have given milk to you to drink, who are babes in Christ, and not meat’ (1 Cor. 3. 2). And as Peter and James, who were looked upon as pillars (Gal. 2. 9), with Barnabas and Paul, and the rest who were met together, did not wish to oppress the primitive Church, which was flowing in from the Gentiles to the faith of Christ, with a heavier burden than to command them to abstain from things offered to idols, and from fornication, and from things strangled, and from blood (Acts 15. 29), so also do we know how matters were managed with you at the beginning. For they required only this for training up the people in the knowledge of God, and turning them from their former barbarous fierceness, namely, that faithful and prudent servants should be placed over the Lord’s household, who74 should be competent to give out to each of their fellow-servants his dole of food in due season, that is, according to the capacity of each of the hearers. But in process of time, as the Christian religion gained strength, the holy Church felt it neither to be her inclination nor her duty to be satisfied with this, but to take example from the apostles themselves, their masters and founders, who, after the doctrines of the Gospel had been set forth and spread abroad by their heavenly Master Himself, did not deem it superfluous and needless, but convenient and salutary, to establish the perfect believers by frequent epistolary exhortations, and to build them more firmly upon the solid foundation, and to impart to them more abundantly the rule as well of manners as of faith.
For St. Augustine, the first bishop of your nation, sent to us by your apostle St. Gregory, couldn't possibly lay out all the teachings of the holy apostles in a short time, nor did he think it wise to suddenly overwhelm a rough and uncivilized nation with new and unfamiliar rules; he understood how to adjust to their weaknesses, and to echo the Apostle’s words, ‘I have given you milk to drink, not solid food, since you are still babies in Christ’ (1 Cor. 3. 2). Just as Peter and James, regarded as pillars (Gal. 2. 9), along with Barnabas and Paul, and the others who gathered together, didn't want to add extra burdens on the early Church, which was welcoming Gentiles into the faith of Christ, other than to instruct them to refrain from eating food offered to idols, from fornication, from consuming animals that died from strangulation, and from blood (Acts 15. 29), we also understand how things were managed with you at the start. They only required this to help the people grow in the knowledge of God, and to redirect them from their previous savage attitudes, specifically that faithful and wise servants be appointed over the Lord’s household, who should be able to provide each fellow servant their share of food at the right time, meaning, suited to the needs of each listener. Over time, as Christianity grew stronger, the holy Church felt it wasn't her place to be content with just this, but to take a cue from the apostles themselves, their teachers and founders, who, after the teachings of the Gospel were revealed and spread by their heavenly Master, didn't consider it excessive or unnecessary, but rather useful and beneficial, to reinforce the devoted believers through regular written encouragements, to strengthen them on the solid foundation, and to more abundantly share guidelines for both behavior and faith.
Nevertheless, she too, whether excited by adverse circumstances, or nourished by prosperous ones, never ceased to aim at the good of her children, whom she is daily bringing forth to Christ, and, inflamed by the fire of the Holy Spirit, to promote their advancement, both privately and publicly. Hence the frequent calling of councils, not only from the neighboring cities and provinces, but also, in these days, from regions beyond seas; hence synodal decrees so often published; hence sacred canons, framed and consecrated by the Holy Spirit, by which both the Catholic faith is powerfully strengthened, and the unity of the Church’s peace is inviolably guarded, and its order is decently regulated: which canons, as it is unlawful for any Christian to transgress, so it is altogether wicked, in clerk and priest especially, to be ignorant of them; the wholesome observance and the religious handing down of which are things ever to be embraced. Seeing that, for the reasons above stated, all these matters have either not been fully made known to your nation, or have now for the most part failed, it hath appeared fit and proper to your Majesty and to your royal wisdom, by a most excellent counsel—inspired, as we believe, from above—both to consult us, insignificant as we are, on this matter, and to repair to the see of St. Remigius, by whose virtues and doctrine the same see or church hath always flourished and excelled all the churches of Gaul since his time in all piety and doctrine.
Nevertheless, she too, whether motivated by tough times or supported by good ones, never stopped striving for the well-being of her children, whom she is constantly guiding toward Christ, and, inspired by the Holy Spirit, working for their progress both in private and in public. This explains the frequent gatherings of councils, not just from nearby cities and regions, but also, in these times, from across the seas; this is why synodal decrees are published so often; this is why sacred canons, shaped and blessed by the Holy Spirit, greatly strengthen the Catholic faith, maintain the unity of the Church's peace, and uphold its order in a respectful manner: It is illegal for any Christian to break these canons, and it is especially wrong for clerics and priests to be unaware of them; their proper observance and the faithful transmission of these teachings should always be embraced. Given that, for the reasons mentioned above, many of these issues have either not been fully communicated to your nation or have largely fallen by the wayside, it has seemed suitable and wise to your Majesty, with excellent counsel—believed to be inspired from above—to consult us, as insignificant as we are, on this matter and to turn to the see of St. Remigius, through whose virtues and teachings this see or church has always thrived and outshone all the churches of Gaul in piety and doctrine since his time.
And since you are unwilling to appear before us, when you present these your requests, without a gift and empty-handed,75 your Majesty hath deigned to honor us with a present that is both very necessary for the time and well suited to the matter in hand; concerning which we have both praised heavenly Providence with admiration, and have returned no slender thanks to your royal munificence. For you have sent unto us a present of dogs, which, of good and excellent breed, are yet only in the body and mortal; and this you do that they may drive away the fury of visible wolves, with which, among other scourges, wielded against us by the righteous judgment of God, our country abounds; and you ask us, in return, that we should send to you certain watch-dogs, not corporeal, that is to say, not such as those with whom the prophet finds fault, saying, ‘Dumb dogs, not able to bark’ (Isa. 56. 10), but such as the Psalmist speaks of, ‘That the tongue of thy dogs may be red through the same’ (Ps. 68. 23), who know how and are qualified to make loud barkings for their Lord, and constantly to guard His flock with most wakeful and most careful watchings, and to drive away to a distance those most cruel wolves of unclean spirits who lie in wait to devour souls.
And since you are unwilling to come before us, when you present your requests without a gift and empty-handed,75 your Majesty has graciously honored us with a gift that is both very necessary for the time and appropriate for the situation; for which we have praised divine Providence with admiration, and have expressed our sincere gratitude for your royal generosity. You have sent us a gift of dogs, which, while of good and excellent breed, are still just physical beings; and you do this so they may fend off the threat of visible wolves, with which, among other challenges imposed on us by the righteous judgment of God, our land is afflicted; and you request in return that we send you certain watch-dogs, not physical, meaning not like those the prophet criticizes, saying, ‘Dumb dogs, not able to bark’ (Isa. 56. 10), but rather like those referred to by the Psalmist, ‘That the tongue of thy dogs may be red through the same’ (Ps. 68. 23), who know how to bark loudly for their Lord, and diligently guard His flock with careful and vigilant watch, driving away those cruel wolves of unclean spirits that lie in wait to devour souls.
