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Transcriber’s Notes

Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected. Variations in hyphenation, spelling and punctuation remain unchanged.

Obvious typos have been silently corrected. Variations in hyphenation, spelling, and punctuation remain unchanged.

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iii

MAP TO ILLUSTRATE PROCOPIUS ON THE BUILDINGS OF JUSTINIAN
Drawn by George Armstrong FOR THE Palestine Pilgrims Text Society.
Outline from Dr. Smith’s Atlas.

Title Page

Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society.
OF THE

Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society.
OF THE

BUILDINGS OF JUSTINIAN.

BY
PROCOPIUS
(Circ. 560 A.D.).

BY
PROCOPIUS
(circa 560 A.D.).

Translated by
AUBREY STEWART, M.A.,
LATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE,

Translated by
AUBREY STEWART, M.A.,
FORMER FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE,

AND ANNOTATED BY
COL. SIR C. W. WILSON, R.E., K.C.M.G., F.R.S.,
AND
PROF. HAYTER LEWIS, F.S.A.

AND ANNOTATED BY
COL. SIR C. W. WILSON, R.E., K.C.M.G., F.R.S.,
AND
PROF. HAYTER LEWIS, F.S.A.

LONDON:
1. ADAM STREET, ADELPHI.
1888.

LONDON:
1. ADAM STREET, ADELPHI.
1888.


CONTENTS.


PREFACE.

Procopius was born at Cæsarea in Palestine, early in the sixth or at the end of the fifth century. He made his way, an adventurer, to Constantinople, where he began as an advocate and Professor of Rhetoric. He had the good fortune to be recommended to Belisarius, who appointed him one of his secretaries. In that capacity Procopius accompanied the general in his expedition to the East, A.D. 528, and in that against the Vandals, A.D. 533. The successful prosecution of the war enriched Belisarius to such an extent that he was enabled to maintain a retinue of 7000 men, of whom Procopius seems to have been one of the most trusted, since we find him appointed Commissary General in the Italian war. On his return to Constantinople, he was decorated with one of the innumerable titles of the Byzantine Court, and entered into the Senate. In the year 562 he was made Prefect of Constantinople, and is supposed to have died in 565—the same year as his former patron Belisarius.

Procopius was born in Caesarea, Palestine, either in the early sixth century or the late fifth century. He made his way to Constantinople as an adventurer, starting his career as a lawyer and a Professor of Rhetoric. He was lucky enough to be recommended to Belisarius, who appointed him as one of his secretaries. In that role, Procopius joined the general on his expedition to the East in 528 AD, and then against the Vandals in 533 AD. The successful execution of the war greatly enriched Belisarius, allowing him to support a retinue of 7,000 men, among whom Procopius appears to have been one of the most trusted, as he was appointed Commissary General during the Italian campaign. Upon returning to Constantinople, he received one of the many titles of the Byzantine Court and became a member of the Senate. In 562, he was appointed Prefect of Constantinople, and he is believed to have died in 565, the same year as his former patron Belisarius.

His works are (1) the Histories (ἱστορίαι) in eight books, namely, two on the Persian War (408-553), two on the War with the Vandals (395-545), and four on the Wars with the Goths, bringing the History down to the year 553. iv (2) The six books on the Buildings of Justinian, and (3) the Anecdota, or Secret History—a work which has always been attributed to him.

His works are (1) the Histories (ἱστορίαι) in eight books: two about the Persian War (408-553), two about the War with the Vandals (395-545), and four about the Wars with the Goths, covering history up to the year 553.iv (2) The six books on the Buildings of Justinian, and (3) the Anecdota, or Secret History—a work that has always been credited to him.

The ‘Histories’ appeared first in Latin, 1470, the translator being Leonardo Bruni d’Arezzo (Leonardo Aretino), who, believing his own MS. to be the only one in existence, gave himself out for the author. They were first published in Greek, at Augsburg, 1607: but the ‘Buildings’ had already appeared at Basle, 1531.

The ‘Histories’ were first published in Latin in 1470, translated by Leonardo Bruni d’Arezzo (Leonardo Aretino), who thought his manuscript was the only one out there and claimed to be the author. They were first published in Greek in Augsburg in 1607, but the ‘Buildings’ had already come out in Basle in 1531.

The ‘Secret History’ was first published, with a translation into Latin, at Lyons in 1623. The ‘Histories’ and the ‘Anecdota’ have been translated into French. An English translation of the ‘Secret History’ was published in 1674. No other part of Procopius has, until now, been translated.

The ‘Secret History’ was first published with a Latin translation in Lyons in 1623. The ‘Histories’ and the ‘Anecdota’ have been translated into French. An English translation of the ‘Secret History’ came out in 1674. No other parts of Procopius have been translated until now.

The following version of the ‘De Ædificiis’ has been specially made for the Pilgrims’ Text Society, by Aubrey Stewart (late Fellow of Trinity, Cambridge), who has added the valuable notes marked (S.). The notes marked (L.), chiefly archæological, have been supplied by Professor Hayter Lewis, and those marked (W.), chiefly topographical, by Colonel Sir C. W. Wilson, the Director of the Society.

The following version of ‘De Ædificiis’ has been specially prepared for the Pilgrims' Text Society by Aubrey Stewart (former Fellow of Trinity, Cambridge), who has added valuable notes labeled (S.). The notes labeled (L.), mostly archaeological, have been provided by Professor Hayter Lewis, and those labeled (W.), mostly topographical, have been contributed by Colonel Sir C. W. Wilson, the Director of the Society.

The illustrations of St. Sophia are taken from the magnificent work by Salzenberg, published at Berlin.

The illustrations of St. Sophia are taken from the stunning work by Salzenberg, published in Berlin.

Those from Texier and Pullan are taken by the kind permission of Mr. Pullan from their work on ‘Byzantine Architecture.’

Those from Texier and Pullan are used with the kind permission of Mr. Pullan from their work on 'Byzantine Architecture.'

In the investigation of the antiquities of Palestine, the name of Justinian, as associated with them, comes forward as often as that of Constantine or Herod.

In the study of the ancient artifacts of Palestine, the name Justinian comes up just as frequently as those of Constantine or Herod.

From Bethlehem to Damascus—from the sea-coast to v far beyond the Jordan—there are few places of note in which some remains, dating from his era, do not exist, or in which, at the least, some records of his works are not left in the history of his time. To him Mount Sinai owes the Church of the Holy Virgin.

From Bethlehem to Damascus—from the coast tov far beyond the Jordan—there are very few significant places where there aren't some remains from his time, or at least some records of his works left in the history of that period. Mount Sinai is home to the Church of the Holy Virgin because of him.

At Bethlehem he is said to have enlarged, if not rebuilt, the great Basilica.

At Bethlehem, he is said to have expanded, if not completely rebuilt, the great Basilica.

At Gerizim the mountain still bears on its summit the remains of the church which he there constructed, and Tiberias is still surrounded, in part, by the walls raised by him.

At Gerizim, the mountain still has on its top the ruins of the church he built there, and Tiberias is still partially surrounded by the walls he constructed.

He is known to have constructed a large church to the Virgin on the Mount of Olives, and several other churches in and about Jerusalem, the grandest of which is described to have been an architectural gem, was in the Harem area itself.

He is known to have built a large church for the Virgin on the Mount of Olives, along with several other churches in and around Jerusalem. The most impressive of these, described as an architectural gem, was located in the Harem area itself.

Besides these, which are definitely recorded to have been his work, he is supposed by some of the best authorities to have erected the Golden Gate and the Double Gate; and of late years it has been contended that the Sakhrah itself was constructed by him as it now exists.

Besides these, which are definitely recorded as his work, some of the leading experts believe he built the Golden Gate and the Double Gate; and in recent years, it has been argued that he also constructed the Sakhrah as it exists today.

But there is scarcely one of these edifices, where remains of them exist or are supposed so to do, which has not been the subject of controversy, the authorship of the Sakhrah (taking that as an instance) having been assigned, by various persons who would usually be considered as authorities on the subject, to the Romans under Constantine, to the Byzantines under Justinian, and to the Arabs under Abd-el-Melek.

But hardly any of these buildings, where remnants exist or are believed to exist, hasn't been a topic of debate. The authorship of the Sakhrah, for example, has been attributed by various experts typically seen as authorities on the matter, to the Romans during Constantine's time, to the Byzantines under Justinian, and to the Arabs under Abd-el-Melek.

It becomes, therefore, important to have a clear record as to what Justinian did, not only in Palestine but in vi other countries, so as to be able to judge to some extent, by well-authenticated examples, of the founders of those edifices whose history is involved in doubt.

It’s essential to have a clear record of what Justinian did, not only in Palestine but invi other countries, so we can judge to some extent, based on verified examples, the founders of those structures whose history is uncertain.

Of the writers who can give us this record, none has such authority as Procopius, or gives so much detailed information; and he has, for that reason, been largely quoted by Gibbon and by well-nigh every other writer on Byzantine history; and he gives such definite information as to the dates of many of Justinian’s buildings which remain to us, as to form a standard by which to recognise the general characteristics in outline and detail adopted by his architects in his greatest works, and which characterize the style now well known as Byzantine.

Of all the writers who can provide this account, none has as much authority as Procopius, nor offers as much detailed information. That's why he's been extensively quoted by Gibbon and nearly every other writer on Byzantine history. He provides clear information about the dates of many of Justinian’s buildings that still stand today, helping us establish a standard for recognizing the general features and details used by his architects in his most significant works, which define the style now widely recognized as Byzantine.

Its first and greatest example is St. Sofia at Constantinople, which is, perhaps, the boldest instance of a sudden change in almost every respect, whether of plan, elevation, or detail, which is known in architecture.

Its first and most significant example is St. Sofia in Constantinople, which is, perhaps, the most striking instance of a dramatic change in nearly every aspect, whether in design, height, or detail, known in architecture.

Before its construction, the ground-plan of well-nigh every building known to Western architects had defined the plan of all above it.

Before it was built, the layout of almost every building recognized by Western architects had outlined the plan for everything above it.

The columns in the apse of the Basilica, or church, carried galleries or other erections above it, of varied design, but in the same straight or curved lines as those beneath them.

The columns in the apse of the Basilica, or church, supported galleries or other structures above, with different designs but following the same straight or curved lines as those below.

The lines of the dome (except in slightly exceptional cases, such as the ruin known as the Temple of Minerva Medica at Rome, or the Temple of the Winds at Athens) were carried up on the distinct lines of the lower walls.

The lines of the dome (except in a few unique cases, like the ruin known as the Temple of Minerva Medica in Rome or the Temple of the Winds in Athens) followed the clear lines of the lower walls.

The capitals of the columns in the works of the ancient Greeks or Romans were in each building carved on the same design; and however beautiful each might be, vii the eye would see but one form of the Doric, Ionic, or Corinthian, through the whole range of a colonnade.

The tops of the columns in the buildings of the ancient Greeks and Romans all followed the same design; and no matter how beautiful each one was,vii the eye would only perceive one style of the Doric, Ionic, or Corinthian throughout the entire colonnade.

The Byzantines changed all that.

The Byzantines changed everything.

The great dome of St. Sophia (the boldest piece of novel construction ever, perhaps, attempted) forms the crown of a building quite original in plan; and this dome is placed, not as that of the Roman Pantheon, low down on thick walls of its own form, but suspended high above all the roof around it, on four arches, which spring from detached piers, the keystone alone of each arch giving a direct support to the dome; in every other part it overhangs the void in the boldest manner.

The great dome of St. Sophia (possibly the most daring piece of innovative architecture ever attempted) sits at the top of a building that is truly unique in design; this dome is not placed, like that of the Roman Pantheon, low on thick walls of its own shape, but is suspended high above the surrounding roof on four arches that spring from separate piers, with only the keystone of each arch providing direct support to the dome; in every other area, it dramatically overhangs the emptiness below.

The circular work between these arches is carried in a manner which is comparatively easy to imitate now; but the rude and often picturesque results of attempts at imitation in mediæval times, more especially in the South of France, show how difficult the work was found to be at the outset.

The circular work between these arches is done in a way that's pretty easy to replicate now; however, the rough and often charming outcomes of imitation attempts during medieval times, especially in the South of France, reveal how challenging the work was at the beginning.

Earthquake and faults of construction occasioned the rebuilding of the great dome; but it still crowns, after a trial of more than 1,300 years, one of the most beautiful buildings in existence.

Earthquakes and construction faults led to the rebuilding of the great dome; yet it still tops, after more than 1,300 years of challenges, one of the most beautiful buildings in the world.

Then the capitals of the columns, whose general outlines bear few traces of the ancient orders, were often carved each in a different manner, and, though harmonizing with each other in general outline, could bear separate scrutiny, and show each a special motive and design.

Then the tops of the columns, which don't really show much of the old styles, were often carved in different ways. While they generally matched each other in shape, each one could stand up to a closer look and revealed its own unique details and designs.

The carving of these capitals, and of the other beautiful scroll-work and foliage which decorate the walls of St. Sophia, has come down to us through the Normans, and is quite peculiar.

The carving of these capitals, along with the other beautiful scroll-work and foliage that decorate the walls of St. Sophia, has been passed down to us through the Normans and is quite unique.

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viii

It had none of the soft, round forms which the Romans loved, but is cut in a sharp, crisp, and somewhat stiff style, casting distinctly marked and sharp shadows, and the eyes of the foliage and other well-marked parts are emphasized by being deeply drilled in. Many of the Byzantine characteristics had been, to a large extent, foreshadowed in Eastern buildings, even at so early a time as the Assyrian bas-reliefs; but it is to Byzantine architects, under the fostering care of Justinian, that we owe the picturesque changes and details of that style, the Byzantine, which takes its name from his capital and is, to a large extent, identified with himself.

It didn't have any of the soft, rounded shapes that the Romans preferred; instead, it was designed in a sharp, crisp, and somewhat rigid style, creating clearly defined and sharp shadows. The details in the foliage and other prominent features are highlighted by being deeply carved. Many Byzantine traits had already been somewhat hinted at in Eastern buildings, even as early as the Assyrian bas-reliefs; however, it is the Byzantine architects, under the guiding influence of Justinian, to whom we owe the picturesque changes and details of that style, the Byzantine, which is named after his capital and is largely associated with him.

All the drawings have been made for this volume by Mr. George Armstrong, formerly on the Survey Party under Captain Conder and Captain Kitchener.

All the drawings for this volume were created by Mr. George Armstrong, who previously worked on the Survey Party under Captain Conder and Captain Kitchener.

(L.)

(L.)


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ix

LIST OF PLATES.

PAGE
MAP ILLUSTRATING PROCOPIUS Frontispiece
PLAN OF CONSTANTINOPLE 1
CHURCH OF ST. SOPHIA 5
DETAILS OF CAPITALS, ETC., OF ST. SOPHIA 7
SECTION OF ST. SOPHIA 9
SS. SERGIUS AND BACCHUS, CHURCH OF 19
FORTIFICATIONS AT DARA 42
CASTLE AND COLUMNS OF EDESSA 60
CISTERN OF IMBAHER OR BATHS OF ANTONINUS 132
BRIDGE ACROSS THE RIVER SANGARIS 133
ES SAKHRA (DOME OF THE ROCK) 139
EL AKSA 140
CHURCH ON MOUNT GERIZIM 144
CHURCH AT BETHLEHEM 148
CHURCH OF MAGNE KAHIREH 160
CONSTANTINOPLE.
Outline from Dr. Smith’s Atlas, C.A.

1

1

THE
SIX BOOKS OF PROCOPIUS OF CÆSAREA,
ON THE
BUILDINGS OF THE LORD JUSTINIAN.


INTRODUCTION.

I have not begun this work through any desire to make a display of my own virtue, or trusting to my powers of language, or wishing to gain credit by my knowledge of the places described, for I had nothing to encourage me to undertake so bold a project. But I have often reflected on the great blessings which countries derive from history, which transmits to posterity the remembrance of our ancestors, and opposes the efforts of time to cover them with oblivion; which always encourages virtue in its readers by its praise, and deters them from vice by its blame, and in this way destroys its power. All we need study then is to make clear what has been done, and by whom of mankind it was done; and this, I imagine, is not impossible even for the weakest and feeblest writer; besides this, the writing of history enables subjects who have been kindly treated by their rulers, to express their gratitude, and to make a more than adequate return, seeing that they only for a time enjoy the goodness of their princes, while they render their virtues immortal in the memory of their descendants, many of whom in this 2 very way have been led by the glory of their ancestors to a love of virtue, and have been probably preserved from a dissolute course of life by the dread of disgrace. I will shortly explain my object in making these prefatory remarks.

I haven't started this work out of a desire to show off my own goodness, relying on my language skills, or hoping to get credit for my knowledge of the places described. Honestly, there was nothing to motivate me to take on such a bold project. However, I've often thought about the great benefits that countries gain from history, which keeps alive the memories of our ancestors and fights against time's efforts to erase them. History always inspires readers to admire virtue and makes them wary of vice, thereby reducing its power. What we need to do is clarify what has happened and identify who among humanity made it happen; I believe that isn't too difficult even for the weakest writer. Furthermore, writing history allows those subjects who have been treated well by their rulers to show appreciation and give back in return. They only briefly enjoy their rulers' kindness, while their virtues are kept alive in the memories of their descendants. Many of these descendants, inspired by the glory of their ancestors, have developed a love for virtue and have likely avoided a reckless lifestyle out of fear of disgrace. I'll soon explain my purpose in making these introductory remarks.

The Emperor Justinian was born in our time,[1] and succeeding to the throne when the state was decayed, added greatly to its extent and glory by driving out from it the barbarians, who for so long a time had forced their way into it, as I have briefly narrated in my ‘History of the Wars.’ They say that Themistocles, the son of Neocles, prided himself on his power of making a small state great, but our Emperor has the power of adding other states to his own, for he has annexed to the Roman Empire many other states which at his accession were independent, and has founded innumerable cities which had no previous existence. As for religion, which he found uncertain and torn by various heresies, he destroyed everything which could lead to error, and securely established the true faith upon one solid foundation. Moreover, finding the laws obscure through their unnecessary multitude, and confused by their conflict with one another, he firmly established them by reducing the number of those which were unnecessary, and in the case of those that were contradictory, by confirming the better ones. He forgave of his own accord those who plotted against him, 3 and, by loading with wealth those who were in want, and relieving them from the misfortunes which had afflicted them, he rendered the empire stable and its members happy. By increasing his armies he strengthened the Roman Empire, which lay everywhere exposed to the attacks of barbarians, and fortified its entire frontier by building strong places. Of his other acts the greater part have been described by me in other works, but his great achievements in building are set forth in this book. We learn from tradition that Cyrus the Persian was a great king, and the chief founder of the empire of his countrymen; but whether he had any resemblance to that Cyrus who is described by Xenophon the Athenian in his Cyropædia, I have no means of telling, for possibly the art of the writer has given some embellishments to his achievements; while as for our present Emperor Justinian (whom I think one may rightly call a king by nature, since, as Homer says, he is as gentle as a father), if one accurately considers his empire, one will regard that of Cyrus as mere child’s play.[2] The proof of this will be that the empire, as I just now said, has been more than doubled by him, both in extent and in power; whilst his royal clemency is proved by the fact that those who wickedly plotted against his life, although they were clearly convicted, not only are alive and in possession of their property at the present day, but even command Roman armies, and have been promoted to the consular dignity. Now, as I said before, we must turn our attention to the buildings of this monarch, lest posterity, beholding the enormous size and number of them, should deny their being the work of one man; for the works of many men of former times, not being confirmed by history, have 4 been disbelieved through their own excessive greatness. As is natural, the foundation of all my account will be the buildings in Byzantium, for, as the old proverb has it, when we begin a work we ought to put a brilliant frontispiece to it.

The Emperor Justinian was born in our time, [1] and when he took the throne during a period of decline, he significantly expanded and enhanced the empire by driving out the barbarians who had invaded for so long, as I briefly mentioned in my ‘History of the Wars.’ They say that Themistocles, the son of Neocles, took pride in his ability to turn a small state into a great one, but our Emperor can add other states to his own; he has brought many independent states into the Roman Empire since he became emperor and established countless cities that didn't exist before. Regarding religion, which he found unstable and fragmented by various heresies, he eliminated everything that could lead to confusion and firmly established the true faith on a solid foundation. Additionally, he found the laws unclear due to their unnecessary complexity and the conflicts among them; he simplified them by cutting down on the unnecessary ones and confirmed the better laws where there were contradictions. He forgave those who plotted against him, 3 and by generously providing for those in need and helping them recover from their struggles, he made the empire stable and its people content. By increasing his armies, he strengthened the Roman Empire, which was vulnerable to attacks from barbarians, and fortified its borders by building strongholds. Most of his other actions have been detailed in my other works, but his significant contributions to construction are discussed in this book. Tradition tells us that Cyrus the Persian was a great king and the primary founder of his empire; however, whether he resembles the Cyrus described by Xenophon the Athenian in his Cyropædia, I cannot say, as the writer may have embellished his exploits. As for our current Emperor Justinian, who can rightly be seen as a natural king, since, as Homer says, he is as kind as a father, upon closer examination of his empire, one might view Cyrus’s achievements as child's play. [2] The evidence is that, as I mentioned, his empire has more than doubled in both size and power; his royal mercy is shown in that those who plotted against his life, although clearly convicted, not only live today and retain their property, but also command Roman armies and have been promoted to high offices. Now, as I mentioned earlier, we must focus on the buildings of this ruler, lest future generations, seeing their vast size and number, doubt that one man could have accomplished them; for the achievements of many men in the past have often been disbelieved due to their excessive scale, as history hasn’t corroborated them. Naturally, the foundation of my account will be the structures in Byzantium, because, as the old saying goes, when we begin a project, we should present a stunning frontispiece.


5

5

BOOK I.

I. The lowest dregs of the people in Byzantium once assailed the Emperor Justinian in the rebellion called Nika, which I have clearly described in my ‘History of the Wars.’ To prove that it was not merely against the Emperor, but no less against God that they took up arms, they ventured to burn the church of the Christians. (This church the people of Byzantium call Sophia, i.e., Σοφία—Wisdom; a name most worthy of God.) God permitted them to effect this crime, knowing how great the beauty of this church would be when restored. Thus the church was entirely reduced to ashes; but the Emperor Justinian not long afterwards adorned it in such a fashion, that if anyone had asked the Christians in former times if they wished their church to be destroyed and thus restored, showing them the appearance of the church which we now see, I think it probable that they would have prayed that they might as soon as possible behold their church destroyed, in order that it might be turned into its present form. The Emperor, regardless of expense of all kinds, pressed on its restoration, and collected together all the workmen from every land, Anthemius of Tralles,[3] 6 by far the most celebrated architect, not only of his own but of all former times, carried out the King’s zealous intentions, organized the labours of the workmen, and prepared models of the future construction. Associated with him was another architect named Isidorus, a Milesian by birth, a man of intelligence, and worthy to carry out the plans of the Emperor Justinian. It is, indeed, a proof of the esteem with which God regarded the Emperor, that He furnished him with men who would be so useful in effecting his designs, and we are compelled to admire the intelligence of the Emperor, in being able to choose the most suitable of mankind to carry out the noblest of his works.

I. The lowest classes in Byzantium once attacked Emperor Justinian during the rebellion known as Nika, which I have detailed in my ‘History of the Wars.’ To demonstrate that their uprising was not just against the Emperor but also against God, they dared to burn down the church of the Christians. (This church is referred to as Sophia by the people of Byzantium, which means Wisdom; a name truly worthy of God.) God allowed this crime to happen, knowing how beautiful the church would be once restored. So, the church was completely reduced to ashes; however, Emperor Justinian shortly afterward beautified it so wonderfully that if someone had asked the Christians in earlier times if they would prefer their church to be destroyed and then rebuilt into the form we now see, they probably would have prayed for its destruction to witness its transformation. The Emperor, ignoring all types of expenses, pushed forward with its restoration and gathered workers from all across the lands. Anthemius of Tralles, the most renowned architect not just of his own time but of all time, fulfilled the King’s passionate wishes, organized the workers’ efforts, and prepared models for the new construction. He worked alongside another architect named Isidorus, a Milesian by birth, who was intelligent and capable of executing the plans of Emperor Justinian. It truly shows the level of esteem God held for the Emperor, as He provided him with men who would be so instrumental in realizing his vision, and we must admire the Emperor’s wisdom in selecting the finest people to carry out such significant projects.

CHURCH OF ST SOPHIA.
detail
detail
Specimen of Details of Capitals &c. of St. Sophia
From Salzenburg

The church consequently presented a most glorious spectacle, extraordinary to those who beheld it, and altogether incredible to those who are told of it. In height it rises to the very heavens, and overtops the neighbouring buildings like a ship anchored among them: it rises above the rest of the city, which it adorns, while it forms a part of it, and it is one of its beauties that being a part of the city, and growing out of it, it stands so high above it, that from it the whole city can be beheld as from a watch-tower. Its length and breadth are so judiciously arranged that it appears to be both long and wide without being disproportioned. It is distinguished by indescribable beauty, for it excels both in its size and in the harmony of its proportion, having no part excessive and none deficient; being more magnificent than ordinary buildings, and much more elegant than those which are out of proportion. It is singularly full of light and sunshine; you would declare that the place is not lighted by the sun from without, but that the rays are produced within itself, such an abundance of light is poured into this church. Now the front of the church (that is to say the part towards the rising 7 sun, where the sacred mysteries are performed in honour of God) is built as follows. The building rises from the ground, not in a straight line, but set back somewhat obliquely, and retreating in the middle into the form of a half-circle, a form which those who are learned in these matters call semi-cylindrical, rising perpendicularly. The upper part of this work ends in the fourth part of a sphere, and above it another crescent-shaped structure is raised upon the adjacent parts of the building, admirable for its beauty, but causing terror by the apparent weakness of its construction; for it appears not to rest upon a secure foundation, but to hang dangerously over the heads of those within, although it is really supported with especial firmness and safety. On each side of these there are columns standing 8 upon the floor, which themselves also are not placed in a straight line, but arranged with an inward curve of semicircular shape, one beyond another, like the dancers in a chorus. These columns support above them a crescent-shaped structure. Opposite this east wall is built another wall containing the entrances, and upon either side of it also stand columns with stonework above them in a half-circle exactly like those previously described. In the midst of the church are four masses of stone called piers, two on the north and two on the south side, opposite and equal to one another, having four columns in the central space between each. These piers are composed of large stones fitted together, the stones being carefully selected and cleverly jointed into one another by the masons, reaching to a great height. Looking at them you would compare them to perpendicular cliffs. Upon these four arches rise in a quadrilateral form. The extremities of these arches join one another in pairs, and rest at their ends upon these piers, while the other part of them rise to a great height, and are suspended in the air. Two of these arches, that is, those towards the rising and the setting sun, are constructed over the empty air, but the remainder have under them some stonework, with small columns. Now above these arches is raised a circular building of a spherical form through which the light of day first shines; for the building, I imagine, overtops the whole country, and has small openings left on purpose, so that the places where these intervals in the construction occur may serve for conductors of light. Thus far I imagine the building is not incapable of being described, even by a weak and feeble tongue. As the arches are arranged in a quadrangular figure, the stonework between them takes the shape of a triangle; the lower angle of each triangle, 9 being compressed between the shoulders of the arches, is slender, while the upper part becomes wider as it rises in the space between them, and ends against the circle which rises from thence, forming there its remaining angles. A spherical-shaped dome standing upon this circle makes it exceedingly beautiful; from the lightness of the building it does not appear to rest upon a solid foundation, but to cover the place beneath as though it were suspended from heaven by the fabled golden chain. All these parts surprisingly joined to one another in the air, suspended one from another, and resting only on that which is next to them, form the work into one admirably harmonious whole, which spectators do not care to dwell upon for long in the mass, as each individual part attracts the eye and turns it to itself. The sight causes men to constantly change their point of view, and the spectator can nowhere point to any part which he admires more than the rest, but having viewed the art which appears everywhere, men contract their eyebrows as they look at each point, and are unable to comprehend such workmanship, but always depart thence stupified through their incapacity to comprehend it. So much for this.

The church presented a truly glorious sight, astonishing to those who saw it and utterly unbelievable to those who hear about it. It towers into the heavens, standing taller than the surrounding buildings like a ship anchoring among them: it rises above the rest of the city, enhancing it while being part of it, and one of its beauties is that it belongs to the city and emerges from it, standing so high that it offers a view of the entire city like a watchtower. Its length and width are so thoughtfully designed that it appears proportionate, both long and wide without being awkward. It is marked by indescribable beauty, excelling in both size and proportion, with no part excessive and none lacking; it is more magnificent than ordinary buildings and much more refined than those that are out of balance. It is incredibly full of light and sunshine; one might say the light doesn't come from outside but seems to radiate from within itself, such is the abundance of light in this church. Now, the front of the church (that is, the side facing the rising sun, where the sacred rituals in honor of God are performed) is constructed as follows. The building rises from the ground, not in a straight line, but somewhat angled, retreating in the middle into a half-circle, a shape those knowledgeable in these things call semi-cylindrical, rising straight up. The upper part of this work culminates in a fourth of a sphere, topped by another crescent-shaped structure that is stunningly beautiful yet seemingly precarious in its construction; it looks like it hangs dangerously over those inside, even though it is actually held securely and safely. On each side stand columns on the floor, which are also arranged in a curve instead of a straight line, placed in a semicircular shape, one after another, like dancers in a lineup. These columns support a crescent-shaped structure above them. Opposite this east wall is another wall containing the entrances, with columns on either side and stonework above them shaped in a half-circle just like the previously mentioned columns. In the center of the church are four solid masses of stone called piers, two on the north side and two on the south, directly opposite and equal to one another, with four columns between each. These piers are made of large stones fitted together, meticulously selected and cleverly joined by the masons, reaching a great height. Looking at them, you might compare them to vertical cliffs. From these, four arches rise in a square shape. The ends of these arches join in pairs and rest on the piers, while the other parts rise high and are suspended in the air. Two of these arches, the ones facing the rising and setting sun, are built over empty space, while the others have stonework beneath them, supported by smaller columns. Above these arches is a circular structure with a spherical shape through which daylight first shines; it seems to rise above the whole region and has small openings intentionally left, so these gaps in the construction can serve as conduits for light. I believe this part of the building is describable, even by someone with limited skill. As the arches form a quadrangular shape, the stonework between them takes on a triangular shape; the lower angle of each triangle, pressed between the shoulders of the arches, is thin, while the upper part widens as it rises in the space between them and connects to the circle above, creating its remaining angles. A spherical dome sits atop this circle, making it incredibly beautiful; due to the lightness of the structure, it doesn’t seem to sit on a solid base but appears to float, as if suspended from heaven by a mythical golden chain. All these parts, surprisingly interconnected in the air and resting only on what is directly beside them, form a remarkably harmonious whole that captivates viewers, making them reluctant to linger as each individual feature draws the eye. The sight leads people to continuously shift their perspective, and no one can point to any part they admire more than the others; after taking in the art that seems to be everywhere, they furrow their brows in disbelief and leave in awe, unable to fully grasp the craftsmanship they’ve witnessed. So much for this.

CHURCH OF ST. SOPHIA.
HALF SECTION THROUGH GREAT DOME AND TRANSEPT
Vincent Brooks Day & Son
CHURCH OF ST. SOPHIA.
HALF PLAN OF THE GROUND FLOOR. HALF PLAN ON LEVEL OF GALLERIES

The Emperor Justinian and the architects Anthemius and Isidorus used many devices to construct so lofty a church with security. One alone of these I will at this present time explain, by which a man may form some opinion of the strength of the whole work; as for the others, I am not able to discover them all, and find it impossible to explain them in words. It is as follows:—The piers[4] of 10 which I just now spoke are not constructed in the same manner as the rest of the building, but in this fashion: they consist of quadrangular courses of stones, rough by nature, but made smooth by art; of these stones, those which make the projecting angles of the pier are cut angularly, while those which go in the middle parts of the sides are cut square. They are fastened together not with what is called unslaked lime, not with bitumen, the boast of Semiramis at Babylon, nor anything of the kind, but with lead, which is poured between the interstices, and which, pervading the whole structure, has sunk into the joints of the stones, and binds them together; this is how they are built. Let us now proceed to describe the remaining parts of the church. The entire ceiling is covered with pure gold, which adds glory to its beauty, though the rays of light reflected upon the gold from the marble surpass it in beauty; there are two porticos on each side, which do not in any way dwarf the size of the church, but add to its width. In length they reach quite to the ends, but in height they fall short of it; these also have a domed ceiling and are adorned with gold. Of these two porticos, the one is set apart for male, and the other for female worshippers; there is no variety in them, nor do they differ in any respect from one another, but their very equality and similarity add to the beauty of the church. Who could describe the galleries[5] of the portion set apart for women, or the numerous porticos and cloistered courts 11 with which the church is surrounded? who could tell of the beauty of the columns and marbles with which the church is adorned? one would think that one had come upon a meadow full of flowers in bloom: who would not admire the purple tints of some and the green of others, the glowing red and glittering white, and those, too, which nature, like a painter, has marked with the strongest contrasts of colour? Whoever enters there to worship perceives at once that it is not by any human strength or skill, but by the favour of God that this work has been perfected; his mind rises sublime to commune with God, feeling that He cannot be far off, but must especially love to dwell in the place which He has chosen; and this takes place not only when a man sees it for the first time, but it always makes the same impression upon him, as though he had never beheld it before. No one ever became weary of this spectacle, but those who are in the Church delight in what they see, and, when they leave it, magnify it in their talk about it; moreover, it is impossible accurately to describe the treasure of gold and silver plate and gems, which the Emperor Justinian has presented to it; but by the description of one of them, I leave the rest to be inferred. That part of the church which is especially sacred, and where the priests alone are allowed to enter, which is called the Sanctuary, contains forty thousand pounds’ weight of silver!

The Emperor Justinian and the architects Anthemius and Isidorus used many techniques to build such a grand church securely. I will explain just one of these now, which gives some idea of the strength of the entire structure; as for the others, I can’t identify them all or describe them adequately. Here’s how it works: the piers [4] I just mentioned are built differently from the rest of the building. They consist of rectangular stone courses, rough by nature but smoothed by craftsmanship; the stones forming the corners of the pier are cut at angles, while those in the middle sections are cut squarely. They are held together not with unslaked lime, not with bitumen—the pride of Semiramis in Babylon, nor any similar material—but with lead, which is poured into the gaps and seeps into the joints of the stones, binding them together. That's how they're constructed. Now, let's describe the other parts of the church. The entire ceiling is covered with pure gold, enhancing its beauty, though the light reflecting off the gold from the marble exceeds it in splendor; there are two porticos on each side, which do not diminish the church's size but instead add to its width. They stretch all the way to the ends but are lower in height; these also have domed ceilings and are decorated with gold. One portico is designated for male worshippers and the other for female worshippers; they are identical in every way, and their uniformity enhances the church's beauty. Who could describe the galleries [5] set aside for women, or the numerous porticos and cloistered courtyards surrounding the church? Who could capture the beauty of the columns and marbles adorning the church? It feels like stepping into a meadow overflowing with blooming flowers; who wouldn’t admire the purple, green, vibrant red, and shimmering white hues, as well as those that nature has painted with striking color contrasts? Anyone who enters to worship immediately feels that this work is perfected not by human strength or skill, but by God's grace; their spirit lifts to connect with God, sensing that He must love to dwell in this chosen place. This realization isn't just upon first seeing it; it always leaves the same impact as if they’ve never seen it before. No one gets tired of this sight; those inside the Church take delight in what they witness and, when they leave, they talk about it with admiration. Furthermore, it's impossible to accurately describe the treasure of gold, silver plate, and gems that Emperor Justinian has given to it; however, by detailing one of them, I will let you infer the rest. The part of the church that is especially sacred, where only the priests may enter, known as the Sanctuary, contains forty thousand pounds of silver!

The above is an account, written in the most abridged and cursory manner, describing in the fewest possible words the most admirable structure of the church at Constantinople which is called the Great Church, built by the Emperor Justinian, who did not merely supply the funds for it, but assisted it by the labour and powers of his mind, as I will now explain. Of the two arches which I 12 lately mentioned (the architects call them ‘lori’[6]), that one which stands towards the east had been built up on each side, but had not altogether been completed in the middle, where it was still imperfect; now the piers upon which the building rested, unable to support the weight which was put upon them, somehow all at once split open, and seemed as though before long they would fall to pieces. Upon this Anthemius and Isidorus, terrified at what had taken place, referred the matter to the Emperor, losing all confidence in their own skill. He at once, I know not by what impulse, but probably inspired by heaven, for he is not an architect, ordered them to carry round this arch; for it, said he, resting upon itself, will no longer need the piers below. Now if this story were unsupported by witnesses, I am well assured that it would seem to be written in order to flatter, and to be quite incredible; but as there are many witnesses now alive of what then took place, I shall not hesitate to finish it. The workmen performed his bidding, the arch was safely suspended, and proved by experiment the truth of his conception. So much then for this part of the building; now with regard to the other arches, those looking to the south and to the north, the following incidents took place. When the arches called ‘lori’ were raised aloft during the building of the church, everything below them laboured under their 13 weight, and the columns which are placed there shed little scales, as though they had been planed. Alarmed at this, the architects again referred the matter to the Emperor, who devised the following plan. He ordered the upper part of the work that was giving way, where it touched the arches, to be taken down for the present, and to be replaced long afterwards when the damp had thoroughly left the fabric. This was done, and the building has stood safely afterwards, so that the structure as it were bears witness to the Emperor.

The above is a brief description, written in a concise and straightforward manner, detailing the impressive structure of the church in Constantinople known as the Great Church. This church was constructed by Emperor Justinian, who not only provided the funding but also contributed his efforts and intellect, as I will explain. Of the two arches I recently mentioned (the architects refer to them as 'lori'), the one on the east side was built on both ends, but was not fully completed in the middle and remained unfinished. The piers supporting the building were unable to bear the weight placed on them and suddenly split open, looking as if they would soon collapse. Alarmed by this, Anthemius and Isidorus, losing confidence in their own expertise, reported the issue to the Emperor. He, for reasons unknown but likely inspired from above, as he is not an architect, commanded them to support this arch because, as he said, it would no longer need the piers beneath it. If this story had no witnesses, it would seem flattering and unbelievable; however, as there are many living witnesses to these events, I will continue. The workers followed his directive, the arch was successfully suspended, and his idea was proven correct. Now, regarding the other arches facing south and north, the following events occurred. When the arches called 'lori' were raised during the church's construction, everything beneath them struggled under their weight, and the columns seemed to shed tiny scales, as if they had been planed. Concerned by this, the architects again approached the Emperor, who came up with a solution. He ordered the upper portion of the structure that was sagging near the arches to be temporarily removed and replaced later, once the moisture had fully dried out. This was carried out, and the building has remained stable since, serving as a testament to the Emperor's ingenuity.

II. In front of the Senate House there is an open place which the people of Constantinople call the Augustæum: in it there are not less than seven courses of stone in a quadrangular form, arranged like steps, each one so much less in extent than that which is below, that each one of the stones projects sufficiently for the men who frequent that place to sit upon them as upon steps. From the topmost course a column rises to a great height—not a monolith, but composed of stones of a considerable periphery, which are cut square, and are fitted into one another by the skill of the masons. The finest brass, cast into panels and garlands, surrounds these stones on every side, binding them firmly together, while it covers them with ornament, and in all parts, especially at the capital and the base, imitates the form of the column. This brass is in colour paler than unalloyed gold; and its value is not much short of its own weight in silver. On the summit of the column there stands an enormous horse, with his face turned towards the east—a noble sight. He appears to be walking, and proceeding swiftly forwards; he raises his left fore-foot as though to tread upon the earth before him, while the other rests upon the stone beneath it, as though it would make the next step, while he places his 14 hind feet together, so that they may be ready when he bids them move. Upon this horse sits a colossal brass figure of the Emperor, habited as Achilles, for so his costume is called; he wears hunting-shoes, and his ankles are not covered by his greaves. He wears a corslet like an ancient hero, his head is covered by a helmet which seems to nod, and a plume glitters upon it. A poet would say that it was that ‘star of the dog-days’ mentioned in Homer.[7] He looks towards the east, directing his course, I imagine, against the Persians; in his left hand he holds a globe, by which the sculptor signifies that all lands and seas are subject to him. He holds no sword or spear, or any other weapon, but a cross stands upon the globe, through which he has obtained his empire and victory in war; he stretches forward his right hand towards the east, and spreading out his fingers seems to bid the barbarians in that quarter to remain at home and come no further. This is the appearance of the statue.

II. In front of the Senate House, there's an open area that the people of Constantinople call the Augustæum. It features seven levels of stone arranged in a square shape, like steps. Each level is smaller than the one below it, allowing enough space for people to sit on them like stairs. From the top level, a tall column rises—not a single piece, but made of stones that are cut into squares and fitted together skillfully by the masons. The finest brass, shaped into panels and decorations, surrounds these stones, holding them together while adding ornamentation, especially at the top and bottom where it mimics the column's shape. This brass has a color that is lighter than pure gold, and its value is nearly equivalent to its weight in silver. At the top of the column stands a massive horse, facing east—a magnificent sight. It looks like it's walking swiftly; its left front foot is raised as if it's about to step forward while the other foot rests on the ground, ready for the next move, with its back feet together, prepared to follow. On this horse is a giant brass statue of the Emperor, dressed like Achilles, as this attire is known; he's wearing hunting boots, and his shins are bare without greaves. He sports a breastplate like an ancient hero, with a helmet that appears to nod and a plume shimmering on top. A poet might say it's the ‘dog days star’ mentioned in Homer. He gazes eastward, presumably directing his actions against the Persians; in his left hand, he holds a globe, indicating that all lands and seas are under his control. He carries no sword or spear or any other weapon, but a cross stands atop the globe, symbolizing the empire and victories he gained in war. He extends his right hand toward the east, fingers spread, as if urging the barbarians there to stay at home and not come any closer. This is how the statue appears.

The Church of Irene,[8] which was next to the great 15 church, and was burnt down together with it, was rebuilt on a large scale by the Emperor Justinian—a church scarcely second to any in Byzantium except that of Sophia. There was between these two churches a hospice for the relief of destitute persons and those in the last extremity of disease, suffering in body as well as in fortune, which was built in former times by a God-fearing man named Sampson. This also did not remain unscathed by the insurgents, but perished in the fire, together with the two neighbouring churches. The Emperor Justinian rebuilt it in a more magnificent fashion, and with a much greater number of rooms, and he has also endowed it with a great annual revenue, in order that the sufferings of more unfortunate men may be relieved in it for the future. Insatiate as he was in his love for God, he built two other hospices opposite to this, in what are called the houses of Isidorus and Arcadius, being assisted in these pious works by the Empress Theodora. As for all the other churches which this Emperor raised in honour of Christ, they are so many in number and so great in size that it is impossible to describe them in detail, for no power of words nor one’s whole life would suffice to collect and to recite the list of their several names: let this much suffice.

The Church of Irene, [8] which was next to the large church and was burned down along with it, was rebuilt on a grand scale by Emperor Justinian— a church nearly as impressive as the one dedicated to Sophia. Between these two churches was a hospice for the relief of the poor and those at death's door, suffering both physically and financially, built long ago by a God-fearing man named Sampson. This too was not spared by the rioters, and was destroyed in the fire, along with the two neighboring churches. Emperor Justinian rebuilt it in a more magnificent style, with a lot more rooms, and he also provided it with a substantial annual income to help relieve the suffering of the less fortunate in the future. Driven by his devotion to God, he built two other hospices opposite this one, known as the houses of Isidorus and Arcadius, with assistance from Empress Theodora. As for all the other churches that this Emperor constructed in honor of Christ, they are so numerous and grand that it would be impossible to describe them all in detail, for no amount of words or even a lifetime would be enough to list their names: let this much suffice.

III. We must begin with the churches of the Virgin Mary, for it is understood that this is the wish of the Emperor himself, and the true method of description distinctly points out that from God we ought to proceed to the Mother of God. The Emperor Justinian built in all parts of the Roman empire many churches dedicated to the Virgin, so magnificent and large, and constructed with such a lavish expenditure of money, that a person beholding any one of them singly would imagine it to have been his only work, and that he had spent the whole period of his reign in adorning it alone. For the present, as I said 16 before, I shall describe the churches in Byzantium. One of the churches of the Virgin[9] was built by him outside the walls, in a place named Blachernæ (for he must be credited with the pious foundations of Justin, his uncle, since he administered his kingdom at his own discretion). This church is near the sea-shore, of great sanctity and magnificence; it is long, yet its width is well proportioned to its length, and above and below it is supported and rests on nothing less than sections of Parian marble which stand in the form of columns. These columns are arranged in a straight line in all parts of the church except in the middle, where they are set back. Those who enter this church especially admire its lofty and at the same time secure construction, and its splendid yet not meretricious beauty.

III. We need to start with the churches dedicated to the Virgin Mary, as this is what the Emperor wishes, and the correct way to describe things indicates that we should go from God to the Mother of God. Emperor Justinian built many impressive and large churches dedicated to the Virgin throughout the Roman Empire, spending so much money that anyone seeing just one of them would think it was his sole project and that he dedicated his entire reign to adorning it. For now, as I mentioned earlier16, I will describe the churches in Byzantium. One of the Virgin's churches[9] was built by him outside the city walls in a place called Blachernæ (he deserves credit for the pious foundations laid by his uncle Justin, as he managed his empire as he saw fit). This church is located near the sea, known for its great holiness and grandeur; it is long, and its width is proportionate to its length, supported by sections of Parian marble that form columns above and below. These columns line the church, except in the middle, where they are set back. Those who enter this church particularly admire its tall yet stable construction and its beautiful, though not overly flashy, design.

He built another church in her honour in the place which is called the Fountain, where there is a thick grove of cypress trees, a meadow whose rich earth blooms with flowers, a garden abounding in fruit, a fountain which noiselessly pours forth a quiet and sweet stream of water, in short where all the surroundings beseem a sacred place. Such is the country around the church; but as for the church itself, it is not easy to describe it in fitting words, to form an idea of it in the mind, or to express it in language; let it suffice for me to say thus much of it, that in beauty and size it surpasses most other churches. Both these churches are built outside the city walls, the one at the place where the wall starts from the sea-shore, 17 the latter close to what is called the Golden Gate, which is near the further end of the fortifications, in order that both of them might form impregnable defences for the city walls. Besides these, in the temple of Hera, now called the Hiereum, he erected a church in honour of the Virgin, which cannot easily be described.

He built another church in her honor in a place known as the Fountain, where there's a dense grove of cypress trees, a meadow rich in flowers, a garden full of fruit, and a fountain that quietly and gently flows with sweet water—basically, it’s a setting that feels sacred. This is the landscape surrounding the church; however, describing the church itself in appropriate terms is challenging; it’s hard to imagine it or express it in words. I can only say that in both beauty and size, it surpasses most other churches. Both of these churches are located outside the city walls, one starting at the shoreline, 17 and the other near what’s called the Golden Gate, close to the far end of the fortifications, so that both serve as strong defenses for the city walls. In addition to these, he built a church in honor of the Virgin in the temple of Hera, now known as the Hiereum, which is also difficult to describe.