Of which number you specially demand one from us, namely, Grimbald, priest and monk, to be sent for this office, and to preside over the government of the pastoral charge. To whom the whole Church, which hath nourished him, gives her testimony from his childhood, with true faith and holy religion, and which hath advanced him by regular steps, according to ecclesiastical custom, to the dignity of the priesthood. We affirm openly that he is most deserving of the honor of the episcopate, and that he is fit to teach others also. But indeed we wished that this might rather take place in our kingdom, and we intended some time ago, with Christ’s permission, to accomplish it in due time, namely, that he whom we had as a faithful son we might have as an associate in our office, and a most trustworthy assistant in everything that pertained to the advantage of the Church. It is not without deep sorrow—forgive us for saying so—that we suffer him to be torn from us, and be removed from our eyes by so vast an extent of land and sea. But as love has no perception of loss, nor faith of injury, and no remoteness of regions can part those whom the tie of unfeigned affection joins together, we have most willingly assented to your request—for to you we76 have no power to refuse anything—nor do we grudge him to you, whose advantage we rejoice in as much as if it were our own, and whose profit we count as ours: for we know that in every place one only God is served, and that the Catholic and Apostolic Church is one, whether it be at Rome or in the parts beyond the sea.
You specifically request that we send Grimbald, a priest and monk, for this role to oversee the management of the pastoral charge. The entire Church, which has supported him since childhood, vouches for him with genuine faith and devout practices, and has elevated him step by step, following church tradition, to the status of priesthood. We publicly confirm that he is highly deserving of the honor of becoming a bishop and is qualified to teach others as well. However, we truly hoped that this would happen within our own kingdom, and a while back, with Christ’s blessing, we planned to achieve it in due time, which is that we would have him as a faithful son, and as a partner in our work, and a very reliable supporter in all things related to the benefit of the Church. It pains us deeply—please forgive us for saying this—that we must let him be taken from us, separated by such a vast distance of land and sea. But since love doesn’t recognize loss, faith doesn’t acknowledge harm, and no distance can sever those bound by genuine affection, we have gladly agreed to your request—for we cannot refuse you anything—and we are not resentful of giving him to you, as we share in your gain just as if it were our own, and count your benefit as ours: for we understand that in every location only one God is worshipped, and that the Catholic and Apostolic Church is united, whether in Rome or in far-off lands.
It is our duty, then, to make him over to you canonically; and it is your duty to receive him reverentially, that is to say, in such way and mode as may best conduce to the glory of your kingdom, to the honor of the Church and our prelacy; and to send him to you along with his electors, and with certain nobles and great personages of your kingdom, as well bishops, presbyters, deacons, as religious laymen also, who with their own lips promise and declare to us in the presence of our whole church that they will treat him with fitting respect during the whole course of his life, and that they will inviolably keep with the strictest care the canonical decrees and the rules of the Church, handed down to the Church by the apostles and by apostolic men, such as they could then hear from us, and afterwards learn from him their pastor and teacher, according to the form delivered by us to him. Which when they shall have done, with the divine blessing and the authority of St. Remigius, by our ministry and the laying on of hands, according to the custom of the Church, receiving him properly ordained, and in all things fully instructed, let them conduct him with due honor to his own seat, glad and cheerful themselves that they are always to enjoy his protection, and constantly to be instructed by his teaching and example.
It is our responsibility to formally hand him over to you, and it is your responsibility to welcome him with respect, in a manner that reflects the glory of your kingdom and honors the Church and our leadership. You should send him back to you along with his electors and some nobles and important figures from your kingdom, including bishops, priests, deacons, and also dedicated laypeople, who will openly promise and declare to us in front of our entire church that they will treat him with the proper respect throughout his life, and that they will faithfully uphold the canonical laws and the teachings of the Church, which have been passed down from the apostles and those who served them. They will hear these teachings from us and later learn them from him, their pastor and teacher, as per the instructions we have given him. Once they have done this, with God's blessing and the authority of St. Remigius, through our service and the laying on of hands, in accordance with Church custom, and after receiving him properly ordained and fully instructed, they should escort him with the respect he deserves to his seat, feeling happy and cheerful that they will always benefit from his protection, and consistently be guided by his teaching and example.
And as the members feel a concern for each other, and when even one rejoices they rejoice with it, or if even one suffer all the other members sympathize with it, we again earnestly and specially commend him to your Royal Highness and to your most provident goodness, that he may be always permitted, with unfettered authority, without any gainsaying, to teach and to carry into effect whatever he may discover to be fit and useful for the honor of the Church and the instruction of your people, according to the authority of the canons and the custom of our Church, lest, haply—which God forbid!—any one, under the instigation of the devil, being moved by the impulse of spite and malevolence, should excite controversy or raise sedition against him. But77 should this happen, it will be your duty then to make special provision against this, and by all means to discourage by your royal censure all such persons, if they should chance to show themselves, and check barbaric rudeness by the curb of your authority; and it will be his duty always to consult for the salvation of the people committed to his pastoral skill, and rather to draw all men after him by love than to drive them by fear.
And as the members care for each other, when one person is happy, they all share in that joy, and when one suffers, everyone else empathizes, we once again earnestly recommend him to your Royal Highness and your generous kindness. We hope he will always be allowed, with full authority and without any objections, to teach and implement whatever he finds to be suitable and beneficial for the honor of the Church and the education of your people, in line with the canons and the traditions of our Church. We pray that, hopefully—not that we wish for this!—no one, influenced by the devil and motivated by spite and malice, should stir up conflict or rebellion against him. But should this occur, it will be your responsibility to take steps against it and to firmly discourage such individuals with your royal reprimand. You should also curb any barbaric rudeness with your authority. Additionally, it will be his responsibility to always look out for the salvation of the people entrusted to his care and to attract everyone to him through love rather than drive them away through fear.
May you, most illustrious, most religious, and most invincible king, ever rejoice and flourish in Christ the Lord of lords.
May you, most esteemed, most holy, and most unbeatable king, always find joy and thrive in Christ, the Lord of lords.
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FOOTNOTES
1 Based on the Chronicle under 855.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Based on the *Chronicle* from 855.
3 Bede, Eccl. Hist. 3. 7: ‘The West Saxons, formerly called Gewissae.’ Plummer comments in his edition, 2. 89: ‘It is probably connected with the “visi” of “Visigoths,” meaning “west,” and hence would indicate the western confederation of Saxon tribes; ... “Gewis” is probably an eponymous hero manufactured out of the tribe-name.’ The gw of Gegwis is a Welsh peculiarity (Stevenson).
3 Bede, Eccl. Hist. 3. 7: ‘The West Saxons, previously known as Gewissae.’ Plummer notes in his edition, 2. 89: ‘This is likely related to the “visi” of “Visigoths,” meaning “west,” which would indicate the western coalition of Saxon tribes; ... “Gewis” is probably a legendary hero created from the tribe's name.’ The gw in Gegwis is a distinct feature of Welsh (Stevenson).
7 From the Chronicle under 530 and 534.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the Chronicle between 530 and 534.
8 Unidentified.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Unknown.
9 From the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the Chronicle.
12 From the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the Chronicle.
13 MS. Cantwariorum civitatem; Chron. Cantwaraburg.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ MS. Cantwariorum civitatem; Chron. Cantwaraburg.
14 Based upon the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Based on the Chronicle.
17 From the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the Chronicle.
18 Mainly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mostly from the Chronicle.
19 The ‘North Welsh’ of the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The 'North Welsh' of the Chronicle.
20 Based upon the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Based on the Chronicle.
21 MS. in regem.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ms. in regem.
22 MS. infantem.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ MS. baby.
23 ‘A letter from the pope to Alfred’s father, regarding the ceremony
at Rome, has been fortunately preserved for us in a twelfth-century
collection of papal letters, now in the British Museum.... The letter
is as follows: “Edeluulfo, regi Anglorum [marginal direction for rubricator].
23 ‘A letter from the pope to Alfred’s father about the ceremony in Rome has thankfully been preserved for us in a twelfth-century collection of papal letters, now in the British Museum.... The letter reads: “Edeluulfo, king of the Angles [marginal direction for rubricator].
24 Based upon the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Based on the Chronicle.
25 Thanet.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Thanet.
26 From the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the Chronicle.
27 Based upon the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Based on the Chronicle.
28 Charles the Bald.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Charles the Bald.
29 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
30 Comprising Somerset, Devon, and Cornwall.
Including Somerset, Devon, and Cornwall.
31 Chiefly original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mostly original.
32 From the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the Chronicle.
33 Prudentius of Troyes (in Annales Bertiniani, an. 856, ed. Waitz, p. 47), says of Bishop Hincmar: ‘Eam ... reginæ nomine insignit, quod sibi suæque genti eatenus fuerat insuetum.’
33 Prudentius of Troyes (in Annales Bertiniani, an. 856, ed. Waitz, p. 47), says of Bishop Hincmar: ‘He ... marks her by the name of queen, which had been unusual for him and his people until now.’
34 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
36 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
37 Charlemagne.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Charlemagne.
38 ‘Pavia was on the road to Rome, and was hence frequented by English pilgrims on their journey to the latter’ (Stevenson). The Chronicle says under 888: ‘Queen Æthelswith, who was King Alfred’s sister, died; and her body lies at Pavia.’ ‘With this story of Eadburh’s begging in that city we may compare the statement of St. Boniface, written about 747, as to the presence of English prostitutes or adulteresses in the cities of Lombardy, Frankland, or Gaul (Dümmler, Epistolæ Karolini Ævi 1. 355; Haddan and Stubbs, Councils 3. 381). At the date of this letter the Lombards still spoke their native Germanic tongue, and it is probable that as late as Eadburh’s time it was still the predominant speech in Lombardy’ (Stevenson).
38 ‘Pavia was on the way to Rome and was often visited by English pilgrims traveling there’ (Stevenson). The Chronicle states under 888: ‘Queen Æthelswith, who was King Alfred’s sister, died; and her body is buried in Pavia.’ ‘We can compare this story of Eadburh begging in that city with St. Boniface’s remarks from around 747 about English prostitutes or adulteresses in the cities of Lombardy, Frankland, or Gaul (Dümmler, Epistolæ Karolini Ævi 1. 355; Haddan and Stubbs, Councils 3. 381). At the time of this letter, the Lombards still spoke their native Germanic language, and it's likely that even in Eadburh’s day, it was still the main language in Lombardy’ (Stevenson).
39 Mostly original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mostly original.
42 Lat. manentibus.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Lat. manentibus.
44 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
46 This last statement is incorrect.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ This last statement is incorrect.
47 From the Chronicle under 860. As Æthelbert was already in possession of Kent, Surrey, and Sussex, it should rather be said that he added Wessex.
47 From the Chronicle under 860. Since Æthelbert already ruled Kent, Surrey, and Sussex, it's more accurate to say that he expanded his territory to include Wessex.
48 From the Chronicle under 860.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the Chronicle in 860.
50 The earlier part from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The earlier section from the Chronicle.
52 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
55 From Florence of Worcester.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From Florence of Worcester.
56 So Pauli and Stevenson interpret legit.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ So Pauli and Stevenson define legit.
57 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
58 Cf. chap. 88.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See chapter 88.
59 The liberal arts were seven, consisting of the trivium—grammar, logic, and rhetoric—and the quadrivium—arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy. This course of study was introduced in the sixth century. Asser here employs the singular, artem, which might be translated by ‘education.’
59 The liberal arts were seven, including the trivium—grammar, logic, and rhetoric—and the quadrivium—arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy. This course of study was introduced in the sixth century. Asser uses the singular term, artem, which can be translated as ‘education.’
61 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
62 Alfred says (Preface to the Pastoral Care): ‘Thanks be to Almighty God that we have any teachers among us now.’ In this same Preface he mentions, among those who aided him in the translation, Archbishop Plegmund, Bishop Asser, our author, and the two priests Grimbold and John. Cf. chaps. 77, 78, 79, 81, 88, and Appendix I, p. 71.
62 Alfred says (Preface to the Pastoral Care): ‘Thanks to Almighty God that we have any teachers among us now.’ In this same Preface, he mentions, among those who helped him with the translation, Archbishop Plegmund, Bishop Asser, our author, and the two priests Grimbold and John. Cf. chaps. 77, 78, 79, 81, 88, and Appendix I, p. 71.
63 Stevenson brackets this clause.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Stevenson includes this clause.
64 Mostly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mostly from the Chronicle.
66 From the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the Chronicle.
67 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
68 ‘Subarravit, formed from sub and arrha, represents literally the English verb wed, which refers to the giving of security upon the engagement of marriage.... [It] is glossed by beweddian in Napier’s Old English Glosses’ (Stevenson).
68 ‘Subarravit, made up of sub and arrha, literally means the English verb wed, which refers to providing security upon getting engaged.... [It] is explained as beweddian in Napier’s Old English Glosses’ (Stevenson).
71 Largely from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mainly from the Chronicle.
72 ‘A compound of tig (Modern Welsh tŷ, “house”), and guocobauc (Modern Welsh gogofawg), an adjective derived from gogof, “cave.” ... The name ... is certainly applicable to Nottingham, which has long been famous for the houses excavated out of the soft sandstone upon which it stands’ (Stevenson). The word Nottingham itself, however, has not this meaning.
72 ‘A combination of tig (Modern Welsh tŷ, “house”), and guocobauc (Modern Welsh gogofawg), an adjective from gogof, “cave.” ... The name ... definitely fits Nottingham, which has been well-known for the homes carved into the soft sandstone it sits on’ (Stevenson). However, the word Nottingham itself doesn’t carry this meaning.