In that part of the city which is called Deuteron[10] he built a noble and admirable church in honour of St. Anne, whom some think to have been the mother of the Virgin, and the grandmother of Christ; for God, in choosing to become man, subjected Himself to having grand-parents and a genealogy on His mother’s side like a man. Not very far from this church, in the last street of the city, there is a fine church built in honour of the martyr Zoe.

In that part of the city known as Deuteron[10], he built a beautiful and impressive church in honor of St. Anne, who some believe was the mother of the Virgin and the grandmother of Christ; for when God chose to become man, He accepted having grandparents and a family tree on His mother's side like any human. Not too far from this church, on the last street of the city, there is a lovely church dedicated to the martyr Zoe.

He found the church of the Archangel Michael[11] at Byzantium small, very dark, and quite unworthy of being dedicated to the archangel, having been built by one Senator, a patrician in former times, and in shape very like a small bedroom in a poor man’s house. Wherefore he razed it entirely to the ground, that no part of its former unseemliness might be left, and rebuilding it of a goodly size, in the manner which we now see, changed it into a building 18 of wonderful beauty. This church is of a quadrangular form, its length apparently not greatly exceeding its width; of its sides, that which looks towards the east has at its extremities a thick wall constructed of a great mass of stones, but in the middle is set back, forming a recess, on each side of which the roof is supported by columns of variegated stone. The opposite wall, that towards the west, is pierced with doors opening into the church.

He found the Church of the Archangel Michael[11] in Byzantium to be small, very dark, and totally unworthy of being dedicated to the archangel. It had been built by a senator, a nobleman from long ago, and it looked more like a small bedroom in a poor man's house. So, he completely demolished it, ensuring that no part of its previous unattractiveness remained. After that, he rebuilt it to a proper size, in the way we see it now, transforming it into a building of incredible beauty. This church is rectangular, with its length not significantly greater than its width. The side facing east has a thick wall made of large stones at each end, but the middle is set back, creating a recess, with the roof supported by columns of multicolored stone on either side. The west wall features doors that open into the church. 18

IV. His faith in the Apostles of Christ is testified in the following manner: In the first place he built the Church to SS. Peter and Paul, which did not exist before in Byzantium, close to the King’s palace, which was formerly called by the name of Hormisdas.[12] This was once his own private house; and when he became Emperor of the Romans, he made it look worthy of a palace by the magnificence of its buildings, and joined it to the other imperial apartments. Here also he built another church dedicated to the glorious saints Sergius and Bacchus,[13] and 19 afterwards another church standing obliquely to it. These two churches stand, not facing one another, but obliquely towards one another, joined together, and vying one with another. They have a common entrance, are equal to one another in all respects, are surrounded by a boundary wall, and neither of them exceeds the other or falls short of it, either in beauty, size, or any other respect; for each alike reflects the rays of the sun from its polished marble, and is alike covered with lavish gilding and 20 adorned with offerings; in one respect alone they differ, that the length of one is straight, whereas the columns of the other for the most part stand in a semicircle. They both have one portico at their vestibule, which from its great length is called Narthex.[14] The whole vestibule, the court, the inner doors from the court and the neighbourhood of the palace are alike common to both, and both these churches are so admirable that they form a great ornament to the entire city, and especially to the palace.

IV. His faith in the Apostles of Christ is demonstrated in the following way: First, he built the Church of Saints Peter and Paul, which hadn't existed before in Byzantium, right next to the King’s palace, which used to be known as Hormisdas.[12] This location was once his private home; and when he became Emperor of the Romans, he transformed it into something worthy of a palace with the grandeur of its buildings, connecting it to the other imperial rooms. Here, he also constructed another church dedicated to the glorious saints Sergius and Bacchus,[13] and later another church positioned at an angle to it. These two churches don't face each other directly, but are angled towards one another, connected, and competing with each other. They share a common entrance, are equal in every way, surrounded by a boundary wall, and neither surpasses the other or falls short in beauty, size, or anything else; each reflects sunlight from its polished marble and is equally adorned with lavish gilding and offerings; the only difference is that one is straight, while the columns of the other mostly stand in a semicircle. Both have one portico at their entrance, which is called the Narthex due to its great length.[14] The entire vestibule, the courtyard, the inner doors from the courtyard, and the nearby area of the palace are shared by both, and these churches are so impressive that they greatly enhance the entire city, especially the palace.

PLAN OF CHURCH OF SS. SERGIUS AND BACCHUS.

After this, out of his exceeding great reverence for all the Apostles,[15] he did as follows. In ancient times there was one church at Byzantium dedicated to all the Apostles, but through length of time it had become ruinous, and seemed not likely to stand much longer. Justinian took this entirely down, and was careful not only to rebuild it, but to render it more admirable both in size and beauty; he carried out his intention in the following manner. Two lines were drawn in the form of a cross, joining one another in the middle, the upright one pointing to the rising and setting sun, and the other cross line towards the north and the south wind. These were surrounded by a circuit of walls, 21 and within by columns placed both above and below; at the crossing of the two straight lines, that is, about the middle point of them, there is a place set apart, which may not be entered except by the priests, and which is consequently termed the Sanctuary. The transepts which lie on each side of this, about the cross line, are of equal length; but that part of the upright line towards the setting sun is built so much longer than the other part as to form the figure of the cross. That part of the roof which is above the Sanctuary is constructed like the middle part of the Church of Sophia, except that it yields to it in size; for the four arches are suspended and connected with one another in the same fashion, the circular building standing above them is pierced with windows, and the spherical dome which overarches it seems to be suspended in the air, and not to stand upon a firm base, although it is perfectly secure. In this manner the middle part of the roof is built: now the roof over the four limbs of the church is constructed of the same size as that which I have described over the middle, with this one exception, that the wall underneath the spherical part is not pierced with windows. When he had completed the building of this Sanctuary, the Apostles made it evident to all that they were pleased and thoroughly delighted with the honour paid them by the Emperor; for the bodies of the Apostles Andrew, Luke, and Timothy, which had before this been invisible and altogether unknown, were then made manifest to all men, signifying, I imagine, that they did not reject the faith of the Emperor, but permitted him openly to behold them, to approach and to touch them, that he might gain from them assistance and security for his life. This was discovered in the following manner.

After this, out of his deep respect for all the Apostles, he did the following. A long time ago, there was a church in Byzantium dedicated to all the Apostles, but over time it had fallen into disrepair and seemed unlikely to last much longer. Justinian completely tore it down and made sure not only to rebuild it but also to make it even more impressive in both size and beauty; he carried out his plan in this way. Two lines were drawn in the shape of a cross, intersecting in the middle, with the vertical line pointing toward the sunrise and sunset, and the horizontal line directed toward the north and south winds. These were surrounded by a circuit of walls, and inside there were columns placed both above and below; at the intersection of the two lines, which is around their midpoint, there’s a designated area that can only be accessed by priests, which is why it’s called the Sanctuary. The transepts on either side of this, along the horizontal line, are the same length; however, the part of the vertical line facing the sunset is built much longer than the other part, forming the shape of a cross. The roof above the Sanctuary is constructed similarly to the central part of the Church of Sophia, but smaller; the four arches are suspended and connected in the same way, with the circular structure above them featuring windows, and the spherical dome that sits atop it appears to float in the air rather than rest on a solid foundation, although it is completely secure. This is how the roof of the central space is designed: the roof over the four arms of the church is built to the same size as the central one, with the only difference being that the wall beneath the spherical part doesn’t have windows. Once he finished building this Sanctuary, the Apostles made it clear that they were pleased and truly delighted with the honor given to them by the Emperor; for the remains of the Apostles Andrew, Luke, and Timothy, which had been hidden and unknown until then, were revealed to everyone, suggesting that they accepted the Emperor’s faith and allowed him to see and touch them, so that he might receive their support and assurance for his life. This was discovered in the following way.

The Emperor Constantine built this church in the 22 name and in honour of the Apostles, making a decree that there should be a sepulchre there for himself, and for those who should rule after him, women as well as men; which is observed even to the present day. Here also the body of the father of Constantine was laid; but he did not in any way hint that the bodies of the Apostles were there, nor did there appear to be any place set apart for the bodies of saints. When, however, the Emperor Justinian was rebuilding this church, the workmen dug up the whole foundation, lest any unseemly thing should be left in it. They saw there three neglected wooden coffins, which declared by inscriptions upon them that they contained the bodies of the Apostles Andrew, Luke, and Timothy, which the Emperor and all Christian men beheld with the greatest delight. A solemn procession and public festival was ordered, and, after the customary rites had been performed in their honour, the coffins were covered up, and again placed in the ground. The place was not left unmarked or uncared for, but was reverently dedicated to the bodies of the Apostles. In return for the respect paid them by the Emperor, the Apostles, as I said before, made themselves manifest to all men; for, under a religious prince, the host of heaven do not hold themselves aloof from the affairs of men, but love to mingle with them, and rejoice in intercourse with mankind.

The Emperor Constantine built this church in the22 name and in honor of the Apostles, decreeing that there should be a tomb for himself and those who would rule after him, including women as well as men; this practice continues to this day. Here, the body of Constantine's father was also laid to rest; however, he didn't suggest that the bodies of the Apostles were present, nor did it seem there was any designated area for the remains of saints. When the Emperor Justinian was renovating the church, the workers dug up the entire foundation to ensure nothing inappropriate was left behind. They found three neglected wooden coffins, which had inscriptions stating they contained the bodies of the Apostles Andrew, Luke, and Timothy, a discovery that brought great joy to the Emperor and all Christians. A formal procession and public celebration were organized, and once the usual ceremonies honoring them were completed, the coffins were buried again. The site was not left unmarked or neglected; it was respectfully dedicated to the Apostles' bodies. In gratitude for the honor bestowed upon them by the Emperor, the Apostles, as I mentioned earlier, made their presence known to everyone; for a devout ruler, the heavenly host does not stay distant from human affairs but enjoys engaging with people and delights in their interactions.

Who could be silent about the Church of Acacius,[16] which, being ruinous, he pulled down and built up again from its very foundations, adding wonderfully to its size? 23 It rests on all sides upon brilliantly white columns, and its floor is covered with similar marble, from which so bright a light is reflected as to make one imagine that the whole church is covered with snow. Two porticos stand in front of it, the one supported on columns, and the other looking towards the forum. I was within a little of omitting to mention the church which was dedicated to St. Plato the Martyr,[17] a truly worthy and noble building, not far from the forum, which is named after the Emperor Constantine; and likewise the church dedicated to the Martyr Mocius,[18] which is the largest of all these churches. Besides this, there is the Church of the Martyr Thyssus, and the Church of St. Theodorus,[19] standing outside the city in the place which is called Rhesias, and the Church of the Martyr Thecla, which is near the harbour named after Julian, and that of St. Theodota in the suburb which is called Hebdomon. All these were built from their foundations by this Emperor during the reign of his uncle Justin, and are not easy to describe in words, while it is impossible to admire them sufficiently when beholding them. My narrative is now attracted to the Church of St. Agathonicus,[20] and I am forced to mention it, 24 though I have no longer voice nor words befitting such a work: let it be sufficient for me to have said thus much of it; I will leave the description of its beauty and sumptuousness in all respects to others to whom the subject is fresh, and who are not wearied out by their labours.

Who could remain quiet about the Church of Acacius, [16] which, though it was falling apart, he rebuilt from the ground up, making it even larger? 23 It stands surrounded by brilliantly white columns, and its floor is laid with similar marble, reflecting such bright light that it makes one think the whole church is covered in snow. There are two porticos in front of it, one supported by columns and the other facing the forum. I almost forgot to mention the church dedicated to St. Plato the Martyr, [17] a truly impressive and noble building, located not far from the forum named after Emperor Constantine; also, the church dedicated to the Martyr Mocius, [18] which is the largest of all these churches. In addition, there's the Church of the Martyr Thyssus, and the Church of St. Theodorus, [19] located outside the city in an area called Rhesias, as well as the Church of the Martyr Thecla, which is near the harbor named after Julian, and that of St. Theodota in the suburb called Hebdomon. All of these were built from the ground up by this Emperor during his uncle Justin's reign, and they're hard to describe in words, while it's impossible to admire them enough when you see them. Now my attention turns to the Church of St. Agathonicus, [20] and I have to mention it, even though I no longer have the voice or words that fit such a work: I will say just this much about it; I will leave the full description of its beauty and grandeur to others who find the topic fresh and aren't fatigued by their tasks. 24

V. Finding other churches in what is called the Anaplus, and along the coast of the opposite continent, which were not worthy to be dedicated to any of the saints, as also round the gulf which the natives call Ceras,[21] after the name of Ceroessa, the mother of Byzans, who was the founder of the city, he showed a royal munificence in all of them, as I will presently prove, having first said a few words about the glory which the sea adds to Byzantium.

V. Discovering other churches in what is known as the Anaplus, and along the coast of the opposite continent, which weren’t worthy of being dedicated to any of the saints, as well as around the gulf that the locals call Ceras, named after Ceroessa, the mother of Byzans, who founded the city, he displayed a royal generosity in all of them, as I will soon demonstrate, having first mentioned the glory that the sea brings to Byzantium.

The prosperity of Byzantium is increased by the sea which enfolds it, contracting itself into straits, and connecting itself with the ocean, thus rendering the city remarkably beautiful, and affording a safe protection in its harbours to seafarers, so as to cause it to be well supplied with provisions and abounding with all necessaries; for the two seas which are on either side of it, that is to say the Ægean and that which is called the Euxine, which meet at the east part of the city and dash together as they mingle their waves, separate the continent by their currents, and add to the beauty of the city while they surround it. It is, therefore, encompassed by three straits connected with one another, arranged so as to minister both to its elegance and its convenience, all of them most charming for sailing on, lovely to look at, and exceedingly safe for anchorage. The middle one of them, 25 which leads from the Euxine Sea, makes straight for the city as though to adorn it. Upon either side of it lie the several continents, between whose shores it is confined, and seems to foam proudly with its waves because it passes over both Asia and Europe in order to reach the city; you would think that you beheld a river flowing towards you with a gentle current. That which is on the left hand of it rests on either side upon widely extended shores, and displays the groves, the lovely meadows, and all the other charms of the opposite continent in full view of the city. As it makes its way onward towards the south, receding as far as possible from Asia, it becomes wider; but even then its waves continue to encircle the city as far as the setting of the sun. The third arm of the sea joins the first one upon the right hand, starting from the place called Sycæ,[22] and washes the greater part of the northern shore of the city, ending in a bay. Thus the sea encircles the city like a crown, the interval consisting of the land lying between it in sufficient quantity to form a clasp for the crown of waters. This gulf is always calm, and never crested into waves, as though a barrier were placed there to the billows, and all storms were shut out from thence, through reverence for the city. Whenever strong winds and gales fall upon these seas and this strait, ships, when they once reach the entrance of this gulf, run the rest of their voyage unguided, and make the shore at random; for the gulf extends for a distance of more than forty stadia in circumference, and the whole of it is a harbour, so that when a ship is moored there the stern rests on the sea and the bows on the land, as though the two elements contended with one another to see which of them could be of the greatest service to the city.

The prosperity of Byzantium is enhanced by the surrounding sea, which narrows into straits and connects to the ocean, making the city incredibly beautiful and providing safe harbors for sailors. This ensures a steady supply of food and all necessities; the two seas on either side, the Aegean and the one known as the Black Sea, converge at the eastern part of the city and crash together as their waves mix. They separate the continent with their currents, adding to the city's beauty as they encircle it. Thus, it is surrounded by three interconnected straits, designed to enhance both its elegance and convenience, all of which are lovely for sailing, aesthetically pleasing, and extremely safe for anchoring. The middle strait, which flows from the Black Sea, heads straight for the city as if to decorate it. On either side, the various continents stretch out, and the waters seem to surge proudly as they cross over both Asia and Europe to reach the city; it’s as if you’re watching a river flowing gently toward you. The left side of the strait has vast shores and showcases the groves, beautiful meadows, and other delightful features of the opposite continent, all visible from the city. As it moves southward, pulling away from Asia, it widens, but even then, its waves continue to embrace the city as far as the horizon. The third arm of the sea joins the first on the right side, starting from a place called Sycæ, and washes over most of the northern shore of the city, ending in a bay. This way, the sea encircles the city like a crown, with the land in between forming a clasp for the watery crown. This gulf is always calm and never has waves, as if a barrier is keeping the storms at bay out of respect for the city. When strong winds and gales hit these seas and straits, ships, upon entering this gulf, sail the rest of the journey without guidance, reaching the shore by chance; the gulf stretches over forty stadia in circumference, and it is entirely a harbor. When a ship is docked there, the stern is in the water while the bow rests on land, as if the two elements are competing to see which can best serve the city.

VI. Such is the appearance of this gulf; but the Emperor 26 Justinian rendered it more lovely by the beauty of the buildings with which he surrounded it; for on the left side of it, he, to speak briefly, altered the Church of St. Laurentius the Martyr, which formerly was without windows and very dark,[23] into the appearance which it now presents; and in front of it he built the Church of the Virgin, in the place which is called Blachernæ, as I described a little above. Behind it he built a new church to SS. Priscus and Nicolaus, renewing the whole building. This is an especially favourite resort of the people of Byzantium, partly from their respect and reverence for the saints, which were their countrymen, and partly to enjoy the beauty of the situation of the church; for the Emperor drove back the waves of the sea, and laid the foundations as far among the billows as possible. At the upper part of the gulf, in a very steep and precipitous place, there was an ancient Church of SS. Cosmas and Damianus; where once these saints appeared on a sudden to the Emperor as he lay grievously sick and apparently at the point of death, given up by his physicians, and already reckoned as dead, and miraculously made him whole. In order to repay their goodness, as far as a mortal man may do, he entirely altered and renewed the former building, which was unseemly and humble, and not worthy to be dedicated to such great saints, adorned the new church with beauty and size and brilliant light, and gave it many other things which it did not formerly possess. When men are suffering from diseases beyond the reach of physicians, and despair of human aid, they resort to the only hope which is left to them, and sail through this gulf in boats to this church. As soon as they begin their voyage they see this church 27 standing as though on a lofty citadel, made beautiful by the gratitude of the Emperor, and affording them hope that they too may partake of the benefits which flow from thence.

VI. This is how the gulf looks; however, Emperor Justinian made it even more beautiful with his impressive buildings. To the left, he transformed the Church of St. Laurentius the Martyr, which was once dark and windowless, into its current stunning appearance. In front of it, he constructed the Church of the Virgin at a place called Blachernæ, as I mentioned earlier. Behind it, he built a new church dedicated to SS. Priscus and Nicolaus, completely renovating the old structure. This site has become especially popular among the people of Byzantium, partly out of respect for the saints who were from their homeland, and partly because of the beautiful location of the church. The Emperor pushed back the sea waves and laid its foundations as far into the waters as possible. At the top of the gulf, in a steep and dangerous area, stood an ancient Church of SS. Cosmas and Damianus. These saints once appeared unexpectedly to the Emperor when he was seriously ill and believed to be on the verge of death, having been given up by his doctors and considered dead; they miraculously healed him. In gratitude, he completely transformed the old building, which was humble and inadequate for such great saints, embellishing the new church with beauty, grandeur, and bright light, along with many other features it did not have before. When people are suffering from diseases that doctors cannot cure and have given up on human help, they turn to the last hope they have left and sail across this gulf in boats to reach this church. As soon as they begin their journey, they see the church standing like a tall fortress, made beautiful by the Emperor’s gratitude, giving them hope that they too might experience the blessings that come from it.

On the opposite side of the gulf the Emperor built a church which did not exist before, quite close to the shore of the gulf, and dedicated it to the Martyr Anthimus. The base of this temple, laved by the gentle wash of the sea, is most picturesque; for no lofty billows dash against its stones, nor does the wave resound like that of the open sea, or burst into masses of foam, but gently glides up to the land, silently laps against it, and quietly retreats. Beyond this is a level and very smooth court, adorned all round with marble columns, and rendered beautiful by its view of the sea. Next to this is a portico, beyond which rises the church, of a quadrangular form, adorned with beautiful marble and gildings. Its length only exceeds its breadth far enough to give room for the sanctuary, in which the sacred mysteries are performed, on the side which is turned towards the rising sun; such is the description of it.

On the other side of the gulf, the Emperor built a new church right by the shore, dedicating it to Martyr Anthimus. The base of this temple, washed by the gentle waves, is really picturesque; no big waves crash against its stones, nor does the surf roar like it does in the open sea or break into masses of foam. Instead, the water gently glides onto the land, softly laps against it, and quietly retreats. Beyond this is a flat and very smooth courtyard, surrounded by marble columns and offering a beautiful view of the sea. Next to it is a portico, and beyond that stands the church, which has a square shape and is adorned with lovely marble and gilding. Its length is only slightly greater than its width to accommodate the sanctuary, where the sacred ceremonies take place, on the side that faces the rising sun; that’s the description of it.

VII. Beyond this, at the very mouth of the gulf, stands the Church of the Martyr Irene,[24] which the Emperor has so magnificently constructed that I could not competently describe it; for, contending with the sea in his desire to beautify the gulf, he has built these churches as though he were placing gems upon a necklace; however, since I have mentioned this Church of Irene, it will not be foreign to my purpose to describe what took place there. Here, from ancient times, rested the remains of no fewer 28 than forty saints, who were Roman soldiers, and were enrolled in the twelfth legion, which formerly was stationed in the city of Melitene, in Armenia; now, when the masons dug in the place which I just spoke of, they found a chest with an inscription stating that it contained the remains of these men. This chest, which had been forgotten, was at that time purposely brought to light by God, both with the object of proving to all men with how great joy He received the gifts of the Emperor, and also in order to reward his good works by the bestowal of a still greater favour; for the Emperor Justinian was in ill-health, and a large collection of humours in his knee caused him great pain. His illness arose from his own fault; for during all the days which precede the Paschal Feast, and are called fast-days, he practised a severe abstinence, unfit not only for a prince, but even for a man who took no part in political matters. He used to pass two days entirely without food, and that, too, although he rose from his bed at early dawn to watch over the State, whose business he ever transacted, both by actions and words, early in the morning, at midday, and at night with equal zeal; for though he would retire to rest late at night, he would almost immediately arise, as though disliking his bed. Whenever he did take nourishment, he refrained from wine, bread, and all other food, eating only herbs, and those wild ones which had been for a long time pickled in salt and vinegar, whilst water was his only drink. Yet he never ate to repletion even of these; but whenever he dined, he would merely taste this food, and then push it away, never eating sufficient. From this regimen his disease gathered strength, defying the efforts of physicians, and for a long time the Emperor suffered from these pains. During this time, hearing of the discovery of the relics, he disregarded human art, and 29 commended himself to them, deriving health from his faith in them, and finding healing in his bitterest need from his true faith; for as soon as the priests placed the paten upon his knee, the disease at once vanished—forced out of a body dedicated to God. Not wishing that this matter should be disputed, God displayed a great sign as a testimony to this miracle. Oil suddenly poured forth from the holy relics, overflowed the chest, and besprinkled the feet and the purple garment of the Emperor. Wherefore his tunic, thus saturated, is preserved in the palace as a testimony of what then took place, and for the healing of those who in future time may suffer from incurable disorders.