74 From the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the Chronicle.
75 In Norfolk.
In Norfolk.
76 Mostly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mostly from the *Chronicle*.
77 Chiefly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mostly from the Chronicle.
80 Chiefly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mainly from the Chronicle.
81 The Berkshire Downs (Stevenson).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The Berkshire Downs (Stevenson).
83 Perhaps mediam is a scribal error for unam or primam (Stevenson).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Maybe mediam is a typo for unam or primam (Stevenson).
85 All original except final clause.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ All original except last part.
87 Mostly original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mostly original.
88 Probably Reading.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Likely Reading.
89 From the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the *Chronicle*.
90 Before this sentence occurs the following in the Latin: Quibus cum talia præsentis vitæ dispendia alienigenis perperam quærentibus non sufficerent. This may represent a sentence in the author’s draft that was intended, owing to change of construction, to be omitted (Stevenson).
90 Before this sentence, you’ll find the following in Latin: Quibus cum talia præsentis vitæ dispendia alienigenis perperam quærentibus non sufficerent. This might represent a sentence in the author's draft that was meant to be left out due to a change in structure (Stevenson).
91 In Hampshire.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ in Hampshire.
92 Mostly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mostly from the *Chronicle*.
93 In Dorsetshire.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ in Dorset.
94 Paraphrased and amplified from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Paraphrased and expanded from the Chronicle.
96 Or, perhaps, ‘fewness,’ reading paucitatem for peraudacitatem (Stevenson).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Or, maybe, 'fewness,' reading paucitatem for peraudacitatem (Stevenson).
97 Mostly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mostly from the Chronicle.
98 From the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the Chronicle.
99 Chiefly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mainly from the Chronicle.
100 In Derbyshire.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ in Derbyshire.
103 From the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the Chronicle.
104 The valley of the Clyde.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The Clyde Valley.
105 Here spelled Gothrum.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Here spelled Gothrum.
106 From the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the Chronicle.
107 Chiefly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mainly from the Chronicle.
108 In Dorsetshire.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ in Dorset.
109 Dorchester.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Dorchester.
110 For the usual Dornsæte.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ For the usual Dornsæte.
112 Here the Chronicle has: ‘They, the mounted army, stole away from the fierd [the English forces] in the night into Exeter.’ This, of course, is the true account, while the statement in Asser is incredible.
112 Here the Chronicle says: ‘They, the cavalry, sneaked away from the English forces in the night into Exeter.’ This, of course, is the real story, while Asser's account is hard to believe.
113 Exe.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Exec.
114 From the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the Chronicle.
115 See chap. 46.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See chapter 46.
116 Largely from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mostly from the Chronicle.
117 At this point Archbishop Parker interpolated, from the Annals of St. Neots, the story of Alfred and the cakes. This story, however, cannot be proved to antedate the Norman Conquest.
117 At this point, Archbishop Parker added, from the Annals of St. Neots, the story of Alfred and the cakes. However, this story cannot be proven to have existed before the Norman Conquest.
119 Name unknown.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Unknown name.
120 Hingwar.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Hingwar.
122 Site unknown.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Site unknown.
123 Mostly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mostly from the Chronicle.
124 In Somersetshire.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ in Somerset.
125 Unknown.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Unknown.
126 Or perhaps better, Iglea; see Stevenson’s note on the word, p. 270 of his edition. He says: ‘It is probably an older name of Southleigh Wood, or of part of it.’
126 Or maybe it’s better to say Iglea; check Stevenson’s note on the word, p. 270 of his edition. He mentions: ‘It’s likely an older name for Southleigh Wood, or part of it.’
127 Based upon the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Based on the Chronicle.
128 In Wiltshire.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ in Wiltshire.
129 Supplied by Stevenson from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Provided by Stevenson from the Chronicle.
131 Chrism is the term employed for the mixture of oil and balsam employed in the rite of confirmation, and sometimes for the ceremony of confirmation itself. In the early church, this ceremony immediately followed baptism, and was performed by the laying on of hands. In the Roman church it is obligatory on all Catholics, and no baptism is theoretically complete without it. It is performed by a bishop (only exceptionally by a priest). The ceremony begins with the bishop’s rising and facing the person or persons to be confirmed, his pastoral staff in his hand, and saying: ‘May the Holy Ghost come upon you, and the power of the Holy Ghost keep you from sins’ (Handbook to Christian and Ecclesiastical Rome: Liturgy in Rome, London, 1897, pp. 169–171). The rite is described in Egbert’s Pontifical, which may be taken as representing the custom in the church of Alfred’s time. Lingard says (Anglo-Saxon Church, London, 1858, 1. 297): ‘According to that pontifical, the bishop prayed thus: “Almighty and Everlasting God, who hast granted to this thy servant to be born again of water and the Holy Ghost, and hast given to him remission of his sins, send down upon him thy sevenfold Holy Spirit, the Paraclete from heaven, Amen. Give to him the spirit of wisdom and understanding, Amen—the spirit of counsel and fortitude, Amen—the spirit of knowledge and piety, Amen. Fill him with the spirit of the fear of God and our Lord Jesus Christ, and mercifully sign him with the sign of the holy cross for life eternal.” The bishop then marked his forehead with chrism, and proceeded thus: “Receive this sign of the holy cross with the chrism of salvation in Christ Jesus unto life eternal.” The head was then bound with a fillet of new linen to be worn seven days, and the bishop resumed: “O God, who didst give thy Holy Spirit to thine apostles, that by them and their successors he might be given to the rest of the faithful, look down on the ministry of our lowliness, and grant that into the heart of him whose forehead we have this day anointed, and confirmed with the sign of the cross, thy Holy Spirit may descend; and that, dwelling therein, he may make it the temple of his glory, through Christ our Lord.” The confirmed then received the episcopal blessing, and communicated during the mass.’
131 Chrism is the term used for the mix of oil and balsam used in the confirmation rite, and sometimes refers to the confirmation ceremony itself. In the early church, this ceremony followed baptism and was performed by laying on of hands. In the Roman church, it is required for all Catholics, and no baptism is considered complete without it. It is usually performed by a bishop, though a priest may perform it in rare cases. The ceremony starts with the bishop standing and facing the person or people being confirmed, holding his pastoral staff, and saying: ‘May the Holy Spirit come upon you, and may the power of the Holy Spirit protect you from sin’ (Handbook to Christian and Ecclesiastical Rome: Liturgy in Rome, London, 1897, pp. 169–171). The rite is outlined in Egbert’s Pontifical, which reflects the practices of the church during Alfred’s time. Lingard states (Anglo-Saxon Church, London, 1858, 1. 297): ‘According to that pontifical, the bishop prayed: “Almighty and Everlasting God, who has allowed this your servant to be reborn through water and the Holy Spirit, and has granted him forgiveness of sins, send down upon him your sevenfold Holy Spirit, the Paraclete from heaven, Amen. Grant him the spirit of wisdom and understanding, Amen—the spirit of counsel and courage, Amen—the spirit of knowledge and reverence, Amen. Fill him with the spirit of the fear of God and of our Lord Jesus Christ, and graciously mark him with the sign of the holy cross for eternal life.” The bishop then marked his forehead with chrism and continued: “Receive this sign of the holy cross with the chrism of salvation in Christ Jesus for eternal life.” The head was then wrapped with a band of new linen to be worn for seven days, and the bishop added: “O God, who gave your Holy Spirit to your apostles, so that through them and their successors He might be given to all the faithful, look down on our humble ministry, and grant that into the heart of him whose forehead we have today anointed and confirmed with the sign of the cross, your Holy Spirit may descend; and that, residing within him, he may make his heart the temple of your glory, through Christ our Lord.” The confirmed then received the bishop's blessing and took communion during the mass.’
The chrism-loosing was the ceremony of unbinding the fillet, apparently.
The chrism-loosing was the ceremony of taking off the ribbon, it seems.
132 MS. ædificia; Stevenson, beneficia.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ MS. buildings; Stevenson, benefits.
133 Chiefly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mainly from the Chronicle.
134 Gloucester, Worcester, etc.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Gloucester, Worcester, etc.
135 Mostly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mostly from the Chronicle.
136 Mostly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mostly from the Chronicle.
137 See Stevenson’s interesting note.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Check out Stevenson's interesting note.
138 From the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the Chronicle.
139 Ibid.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Same source.
140 Ibid.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Same source.
141 Ibid.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Same source.
142 Mostly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mostly from the *Chronicle*.
143 Largely from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mainly from the Chronicle.
144 Mostly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mostly from the Chronicle.
145 Cf. chap. 60.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See chapter 60.
146 The MS. has dormiret, but perhaps for domum iret, since the Chronicle has hāmweard wendon (Stevenson); so perhaps we should read ‘was on its way home.’
146 The manuscript has dormiret, but maybe it should have domum iret, since the Chronicle has hāmweard wendon (Stevenson); so perhaps we should read ‘was on its way home.’
147 Chiefly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mainly from the Chronicle.
148 Louis the Stammerer.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Louis the Stammerer.
149 Cf. chap. 59.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See chapter 59.
150 Charles the Bald.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Charles the Bald.
151 Cf. chaps. 11 and 13.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See chapters 11 and 13.
152 From the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the Chronicle.
155 Mainly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mostly from the Chronicle.
156 The North Sea.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ North Sea.
157 Brittany.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Brittany.
158 Louis the German.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Louis the German.
159 Louis the Pious.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Louis the Pious.
160 Mainly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mainly from the Chronicle.
161 From the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the Chronicle.
163 See chap. 21.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Check chapter 21.
164 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
165 Perhaps the hemorrhoids.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Maybe it's the hemorrhoids.
168 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
170 MS. Eadredo.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ms. Eadredo.
171 See Appendix I, p. 70.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See Appendix I, p. 70.
172 See chaps. 24 and 88.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See chapters 24 and 88.
173 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
175 See chaps. 23 and 75.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Check out chapters 23 and 75.
176 Our first accounts of Arctic exploration are from his pen. For his interest in geographical discovery see the narratives of Ohthere and Wulfstan, in his translation of Orosius. In 897, according to the Chronicle, he was experimenting with new war-galleys: ‘They were almost twice as long as the others. Some had sixty oars, some more. They were swifter, steadier, and higher than the others, and were built, not on a Frisian or Danish model, but according to his personal notions of their utility.’
176 Our earliest accounts of Arctic exploration come from him. For his interest in geographical discovery, check out the stories of Ohthere and Wulfstan in his translation of Orosius. In 897, according to the Chronicle, he was testing out new war galleys: ‘They were nearly twice as long as the others. Some had sixty oars, some even more. They were faster, more stable, and taller than the rest, and were designed not based on Frisian or Danish models, but according to his personal ideas of their usefulness.’
180 MS. Armorici. See chap. 102.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ms. Armorici. See chap. 102.
181 Or, ‘degrees’; cf. p. 60.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Or, ‘degrees’; see p. 60.
182 See chap. 101.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See chapter 101.
183 Matt. 6. 33.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Matt. 6:33.
184 Ps. 85. 8.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ps. 85. 8.
186 Cf. chap. 24.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See chapter 24.
187 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
189 See Appendix I, p. 71.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See Appendix I, p. 71.
190 Perhaps Bishop of Ramsbury (909 A.D.). The later MSS. of the Chronicle say, under the year 883: ‘And in the same year Sighelm and Æthelstan took to Rome the alms that King Alfred sent, and also to India to St. Thomas’ and St. Bartholomew’s.’
190 Perhaps Bishop of Ramsbury (909 CE). The later manuscripts of the Chronicle state, under the year 883: ‘And in the same year, Sighelm and Æthelstan brought the alms that King Alfred sent to Rome, and also to India for St. Thomas and St. Bartholomew.’
192 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
195 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
197 Five miles southwest of Chepstow. ‘There was an abbey there, where a traveling ecclesiastic would be likely to stay, and it was on the great Roman road to South Wales, by which a traveler from Wessex to St. Davids would proceed’ (Stevenson).
197 Five miles southwest of Chepstow. “There was an abbey there, where a traveling clergyman would probably stay, and it was on the main Roman road to South Wales, which a traveler from Wessex to St. Davids would take” (Stevenson).
198 The MS. seems to be corrupt at this point, so that what I have given is a loose conjectural rendering of the Latin: ... et illa adjuvaretur per rudimenta Sancti Dequi in omni causa, tamen pro viribus.
198 The manuscript appears to be damaged at this point, so what I’ve provided is a rough guess of the Latin: ... et illa adjuvaretur per rudimenta Sancti Dequi in omni causa, tamen pro viribus.
199 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
200 Pembrokeshire and part of Carmarthenshire.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Pembrokeshire and part of Carmarthenshire.
203 In Monmouthshire.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ in Monmouthshire.
204 Alfred.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Alfred.
205 See chaps. 8 and 56.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Check chapters 8 and 56.
206 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
207 Perhaps Landford in Wiltshire.
Maybe Landford in Wiltshire.
208 In Alfred’s Preface to his translation of Boethius we are told: ‘[He made this translation as well as he could], considering the various and manifold worldly cares that oft troubled him both in mind and body.’ The similarity of phrase is striking.
208 In Alfred’s Preface to his translation of Boethius, it says: ‘[He made this translation as well as he could], considering the many different worldly worries that often troubled him both mentally and physically.’ The similarity of phrase is striking.