VII. Beyond this, right at the mouth of the gulf, stands the Church of Martyr Irene,[24] which the Emperor has built so magnificently that I can’t describe it adequately; he has crafted these churches as if adding gems to a necklace in his quest to beautify the gulf. Since I’ve mentioned the Church of Irene, it’s worth explaining what happened there. Here, from ancient times, rested the remains of no fewer than forty saints who were Roman soldiers and part of the twelfth legion that was once based in the city of Melitene, in Armenia. Recently, when the masons dug in the area I just mentioned, they discovered a chest with an inscription stating it contained the remains of these men. This chest, long forgotten, was brought to light by God to show everyone how joyfully He received the Emperor's gifts and to reward his good deeds with an even greater blessing; for Emperor Justinian was in poor health, suffering from a large collection of swelling in his knee that caused him intense pain. His sickness was due to his own actions; during the days leading up to the Paschal Feast, known as fast days, he practiced extreme abstinence, which was not suitable for a prince or even for someone uninvolved in political matters. He would go two full days without eating, even though he got up at dawn to oversee the State, actively engaging in business matters early in the morning, at midday, and again at night. Despite going to bed late, he would quickly rise, as if he disliked his sleep. When he did eat, he would avoid wine, bread, and all other foods, only consuming herbs, particularly wild ones that had been pickled in salt and vinegar, and drinking only water. Yet, he never ate to fullness; each meal consisted of just a taste before he pushed the food away, never consuming enough. This regimen worsened his condition, evading the efforts of doctors, and for a long time, the Emperor endured severe pain. During this period, learning of the discovery of the relics, he ignored medical treatment and turned to them in faith, finding healing in his time of greatest need; as soon as the priests placed the paten on his knee, the ailment instantly vanished—driven out of a body dedicated to God. Wanting no debate about this matter, God performed a great sign to affirm the miracle. Oil suddenly flowed from the holy relics, spilling over the chest and splashing onto the Emperor's feet and purple garment. As a result, his tunic, soaked through, is kept in the palace as a testimony of what occurred and for healing those in the future who might suffer from incurable ailments.

VIII. Thus did the Emperor Justinian adorn the gulf which is called the Horn; he also added great beauty to the shores of the other two straits, of which I lately made mention, in the following manner. There were two churches dedicated to St. Michael the Archangel, opposite to one another, on either side of the strait, the one in the place called Anaplus[25] on the left hand as one sails into the Euxine Sea, and the other on the opposite shore. This place was called Pröochthus by the ancients—I suppose because it projects a long way from that shore—and is now called Brochi, the ignorance of the inhabitants having in process of time corrupted the name. The priests of these two churches, perceiving that they were dilapidated by age, and fearing that they might presently fall down upon them, besought the Emperor to restore them both to their former condition; for in his reign it was not possible for a church either to be built, or to be restored when ruined, except from the royal treasury, and that not only in Byzantium, but also everywhere throughout the Roman Empire. The Emperor, as soon as he 30 obtained this opportunity, demolished both of them to the foundation, that no part of their former unseemliness might be left. He rebuilt the one in Anaplus[26] in the following manner. He formed the shore into a curve within a mole of stone, which he erected as a protection to the harbour, and changed the sea-beach into the appearance of a market; for the sea, which is there very smooth, exchanges its produce with the land, and sea-faring merchants, mooring their barques alongside the mole, exchange the merchandise from their decks for the produce of the country. Beyond this sea-side market stands forth the vestibule of the church, whose marble vies in colour with ripe fruit and snow. Those who take their walks in this quarter are charmed with the beauty of the stone, are delighted with the view of the sea, and are refreshed with the breezes from the water and the hills which rise upon the land. A circular portico surrounds the church on all sides except the east. In the midst of it stands the church, adorned with marble of various colours. Above it is suspended a domed roof. Who, after viewing it, could speak worthily of the lofty porticoes, of the buildings within, of the grace of the marble with which the walls and foundations are everywhere encrusted? In addition to all this, a great quantity of gold is everywhere spread over the church, as though it grew upon it. In describing this, I have also described the Church of St. John the Baptist,[27] which the Emperor 31Justinian lately erected in his honour in the place called Hebdomon; for both the two churches are very like each other, except only that the Church of the Baptist does not happen to stand by the sea-shore.

VIII. In this way, Emperor Justinian enhanced the gulf known as the Horn and added great beauty to the shores of the other two straits I just mentioned. There were two churches dedicated to St. Michael the Archangel, located directly across from each other on either side of the strait. One was in a place called Anaplus[25] on the left as you sail into the Euxine Sea, and the other was on the opposite shore. This area was called Pröochthus by the ancients—likely because it extends far out from the shore—and is now known as Brochi, as the local people have gradually altered the name. The priests of these two churches noticed they were falling apart due to age and feared they might soon collapse, so they begged the Emperor to restore them to their former glory. During his reign, no church could be built or repaired unless it was funded by the royal treasury, not just in Byzantium but throughout the Roman Empire. The Emperor, seizing this opportunity, demolished both churches down to their foundations to ensure no trace of their previous unsightliness remained. He rebuilt the one in Anaplus[26] like this: He shaped the shore into a curve with a stone mole to protect the harbor and transformed the beach into what resembled a market. The sea there is very calm, allowing for the exchange of goods between land and sea, and sea merchants moor their boats alongside the mole to trade their cargo for local produce. Beyond this seaside market stands the church's entrance, its marble as vibrant as ripe fruit and as pure as snow. Strollers in this area are captivated by the beauty of the stone, enjoy the view of the sea, and are refreshed by breezes from the water and the nearby hills. A circular portico encircles the church on all sides except the east. In the center stands the church, adorned with various colors of marble, topped with a domed roof. Who could adequately describe the impressive porticoes, the interior buildings, and the exquisite marble that graces the walls and foundations? Additionally, gold is lavishly spread throughout the church as if it naturally belongs there. In detailing this, I have also described the Church of St. John the Baptist,[27], which the Emperor Justinian recently built in his honor in a place called Hebdomon; for the two churches are quite similar, except that the Church of the Baptist isn't located by the sea.

The Church of the Archangel, in the place called Anaplus, is built in the above manner; now upon the opposite shore there is a place at a little distance from the sea, which is level, and raised high upon a mass of stones. Here has been built a church in honour of the Archangel, of exceeding beauty, of the largest size, and in costliness worthy of being dedicated to the Archangel Michael by the Emperor Justinian. Not far from this church, he restored a church of the Virgin, which had fallen into ruins long before, whose magnificence it would take long to examine and to express in words; but here a long-expected part of our history finds its place.

The Church of the Archangel, located in a place called Anaplus, is built in the way described above. On the opposite shore, there’s an area not far from the sea that is flat and elevated on a large pile of stones. Here, a stunning church has been constructed in honor of the Archangel, notable for its size and beauty, and worthy of being dedicated to Archangel Michael by Emperor Justinian. Not far from this church, he also restored a church dedicated to the Virgin, which had fallen into ruins long ago, and its grandeur is something that would take a long time to fully appreciate and describe. But here, an important part of our history is revealed.

IX. Upon this shore there stood from ancient times a beautiful palace: the whole of this the Emperor Justinian dedicated to God, exchanging present enjoyment for the reward of his piety hereafter, in the following manner. There were at Byzantium a number of women who were prostituted in a brothel, not willingly, but compelled to exercise their profession; for under pressure of poverty they were compelled by the procurer who kept them to 32 act in this manner, and to offer themselves to unknown and casual passers-by. There was here from ancient times a guild of brothel-keepers, who not only carried on their profession in this building, but publicly bought their victims in the market, and forced them into an unchaste life. However, the Emperor Justinian and the Empress Theodora, who performed all their works of piety in common, devised the following scheme. They cleansed the State from the pollution of these brothels, drove out the procurers, and set free these women who had been driven to evil courses by their poverty, providing them with a sufficient maintenance, and enabling them to live chaste as well as free. This was arranged in the following manner: they changed the palace, which stood on the right hand as one sails into the Euxine Sea, into a magnificent convent, to serve as a refuge for women who had repented of their former life, in order that there spending their lives in devotion to God, and in continual works of piety, they might wash away the sins of their former life of shame; wherefore this dwelling of these women is called from their work by the name of the Penitentiary. The princes endowed this convent with large revenues, and furnished it with many buildings of exceeding great beauty and costliness for the comfort of these women, so that none of them might be forced by any circumstances to relax their practice of chastity. So much then for this part of the subject.

IX. On this shore, there stood a beautiful palace from ancient times, which Emperor Justinian dedicated to God, trading immediate pleasure for future rewards of his piety in the following way. In Byzantium, there were several women who were forced into prostitution, not by choice, but out of necessity; pressured by poverty, they had no option but to comply with the demands of the procurer who controlled them, offering themselves to random passers-by. There had long been a guild of brothel-keepers here, who not only ran their business in this building but also openly purchased their victims in the marketplace and forced them into a life of sin. However, Emperor Justinian and Empress Theodora, who carried out their charitable works together, devised a plan. They cleansed the State of the corruption from these brothels, expelled the procurers, and freed those women who had been driven into immoral lives by their circumstances, providing them with adequate support so they could live both chaste and free. They transformed the palace on the right as one sails into the Euxine Sea into an impressive convent, designed as a refuge for women who had repented for their past, allowing them to dedicate their lives to God and engage in acts of piety to atone for their previous shameful existence. Hence, this residence for these women is known as the Penitentiary. The rulers endowed this convent with substantial income and equipped it with numerous beautiful and costly buildings for the comfort of these women, ensuring that no one would be forced by circumstances to abandon their commitment to chastity. That concludes this part of the subject.

As one sails from this place towards the Euxine Sea, there is a lofty promontory jutting out from the shore of the strait, upon which stood a Church of the Martyr St. Pantelëemon,[28] which, having been originally carelessly built, and having been much ruined by lapse of time, was taken 33 down by the Emperor Justinian, who built the church which now stands there with the greatest magnificence, and both preserved the honour due to the martyr and added beauty to the strait by building on each side of it the churches which I have mentioned. Beyond this church, in a place which is called Argyronium, there was, in old times, a hospital for poor men afflicted with incurable diseases, which having in the course of time fallen into the last stage of decay, he most zealously restored, to serve as a refuge for those who were thus afflicted. Near this place there is a district by the sea-side called Mochadius, which is also called Hieron. Here he built a temple in honour of the Archangel of remarkable splendour, and in no respect inferior to those Churches of the Archangel, of which I spoke just now. He also built a church dedicated to St. Tryphon the Martyr, decorated with much labour and time to an indescribable pitch of beauty, in that street of the city which is called by the name of ‘The Stork.’ Furthermore, he built a church in the Hebdomon, in honour of the martyrs Menas[29] and Menæsus; and finding that the Church of St. Ias the Martyr, which is on the left hand as one enters the Golden Gate, was in ruins, he restored it with a lavish expenditure. This is what was done by the Emperor Justinian in connection with the churches in Byzantium; but to describe all his works throughout the entire Roman Empire in detail, is a difficult task, and altogether impossible to express in words, but, whenever I shall have to make mention of the name of any city or district, I shall take the opportunity of describing the churches in it.

As you sail from this place towards the Black Sea, there’s a tall promontory that sticks out from the shore of the strait, where the Church of Saint Pantelëemon used to stand. It was originally built without much care and had fallen into great disrepair over time. The Emperor Justinian removed it and constructed a magnificent church in its place, honoring the martyr while enhancing the beauty of the strait by building churches on either side of it. Beyond this church, in a location called Argyronium, there used to be a hospital for poor men suffering from incurable diseases. Over time, it had fallen into severe decay, but he restored it with great dedication to provide refuge for those in need. Close to this area, there’s a seaside district called Mochadius, also known as Hieron. Here, he built a temple in honor of the Archangel, which was remarkably splendid and just as impressive as the other Archangel churches I mentioned earlier. He also constructed a church dedicated to Saint Tryphon the Martyr, beautifully adorned with significant effort and time, located in the city street known as ‘The Stork.’ Additionally, he built a church in Hebdomon in honor of the martyrs Menas and Menæsus; and, noticing that the Church of Saint Ias the Martyr, found on the left side when entering the Golden Gate, was in ruins, he restored it at great expense. This is what Emperor Justinian accomplished regarding the churches in Byzantium; however, detailing all his works across the Roman Empire is a challenging task that is hard to put into words. Whenever I mention any city or district, I will take the chance to describe the churches there.

X. The above were the works of the Emperor Justinian 34 upon the churches of Constantinople and its suburbs; but as to the other buildings constructed by him, it would not be easy to mention them all. However, to sum up matters, he rebuilt and much improved in beauty the largest and most considerable part both of the city and of the palace, which had been burned down and levelled with the ground. It appears unnecessary for me to enter into particulars on this subject at present, since it has all been minutely described in my ‘History of the Wars.’ For the present I shall only say this much, that the vestibule of the palace and that which is called Chalce, as far as what is known as the House of Ares, and outside the palace the public baths of Zeuxippus,[30] and the great porticoes and all the buildings on either hand, as far as the forum of Constantine, are the works of this Emperor. In addition to these, he restored and added great magnificence to the house named after Hormisdas, which stands close to the palace, rendering it worthy of the palace, to which he joined it, and thereby rendered it much more roomy and worthy of admiration on that side.

X. The projects listed above were the works of Emperor Justinian 34 on the churches of Constantinople and its outskirts; however, mentioning all the other buildings he constructed would be a challenge. To summarize, he rebuilt and greatly enhanced the beauty of the largest and most significant parts of both the city and the palace that had been destroyed and flattened. I think it's unnecessary to go into details about this right now, as it has all been thoroughly described in my ‘History of the Wars.’ For now, I will only mention that the entrance of the palace, known as Chalce, up to what’s called the House of Ares, as well as the public baths of Zeuxippus outside the palace, the grand porticoes, and all the structures on either side leading to the forum of Constantine, are all achievements of this Emperor. Additionally, he restored and added great elegance to the house named after Hormisdas, which is located near the palace, making it worthy of the palace to which he connected it, thereby making it much more spacious and impressive on that side.

In front of the palace there is a forum surrounded with columns. The Byzantines call this forum the Augustæum. I mentioned it in a former part of this work, when, after describing the Church of St. Sophia, I spoke of the brazen statue of the Emperor, which stands upon a very lofty column of stones as a memorial of that work. On the eastern side of this forum stands the Senate House, which baffles description by its costliness and entire arrangement, and which was the work of the Emperor Justinian. Here at the beginning of every year the Roman Senate holds an annual festival, according to the custom of the State. 35 Six columns stand in front of it, two of them having between them that wall of the Senate House which looks towards the west, while the four others stand a little beyond it. These columns are all white in colour, and in size, I imagine, are the largest columns in the whole world. They form a portico covered by a circular dome-shaped roof. The upper parts of this portico are all adorned with marble equal in beauty to that of the columns, and are wonderfully ornamented with a number of statues standing on the roof.

In front of the palace, there’s a forum surrounded by columns. The Byzantines call this forum the Augustæum. I mentioned it earlier in this work when I described the Church of St. Sophia and talked about the bronze statue of the Emperor that stands on a very tall stone column as a tribute to that work. On the eastern side of this forum is the Senate House, which is hard to describe because of its lavishness and overall design, and it was built by Emperor Justinian. Here, at the start of each year, the Roman Senate holds an annual festival, following state tradition. 35 Six columns stand in front of it, with two of them framing the wall of the Senate House that faces west, while the four others stand just a bit further out. All these columns are white, and I believe they are the largest columns in the entire world. They create a portico topped by a domed roof. The upper parts of this portico are all decorated with marble that’s as beautiful as that of the columns and are wonderfully adorned with several statues on the roof.

Not far from this forum stands the Emperor’s palace, which, as I have said before, was almost entirely rebuilt by the Emperor Justinian. To describe it all in words is impossible, but it will suffice for future generations to know that it was all the work of this Emperor. As, according to the proverb, we know the lion by his claw, so my readers will learn the magnificence of this palace from the entrance-hall. This entrance-hall is the building called Chalce; its four walls stand in a quadrangular form, and are very lofty; they are equal to one another in all respects, except that those on the north and south sides are a little shorter than the others. In each angle of them stands a pier of very well-wrought stone, reaching from the floor to the summit of the wall, quadrangular in form and joining the wall on one of its sides: they do not in any way destroy the beauty of the place, but even add ornament to it by the symmetry of their position. Above them are suspended eight arches, four of which support the roof, which rises above the whole work in a spherical form, whilst the others, two of which rest on the neighbouring wall towards the south and two towards the north, support the arched roof which is suspended over those spaces. The entire ceiling is decorated with paintings, not formed of melted wax poured upon it, 36 but composed of tiny stones adorned with all manner of colours, imitating human figures and everything else in nature. I will now describe the subjects of these paintings. Upon either side are wars and battles, and the capture of numberless cities, some in Italy, and some in Libya. Here the Emperor Justinian conquers by his General Belisarius; and here the General returns to the Emperor, bringing with him his entire army unscathed, and offers to him the spoils of victory, kings, and kingdoms, and all that is most valued among men. In the midst stand the Emperor and the Empress Theodora, both of them seeming to rejoice and hold high festival in honour of their victory over the kings of the Vandals and the Goths, who approach them as prisoners of war led in triumph. Around them stands the Senate of Rome, all in festal array, which is shown in the mosaic by the joy which appears on their countenances; they swell with pride and smile upon the Emperor, offering him honours as though to a demi-god, after his magnificent achievements. The whole interior, not only the upright parts, but also the floor itself, is encrusted with beautiful marbles, reaching up to the mosaics of the ceiling. Of these marbles, some are of a Spartan stone equal to emerald, while some resemble a flame of fire; the greater part of them are white, yet not a plain white, but ornamented with wavy lines of dark blue.[31] So much for this building.

Not far from this forum stands the Emperor’s palace, which, as I mentioned earlier, was almost entirely rebuilt by Emperor Justinian. Describing it all in words is impossible, but it’s enough for future generations to know that it was all created by this Emperor. Just as the saying goes, we know the lion by its claw, so my readers will recognize the magnificence of this palace from the entrance hall. This entrance hall is the building called Chalce; its four walls form a quadrangular shape and are very tall; they are uniform in all respects, except that those on the north and south sides are slightly shorter than the others. In each corner stands a pier of well-crafted stone, reaching from the floor to the top of the wall, formed in a square shape and joining the wall on one side: they don’t take away from the beauty of the space, but instead enhance it with their symmetrical positioning. Above them hang eight arches, four of which support the roof, which rises above the entire structure in a spherical shape, while the others, two resting on the neighboring wall to the south and two to the north, support the arched roof suspended over those areas. The entire ceiling is decorated with paintings, not made from melted wax poured onto it, but created from tiny stones adorned with various colors, depicting human figures and everything else found in nature. I will now describe the subjects of these paintings. On either side are scenes of wars and battles, and the capture of countless cities, some in Italy and some in Libya. Here, Emperor Justinian conquers with his General Belisarius; and here, the General returns to the Emperor, bringing back his whole army unharmed, and presents to him the spoils of victory, kings, and kingdoms, and everything most valued by men. In the center stand the Emperor and Empress Theodora, both appearing to rejoice and celebrate their victory over the kings of the Vandals and Goths, who are brought before them as prisoners of war. Surrounding them is the Senate of Rome, all dressed for celebration, as shown in the mosaic by the joy on their faces; they swell with pride and smile at the Emperor, offering him honors as if to a demigod, after his magnificent achievements. The entire interior, not only the walls but also the floor itself, is inlaid with beautiful marbles, matching the mosaics on the ceiling. Among these marbles, some are a Spartan stone equal to emerald, while others resemble flames; the majority are white, yet not plain white, but adorned with wavy lines of dark blue. [31] So much for this building.

XI. As one sails from the Propontis towards the eastern part of the city, there is a public bath on the left hand which is called the Baths of Arcadius, and which forms an 37 ornament to the city of Constantinople, great as it is. Here our Emperor constructed a court standing outside the city, intended as a promenade for the inhabitants, and a mooring-place for those who sail past it. This court is lighted by the sun when rising, but is conveniently shaded when he proceeds towards the west. Round it the sea flows quietly with a gentle stream, coming like a river from the main sea, so that those who are taking their walks in it are able to converse with those who are sailing; for the sea reaches up to the basement of the court with great depth, navigable for ships, and by its remarkable calm enables those on the water and on the land to converse with one another. Such is the side of the court which looks upon the sea, adorned with the view over it, and refreshed with the gentle breezes from it. Its basement, its columns, and its entablature are all covered with marble of great beauty, whose colour is of a most brilliant white, which glitters magnificently in the rays of the sun; moreover, many statues adorn it, some of brass and some of marble, composing a sight well worth mention; one would conjecture that they were the work of Phidias the Athenian, of Lysippus of Sicyon, or of Praxiteles. Here also is a statue of the Empress Theodora on a column, which was erected in her honour by the city as an offering of gratitude for this court. The face of the statue is beautiful, but falls short of the beauty of the Empress, since it is utterly impossible for any mere human workmen to express her loveliness, or to imitate it in a statue; the column is of porphyry, and clearly shows by its magnificent appearance that it carries the Empress, before one sees the statue.

XI. As you sail from the Propontis toward the eastern part of the city, there's a public bath on the left called the Baths of Arcadius, which adds to the beauty of Constantinople. Here, our Emperor built a courtyard outside the city, designed as a promenade for the locals and a docking area for passing ships. This courtyard gets sunlight in the morning but is comfortably shaded as the sun moves westward. The sea flows gently around it, reminiscent of a river coming from the main sea, allowing people taking walks to chat with those on boats, as the water reaches right up to the base of the courtyard, deep enough for ships to navigate. The area facing the sea is beautifully adorned with a scenic view and a refreshing breeze. Its foundation, columns, and entablature are all covered in stunning marble that shines brilliantly in the sunlight. Additionally, there are many statues, some made of brass and others of marble, creating a sight worth mentioning; one might think they were crafted by Phidias from Athens, Lysippus from Sicyon, or Praxiteles. There's also a statue of Empress Theodora on a column, placed there by the city as a token of appreciation for this courtyard. The statue's face is lovely, but it doesn't capture the Empress's true beauty, as it's impossible for any sculptor to replicate her charm. The column is made of porphyry and clearly suggests the grandeur of the Empress even before you see the statue.

I will now explain the Emperor’s works to afford an abundant supply of water to the city. In summer-time the imperial city used for the most part to suffer from 38 scarcity of water, although at other seasons it had sufficient; for at that time, in consequence of the drought, the fountains flowed less plenteously than at other seasons, and supplied the aqueducts of the city very sparingly. Wherefore the Emperor devised the following plan. In the Portico of the Emperor, where the advocates, and magistrates, and other persons connected with the law transact business, there is a very lofty court of great length and width, quadrangular in shape, and surrounded with columns, which is not constructed upon an earthen foundation, but upon the rock itself. Four porticos surround this court, one upon each side of it. The Emperor Justinian excavated one of these porticos, that upon the south side, to a great depth, and stored up there the superfluity of water from the other seasons for use in summer. These cisterns receive the overflow from the aqueducts, when they are too full of water, giving them a place to overflow into, and afford a supply in time of need when water becomes scarce. Thus did the Emperor Justinian arrange that the people of Byzantium should not want for sweet water.

I will now explain the Emperor's efforts to provide a plentiful water supply for the city. During the summer, the imperial city often faced water shortages, though at other times it had enough. This was mainly due to the drought, which caused the fountains to flow less than usual and provided only a limited supply to the city's aqueducts. To address this, the Emperor came up with the following plan. In the Emperor's Portico, where lawyers, magistrates, and others involved in the law conduct their business, there is a large, open courtyard that is square in shape, surrounded by columns, and built directly on the rock instead of on a dirt base. Four porticos border this courtyard, one on each side. Emperor Justinian dug deep into the southern portico to create a storage area for extra water from other seasons to use during the summer. These cisterns collect overflow from the aqueducts when they get too full, creating a space for the excess water and providing a backup supply when water is scarce. This way, Emperor Justinian ensured that the people of Byzantium would not have to go without fresh water.

He also built new palaces elsewhere, one in the Heræum,[32] which is now called the Hiereum, and in the place called Jucundiana. I am unable to describe either the magnificence or exquisite workmanship, or the size of these palaces in a manner worthy of the subject. Suffice it to say that these palaces stand there, and were built in the presence and according to the plans of Justinian, who disregarded nothing except expense, which was so large that the mind is unable to grasp it. Here also he con 39structed a sheltered harbour, which did not exist before. Finding that the shore was exposed on both sides to the winds and the violence of the waves, he arranged a place of refuge for mariners in the following manner: he constructed what are called chests, of countless number and of great size, flung them into the sea on each side of the beach in an oblique direction, and by continually placing fresh layers in order upon the others, formed two walls in the sea opposite to one another, reaching from the depths below to the surface of the water on which the ships sail; upon this he flung rough stones, which when struck by the waves break their force, so that when a strong wind blows in the winter season, everything between these walls remains calm, an interval being left between them to serve as an entrance for ships into the harbour. Here also he built the churches which I formerly mentioned, and also porticos, market-places, public baths, and everything else of that sort; so that this palace in no respect falls short of that within the city. He also built another harbour on the opposite continent, in the place which is called after the name of Eutropius, not very far from the Heræum, constructed in the same manner as that which I mentioned above.

He also built new palaces in other locations, one in the Heræum, now called the Hiereum, and another in an area called Jucundiana. I can't fully capture the splendor, fine craftsmanship, or the scale of these palaces in a way that does them justice. It's enough to say that these palaces are there, built with the oversight and plans of Justinian, who spared no expense, which was so staggering that it’s hard to comprehend. Here, he also created a sheltered harbor that didn't exist before. Noticing that the shore was vulnerable on both sides to the winds and strong waves, he set up a safe haven for sailors by constructing large chests—countless in number and size—casting them into the sea on either side of the beach at an angle. By continuously stacking new layers on top of the old ones, he formed two walls in the sea facing each other, extending from the depths to the water's surface where ships sail. He then placed rough stones on top of these walls to break the force of the waves, so that during strong winter winds, the area between these walls remains calm, allowing ships to enter the harbor through the gap left for them. He also built the churches I mentioned earlier, along with porticoes, marketplaces, public baths, and everything else of that nature, ensuring this palace is just as impressive as the one in the city. He built another harbor on the opposite mainland, in the area named after Eutropius, not far from the Heræum, constructed in the same way as the one I just described.

The above are, described as briefly as possible, the works of the Emperor Justinian in the imperial city. I will now describe the only thing which remains. Since the Emperor dwells here, a multitude of men of all nations comes into the city from all the world, in consequence of the vast extent of the empire, each one of them led thither either by business, by hope, or by chance, many of whom, whose affairs at home have fallen into disorder, come with the intention of offering some petition to the Emperor. These persons, forced to dwell in the city on account of some present or threatened misfortune, in addition to their other 40 trouble are also in want of lodging, being unable to pay for a dwelling-place during their stay in the city. This source of misery was removed from them by the Emperor Justinian and the Empress Theodora, who built very large hospices as places of refuge in time of need for such unfortunate persons as these, close to the sea, in the place which is called the Stadium, I suppose because in former times it was used for public games.

The paragraph above briefly outlines the works of Emperor Justinian in the imperial city. Now, I will talk about the only thing left to mention. Since the Emperor lives here, a huge number of people from all over the world come into the city, drawn by trade, hope, or sometimes just by chance. Many of these individuals, whose lives back home have become chaotic, arrive hoping to present petitions to the Emperor. These people, forced to stay in the city due to ongoing or impending troubles, not only face their own difficulties but also struggle to find a place to stay, as they can't afford housing during their time in the city. To alleviate this suffering, Emperor Justinian and Empress Theodora built large hospices as safe havens for these unfortunate individuals, located near the sea in an area called the Stadium, likely named for its past use in public games.

Note.—For the interesting church of the Chora, see Appendix.

Note.—For information on the fascinating church of the Chora, see the Appendix.


BOOK II.

I. The new churches which the Emperor Justinian built in Constantinople and its suburbs, the churches which were ruinous through age, and which he restored, and all the other buildings which he erected there, are described in my previous book; it remains that we should proceed to the fortresses with which he encircled the frontier of the Roman territory. This subject requires great labour, and indeed is almost impossible to describe; we are not about to describe the Pyramids, that celebrated work of the Kings of Egypt, in which labour was wasted on a useless freak, but all the strong places by means of which our Emperor preserved the empire, and so fortified it as to render vain any attempt of the barbarians against the Romans. I think I should do well to start from the Median frontier.

I. The new churches that Emperor Justinian built in Constantinople and its suburbs, along with the ones that were falling apart due to age that he restored, and all the other buildings he constructed there, are covered in my previous book. Now, we need to move on to the fortresses he set up to protect the borders of Roman territory. This topic requires significant effort and is almost impossible to describe fully; we’re not talking about the Pyramids, that famous project of the Egyptian Kings, which involved pointless labor. Instead, we're focusing on the strongholds that helped our Emperor secure the empire and strengthened it enough to thwart any barbarian attacks against the Romans. I think it’s best to start from the Median frontier.

When the Medes retired from the country of the Romans, restoring to them the city of Amida,[33] as has been narrated in my ‘History of the Wars,’ the Emperor Anastasius took great pains to build a wall round an, at that time, unimportant village named Dara, which he observed was situated near the Persian frontier, and to form it into a 41 city which would act as a bulwark against the enemy. Since, however, by the terms of the treaty formerly made by the Emperor Theodosius with the Persians, it was forbidden that either party should build any new fortress on their own ground in the neighbourhood of the frontier, the Persians urged that this was forbidden by the articles of the peace, and hindered the work with all their power, although their attention was diverted from it by their war with the Huns. The Romans, perceiving that on account of this war they were unprepared, pushed on their building all the more vigorously, being eager to finish the work before the enemy should bring their war against the Huns to a close and march against themselves. Being alarmed through their suspicions of the enemy, and constantly expecting an attack, they did not construct their building carefully, but the quickness of building into which they were forced by their excessive hurry prevented their work being secure; for speed and safety are never wont to go together, nor is swiftness often accompanied by accuracy. They therefore built the city-walls in this hurried fashion, not making a wall which would defy the enemy, but raising it barely to the necessary height; nor did they even place the stones in their right positions or arrange them in due order, or fill the interstices with mortar. In a short time, therefore, since the towers, through their insecure construction, were far from being able to withstand snow and hot sun, most of them fell into ruins. Thus was the first wall built round the city of Dara.[34]

When the Medes withdrew from Roman territory, giving back the city of Amida, as I mentioned in my 'History of the Wars,' Emperor Anastasius worked hard to build a wall around what was then a small village called Dara, which he noticed was located near the Persian border. He aimed to transform it into a city that would serve as a defense against the enemy. However, according to the treaty that Emperor Theodosius had previously made with the Persians, neither side was allowed to construct new fortifications close to the border. The Persians claimed this violated the peace agreement and tried to stop the construction as best they could, even though their focus was divided due to their conflict with the Huns. The Romans, realizing that they were vulnerable because of this war, intensified their building efforts, eager to finish before the Persians could settle their war with the Huns and turn their attention to them. Fearful of a potential attack, they rushed their construction and didn't build carefully; their haste meant that the work wasn't secure. Speed and safety rarely go hand in hand, and quick building seldom allows for precision. Consequently, they erected the city walls in a hurried manner, raising them only to the minimum height needed to deter the enemy. They didn’t even arrange the stones properly or fill the gaps with mortar. As a result, the towers, poorly built, couldn’t withstand the weather, and many of them quickly fell into disrepair. Thus, the first wall surrounding the city of Dara was constructed.

42

42

FORTIFICATIONS AT DARA.
From Texier & Pullan’s Byzantine Architecture

It occurred to the Emperor Justinian that the Persians would not, as far as lay in their power, permit this Roman fortress to stand threatening them, but that they would march against it with their entire force, and use every device to assault its walls on equal terms; and that a number of elephants would accompany them, bearing wooden towers upon their backs, which towers instead of 43 foundations would rest upon the elephants, who—and this was the worst of all—could manœuvre round the city at the pleasure of the enemy, and carry a wall which could be moved whithersoever its masters might think fit; and the enemy, mounted upon these towers, would shoot down upon the heads of the Romans within the walls, and assail them from above; they would also pile up mounds of earth against the walls, and bring up to them all the machines used in sieges; while if any misfortune should befall the city of Dara, which was an outwork of the entire Roman Empire and a standing menace to the enemy’s country, the evil would not rest there, but the whole state would be endangered to a great extent. Moved by these considerations he determined to fortify the place in a manner worthy of its value.

It occurred to Emperor Justinian that the Persians would not, as far as they could, allow this Roman fortress to remain a threat to them. They would gather their full forces and do everything possible to attack its walls equally; a number of elephants would accompany them, carrying wooden towers on their backs. Instead of having proper foundations, these towers would rest on the elephants, who—and this was the worst part—could move around the city at the enemy's will, creating a mobile siege weapon. The enemy, perched on these towers, would rain down attacks on the Romans inside the walls and bombard them from above. They would also build up mounds of dirt against the walls and bring in all the machines used in sieges. If any disaster were to strike the city of Dara, which was a critical outpost for the entire Roman Empire and a constant threat to the enemy’s land, the repercussions would be severe, putting the whole state in great danger. Concerned by these factors, he decided to strengthen the fortress in a way that matched its importance.

In the first place,[35] therefore, since the wall was, as I have described, very low, and therefore easily assailable, he rendered it inaccessible and altogether impregnable. He placed stones which so contracted the original battlements as only to leave small traces of them, like windows, allowing just so much opening to them as a hand could be passed through, so that passages were left through which arrows could be shot against the assailants. Above these he built a wall to a height of about thirty feet, not making the wall of the same thickness all the way to the top, lest the foundations should be over-weighted by the mass above, and the whole work be ruined; but he surrounded the upper part with a course of stones, and built a portico extending round the entire circuit of the walls, 44 above which he placed the battlements, so that the wall was throughout constructed of two stories, and the towers of three stories, which could be manned by the defenders to repel the attacks of the enemy; for over the middle of the towers he constructed a vaulted roof, and again built new battlements above it, thus making them into a fortification consisting of three stories.

In the first place, [35] since the wall was, as I described, very low and easily attacked, he made it inaccessible and completely secure. He placed stones that reduced the original battlements to small traces, like windows, allowing enough of an opening for a hand to pass through, which created passages through which arrows could be fired at the attackers. Above these, he built a wall about thirty feet high, varying the thickness so that the foundations wouldn’t be burdensome due to the weight above, preventing the entire structure from collapsing. He surrounded the top with a layer of stones and constructed a walkway all around the walls, above which he added the battlements, resulting in a wall that was two stories tall and towers that were three stories high, which defenders could occupy to fend off enemy assaults; over the center of the towers, he created a vaulted roof, then built new battlements on top of that, effectively creating a three-story fortress. 44

After this, though he saw, as I have said before, that many of the towers had after a short time fallen into ruin, yet he was not able to take them down, because the enemy were always close at hand, watching their opportunity, and always trying to find some unprotected part of the fortifications. He therefore devised the following plan: he left these towers where they were, and outside of each of them he constructed another building with great skill, in a quadrangular form, well and securely built. In the same manner he securely protected the ruinous parts of the walls with a second wall. One of these towers, which was called the Watchtower, he seized an opportunity of demolishing, rebuilt it securely, and everywhere removed all fear of want of strength from the walls. He wisely built the outside part of the wall to a sufficient height, in due proportion; outside of it he dug a ditch, not in the way in which men usually make one, but in a small space, and in a different fashion. With what object he did this, I will now explain.

After this, even though he noticed, as I've mentioned before, that many of the towers had quickly fallen into disrepair, he couldn't take them down because the enemy was always nearby, waiting for their chance, and trying to find any unguarded spots in the fortifications. So, he came up with the following plan: he left the towers as they were and built another structure outside each one, skillfully and securely in a rectangular shape. He also reinforced the crumbling parts of the walls with an additional wall. One of these towers, known as the Watchtower, he managed to demolish and rebuild securely, removing any concerns about the wall's strength. He smartly constructed the outer part of the wall to a proper height, and outside of it, he dug a ditch—not the typical way most people do, but in a more compact and unconventional manner. I’ll now explain the purpose of this approach.

The greater part of the walls are inaccessible to besiegers, because they do not stand upon level ground, nor in such a manner as would favour an attack, but upon high precipitous rocks where it would not be possible to undermine them, or to make any assault upon them; but upon the side turned towards the south, the ground, which is soft and earthy and easily dug, renders the city assailable. Here, therefore, he dug a crescent-shaped 45 ditch, deep and wide, and reaching to a considerable distance. Each end of this ditch joined the city wall, and by filling it with water he rendered it altogether impassable to the enemy. On the inner side of it he built a second wall, upon which during a siege the Roman soldiers keep guard, without fear for the walls themselves and for the other outwork which stands before the city. Between the city wall and this outwork, opposite the gate which leads towards Ammodius, there was a great mound, from which the enemy were able to drive mines towards the city unperceived. This he entirely removed, and levelled the spot, so as to put it out of the enemy’s power to assault the place from thence.

Most of the walls are unreachable for attackers because they're not on flat ground or positioned in a way that would make an attack easy. Instead, they sit on steep, high rocks that can’t be undermined or assaulted. However, on the southern side, the ground is soft and easy to dig, making the city vulnerable. So, he dug a wide, deep, crescent-shaped ditch that extended quite a distance. Each end of this ditch connected to the city wall, and by filling it with water, he made it completely impassable for the enemy. On the inside of this ditch, he built a second wall where Roman soldiers could guard during a siege without worrying about the outer walls or the other defenses in front of the city. Between the city wall and this outer wall, near the gate that leads to Ammodius, there was a large mound from which the enemy could secretly dig tunnels toward the city. He completely removed this mound and leveled the area to prevent the enemy from launching an attack from there.

II. Thus did Justinian fortify this stronghold;[36] he also constructed reservoirs of water between the city walls and the outwork, and very close to the Church of St. Bartholomew the Apostle, on the west side. A river runs from the suburb called Corde, distant about two miles from the city. Upon either side of it rise two exceedingly rugged 46 mountains. Between the slopes of these mountains the river runs as far as the city, and since it flows at the foot of them, it is not possible for an enemy to divert or meddle with its stream, for they cannot force it out of the hollow ground. It is directed into the city in the following manner. The inhabitants have built a great channel leading to the walls, the mouth of which is closed with numerous thick bars of iron, some upright and some placed crosswise, so as to enable the water to enter the city, without injury to the strength of its fortifications. Thus the river enters the city, and after having filled these reservoirs, and been led hither and thither at the pleasure of the inhabitants, passes into another part of the city, where there is an outfall constructed for it in the same way as its entrance. The river in its progress through the flat country made the city in former times easy to be besieged, for it was not difficult for an enemy to encamp there, because water was plentiful. The Emperor Justinian considered this state of things, and tried to find some remedy for it; God, however, assisted him in his difficulty, took the matter into His own hands, and without delay ensured the safety of the city. This took place in the following manner.

II. In this way, Justinian reinforced the stronghold; he also built water reservoirs between the city walls and the outwork, very close to the Church of St. Bartholomew the Apostle, on the west side. A river flows from the suburb known as Corde, which is about two miles from the city. Two incredibly steep mountains rise on either side of it. The river runs between the slopes of these mountains all the way to the city, and since it flows at their base, enemies cannot divert or interfere with its flow because they cannot force it out of the hollow ground. It is channeled into the city in the following way. The locals constructed a large channel leading to the walls, the entrance of which is secured with numerous thick iron bars, some vertical and some horizontal, allowing the water to flow into the city without compromising the strength of its fortifications. Thus, the river enters the city, fills these reservoirs, and is directed here and there at the discretion of the inhabitants before being directed to another area of the city, where there is an outlet built in the same way as its entrance. In the past, the river made the city vulnerable to sieges because it was easy for enemies to camp there due to the abundance of water. Emperor Justinian recognized this situation and sought a solution; however, God intervened in his plight, took control of the situation, and swiftly ensured the city's safety. This happened in the following manner.

One of the garrison of the city, either in consequence of a dream or led of his own accord to it, collected together a great number of the workmen engaged in building the fortifications, and ordered them to dig a long trench in a certain place, which he pointed out to them, a considerable distance within the city wall, declaring that they would there find sweet water flowing out of the ground. He dug this trench in a circular form, making the depth of it for the most part about fifteen feet. This work proved the saving of the city, not through any foresight of the workmen, yet, by means of this trench, what 47 would have been a misfortune was turned into a great advantage to the Romans; for, as during this time very heavy rain fell, the river, of which I just spoke, raged outside the fortifications and rose to a great height, being unable to proceed, because when it was swollen to such a size neither the channel nor the entrances in the wall were large enough to contain it, as they had been before. It consequently piled up its waters against the wall, rising to a great height and depth, and in some places was stagnant, and in others rough and violent. It at once overthrew the outwork, swept away a great part of the city wall, forced its way through the city gates, and, running with a great body of water, occupied almost the whole city, invading both the market-place, the narrower streets, and the houses themselves, swept off from them a great mass of furniture, wooden vessels, and such like things, and then, falling into this trench, disappeared under ground. Not many days afterwards it reappeared near to the city of Theodosiopolis, at a place about forty miles distant from the city of Dara, where it was recognised by the things which it had swept away out of the houses at Dara, for there the whole mass of them reappeared. Since that period, in time of peace and quiet, the river flows through the midst of the city, fills the reservoirs with water, and passes out of the city through the outfall especially constructed for it by the builders of the city, which I described above, and, as it supplies that region with water, becomes a great boon to the inhabitants of the neighbourhood. When, however, a hostile army advances to besiege the city, they close the passages through the iron gratings with what are called sluice-doors, and at once force the river to change its course and to flow into the trench and the subterranean gulf beyond, so that the enemy suffer from want of water and are at once obliged to raise the siege. 48 Indeed Mirrhanes, the Persian general, in the reign of Cabades, came thither to besiege the city, and was compelled by all these difficulties to retire baffled after a short time; and a long while afterwards, Chosroes himself advanced with the same intentions, and attacked the city with a numerous army; but being driven to great straits through want of water, and perceiving the height of the walls, he imagined the place to be entirely impregnable, gave up his project, and straightway retired into Persia, being out-generalled by the foresight of the Roman Emperor.

One of the soldiers in the city, either because of a dream or on his own initiative, gathered a large number of the workers who were building the fortifications and instructed them to dig a long trench in a specific location he showed them, which was a significant distance inside the city wall, claiming that they would discover sweet water flowing from the ground there. He shaped the trench in a circular form, making it mostly about fifteen feet deep. This effort ended up saving the city, not through any foresight from the workers, but because of this trench, what could have been a disaster turned into a major advantage for the Romans; during this time, very heavy rain fell, causing the river I just mentioned to overflow outside the fortifications and rise to a great height, unable to flow as it had before because the channel and the wall openings were insufficient to contain it when it swelled. As a result, the water built up against the wall, rising significantly in height and depth, stagnating in some areas and becoming rough and violent in others. It immediately toppled the outer defense, washed away a large part of the city wall, forced its way through the city gates, and, with a massive flow of water, flooded nearly the entire city, invading both the marketplace, the narrower streets, and the homes, sweeping away a significant amount of furniture, wooden vessels, and similar items, before plunging into this trench and disappearing underground. Not many days later, it reemerged near the city of Theodosiopolis, about forty miles from the city of Dara, where it was recognized by the items it had carried away from the houses in Dara, as the whole mass appeared there. Since then, in times of peace and tranquility, the river flows through the middle of the city, fills the reservoirs with water, and exits the city through the specially constructed outlet that the builders had created, which I mentioned earlier, providing water to that area and becoming a great benefit to the local residents. However, when an enemy army approaches to besiege the city, they close off the passages with iron grates using what are called sluice doors, immediately redirecting the river to flow into the trench and the underground cavity beyond, causing the enemy to suffer from a lack of water and forcing them to abandon the siege. Indeed, Mirrhanes, the Persian general during the reign of Cabades, came to besiege the city but was compelled to retreat in failure after a short time due to these difficulties. Much later, Chosroes himself came with the same intentions and attacked the city with a large army, but after facing severe water shortages and seeing the height of the walls, he concluded that the place was completely impregnable, abandoned his plan, and quickly retreated back to Persia, outsmarted by the foresight of the Roman Emperor.

III. Such were the works of the Emperor Justinian in the city of Dara. I shall now describe what he arranged to prevent any second misfortune happening to the city from the river, in which matter his wishes were manifestly assisted by Heaven. There was one Chryses of Alexandria, a clever engineer, who served the Emperor as an architect, and constructed most of the works both in the city of Dara and in the rest of the country. This Chryses was absent when the misfortune from the river befell the city of Dara; when he heard of it, he retired to bed in great grief, and dreamed the following dream: A figure of more than human stature appeared to him, and showed and explained to him a device which would protect the city from any dangerous inundation of the river. He, conceiving this idea to be divinely inspired, at once wrote an account of the device and of the vision, and sent it to the Emperor, giving a sketch of what he had been taught in his dream. It happened that not long before this a message reached the Emperor from the city of Dara, giving him an account of what had happened with the river. Thereupon the Emperor, disturbed and alarmed at what had taken place, straightway summoned those most celebrated architects, Anthemius and Isidorus, whom I have mentioned before. He informed them of what had happened, and inquired 49 what arrangement could be devised to prevent this mischief befalling the city a second time. Each of them described what he considered to be a suitable plan for this purpose; but the Emperor, evidently acting under a divine impulse, although he had not yet seen the letter of Chryses, miraculously invented and sketched out of his own mind the plan suggested by the dream. The interview terminated without the adoption of any distinct plan, and without their deciding upon what was to be done; but three days afterwards came a messenger to the Emperor, who brought the letter from Chryses, and who explained the form of the arrangement which he had seen in his dream. The Emperor now again sent for the architects, and ordered them to recall to mind their former ideas of what ought to be done. They repeated everything in order, both their own devices and the spontaneous inventions of the Emperor; after which the Emperor brought forward the messenger sent from Chryses, and showing them the letter and the sketch of what he had seen in his dream, caused them to wonder greatly, when they perceived how Heaven had assisted our Emperor in everything for the advantage of the Empire. The plan of the Emperor accordingly won the day, and triumphed over the art and learning of the architects. Chryses returned to the city of Dara, with orders from the Emperor to carry out the work which he had described with all speed, according to the plan revealed in the dream. He carried out his orders in the following manner.