210 Largely from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mostly from the Chronicle.
211 Largely from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mostly from the Chronicle.
212 Namely, Alfred.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Specifically, Alfred.
215 Much expanded from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Much expanded from the Chronicle.
216 From the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From the Chronicle.
217 Charles the Fat.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Charles the Bald.
218 Burgundy.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Burgundy.
219 Chiefly from the Chronicle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mainly from the Chronicle.
220 Cf. chap. 84.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See chap. 84.
221 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
222 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
223 Cf. chap. 24.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See chapter 24.
224 Author unknown.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Author unknown.
225 Cf. chap. 76.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See chap. 76.
226 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
227 Luke 23. 42.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Luke 23:42.
229 November 11.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ November 11th.
230 Alfred calls the passages which he translated from St. Augustine’s Soliloquies by the name of ‘flowers’ or ‘blossoms’ (blōstman). See Hargrove’s edition (Yale Studies in English XIII), and his version into modern English (Yale Studies in English XXII).
230 Alfred refers to the sections he translated from St. Augustine’s Soliloquies as ‘flowers’ or ‘blossoms’ (blōstman). Check Hargrove’s edition (Yale Studies in English XIII), as well as his modern English translation (Yale Studies in English XXII).
233 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
234 Unknown.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Unknown.
235 Cf. note 5, chap. 80.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See note 5, chap. 80.
236 ... unicuique ubicumque male habet.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ... to each their own trouble.
237 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
238 Cf. chap. 74.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See chap. 74.
239 MS. corrupt: De cotidiana nationum.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ MS. corrupt: On the Daily Affairs of Nations.
241 Cf. chap. 70.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See chap. 70.
242 Perhaps Elias III, patriarch from about 879 to 907; the MS. reads Abel. Stevenson’s emendation is supported by the fact that certain medical recipes are related to have been sent to Alfred by the patriarch Elias (Cockayne, Leechdoms 2. 290).
242 Perhaps Elias III, who was patriarch from around 879 to 907; the manuscript reads Abel. Stevenson’s correction is backed up by the fact that some medical recipes are said to have been sent to Alfred by Patriarch Elias (Cockayne, Leechdoms 2. 290).
243 Stevenson says: ‘Possibly he intended to refer to the use of the precious metals in sacred edifices. We are told, on the doubtful authority of William of Malmesbury, that King Ine built a chapel of gold and silver at Glastonbury. A ninth-century writer records that Ansegis, abbot of Fontenelle, 806–833, partly decorated a spire of the abbey with gilt metal, and another writer of that period mentions the golden doors of the “basilica” of St. Alban in his description of the imperial palace at Ingelheim. Giraldus Cambrensis ascribes the use of golden roofs or roof-crests to the Romans at Caerleon-on-Usk. The idea that a king’s palace ought to be decorated with the precious metals is probably an outcome of the late Roman rhetoric and Byzantine magnificence.’
243 Stevenson says: ‘He might have meant to point out the use of precious metals in holy buildings. We hear, from the questionable account of William of Malmesbury, that King Ine built a chapel made of gold and silver at Glastonbury. A writer from the ninth century notes that Ansegis, the abbot of Fontenelle, from 806 to 833, partially adorned a spire of the abbey with gilded metal, and another writer from that time references the golden doors of the “basilica” of St. Alban in his description of the imperial palace at Ingelheim. Giraldus Cambrensis attributes the use of golden roofs or roof-crests to the Romans at Caerleon-on-Usk. The notion that a king’s palace should be embellished with precious metals probably stems from late Roman rhetoric and Byzantine opulence.’
246 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
248 The Latin has: inter cetera diuturna et nocturna bona. Stevenson does not emend, but it seems as though we should read diurna. Compare, for example, in Stevenson’s edition, 78. 14, 35, 39; 99. 10; 100. 11; 103. 9.
248 The Latin says: inter cetera diuturna et nocturna bona. Stevenson doesn't change it, but it seems like we should read diurna. For instance, in Stevenson’s edition, 78. 14, 35, 39; 99. 10; 100. 11; 103. 9.
250 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
251 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
252 Cf. chap. 78.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See chap. 78.
253 Cf. chap. 78.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See chap. 78.
254 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
255 Supplied by Stevenson.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Provided by Stevenson.
256 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
257 Matt. 27. 64.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Matt. 27. 64.
258 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
259 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
260 Cf. chap. 92.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See chap. 92.
261 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
264 Prov. 21. 1.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Prov. 21:1.
265 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
267 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
269 2 Cor. 9. 7.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 2 Cor. 9:7.
270 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
271 Incorrectly quoted from the Pastoral Care 3. 20: ‘Ne quædam quibus nulla, ne nulla quibus quædam, ne multa quibus pauca, ne pauca præbeant quibus impendere multa debuerunt.’
271 Incorrectly quoted from the Pastoral Care 3. 20: ‘Neither those that offer nothing, nor those that should offer something, nor those that offer many things should provide few to those that ought to have many.’
272 See chaps. 75 and 76.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Check out chapters 75 and 76.
273 See chaps. 74 and 81.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See chapters 74 and 81.
274 See chaps. 78 and 94.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Check out chapters 78 and 94.
275 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
277 Reading divitiis for the divinis of the text.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Reading wealth for the gods of the text.
278 Cf. chap. 99.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See chap. 99.
279 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
281 ‘As these six candles weighed 72 pennyweights, each one was of the weight of 12d. The weight of the OE. penny was 22½ Troy grains, so that each candle would weigh roughly ⅝ oz. avoirdupois. As the candles were twelve inches long, they would be very thin in proportion to their length. A modern beeswax candle burns at a considerably quicker rate than is here assumed, but we do not think this condemns the figures given in this chapter as imaginary. The candle of Alfred’s time was probably not moulded, and the wick would not be made of cotton, as in the modern ones. Rushes, tow, and the hards of flax were used for wicks. Aldhelm refers to the use of linen or flax wicks, but also to those made of rushes. It is therefore hardly possible to reproduce the candles used by Alfred for the purpose of testing this chapter’ (Stevenson).
281 ‘These six candles weighed 72 pennyweights, meaning each one weighed 12d. The weight of the OE. penny was 22½ Troy grains, so each candle would weigh about ⅝ oz. avoirdupois. Being twelve inches long, they were quite thin compared to their length. A modern beeswax candle burns significantly faster than assumed here, but we don’t think that makes the figures in this chapter imaginary. The candle from Alfred’s time was probably not molded, and the wick wasn’t made of cotton like today’s. Instead, they used rushes, tow, and flax fibers for wicks. Aldhelm mentions using linen or flax wicks, as well as those made of rushes. Therefore, it’s nearly impossible to recreate the candles used by Alfred for testing in this chapter’ (Stevenson).
282 Reading fenestras for the fenestrarum of the text.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Reading fenestras for the fenestrarum of the text.