III. These were the projects of Emperor Justinian in the city of Dara. Now I will describe what he arranged to prevent any further disaster from the river, a task that seemed clearly aided by divine intervention. There was a talented engineer named Chryses from Alexandria, who worked as an architect for the Emperor and designed most of the projects in Dara and beyond. Chryses was away when the river disaster struck the city; upon learning of it, he fell into deep sorrow and went to bed, where he had a significant dream: a figure taller than any human appeared to him, demonstrating and explaining a solution to protect the city from dangerous flooding. Believing this idea was divinely inspired, he immediately wrote down the device and his vision, and sent it to the Emperor, including a sketch of what he had seen in his dream. Not long before this, a message had reached the Emperor from the city of Dara, detailing what had occurred with the river. Disturbed and alarmed by the events, the Emperor quickly summoned the renowned architects Anthemius and Isidorus, whom I mentioned earlier. He informed them of what had happened and asked what could be done to prevent such a disaster from happening again. Each architect proposed what they thought was a suitable plan; however, the Emperor, seemingly guided by divine inspiration, unexpectedly devised and sketched a plan from his own mind that matched the vision from the dream, even before seeing Chryses' letter. The meeting ended without any specific plan being agreed upon or decided. Three days later, a messenger arrived with Chryses' letter, explaining the arrangement he had seen in his dream. The Emperor called the architects back and asked them to recall their previous ideas. They reviewed both their suggestions and the Emperor's spontaneous inventions. Then the Emperor presented the messenger from Chryses, showing them the letter and the sketch of the dream, which left them in awe of how Heaven had assisted the Emperor in everything for the benefit of the Empire. Ultimately, the Emperor's plan took precedence, surpassing the expertise and knowledge of the architects. Chryses returned to the city of Dara with orders from the Emperor to implement the project he had described as quickly as possible according to the plan revealed in the dream. He carried out his orders in the following manner.

In a place about forty feet distant from the outwork of the city, across the valley in which the river runs between the two mountains, he constructed a barrier of considerable height and width, joining each end of it to the mountain on either side, in such a manner that the water of the river in its strongest flood could never force its way through it. 50 This work is called by those who are learned in such matters a dam, or sluice, or whatever else they please. He did not build this barrier in a straight line, but in the form of a crescent, in order that its arch, which was turned against the stream of the water, might be better able to resist its violence. The upper and lower parts of this barrier are pierced with apertures, so that, when the river suddenly rises in flood, it is forced to stop there and to flow no further with the entire weight of its stream, but passing in small quantities through these apertures it gradually diminishes in violence and power, and the wall is never damaged by it; for the flow of water, collecting in the place which, as I have said before, is about forty feet in length, lying between the barrier and the outwork, is never unmanageable, but runs gently to its usual entrance, and thence is received in the artificial channel. As for the gate, which the fury of the river broke open in former times, he removed it from thence, and blocked up its site with enormous stones, because this gate, being situated on flat ground, was easily reached by the river when in flood; but he placed the gate not far off, in a lofty place in the most precipitous part of the circuit of the walls, which it was impossible for the river to reach. Thus did the Emperor arrange these matters.

About forty feet away from the city's outer wall, across the valley where the river flows between two mountains, he built a substantial barrier, tall and wide, connecting each end to the mountains on either side, so that even the strongest floodwater could never break through it.50 Those knowledgeable about such things refer to this structure as a dam, sluice, or any name they prefer. He didn’t construct this barrier in a straight line; instead, he designed it in the shape of a crescent, so the arch facing the water could better withstand its force. The top and bottom parts of this barrier are made with openings, allowing the river—when it suddenly rises from flooding—to stop there and flow only in small amounts through these openings, gradually losing its intensity and power, which prevents any damage to the wall. The water that gathers in the area about forty feet long, located between the barrier and the outer wall, remains manageable, flowing gently back to its usual entry point and then into the artificial channel. As for the gate that the river had previously destroyed, he removed it and filled in its location with massive stones, because that gate, being on flat ground, was too easily accessible to the floodwater. He relocated the gate to a higher spot in the steepest part of the wall's perimeter, where the river couldn’t reach it. This is how the Emperor arranged these matters.

The inhabitants of this city suffered greatly from the want of water, for there was no fountain springing out of the ground, nor was any water carried about the streets in an aqueduct, or stored up in cisterns; but those who lived in the streets through which the river passed could draw drinking-water from it without trouble, while those who dwelt at a distance from the course of the river had either to fetch their drinking-water with great trouble or to perish with thirst; however, the Emperor Justinian constructed a great aqueduct, by which he brought the water to every part of the city, and relieved the distress 51 of the inhabitants. He also built two churches, that which is called the Great Church, and the Church of St. Bartholomew the Apostle.[37] Moreover, he built very spacious barracks for the soldiers, that they might not inconvenience the inhabitants.

The people of this city suffered a lot because there was no water available; there wasn’t a fountain springing up from the ground, nor was any water delivered through aqueducts or stored in cisterns. Those living along the river could easily get drinking water, while those farther away had to go through a lot of trouble to fetch water or risk dying of thirst. However, Emperor Justinian built a large aqueduct that provided water to every part of the city, easing the suffering of the residents. He also constructed two churches: one known as the Great Church and the other as the Church of St. Bartholomew the Apostle. Additionally, he built spacious barracks for the soldiers so they wouldn’t disturb the residents.51

Not long after this he restored the wall and outworks of the city of Amida, which had been built in former times, and were thought likely to fall into ruins; thus ensuring the safety of that city. I am now about to speak of his buildings in the forts which stand on the frontier of the territory of these cities.

Not long after this, he rebuilt the walls and fortifications of the city of Amida, which had been constructed in earlier times and were at risk of falling into disrepair; this ensured the city's safety. I am now going to discuss his constructions in the forts located on the borders of the territories of these cities.

IV. As one goes from the city of Dara towards the land of Persia, there lies on the left a tract entirely impassable for carriages or horses, extending to the distance of about two days’ journey for a lightly-equipped traveller, ending in an abrupt and precipitous place called Rhabdium.[38] The land on each side of this road to Rhabdium belongs for a great distance to Persia. When I first saw this I was surprised at it, and inquired of the people of the country how it was that a road and tract belonging to the Romans should have enemy’s land on each side of it. They answered, that this country once belonged to the Persians, but that at the request of the King of Persia one of the Roman Emperors gave a village abounding in vines near Martyropolis,[39] and received this region in exchange 52 for it. The city of Rhabdium stands upon precipitous and wild rocks, which there rise to a wondrous height; below it is a region which they call ‘the field of the Romans,’ out of wonder, I suppose, at its belonging to the Romans, though it lies in the midst of the Persian country. This Roman field lies on flat ground, and is fruitful in all kinds of crops; one might conjecture this from the fact that the Persian frontier surrounds it on every side.

IV. As you travel from the city of Dara toward the land of Persia, on the left side, there’s a stretch of land that’s completely impassable for vehicles or horses, extending about two days’ journey for a light traveler, and it ends in a steep and cliff-like area called Rhabdium.[38] The land on both sides of the road to Rhabdium belongs to Persia for a long distance. When I first saw this, I was surprised and asked the locals how it was possible for a road and area that belonged to the Romans to have enemy territory on either side. They explained that this area used to belong to the Persians, but at the request of the King of Persia, one of the Roman Emperors gave a vine-filled village near Martyropolis,[39] in exchange for this region. The city of Rhabdium is situated on steep and rugged rocks that rise to an incredible height; below it is a region called ‘the field of the Romans,’ probably out of amazement that it belongs to the Romans, even though it’s in the middle of Persian land. This Roman field is flat and very fertile, which you could guess given that the Persian frontier surrounds it on all sides.

There is a very celebrated fort in Persia, named Sisauranum, which the Emperor Justinian once captured and razed to the ground; taking prisoners a great number of Persian cavalry, together with their leader Bleschanes. This place lies at a distance of two days’ journey from Dara for a lightly-equipped traveller, and is about three miles distant from Rhabdium. It was formerly unguarded, and altogether neglected by the Romans, so that it never received from them any garrison, fortification, or any other benefit, wherefore the peasants who tilled this country, of which I just spoke, besides the ordinary taxes, paid an annual tribute of fifty gold pieces to the Persians, in order that they might possess their lands and enjoy the produce of them in security. All this was altered for them by the Emperor Justinian, who enclosed Rhabdium with fortifications, which he built upon the summit of the mountain which rises there, and, taking advantage of the position of the ground, rendered it impossible for the enemy to approach it. As those who dwelt in it were in want of water, there being no springs on the top of the cliff, he constructed two cisterns, and by digging into the rocks in many places made large reservoirs of water, so that the rain-water might collect, and the garrison might use it freely, and not be liable to capture through distress for want of water.

There is a well-known fort in Persia called Sisauranum, which Emperor Justinian once captured and destroyed completely, taking a large number of Persian cavalry prisoners, along with their leader Bleschanes. This location is about a two-day journey from Dara for a traveler with light gear and is roughly three miles away from Rhabdium. It was previously unprotected and completely ignored by the Romans, so it never received any garrison, fortifications, or other assistance from them. As a result, the farmers in this area, which I just mentioned, in addition to their regular taxes, paid an annual tribute of fifty gold pieces to the Persians so they could keep their lands and securely enjoy their produce. All this changed when Emperor Justinian fortified Rhabdium by building defenses on top of the mountain nearby, taking advantage of the terrain to make it impossible for the enemy to approach. Since the residents lacked access to water, with no springs on the cliff's summit, he built two cisterns and dug into the rocks in several places to create large reservoirs to collect rainwater, providing the garrison with ample water supply and preventing them from being captured due to thirst.

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He also rebuilt solidly, and gave their present beauty and strength to all the other mountain forts, which reach from this point and from the city of Dara to Amida; namely, Ciphæ, Sauræ, Smargdis, Lurnes, Hieriphthon, Atachæ, Siphris, Rhipalthæ, Banasymeon, and also Sinæ, Rhasius, Dabanæ, and all the others which were built there in ancient times, and which before this were constructed in a contemptible fashion, but which he made into an impregnable line of outposts along the Roman frontier. In this region there stands a very lofty mountain, precipitous, and altogether inaccessible; the plain below it is rich and free from rocks, suitable both for arable and pasture land, for it abounds in grass. There are many villages at the foot of this mountain, whose inhabitants are rich in the produce of the country, but lie exposed to the attacks of the enemy. This was remedied by the Emperor Justinian, who built a fort upon the summit of the mountain, in which they might place their most valued possessions, and themselves take refuge at the approach of the enemy. This is named the Fort of the Emperors. Moreover, he carefully rebuilt and safely fortified the forts in the neighbourhood of the city of Amida, which before were only surrounded by mud walls, and were incapable of defence. Among these were Apadnæ and the little fort of Byrthum: for it is not easy to set down all their names in detail, but, speaking generally, he found them all exposed to attack, and has now rendered them impregnable; and since his time Mesopotamia has become quite protected against the Persian nation.

He also rebuilt everything robustly, giving their current beauty and strength to all the mountain forts that stretch from this point and the city of Dara to Amida. These include Ciphæ, Sauræ, Smargdis, Lurnes, Hieriphthon, Atachæ, Siphris, Rhipalthæ, Banasymeon, as well as Sinæ, Rhasius, Dabanæ, and all the others constructed there in ancient times, which had previously been built poorly, but he turned them into an impregnable line of outposts along the Roman frontier. In this area, there is a very high, steep mountain that is completely inaccessible; the plain below is rich and free of rocks, making it ideal for both farming and grazing, as it is lush with grass. There are many villages at the base of this mountain, where the people are prosperous from the local produce, but they are vulnerable to enemy attacks. This issue was resolved by Emperor Justinian, who built a fort at the top of the mountain, where they could store their most valuable possessions and take refuge in case of an enemy approach. This fort is known as the Fort of the Emperors. Additionally, he thoroughly rebuilt and fortified the forts near the city of Amida, which were previously surrounded only by mud walls and were defenseless. Among these were Apadnæ and the small fort of Byrthum; it’s challenging to list all their names in detail, but generally, he found them all at risk of attack and has now made them impregnable. Since his time, Mesopotamia has become well-protected against the Persian nation.

Nor must I pass over in silence what he devised at the fort of Bara, of which I just now spoke. The interior of this fort was entirely without water, and Bara is built upon the precipitous summit of a lofty mountain. Outside 54 its walls, at a great distance, at the bottom of the hill, there was a fountain which it was not thought advisable to include within the fortification, lest the part which was situated upon the low ground should be open to attack. He therefore devised the following plan. He ordered them to dig within the walls until they reached the level of the plain. When this was done in accordance with the Emperor’s order, to their surprise they found the water of the fountain flowing there; thus the fort was both constructed securely and conveniently situated with regard to water supply.

I can't skip over what he came up with at the fort of Bara, which I just mentioned. The inside of this fort had no water at all, and Bara sits on the steep peak of a high mountain. Far outside its walls, down at the bottom of the hill, there was a fountain, but they didn't think it was a good idea to bring it into the fort's defenses, as that low ground could easily be attacked. So he came up with a plan. He ordered them to dig within the walls until they reached the level of the plain. When they followed the Emperor's order, they were surprised to find the fountain's water flowing there; this way, the fort was built securely and conveniently for access to water.

V. In the same manner, since the walls of Theodosiopolis,[40] the bulwark of the Roman Empire on the river Aborrhas, had become so decayed by age that the inhabitants derived no confidence from their strength, but rather terror, as they feared that before long they would fall down, the Emperor rebuilt them for the most part, so that they were able to check the invasions of the Persians into Mesopotamia. It is worth describing what he did at Constantina. The original wall of Constantina was so low that a ladder would easily reach the top, and in its construction was greatly exposed to attack, and seemed hardly to have been built in earnest; for the towers were of such a distance from one another, that if the assailants attacked the space between them, the garrison of the towers would be too far off to drive them back; moreover, the greater part of it was so ruinous from age that it seemed likely soon to fall. In addition to this, the city had an outwork which was more like a siege-work to enable the enemy to attack it; for it was not more than three feet in thickness, cemented with mud, the lower part of it built of rock fit for making mill-stones, but the 55 upper part of what is called white-stone, which is not to be trusted and is very soft, so that the whole work might easily be captured. However, the Emperor Justinian rebuilt the decayed part of the walls, more especially on the west and north sides; between every two towers of the wall he placed the third, so that since his time all the towers for the defence of the wall stand close together. He also greatly raised the height of the wall and of all the towers, so as to render the place impregnable to an enemy. Moreover, he built covered approaches to the towers, each of which towers contained three stories of vaulted stone, so that each one of them was called and really was a castle in itself, for what the Greeks call ‘phrourion’ is called a ‘castle’ in the Latin tongue. Besides this, Constantina used formerly to be reduced to great straits for want of water; there are indeed wells of good water outside the walls at the distance of a mile, round which grows a large wood of very lofty trees; within the walls, however, since the streets are not built upon level but upon sloping ground, the city in ancient times was waterless, and its inhabitants suffered much from thirst and the difficulty of obtaining water; but the Emperor Justinian brought the water within the walls by means of an aqueduct, adorned the city with overflowing fountains, and may justly be termed its founder. These were the works of the Emperor Justinian in these cities.

V. Similarly, since the walls of Theodosiopolis, the stronghold of the Roman Empire on the river Aborrhas, had decayed so much over time that the residents felt no confidence in their strength but rather fear, believing they would soon collapse, the Emperor rebuilt them for the most part, allowing them to resist the Persian invasions into Mesopotamia. It's worth noting what he did at Constantina. The original wall of Constantina was so low that a ladder could easily reach the top, and it was significantly vulnerable to attack, seeming barely constructed; the towers were spaced so far apart that if enemies attacked the area between them, the defenders in the towers would be too far away to fend them off. Additionally, much of it was so dilapidated from age that it looked likely to fall soon. Furthermore, the city had an outwork that functioned more like a siege work to help the enemy attack it; it was no more than three feet thick, made of mud, with the lower part constructed from rock suitable for millstones, while the upper part was made of what is known as white stone, which is unreliable and very soft, easily making the entire structure susceptible to capture. However, Emperor Justinian rebuilt the decayed sections of the walls, particularly on the west and north sides; between every two towers, he placed a third one, so that since then all the towers meant for defending the wall are close together. He also significantly raised the height of the wall and the towers, making the place nearly impossible for an enemy to breach. Moreover, he built covered pathways to the towers, each of which had three stories of vaulted stone, making each one essentially a castle, as the Greeks refer to it as ‘phrourion,’ which corresponds to ‘castle’ in Latin. On top of this, Constantina previously faced severe water shortages; while there are good water wells outside the walls about a mile away, surrounded by a large grove of tall trees, inside the walls, because the streets were built on uneven ground, the city was anciently waterless, and its residents struggled with thirst and obtaining water. But Emperor Justinian brought water within the walls using an aqueduct, adorned the city with overflowing fountains, and can justly be called its founder. These were the works of Emperor Justinian in these cities.

VI. The Romans had a fort by the side of the river Euphrates on the extreme frontier of Mesopotamia, at the place where the river Aborrhas[41] effects its junction with the Euphrates. This fort was named Circesium,[42] and had 56 been built in former times by the Emperor Diocletian; however, our present Emperor Justinian, finding that it had become ruinous through lapse of time, and was neglected and not in a posture of defence, altered it into a strong fortification, and made it into a city of eminent size and beauty. When Diocletian built the fort he did not completely surround it with a wall, but brought each end of the walls down to the river Euphrates, built a tower at each end of them, and left the side between them entirely unfortified, imagining, I suppose, that the waters of the river would suffice to defend the fort on that side. In the course of time, however, the stream of the river, continually eating away the bank, undermined the tower on the south side, and it became evident that unless prompt measures were taken it would shortly fall. Now appeared the Emperor Justinian, entrusted by Heaven with the glory of watching over, and, as far as one man can do, of restoring the Roman Empire. He not only saved the undermined tower, which he rebuilt of a hard stone, but also enclosed all the unprotected side of the fort with a very strong wall, thus doubling its security by adding the strength which it derived from the wall to that afforded by the river. Besides this, he also built a powerful outwork round the city, especially at the spot where the junction of the two rivers forms a triangular space, and thus left no place exposed to the attacks of the enemy. Moreover, he appointed a general who had the title of Duke, and who always resided there with a garrison of picked soldiers, thus rendering the place a sufficient bulwark for the frontier of the empire. He also rebuilt in its present splendour the public bath which is used by the inhabitants, which had become quite ruinous and useless by the incursions of the river; for he found all that part of it which is suspended above the solid foundation for the convenience 57 of bathers, underneath which the fire is placed, and which is called the hypocaust, exposed to the influx of the river, by which the bath was rendered useless; he therefore strengthened with stonework, as I have said, the part which formerly had been hollow, and built another hypocaust above it, which the river could not reach, thus restoring the enjoyment of the bath to the garrison. In this manner did our Emperor restore the buildings of Circesium.

VI. The Romans had a fort next to the Euphrates River on the far edge of Mesopotamia, where the Aborrhas River joins the Euphrates. This fort was called Circesium, and it had been built in earlier times by Emperor Diocletian. However, our current Emperor Justinian noticed that it had fallen into disrepair over time, was neglected, and was not defensible. He transformed it into a strong fortification and turned it into a large and beautiful city. When Diocletian built the fort, he didn’t completely surround it with a wall; instead, he brought the ends of the walls down to the Euphrates River, built a tower at each end, and left the section in between entirely unprotected, thinking that the river's waters would be enough for defense. Over time, though, the river constantly eroded the bank, undermining the tower on the south side, making it clear that if quick action wasn’t taken, it would soon collapse. Then came Emperor Justinian, tasked by Heaven with the honor of overseeing and, as much as one man can, restoring the Roman Empire. He not only saved the threatened tower, rebuilding it with strong stone, but he also enclosed the unprotected side of the fort with a robust wall, effectively doubling its security by adding the strength of the wall to that provided by the river. Furthermore, he constructed a powerful outwork around the city, especially where the two rivers meet, creating a triangular area, leaving no spot vulnerable to enemy attacks. He also appointed a general with the title of Duke, who always resided there with a garrison of elite soldiers, thus making the place a stronghold for the frontier of the empire. He also rebuilt the public bath used by the inhabitants, which had become completely ruined and useless due to the river’s encroachments; he found that the part of the bath that is elevated above the solid foundation for the bathers' convenience, where the fire is located—called the hypocaust—was exposed to the river's flow, rendering the bath useless. Therefore, he reinforced the previously hollow section with stone and built another hypocaust above it, which the river could not reach, restoring the bath's function for the garrison. In this way, our Emperor restored the buildings of Circesium.

Beyond Circesium there is an ancient fort named Annucas, whose wall the Emperor Justinian found a mere ruin, and which he rebuilt in so magnificent a fashion that its defences vie with those of the most celebrated cities; and in the same manner he rendered formidable, and altogether unapproachable by an enemy, those forts situated near the city of Theodosiopolis, which before his time were either without walls, or only walled with mud and absurd heaps of stones. These are Magdalathum, with two others on either side of it, and the two forts, the Great and Little Thannurium, Bismideon, Themeres, Bidamas, Dausaron, Thiolla, Philæ, Zamarthas, and, one may say, all the rest. There was an extensive position near Thannurium, which could easily be occupied by our enemies the Saracens, by crossing the river Aborrhas, from which point they were able to penetrate in small parties into the thick and extensive forest and the mountain which is situated in that region, and make inroads upon the Roman inhabitants of that country; now, however, the Emperor Justinian has built a tower of hard stone in that place, manned it with a considerable garrison, and has altogether repressed the incursions of the enemy by the establishment of this bulwark against them.

Beyond Circesium, there’s an ancient fort called Annucas, which Emperor Justinian found to be just a ruin. He rebuilt it so impressively that its defenses rival those of the most famous cities. Similarly, he made the forts near the city of Theodosiopolis, which were either without walls or just poorly constructed with mud and random piles of stones, strong and completely unreachable by enemies. These include Magdalathum, along with two others on either side, and the two forts known as the Great and Little Thannurium, Bismideon, Themeres, Bidamas, Dausaron, Thiolla, Philæ, Zamarthas, and practically all the others. There was a large area near Thannurium that could easily be taken over by our enemies, the Saracens, by crossing the river Aborrhas. From there, they could sneak into the dense forest and mountains in that region and raid the Roman settlers. However, Emperor Justinian has built a sturdy stone tower there, stationed a significant garrison, and completely suppressed enemy incursions with this stronghold.

VII. The above are the works of the Emperor Justinian in this part of Mesopotamia; I must speak in this place of Edessa, Carrhæ, Callinicum, and all the other strong 58 places which are in that country, since they lie between the two rivers. Edessa[43] stands on the banks of a small stream called Scirtus, which collects its waters from many places, and runs through the midst of the city: from thence it passes onwards, after having supplied the wants of the city, effecting its entrance and exit through by a channel constructed by former generations, which passes through the city walls. This river once, after much rain, rose to a great height, and seemed as though it would destroy the city; it tore down a large part of the outworks and of the walls, inundated almost the whole city, and did much damage, suddenly destroying the finest buildings, and drowning a third part of the inhabitants. The Emperor Justinian not only at once restored all the buildings of the city which were overthrown, among which were the 59 church of the Christians and a building called Antiphorus, but also arranged with great care that no such disaster should ever again occur, for he made a new channel for the river, outside the city walls, which he arranged in the following manner. The ground on the right bank of the river was formerly flat and low-lying, while that on the left was a precipitous mountain, which did not allow the river to turn aside from its accustomed course, but forced it to flow into the city, because when flowing towards the city it met with no obstacle on its right bank. He therefore dug away the whole of this mountain, making a channel on the left bank of the river deeper than its former bed, and built on the right bank an enormous wall of stones, as large as a waggon could carry, so that if the river ran as usual with a moderate volume the city would not be deprived of the convenience of its water; but if it should be swollen into a flood a moderate stream would run as usual throughout the city, but the excess of water would be forced into this channel constructed by Justinian, and thus extraordinarily conquered by human art and skill might run round the back of the race-course, which is situated not far off. Moreover he forced the river within the city to run in a straight course, by building a wall above it on either side, so that it could not turn out of a straight path; by which means he both preserved the use of it for the city, and removed all fear of it for the future. The wall and outwork of Edessa, like those of the other places, had for the most part fallen into ruins through age; wherefore the Emperor restored them both, making them new and much stronger than they were before. Part of the wall of Edessa is occupied by a fort, outside of which rises a hill very close to the city and overhanging it; this hill was in ancient times occupied by the inhabitants, and included in their walls by an outwork, that it 60 might not form a weak point to the city. Their work, however, made the city much more open to assault in that quarter; for their outwork was very low, built on an exposed site, and could be taken even by children playing at sieges. Justinian therefore took it down and built another wall on the top of the hill, which is in no danger of an assault from higher ground in any quarter, and which follows the slope of the hill down to the level ground on both sides, and joins the city wall.[44]

VII. The works of Emperor Justinian in this part of Mesopotamia include Edessa, Carrhæ, Callinicum, and all the other strongholds in that area, as they are situated between the two rivers. Edessa stands on the banks of a small stream called Scirtus, which gathers its waters from many places and flows through the city. After supplying the city’s needs, the river continues onward through a channel built by earlier generations, which runs through the city walls. Once, after heavy rain, the river rose significantly and threatened to flood the city; it washed away a large portion of the outworks and walls, inundated almost the entire city, and caused extensive damage, abruptly destroying some of the finest buildings and drowning a third of the population. Emperor Justinian promptly restored all the damaged buildings, including the church of the Christians and a structure known as Antiphorus. He also took great care to ensure such a disaster wouldn’t happen again by creating a new river channel outside the city walls. The land on the right bank of the river was once flat and low, while the left bank featured a steep mountain that prevented the river from redirecting its flow, forcing it to come into the city since there were no barriers on the right. To solve this, he removed the entire mountain, deepening the channel on the left bank and built a massive stone wall on the right, as large as a wagon could carry. This way, if the river flowed moderately, the city wouldn't lose its water supply, but if it flooded, a moderate current would still run through the city, while the excess would be diverted into Justinian’s newly constructed channel, flowing around the back of the nearby racetrack. He also guided the river within the city to flow in a straight line by erecting walls on either side to prevent it from veering off course. This preserved the city's water usage and eliminated future flood risks. The walls and defenses of Edessa, similar to those of other locations, had mostly fallen into decay over time; thus, the Emperor rebuilt them, making them newer and much stronger than before. Part of Edessa’s wall is occupied by a fort, adjacent to a hill that rises very close to the city and overlooks it. This hill was once occupied by the inhabitants and included in their defenses to prevent it from being a weak point for the city. However, their fortification left the city vulnerable on that side, as the outwork was low, built on an exposed location, and could easily be taken by children playing siege. Justinian remedied this by dismantling it and building a new wall on top of the hill that is secure from any assaults from higher ground, following the slope down to the level ground on both sides, connecting to the city wall.

EDESSA.
From Texier & Pullan’s Byzantine Architecture
COLUMNS ON A TERRACE OF THE CASTLE.

61

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Also at the cities of Carrhæ[45] and Callinicum[46] he destroyed the walls and outworks, which were much impaired by age, and rendered them impregnable by building the present complete fortifications; he also built a strong wall round the unprotected and neglected fort at Batnæ,[47] and gave it the fine appearance which it now presents.

Also at the cities of Carrhæ[45] and Callinicum[46], he destroyed the walls and outer defenses, which were worn down by age, and made them unassailable by constructing the current complete fortifications; he also built a strong wall around the unprotected and neglected fort at Batnæ[47] and gave it the impressive appearance it has today.

VIII. These, as I have said before, were the works of the Emperor Justinian in Mesopotamia and Osrhoene. I will now describe what was done on the right bank of the river Euphrates. In all other parts the Roman and Persian frontiers border upon one another, and each nation proceeds from its own country to make war and peace with the other, as all men of different habits and empires do when they have a common frontier; but in the province which was formerly called Commagene, which is now called Euphratesia, they dwell nowhere near to one another, for the Roman and Persian frontiers are widely 62 parted by a country which is quite desert and devoid of life, and possesses nothing worth fighting for. Yet each nation, though not regarding it as a work of much importance, has built a chain of forts of unbaked brick where the desert borders upon their inhabited country. None of these forts have ever been assaulted by their neighbours, but the two nations dwell there without any ill-feeling, since there is nothing for either of them to covet; however, the Emperor Diocletian built three of these forts in this desert, one of which, named Mambri, had fallen into ruin through age, and was restored by the Emperor Justinian.

VIII. As I mentioned earlier, these were the accomplishments of Emperor Justinian in Mesopotamia and Osrhoene. Now, I will talk about what happened on the right bank of the Euphrates River. In all other regions, the Roman and Persian borders meet, and each nation comes from its own territory to engage in war and peace with the other, just as different cultures and empires do when they share a border. However, in the area that was once known as Commagene, now referred to as Euphratesia, they don’t live close to each other. The Roman and Persian borders are separated by a vast, barren desert that has no life and nothing worth fighting over. Despite this seeming lack of significance, both nations have constructed a series of forts made of unbaked brick along the desert that adjoins their inhabited lands. None of these forts have ever been attacked by their neighbors, and the two nations coexist there without hostility, as there’s nothing for either side to desire. Nevertheless, Emperor Diocletian erected three of these forts in the desert, one of which, called Mambri, had fallen into disrepair over time and was later restored by Emperor Justinian.

About five miles from this fort, as you go towards the Roman country, Zenobia, the wife of Odenathus, the chief of the Saracens in those parts, built a small city in former times and gave it her own name, calling it Zenobia.[48] Since then, long lapse of time brought its walls to ruin, and as the Romans did not think it worth caring for, it became entirely uninhabited. Thus the Persians, whenever they chose, were able to place themselves in the midst of the Romans before any news had been heard of their coming; however, the Emperor Justinian rebuilt the whole of Zenobia, filled it with numerous inhabitants, placed in it a commander with a garrison of regular soldiers, and thus formed a powerful fortress, a bulwark of the Roman Empire and a check upon the Persians. He did not merely restore it to its former appearance, but made it far stronger than it was before. The place is closely surrounded by high cliffs, from which the enemy were formerly 63 able to shoot down upon the heads of the defenders of the wall; being desirous to avoid this, he constructed a building upon the walls, on the side nearest these cliffs, which might always act as a protection to the defenders. This building is called a ‘wing,’ because it appears to hang upon the wall. Indeed, it is not possible to describe all that our Emperor built at Zenobia: for as the city is situated far away in the desert, and for this reason is always exposed to peril, and cannot derive any succour from the Romans, who dwell at a distance, he took the greatest pains to render it secure. I will now relate some few of his works there.

About five miles from this fort, as you head towards the Roman territory, Zenobia, the wife of Odenathus, the leader of the Saracens in that area, built a small city in ancient times and named it after herself, calling it Zenobia. Since then, a long passage of time has caused its walls to fall into decay, and since the Romans considered it unworthy of protection, it became entirely abandoned. This allowed the Persians to position themselves among the Romans whenever they wanted, often before anyone even heard about their arrival. However, Emperor Justinian completely rebuilt Zenobia, filled it with a large population, stationed a commander there with a garrison of regular soldiers, and turned it into a strong fortress, a bastion of the Roman Empire and a deterrent against the Persians. He didn’t just restore it to its previous state; he made it much stronger than it had been before. The site is surrounded by steep cliffs, from which enemies could previously attack the defenders on the walls. To prevent this, he constructed a building on the walls nearest these cliffs that would serve as constant protection for the defenders. This structure is called a ‘wing’ because it seems to hang off the wall. In fact, it’s impossible to detail everything our Emperor built at Zenobia: since the city is located far out in the desert and is thus perpetually under threat, unable to receive any help from the distant Romans, he took great care to ensure its safety. Now, I will share a few of his accomplishments there.

Zenobia stands beside the river Euphrates, which flows close to its walls on the eastern side. This river, surrounded by high mountains, has no space in which to extend itself, but its stream is confined among the neighbouring mountains and between its rugged banks. Whenever it is swollen by rain into a flood, it pours against the city wall and washes not merely against its foundations but as high as its very battlements. The courses of stone in the walls, drenched by this stream, became disarranged, and the whole construction was endangered; he, however, constructed a mole of enormous masses of hard rock, of the same length as the wall, and forced the flooded river to expend its rage in vain, setting the wall free from any fear of injury, however high the river might swell. Finding that the city wall upon the northern side had become ruinous from age, he razed it to the ground, together with its outwork, and rebuilt it, but not upon its former site, because the houses of the city were so crowded together at that point as to inconvenience the inhabitants; but he proceeded beyond the foundations of the wall, beyond the outwork and the ditch itself, and there built an admirable and singularly beautiful wall, thus greatly enlarging 64 Zenobia in this quarter. There was, moreover, a certain hill which stood near the city towards the west, from which the barbarians, when they made their attacks, were able to shoot with impunity down upon the heads of the defenders, and even of those who were standing in the midst of the city; this hill the Emperor Justinian surrounded with a wall on both sides, and thus included it in the city of Zenobia, afterwards escarping its sides throughout, so that no enemy could ascend it. He also built another fort upon the top of the hill, and thus rendered it altogether inaccessible to those who wished to assault the city, for beyond the hill the ground sinks into a hollow valley, and therefore it cannot be closely approached by the enemy; above this hollow valley the mountains at once rise on the western side. The Emperor did not merely watch over the safety of the city, but also built churches in it, and barracks for the soldiers: he also constructed public baths and porticos. All this work was carried out under the superintendence of the architects Isidorus and Joannes, of whom Joannes was a Byzantine, and Isidorus a Milesian by birth, being the nephew of that Isidorus whom I mentioned before. Both of these were young men, but showed an energy beyond their years, and both displayed equal zeal in the works which they constructed for the Emperor.

Zenobia stands by the Euphrates River, which flows right next to its walls on the eastern side. This river, surrounded by high mountains, doesn't have the space to widen out, so its stream is contained between the nearby mountains and its rugged banks. Whenever it swells with rain and floods, it crashes against the city wall, washing not only against its foundations but all the way up to the battlements. The stone courses in the walls, soaked by this stream, became disarrayed, putting the entire structure at risk. However, he built a dam of massive, hard rocks the same length as the wall, forcing the flooded river to expend its force in vain, freeing the wall from any risk of damage, no matter how high the river rose. Noticing that the city wall on the northern side had deteriorated due to age, he tore it down, including its outwork, and rebuilt it, but not on its original location because the city's houses were so tightly packed there that it caused problems for the residents. Instead, he built an impressive and beautifully designed wall beyond the original foundations, the outwork, and the ditch, greatly expanding Zenobia in that area. Additionally, there was a hill near the city to the west from which attackers could shoot down at the defenders and the people inside the city without risk. The Emperor Justinian encircled this hill with walls on both sides, incorporating it into the city of Zenobia, and then cut back its slopes so that no enemy could climb it. He also constructed another fort at the top of the hill to make it completely inaccessible to those looking to assault the city, since beyond the hill, the land drops into a low valley, making it difficult for the enemy to approach closely; above this valley, the mountains rise steeply on the western side. The Emperor didn't just ensure the city's safety, but also built churches, barracks for soldiers, public baths, and porticos. All this work was overseen by architects Isidorus and Joannes, with Joannes being a Byzantine and Isidorus originally from Miletus, the nephew of that Isidorus I mentioned earlier. Both were young men but showed remarkable energy for their age and displayed equal enthusiasm for the projects they undertook for the Emperor.

IX. After Zenobia was the city of Suri,[49] situated on the river Euphrates, whose fortifications were so contemptible that when Chosroes assaulted it, it did not hold out for so much as half-an-hour, but was instantly taken by the Persians. This fort, however, like Callinicum, was restored by the Emperor Justinian, who surrounded it with a strong wall, strengthened it with an outwork, and enabled it for the future to resist the attack of the enemy, 65 There is in Euphratesia a church dedicated to Sergius, an eminent saint, whom the ancients so admired and looked up to that they named the place Sergiopolis,[50] and surrounded it with a low rampart, sufficient to prevent the Saracens in that region from capturing it by assault; for the Saracens are by nature incapable of attacking walls, and consequently the weakest mud wall is sufficient to resist their onset. In later times this church received so many offerings as to become powerful and famous throughout the land. The Emperor Justinian, reflecting upon these matters, at once applied himself to its protection, surrounded it with a most admirable wall, and provided a quantity of water, stored up in reservoirs, for the use of its inhabitants; besides this, he built in the place houses and porticos, and all the other buildings which are regarded as the ornaments of a city. He also placed a garrison of soldiers in it to defend the walls in time of need; and, indeed, Chosroes, the King of Persia, who determined to take the city, and who brought up a large army to besiege it, was compelled to raise the siege, being overcome by the strength of the walls.

IX. After Zenobia was the city of Suri, [49] located on the river Euphrates. Its fortifications were so weak that when Chosroes attacked, it fell in less than half an hour, being quickly taken by the Persians. However, this fort, like Callinicum, was rebuilt by Emperor Justinian, who surrounded it with a strong wall, reinforced it with an outwork, and ensured it could withstand future enemy assaults. 65 In Euphratesia, there is a church dedicated to Saint Sergius, a revered saint whom the ancients admired so much that they named the place Sergiopolis, [50] and enclosed it with a low rampart, enough to keep the Saracens in that area from capturing it by storm, as they are naturally unable to attack walls. Therefore, even the weakest mud wall is enough to repel their efforts. In later years, this church received so many donations that it became powerful and famous across the land. Recognizing this, Emperor Justinian took action to protect it, surrounding it with a remarkable wall and providing a supply of water stored in reservoirs for its inhabitants. Additionally, he constructed houses, colonnades, and other buildings considered the embellishments of a city. He also stationed a garrison of soldiers there to defend the walls when necessary; indeed, Chosroes, the King of Persia, who aimed to capture the city and brought a large army to besiege it, was forced to abandon the siege due to the strength of the walls.

The Emperor spent equal care upon all the towns and forts on the borders of Euphratesia, (namely) Barbalissus,[51] Neocæsarea, Gabula, Pentacomia, which is on the Euphrates, and Europus.[52] At Hemerius, finding the walls built in some parts carelessly and dangerously, and in some parts formed only of mud, while the place was deficient in water-supply and consequently despicable as a fortification, he razed them to the ground, and at once carefully rebuilt them of courses of the hardest stone, making the wall 66 much wider and higher than before. He also constructed reservoirs for water in all parts of the works, all of which he filled with rain-water, and, placing a garrison there, he rendered the place as powerful and secure as we now see it. Indeed, if one were carefully to consider this, and to inspect all the other good works of the Emperor Justinian, one would say it was for this alone that he had received the crown, by the manifest favour of God, who watches over the Roman people.

The Emperor paid equal attention to all the towns and forts along the borders of Euphratesia, including Barbalissus, Neocæsarea, Gabula, Pentacomia on the Euphrates, and Europus. At Hemerius, he found that some parts of the walls were built carelessly and dangerously, while other sections were just made of mud, and the location lacked a sufficient water supply, making it a poor fortification. He demolished the walls and immediately rebuilt them with the toughest stone, making the wall much wider and taller than before. He also created water reservoirs throughout the site, which he filled with rainwater, and stationed a garrison there, making the place as strong and secure as we see it today. In fact, if one were to examine this closely and look at all the other great works of Emperor Justinian, one might conclude that it was for this achievement alone that he was given the crown, thanks to the clear favor of God, who watches over the Roman people.

Besides these places he also found Hierapolis,[53] which is the chief of all the cities in that region, lying exposed to any enemy that might attack it, but by his own provident foresight he rendered it safe; for, as it originally enclosed a large empty space and on that account the entire circuit of the walls could not be guarded, he cut off the part which was useless, arranged the walls in a safer and more compact form, and, by thus reducing it to the size necessary for use, made it one of the strongest cities of the present day. He also conferred upon it the following benefit. A fountain of sweet water springs perpetually out of the earth in the midst of the city, and forms therein a 67 wide lake; this, indeed, added to the safety of the city when it was beleaguered by an enemy, but in time of peace was by no means necessary, as much water was brought into the city from without. In process of time the inhabitants, having enjoyed a long period of peace, and having never experienced any distress, neglected this spring; for it is not in human nature when in prosperity to make provision against times of adversity; consequently they gradually filled up the lake with rubbish, and were accustomed to bathe in it, to wash their clothes in it, and to throw all kinds of refuse into it....

Besides these places, he also found Hierapolis, which is the main city in that region, laid open to any enemy that might attack it. However, thanks to his foresight, he made it secure; as it initially had a large empty space, making it difficult to defend the entire wall, he cut off the unnecessary part, arranged the walls in a safer and more compact design, and by reducing it to a manageable size, he turned it into one of the strongest cities of today. He also provided it with another advantage. A spring of fresh water continuously bubbles up in the middle of the city, creating a large lake; this really enhanced the city's safety during enemy sieges, but in peaceful times, it wasn't really needed since a lot of water was brought in from outside. Over time, the residents, having enjoyed a long period of peace and never facing hardship, neglected this spring; it's human nature not to prepare for tough times when things are going well; consequently, they gradually filled the lake with trash and got used to bathing in it, washing their clothes in it, and throwing all sorts of waste into it....

In this province of Euphratesia were situated two other towns, Zeugma[54] and Neocæsarea, which were indeed towns in name, but were merely surrounded by dry stone walls, built so low that they might be crossed by an enemy without any difficulty, since they could leap over them without fear; while they were so narrow as to be altogether indefensible, because they afforded no room for the garrison to stand upon to defend them; however, the Emperor Justinian surrounded these places also with real walls, of a sufficient width and height, and equipped them with all other means of defence, thus giving them a just right to be termed cities, and rendering them safe from the attacks of the enemy.

In the province of Euphratesia, there were two towns, Zeugma[54] and Neocæsarea, that were technically towns, but they were simply enclosed by low, dry stone walls. These walls were so low that enemies could easily jump over them without any fear, and they were too narrow to defend properly, leaving no space for the garrison to protect them. However, Emperor Justinian built real walls around these places, making them wide and tall enough for defense and equipping them with all necessary means of protection, giving them a rightful status as cities and making them safe from enemy attacks.

X. Moreover, with regard to the cities taken from Chosroes, that barbarian, disregarding the perpetual peace which he had sworn to observe, and the money which he had received on account of it, was filled with envy of the Emperor Justinian, because of the conquests which he had made in Libya and in Italy, and considered his plighted faith to be of less importance than the gratification of this passion; he watched his opportunity, when the greater part of the Roman army was away in the West, and invaded the Roman territory unexpectedly, 68 before the Romans had any news of the approach of the enemy; these cities, I say, the Emperor Justinian so strengthened and beautified that they are all at the present time much more flourishing than before, and have no dread of injury from barbarian invasion, fearing no attacks of any kind.

X. Additionally, concerning the cities taken from Chosroes, that barbarian, ignoring the lasting peace he had sworn to uphold and the money he had received for it, was consumed with jealousy of Emperor Justinian due to the conquests he had achieved in Libya and Italy. He deemed his sworn commitment less significant than satisfying this desire; he waited for the right moment when most of the Roman army was away in the West and unexpectedly invaded Roman territory before the Romans had any word about the enemy's advance. These cities, I say, Emperor Justinian strengthened and beautified so much that they are now thriving more than ever and have no fear of harm from barbarian invasions or any attacks.

Above all, he rendered the city of Antiochia,[55] which is now surnamed Theopolis, far more beautiful and powerful than it was before; its wall in ancient times was too large, and extended beyond all reason, uselessly enclosing flat ground in one place, and lofty cliffs in another, so that it was full of weak points. The Emperor Justinian reduced it to a useful size, making it protect the city alone, and not the places which it formerly enclosed. In the lower part of the fortifications, where the city had spread out to a dangerous extent over a smooth plain, and was indefensible through the great length of the wall, he drew it back as far as possible, advantageously reducing 69 the size of the city in that quarter, and strengthening it by concentration. As for the river Orontes, which formerly flowed past it in a circuitous course, he changed its direction, and caused it to skirt the walls of the city. Thus, by an artificial channel, he brought the course of the river as near the city as possible, by which means he relieved the city from the danger of its unmanageable size, and yet retained the protection afforded by the river Orontes: then, by building new bridges, he supplied fresh means of intercourse across the river, which he diverted from its course as far as was required, and then returned to its former bed.

Above all, he made the city of Antiochia, now known as Theopolis, much more beautiful and powerful than it was before. Its ancient walls were overly large and irrationally extended, enclosing flat ground in one area and steep cliffs in another, leaving it vulnerable in many spots. Emperor Justinian trimmed it down to a more practical size, ensuring it protected only the city and not the surrounding areas it used to encircle. In the lower section of the fortifications, where the city had spread too far across a flat plain and was defenseless due to the length of the wall, he pulled it back as much as possible, effectively reducing the city's size in that area and reinforcing it through concentration. As for the Orontes River, which previously wound around the city, he redirected it to flow along the city walls. By creating an artificial channel, he brought the river as close to the city as he could, minimizing the risk from its excessive size while still maintaining the protective benefits of the Orontes. He then constructed new bridges to provide additional ways to cross the river, which he diverted as much as necessary before returning it to its original bed.

The upper part of the city, on the high ground, he fortified in the following manner. On the summit of the mountain which is called Orocassias there is a lofty rock which stands close outside the wall opposite to the fortifications in that quarter, and which renders them easy to attack. It was from this point that Chosroes took the city, as I have explained in my work on the subject. The region within the walls was for the most part uninhabited and difficult of access, for the place is divided by lofty rocks and deep ravines, which cut off all the paths, so that the wall of Antiochia seems there to belong to another city. He therefore disregarded the rock which overhangs the wall so close and renders it liable to capture, and decided to build his new wall at a distance from it, having learnt by experience the folly of the original builders; moreover, he levelled the ground within the walls, which formerly had been precipitous, and made the ascent to this part of the city not only practicable for people on foot, but for horsemen and even for carriages. On this high ground he also built baths and reservoirs for water within the walls, and dug a well in each tower, remedying the original waterless character of the place by the storage of rain-water.

The upper part of the city, on the high ground, was fortified in the following way. At the top of a mountain called Orocassias, there’s a tall rock that stands just outside the wall opposite the fortifications in that area, making them easy to attack. It was from this spot that Chosroes captured the city, as I've detailed in my work on the subject. The area inside the walls was mostly unoccupied and hard to access because it was divided by high rocks and deep ravines, which blocked all the paths, making it look like the wall of Antiochia belonged to another city. So, he ignored the rock that loomed over the wall and made it vulnerable to capture, and chose to build his new wall further away from it, having learned from the mistakes of the original builders. He also leveled the ground within the walls, which had previously been steep, making the path to this part of the city accessible not only for pedestrians but also for horsemen and even carriages. On this high ground, he also constructed baths and water reservoirs within the walls, and dug a well in each tower, addressing the area's previous lack of water by collecting rainwater.

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It is worth our while to describe his works upon the torrent which descends from these mountains. Two precipitous mountains overhang the city, standing close to one another; of these, the one is called Orocassias, the other Stauris. They are joined by a glen and ravine which lies between them, which in time of rain produces the torrent named Onopnictes, which used to flow down from the high ground and overflow the fortifications, and sometimes rose so high as to pour into the streets of the city, doing much mischief to the inhabitants. The Emperor Justinian remedied this in the following manner. In front of that part of the wall which is nearest to the ravine, from which the torrent used to rush against the wall, he built an exceedingly high wall, reaching from the hollow bed of the ravine to the mountains on either side, so that the torrent was not able to rush past it, but was forced to stay and collect its waters there. In this wall he made apertures, through which he forced the water to run gently in a smaller volume, checked by this artificial barrier, so that it no longer broke with its full force against the city wall so as to overflow it and ruin the city, but proceeded gently and quietly, as I have explained, and flowing in this manner passed wherever it was desired to go through the channels constructed for it by the former inhabitants.