283 Meanings doubtful.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Uncertain meanings.
284 ‘Ducange objected that horn lanterns were known to the Greeks and Romans long before Alfred’s time. But the passages adduced by Salmasius, to whom he refers, and such others as we have been able to gather, do not clearly describe a horn lantern lit by a candle, but rather screens formed of horn to place round oil lamps. It is possible, therefore, that Alfred may really be the inventor of the horn lantern as we know it. The door in the side, which would be rendered necessary by the change of the candles every four hours, is here described, and seems to be a new feature’ (Stevenson).
284 ‘Ducange argued that horn lanterns were known to the Greeks and Romans long before Alfred’s time. However, the examples provided by Salmasius, whom he mentions, and others we’ve been able to find, don’t clearly describe a horn lantern lit by a candle but rather screens made of horn used around oil lamps. So, it’s possible that Alfred really is the inventor of the horn lantern as we know it today. The side door, which would be necessary for changing the candles every four hours, is described here and seems to be a new feature’ (Stevenson).
285 Original.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original.
287 Cf. p. 11, note 2.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See p. 11, note 2.
288 The books.
The books.
289 From Rev. Joseph Stevenson’s translation of The Book of Hyde, in Church Historians of England (London, 1854), Vol. 2, Part 2, pp. 499–503. The translator states that the text of the letter printed by Wise in his edition of Asser (see Stevenson’s edition of Asser, p. 308) ‘has been employed in correcting the many obscurities and errors of the copy inserted in the Liber de Hida.’ Of the letter our editor says: ‘It ... seems to be genuine. There is no conceivable motive for forging such a letter. We can discover no grounds for Pauli’s condemnation of it.... As Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, c. 122 (p. 130), states that Grimbald was sent to Alfred at his request by the Archbishop of Rheims, he would seem to have been acquainted with this letter.’
289 From Rev. Joseph Stevenson’s translation of The Book of Hyde, in Church Historians of England (London, 1854), Vol. 2, Part 2, pp. 499–503. The translator mentions that the text of the letter published by Wise in his edition of Asser (see Stevenson’s edition of Asser, p. 308) ‘has been used to correct the many unclear parts and mistakes of the version included in the Liber de Hida.’ About the letter, our editor states: ‘It ... appears to be authentic. There is no believable reason for fabricating such a letter. We cannot find any justification for Pauli’s rejection of it.... As Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, c. 122 (p. 130), notes that Grimbald was sent to Alfred at his request by the Archbishop of Rheims, it seems he was familiar with this letter.’
INDEX
[The numbers refer to pages.]
[Numbers refer to pages.]
- Aclea, 4
- Adam, 2
- Æglea, 78
- Ælfthryth, 37, 38
- Ælla, 16
- Æthelbald, 4, 6, 7, 11, 12
- Æthelbert, 12, 13
- Æthelflæd, 37
- Æthelgivu, 37, 58
- Æthelhelm, 48
- Æthelred (King of Wessex), 13, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22
- Æthelred (Alfred’s father-in-law), 17
- Æthelred (Alfred’s son-in-law), 37, 44, 45, 47
- Æthelstan (under-king of Kent), 4
- Æthelstan (priest), 41
- Æthelward, 37
- Æthelwulf (King of Wessex), 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 10, 11, 33
- Æthelwulf (Ealdorman of Berkshire), 12, 19
- Alemanni, 34
- Alfred, 1, and passim
- Aller, 29
- Anarawd, 45
- Angles, 19, 47, 72.
- See also East Angles
- Anglo-Saxons, 1, 8, 13, 31, 32, 34, 35, 47, 48.
- See also East Saxons, Saxons, South Saxons, West Saxons
- Anwind, 25
- Armorica, 34.
- See also Brittany
- Arnolf, 47, 48
- Ashdown, 20, 22
- Ash’s Hill, 20
- Asser, 1, [8, 10, 13–15, 17, 20, 21, 27, 34, 35, 42–46, 48, 49, 51, 52], 71
- Athelney, 28, 29, 54
- Augustine, 73
- Avon, 26
- Bagsecg, 22
- Banwell, 46
- Barnabas, 73
- Basing, 22
- Beaw, 2
- Bedwig, 2
- Beldeag, 2
- Beorhtric, 8, 9
- Beorhtwulf, 3
- Berengar, 48
- Berkshire, 1, 12, 19
- Berroc Wood, 1
- Brecknock, 44
- Bretons, 39
- Britain, 1, 13, 26, 31, 32
- British, 3
- Brittany, 60.
- See also Armorica
- Brockmail, 44
- Brond, 2
- Burgred, 4, 5, 18, 24
- Cærwent, 43
- 80Cairceri, 30
- Cairwisc, 26
- Cambridge, 25
- Canterbury, 3, 18, 41
- Carloman, 33
- Ceawlin, 1
- Ceolnoth, 18
- Ceolwald, 1
- Ceolwulf, 25, 26
- Ceorl, 3
- Cerdic, 1, 3
- Charlemagne, Charles (the Great), 9, 34
- Charles (the Bald), 6, 11, 33, 34, 67
- Charles (the Fat), 47, 48
- Charles (son of Louis the German), 34
- Chézy, 47, 48
- Chippenham, 5, 26, 30
- Cirencester, 30, 31
- Cœnred, 1
- Coit Maur, 28
- Condé, 32
- Congresbury, 46
- Cornwall, 35, 46, 60
- Creoda, 1
- Cutha, 1
- Cuthwine, 1
- Cynric, 1, 3
- Cynwit, 27
- Danes, [3–5, 12, 13, 15–34, 39, 46, 47, 55]
- Danube, 13
- David, 2
- Dene, 42, 62
- Devon, 3, 27
- Dorubernia, 3
- Durugueir, 25
- Dyfed, 27, 44
- Eadburh, 8, 9, 17
- Eafa, 1
- Eald-Seaxum, 33
- Ealhere, 4, 5
- Ealhmund, 1
- Ealhstan, 6, 17
- Eanwulf, 6
- East Angles, 18
- East Anglia, 13, 16, 18, 19, 31, 32, 33, 34
- East Frankland, 31, 32.
- See also Frankland
- East Saxons, 13.
- See also Anglo-Saxons, Saxons, South Saxons, West Saxons
- Edington, 28
- Edmund, 18
- Edward, 37, 38
- Egbert, 1
- Egbert’s Stone, 28
- Elesa, 1
- Elias, 52
- England, 69, 70
- Englefield, 19
- English, 19, 69, 70, 71
- Enoch, 2
- Enosh, 2
- Eoppa, 1
- Esla, 1
- Essex, 3
- Exanceastre, 26
- Exeter, 26, 46
- Fernmail, 44
- Finn, 2
- Fræna, 22
- Frankland, 31, 32, 60.
- See also East Frankland
- Franks, 6, 7, 9, 11, 31, 33, 34, 39, 47, 68, 72, 73, 77.
- See also West Franks
- Frealaf, 2
- Freawine, 1
- Freothegar, 1
- 81Frisians, 33, 39
- Frithowald, 2
- Frithuwulf, 2
- Froom, 25
- Fulco, 72
- Fulham, 31
- Gaini, 17
- Gallic, 55, 56
- Gaul, 26, 28, 42, 60, 74
- Gauls, 34, 39, 56
- Geata, 2
- Germanic, 8
- Germany, 33
- Geta, 2
- Gewis, 1
- Ghent, 31
- Glywyssing, 44
- Godwulf, 2
- Goths, 3
- Great Forest, 28
- Greeks, 70
- Gregory (the Great), 41, 60, 73
- Grimbald, 42, 71, 75
- Gueriir, 35
- Guthrum, 25
- Gwent, 44
- Halfdene, 25, 26, 27
- Hampshire, 12, 28
- Harold, 22
- Hathra, 2
- Hebrew, 70
- Hebrews, 40
- Helised, 44
- Hemeid, 44
- Heremod, 2
- Hingwar. See Inwar
- Howel, 44
- Huda, 5
- Humber, 16, 69
- Hwala, 2
- Hwicce, 31
- Ine, 1
- Ingild, 1
- Inwar, 27
- Ireland, 52, 61
- Irish, 39
- Itermod, 2
- James (the apostle), 73
- Jared, 2
- Jerusalem, 52
- Jews, 56, 57
- John (the Old Saxon), 42, 55, 56, 57, 71
- Judith, 6, 7, 11, 33, 34, 35
- Jutes, 3
- Kenan, 2
- Kennet, 19
- Kent, 3, 4, 5, 12, 13, 32
- Lamech, 2
- Latin, 17, 19, 26, 28, 37, 69, 70, 71
- Leo (IV), 5
- Leonaford, 45
- Lindsey, 24
- Lombardy, 48
- London, 3, 24, 47
- Louis (the Pious), 34
- Louis (the German), 34
- Louis (the Stammerer), 33
- Louis (III), 33
- Mahalalel, 2
- Marinus, 34
- Marne, 47
- Martin, 50
- Medway, 32
- Mercia, 3, 4, 8, 17, 18, 24, 26, 35, 37, 41, 47, 60
- Mercian, 17, 35, 41
- Mercians, 4, 5, 18, 24, 26, 41, 44, 45
- Methuselah, 2
- 82Meuse, 31
- Middlesex, 3
- Mid-Wales, 4
- Mouric, 44
- Mucill, 17
- Neot, 35
- Noah, 2
- Nobis, 44
- Northumbria, 17, 18, 24, 25, 26, 61
- Northumbrian, 16
- Northumbrians, 16, 45
- Nottingham, 17, 18
- Odo, 48
- Offa, 8
- Old Saxon, 55
- Old Saxons, 33, 34
- Osbern, 22
- Osbert, 16
- Osburh, 2
- Oscytel, 25
- Oslac, 2
- Osric, 12
- Paris, 46, 47, 48
- Paul, 11, 73
- Pavia, 10
- Pepin, 34
- Peter, 11, 41, 73
- Picts, 25
- Plegmund, 41, 71
- Reading, 19
- Remigius, 73, 74, 76
- Repton, 24, 25
- Rheims, 72
- Rhine, 48
- Rhodri, 44, 45
- Ris, 44
- Rochester, 32
- Romans, 70
- Rome, 1, 5, 6, 7, 10, 11, 24, 48, 76
- Rudolf, 48
- Ruim, 5
- St. Davids, 44
- Sandwich, 4
- Saxon, 5, 7, 13, 14, 25, 26, 32, 33, 37, 38, 41, 42, 46
- Saxon Colony, 24, 34
- Saxons, 4, 9, 23, 24, 32, 33, 47, 48.
- See also Anglo-Saxons, East Saxons, Old Saxons, South Saxons, West Saxons
- Sceaf, 2
- Sceldwea, 2
- Scheldt, 32
- Sedulius, 2
- Seine, 46, 47
- Selwood (Forest), 6, 28
- Seth, 2
- Severn, 42
- Shaftesbury, 58
- Sheppey, 3, 6
- Sherborne, 6, 12, 17
- Sidroc the Elder, 22
- Sidroc the Younger, 22
- Solomon, 40, 59
- Somerset(shire), 6, 27, 28
- South Saxons, 42.
- See also Anglo-Saxons, East Saxons, Saxons, West Saxons
- South Wales, 44
- Stour, 33
- Strathclyde, 25
- Stuf, 3
- Surrey, 4, 5, 12
- Sussex, 12, 42
- Tætwa, 2
- Tarrant, 25
- Tenet, 5.
- See also Thanet
- Teudubr, 44
- Thames, 3, 4, 19, 31, 69
- Thanet, 12.
- 83See also Tenet
- Thetford, 18
- Thornsæta, 25
- Tigguocobauc, 17
- Tyne, 25
- Tyrrhene Sea, 34, 52
- Wærferth, 69.
- See also Werfrith
- Wales, 4, 8, 43, 44, 60.
- See also Mid-Wales, South Wales, Western Wales
- Wantage, 1
- Wareham, 25
- Wedmore, 29
- Welsh, 1, 5, 17, 25, 26, 28, 30, 39
- Werfrith, 41.
- See also Wærferth
- Werwulf, 41
- Wessex, 7, 8, 42, 44, 46, 60.
- See also West Saxon(s)
- Western Wales, 42
- West Franks, 33, 34, 46
- West Saxon, 13
- West Saxons, 1, 4, 5, 8, 12, 13, 15, 18, 19, 33, 41.
- See also Anglo-Saxons, East Saxons, Saxons, South Saxons, Wessex
- Wicganbeorg, 3
- Wido, 48
- Wig, 1
- Wight, Isle of, 3
- Wihtgar, 3
- Wihtgaraburg, 3
- Wiley, 23
- Wilton, 23
- Wiltshire, 26, 28, 48
- Wimborne Minster, 22
- Winchester, 11, 12
- Wisc, 26
- Woden, 2
- Worcester, 41
- Yonne, 47
- York, 16, 18
Transcriber’s Notes
Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a predominant preference was found in the original book; otherwise they were not changed.
Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a clear preference was identified in the original book; otherwise, they were left unchanged.
Simple typographical errors were corrected; unbalanced quotation marks were remedied when the change was obvious, and otherwise left unbalanced.
Simple typos were fixed; mismatched quotation marks were adjusted when the change was clear, and otherwise left unbalanced.
Footnotes, originally at the bottoms of pages, have been collected, renumbered, and moved to precede the Index.
Footnotes, which were originally at the bottom of pages, have been gathered, renumbered, and moved to come before the Index.
The index was not checked for proper alphabetization or correct page references. The link for one incorrect reference was changed and no link was attempted for another incorrect reference.
The index wasn't checked for proper alphabetical order or accurate page references. One faulty link was updated, but no attempt was made to fix another incorrect reference.
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