It’s worth describing his efforts regarding the stream that flows down from these mountains. Two steep mountains tower over the city, standing close to each other; one is called Orocassias and the other Stauris. They are connected by a valley and ravine between them, which, during the rainy season, creates the torrent known as Onopnictes. This torrent used to surge down from the heights, sometimes flooding the city walls and even spilling into the streets, causing significant damage to the residents. Emperor Justinian addressed this issue in the following way. Along the section of the wall closest to the ravine, from which the torrent traditionally surged, he constructed a very tall wall that rose from the bottom of the ravine up to the mountains on either side, preventing the torrent from rushing past it and instead forcing it to pool its waters there. In this wall, he created openings that allowed the water to flow out more gently in a smaller volume, contained by this artificial barrier, so it no longer crashed violently against the city wall to overflow and devastate the city. Instead, it moved softly and quietly, as I’ve described, flowing through the channels built by the city’s earlier inhabitants.

Thus did the Emperor Justinian reconstruct the walls of Antiochia; he also rebuilt the entire city, which was burnt by the enemy. As the whole city was reduced to ashes, and levelled to the ground, and only heaps of rubbish remained after the conflagration, it was at first impossible for the citizens of Antiochia to recognise the site of their own dwellings. He consequently removed all the ruins, and cleared away the charred remains of the houses; but, as there were no public porticos or halls supported by columns, no market-place, and no streets which 71 marked out the quarters of the city, there was nothing to point to the site of any particular house. However, the Emperor, without any delay, removed the rubbish as far as possible from the city, thus freeing the air and the ground from all impediments to building, and first covered the foundations of the city everywhere with stones large enough to load a waggon. After this he divided it by porticos and market-places, defined all the blocks of building by streets, arranged the aqueducts, fountains, and watercourses with which the city is adorned, constructed theatres and public baths in it, and graced it with all the other public buildings which belong to a prosperous city.

Thus, Emperor Justinian rebuilt the walls of Antiochia and completely restored the city, which had been set on fire by the enemy. With the entire city reduced to ashes and flattened to the ground, all that remained were piles of debris, making it initially impossible for the citizens of Antiochia to recognize the locations of their own homes. He therefore cleared away all the ruins and the charred remnants of the houses; however, without any public porticos or colonnades, no market-place, and no streets to outline the different areas of the city, there was nothing to identify where any particular house had stood. Nevertheless, the Emperor promptly removed as much debris as possible from the city, clearing the air and ground for new construction. He first covered the city’s foundations with stones large enough to fill a wagon. After that, he organized the city with porticos and market-places, defined all the building blocks with streets, arranged the aqueducts, fountains, and watercourses that beautified the city, established theatres and public baths, and adorned it with all other public buildings typical of a thriving city.

He also brought thither a number of workmen and artificers, and thus rendered it more easy for the inhabitants to rebuild their own houses; the result of this is that Antiochia at the present day is a more celebrated city than before. He also built therein a large church in honour of the Virgin, the beauty and magnificence of which is in all respects beyond description. He endowed this church with a considerable revenue, and also built a large church dedicated to St. Michael the Archangel. Moreover, he made provision for the sick poor in that place, and built dwellings for them, separate for the different sexes, in which they were supplied with attendants, and the means of curing their diseases; while at the same time he established hospices for strangers who might be staying for any time in the city.

He also brought a number of workers and craftsmen there, making it easier for the locals to rebuild their homes; as a result, Antioch is now a more renowned city than it was before. He also constructed a large church in honor of the Virgin Mary, the beauty and splendor of which is indescribable. He funded this church with substantial income and also built another large church dedicated to St. Michael the Archangel. Additionally, he made arrangements for the sick and poor in the area, building separate residences for men and women, where they were provided with caregivers and the means to heal their illnesses; meanwhile, he established hospices for travelers who might be visiting the city.

XI. In like manner he also restored, greatly strengthened, and brought into its present condition the wall of the city of Chalcis, together with its outwork, which had become weak and ruinous through age.

XI. He also repaired, significantly reinforced, and brought the wall of the city of Chalcis and its fortifications, which had become weak and crumbling over time, into its current state.

There was in Syria an utterly neglected village named Cyrus,[56] which the Jews had built in ancient times when 72 they were led captive from Palestine into Syria by the army of the Medes, from which country they were long afterwards released by Cyrus the King; wherefore they called the place Cyrus in honour of their benefactor. In the course of time Cyrus became quite overlooked and was entirely without walls; but the Emperor Justinian, with a prudent zeal for the safety of the Empire, and also out of reverence for the SS. Cosmas and Damianus, whose bodies lay near that place down to my own time, made Cyrus into a flourishing and admirable city, rendering it safe by a very strong wall, with a numerous garrison, large public buildings, and with all other appurtenances on an exceedingly magnificent scale. In former times the interior of this city was without water, but outside the walls was a plenteous spring which provided abundance of drinking-water, yet was altogether useless to the inhabitants, since they had no means of drawing water from it without great labour and peril; for they were obliged to go to it by a circuitous path, as the country between it and the city was precipitous and altogether impassable, so that an enemy, if he were present, could easily lay an ambush and cut them off. He therefore constructed a watercourse from the city walls to the fountain, not open, but concealed underground with the greatest care, which supplied the city with water without either trouble or danger.

There was a completely forgotten village in Syria called Cyrus, which the Jews had built in ancient times when they were taken captive from Palestine into Syria by the Medes. They were later freed by King Cyrus, so they named the place in honor of their benefactor. Over time, Cyrus fell into neglect and had no walls, but Emperor Justinian, with a wise concern for the safety of the Empire and out of respect for Saints Cosmas and Damian, whose remains were nearby even in my time, turned Cyrus into a thriving and impressive city. He fortified it with a strong wall, a large garrison, impressive public buildings, and all other features on a grand scale. In the past, the city didn't have water inside, but there was a plentiful spring outside the walls that provided ample drinking water. However, it was practically useless for the residents because drawing water from it was difficult and dangerous; they had to take a long, winding path since the terrain between the spring and the city was steep and completely inaccessible. An enemy could easily ambush them along the way. To solve this, he built a concealed underground watercourse from the city walls to the spring, which provided the city with water without any hassle or danger.

He also very strongly rebuilt the entire circuit of the walls of Chalcis,[57] which had fallen into ruin down to its 73 very foundation and was altogether indefensible, and he strengthened it with an outwork; he also restored all the other towns and forts in Syria in an admirable fashion.

He completely rebuilt the entire wall circuit of Chalcis, which had fallen into ruins down to its very foundation and was completely defenseless, and he reinforced it with a fortification; he also restored all the other towns and forts in Syria impressively.

Thus did the Emperor Justinian provide for the security of Syria; there is, too, in Phœnicia, by the side of Lebanon, a city named Palmyra, which was built in the desert in ancient times, and which was conveniently placed on the road by which our enemies the Saracens would enter our country. It was, indeed, originally built for this purpose; namely, in order to prevent the barbarians making unexpected inroads into the Roman territory. This place, which through lapse of time had become almost entirely deserted, was strongly fortified by the Emperor Justinian, who supplied it abundantly with water, and filled it with a garrison of soldiers, so as to check the inroads of the Saracens.

Thus, Emperor Justinian ensured the security of Syria. In Phoenicia, next to Lebanon, there's a city called Palmyra, which was built in the desert in ancient times and was conveniently located on the route that our enemies, the Saracens, would use to invade our land. It was originally constructed for this reason: to stop the barbarians from launching unexpected attacks on Roman territory. This place, which had nearly become completely deserted over time, was heavily fortified by Emperor Justinian, who provided ample water supply and stationed a garrison of soldiers there to prevent the Saracens from invading.


BOOK III.

I. The Emperor Justinian fortified the eastern country in the manner which I have described in a former part of this work. Now as I started from the Persian frontier in my description of his work upon the fortresses, I think it will be convenient to proceed from thence to that of Armenia, which skirts the Persian territory from the city of Amida as far as that of Theodosiopolis. Before describing the buildings in that quarter, I think it would be advisable to give some account of how our Emperor brought the Armenians out of a condition of danger and terror into their present state of settled security; for he did not preserve these his subjects by buildings alone, but also by his foresight in other matters, as I shall presently explain. To do this I must refer for a short time to ancient history.

I. Emperor Justinian strengthened the eastern region as I've described earlier in this work. Since I began my account of his fortifications at the Persian border, I think it makes sense to move on to Armenia, which borders Persian land from the city of Amida to Theodosiopolis. Before I detail the constructions in that area, I believe it would be helpful to explain how our Emperor rescued the Armenians from a state of danger and fear to their current safe and stable condition; he didn't just protect his subjects with buildings, but also through his foresight in other matters, as I will explain shortly. To illustrate this, I need to touch briefly on ancient history.

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In old times the Armenians had a king of their own nation, as we are told by the historians of remotest antiquity. When, however, Alexander of Macedon overthrew the King of Persia, the Persians remained quiet under his yoke, but the Parthians revolted against the Macedonians, conquered them in war, drove them out of their country, and pushed their frontier as far as the river Tigris. Subsequently the Persians remained subject to them for five hundred years, up to the time when Alexander, the son of Mamæa, ruled over the Romans. At this time one of the kings of the Parthians made his brother, named Arsaces, King of the Armenians, as the history of the Armenians tells us; for let no one suppose that the Arsacidæ are Armenians. Now for five hundred years there was peace between them in consequence of their relationship. The King of the Armenians dwelt in what is called Greater Armenia, having been from ancient times subject to the Emperor of the Romans; but afterwards one Arsaces, King of Armenia, had two sons, named Tigranes and Arsaces. When this King was about to die, he made a will by which he left the succession to his kingdom to both his sons, not dividing its power equally between them, but giving a fourfold greater share to Tigranes. The elder Arsaces, after making this division of his kingdom, passed away, but Arsaces his son, grieved and enraged at the inferiority of his position, laid the matter before the Roman Empire, hoping that by using all means in his power he might drive his brother from the kingdom, and render his father’s unjust wishes of no effect. At this time Theodosius, the son of Arcadius, ruled over the Romans, being still a child. Tigranes, fearing the Emperor’s vengeance, put himself in the hands of the Persians and handed over his kingdom to them, preferring to live as a private man amongst the Persians, rather than to 75 make an equitable arrangement with his brother, and rule jointly over the Armenians with him in good faith and honour. Arsaces, being equally afraid of the attacks of the Persians and of his brother, abdicated his own kingdom in favour of the Emperor Theodosius, on certain conditions, which I have explained at length in my History of the Wars. For some time the country of the Armenians was an object of contention between the Romans and the Persians, but they finally agreed that the Persians should possess the share of Tigranes, and the Romans that of Arsaces. Both parties signed a treaty on these conditions, and henceforth the Emperor of the Romans appointed whom he pleased, and at what time he thought proper, to rule over the Armenians. This ruler was called the Count of Armenia down to my own time.

In ancient times, Armenians had their own king, as historians from long ago tell us. However, when Alexander the Great defeated the King of Persia, the Persians accepted his rule, but the Parthians rebelled against the Macedonians, defeated them in battle, expelled them from their land, and extended their territory to the Tigris River. As a result, the Persians were under Parthian control for five hundred years, until Alexander, the son of Mamæa, ruled the Romans. At that time, a Parthian king appointed his brother, Arsaces, as King of the Armenians, according to Armenian history; it’s important to note that the Arsacid family is not of Armenian descent. For five hundred years, this relationship brought peace between them. The King of the Armenians resided in what is now known as Greater Armenia, having been under the Roman Emperor's authority since ancient times. Later, King Arsaces of Armenia had two sons, Tigranes and Arsaces. Before his death, he made a will designating both sons as heirs but giving Tigranes a fourfold larger share of the kingdom. After this division, the elder Arsaces passed away, leaving his son Arsaces upset and angry about his lesser position. He sought help from the Roman Empire, hoping to use any means necessary to displace his brother and overturn their father's unfair wishes. At this time, Theodosius, the son of Arcadius, was the Roman ruler, but still a child. Fearing the Emperor’s wrath, Tigranes aligned himself with the Persians and surrendered his kingdom to them, choosing to live as a private citizen among the Persians rather than negotiate a fair agreement with his brother and jointly govern the Armenians. Likewise, Arsaces feared attacks from both the Persians and his brother, so he abdicated his kingdom in favor of Emperor Theodosius under certain conditions, which I’ve detailed in my History of the Wars. For a while, Armenia became a source of conflict between the Romans and Persians, but they eventually agreed that the Persians would keep Tigranes' share and the Romans would take Arsaces' share. Both sides formalized this with a treaty, and from then on, the Roman Emperor appointed whoever he chose as ruler of the Armenians whenever he deemed fit. This ruler was known as the Count of Armenia up to my time.

However, since such a kingdom as this was not capable of repelling the incursions of the enemy, because it possessed no regular army, the Emperor Justinian, perceiving that Armenia was always in a disorderly condition, and therefore was an easy prey to the barbarians, put an end to this form of government, and placed a general in command of the Armenians, giving him a sufficient number of regular soldiers to repel the invasions of the enemy. This was the arrangement which he adopted for what is called Greater Armenia; but the remainder of Armenia, that which reaches from this side of the river Euphrates as far as the city of Amida, was governed by five Armenian satraps, whose offices were hereditary and tenable for life; however, they received the insignia of their office from the hands of the Roman Emperor alone. It is worth while to explain what these insignia were, since they will never again be seen by men: they were a cloak made of wool, not such as grows on sheep, but such as is gathered from the sea. The animal on whom this wool grows is called 76 ‘pinna.’ The cloak was of purple, covered with gold at that part where it was fastened together; there was a gold brooch upon the cloak, containing a precious stone, from which three amethysts were suspended by loose golden chains. The tunic was of silk, entirely covered with the golden ornaments known as ‘feather-work;’ the boots were red-coloured, reaching to the knee, such as it is not lawful for anyone to wear except the Roman Emperors and the Kings of Persia.

However, since a kingdom like this couldn't fend off enemy attacks due to its lack of a regular army, Emperor Justinian, seeing that Armenia was always in disarray and thus an easy target for the barbarians, ended this form of government and assigned a general to lead the Armenians, giving him enough regular soldiers to defend against invasions. This was the arrangement he made for what is known as Greater Armenia; however, the rest of Armenia, stretching from this side of the Euphrates River up to the city of Amida, was ruled by five Armenian satraps, whose positions were hereditary and held for life. Nonetheless, they received their insignia of office only from the Roman Emperor. It's worth explaining what these insignia were, as they will never be seen by people again: they were a cloak made from wool, not from sheep, but gathered from the sea. The animal that produces this wool is called ‘pinna.’ The cloak was purple and adorned with gold where it was fastened; there was a golden brooch on the cloak featuring a precious stone, from which three amethysts dangled on loose golden chains. The tunic was made of silk and completely covered in golden embellishments known as ‘feather-work’; the boots were red and knee-high, a style only permitted for Roman Emperors and the Kings of Persia.

No Roman soldiers were ever employed either by the King of Armenia or the satraps, but they trusted exclusively to their own resources in war. In later times, however, during the reign of the Emperor Zeno, when Illus and Leontius openly revolted against the Emperor, certain of the satraps took their side; wherefore the Emperor Zeno, after his victory over Illus and Leontius, allowed one of the satraps, whose satrapy—that of the country called Belabitis—was the weakest and least important, to retain his former possession, but deposed all the others, and did not allow these governments any longer to be held by hereditary descent, but filled them by persons chosen by the Emperor, as is the custom with all the other Roman governments. Yet even then Roman soldiers were not placed in them, but Armenian soldiers, as had formerly been customary, and who were quite unable to defend them against the attacks of the enemy. Perceiving this, the Emperor Justinian abolished the title of satrap for all time to come, and appointed two rulers over these nations, with the title of Dukes, giving them a large number of regular Roman soldiers, in order that with them they might defend the Roman frontier. He also built for them strong places, as follows.

No Roman soldiers were ever used by the King of Armenia or the local governors, as they relied solely on their own military resources. However, later on, during Emperor Zeno's reign, when Illus and Leontius openly rebelled against him, some governors supported their cause. As a result, after Zeno defeated Illus and Leontius, he allowed one of the governors, who oversaw the weakest and least significant region called Belabitis, to keep his position. He removed all the others and stopped hereditary succession for these governments, instead appointing leaders chosen by the Emperor, like in other Roman territories. Even then, though, they didn't place Roman soldiers there but relied on Armenian troops, who were unable to defend against enemy attacks. Noticing this issue, Emperor Justinian permanently eliminated the title of governor and assigned two leaders, called Dukes, to these regions, giving them a substantial number of regular Roman soldiers to help secure the Roman border. He also built strongholds for them, as follows.

II. I shall begin with the country of Mesopotamia, in order to connect my account with what has been described 77 above. He established one of these rulers of the Armenian tribes, who have the title of Duke, in the city which is called Martyropolis,[58] and the other in a fortress which is named Citharizon. I will now describe in what part of the Roman Empire these places are situated. The city of Martyropolis is situated in that part of Armenia which is called Sophanene, close to the river Nymphius, and bordering closely on the enemy’s country; for at that place the river Nymphius divides the Roman and Persian territory. Beyond the river lies the country named Arxanes, which from ancient times has belonged to the Persians. Yet this city was always neglected by the Romans, and lay exposed to the attacks of these barbarians; so that Cabades, the King of the Persians, in the reign of the Emperor Anastasius, invaded the country of the Romans, and led an army through Martyropolis, which is distant from Amida a little more than a day’s journey for a lightly equipped traveller. As a mere incident and unimportant part of his invasion he took this city without any siege, assault, or beleaguerment, but simply by giving out that he was coming; for the inhabitants, who knew well that they could not hold out for a single moment of time against his army, as soon as they saw the Median host near at hand, at once went over to Cabades, with Theodorus—who at that time was satrap of Sophanene—at their head, dressed in the insignia of his office, and delivered themselves and the city of Martyropolis up to him, taking with them the public revenue for two years. Cabades, pleased with this, refrained from 78 ravaging the city and the entire country, which he regarded as part of the Persian Empire. He dismissed the people unhurt, and neither did any injury to them nor altered anything in their city, but replaced Theodorus—whom he regarded as a wise man—as satrap over them, placing in his hands the symbols of authority, and trusting him to protect the Persian territory. After this he led his army onwards, took Amida by a siege, and retired into the Persian territory, as I have described in my ‘History of the Wars.’ The Emperor Anastasius, perceiving that it was not possible for the city of Martyropolis to defend itself without any fortifications against the attacks of the enemy, not only was not angry with Theodorus and the people of Sophanene, but declared that he was very thankful to them for their action. The wall of the city of Martyropolis was in thickness about four feet, and in height about twenty feet; so that it could not only be easily captured by an enemy, who employed siege operations and brought battering engines against it, but could easily be escaladed.

II. I'll start with the region of Mesopotamia to tie my account to what was mentioned earlier77. He set up one of the rulers from the Armenian tribes, known as the Duke, in a city called Martyropolis, and the other in a fortress named Citharizon. Now, let me explain where these places are located within the Roman Empire. The city of Martyropolis is located in the part of Armenia known as Sophanene, close to the river Nymphius, and right next to enemy territory; the river Nymphius marks the boundary between Roman and Persian lands. Beyond the river is the area called Arxanes, which has belonged to the Persians since ancient times. However, this city was consistently overlooked by the Romans, leaving it vulnerable to attacks from these barbarians. During the reign of Emperor Anastasius, Cabades, the King of the Persians, invaded Roman territory and marched his army through Martyropolis, which is a little more than a day's journey from Amida for a traveler with light gear. As just a minor part of his invasion, he captured this city without a siege or assault, simply by announcing his approach; the residents, well aware that they couldn't withstand his army for even a moment, immediately surrendered when they saw the Persian host approaching, led by Theodorus—who was the satrap of Sophanene at that time—dressed in his official attire, and handed themselves and the city of Martyropolis over to him, bringing along the public revenue for two years. Delighted by this, Cabades spared the city and the surrounding area from destruction, viewing them as part of the Persian Empire. He let the people go unharmed, causing them no harm and changing nothing in their city. Instead, he reinstated Theodorus—whom he saw as a wise leader—as the satrap, handing over the symbols of authority to him, trusting him to safeguard the Persian territory. After this, he moved his army forward, besieged Amida, and retreated into Persian territory, as I detailed in my ‘History of the Wars.’ Emperor Anastasius, realizing that the city of Martyropolis couldn't defend itself without fortifications against enemy attacks, was not angry with Theodorus or the people of Sophanene; instead, he expressed gratitude for their actions. The wall of the city of Martyropolis was about four feet thick and around twenty feet high; thus, it could easily be captured by an enemy using siege tactics and battering rams, and was also vulnerable to being scaled.

In consequence of this, the Emperor Justinian proceeded as follows. He dug a trench outside the walls, laid foundations in it, and built a new wall of a thickness of four feet, at a distance of four feet from the old wall. He raised this wall also to a height of twenty feet, making it in all respects equal in size to the old one; he then filled up the space between the two walls with stones and mortar, thus forming the whole work into one wall twelve feet in thickness. He then raised it, keeping the thickness the same, to a height twice as great as that which it formerly possessed; moreover, he built an admirable outwork round the city, and built all the other defences of a fortified place.

As a result, Emperor Justinian took the following actions. He dug a trench outside the walls, laid foundations in it, and built a new wall that was four feet thick, positioned four feet away from the old wall. He raised this wall to a height of twenty feet, making it the same size as the old one. He then filled the space between the two walls with stones and mortar, effectively creating a single wall that was twelve feet thick. Next, he raised it, maintaining the same thickness, to a height twice as tall as it used to be; additionally, he constructed a remarkable outwork around the city and established all the other defenses of a fortified location.

III. On the west side of Martyropolis is a place named 79 Phison, which also is situated in that part of Armenia which is called Sophanene, and is distant from Martyropolis a little more than one day’s journey. About eight miles beyond this place lie precipitous and altogether impassable mountains, between which are two narrow passes, situated close to one another, which are called Clisuræ. Travellers from Persian Armenia to Sophanene, whether they proceed from the Persian territory or by way of the fortress of Citharizon, must necessarily proceed through these two passes, of which the one is called by the natives Illyrisis, and the other Saphchæ. Each of these ought to be fortified with the utmost care, in order to bar the way against the enemy; in former times, however, they remained entirely unguarded. But the Emperor Justinian, by placing admirable fortifications both at Phison and in the passes, and by establishing sufficient garrisons in them, rendered it altogether impossible for the barbarians to invade the country. These were the works of the Emperor Justinian in that part of the country of Armenia which is called Sophanene.

III. On the west side of Martyropolis is a place called79 Phison, located in that part of Armenia known as Sophanene, which is just over a day’s journey from Martyropolis. About eight miles beyond this area are steep and totally impassable mountains, between which are two narrow passes that are very close to each other, known as Clisuræ. Travelers from Persian Armenia to Sophanene, whether coming from Persian territory or via the fortress of Citharizon, must pass through these two routes, one called Illyrisis by the locals and the other Saphchæ. Each of these should be fortified with the utmost care to block any enemy advance; however, in the past, they were left completely unguarded. But Emperor Justinian, by constructing impressive fortifications at Phison and in the passes and establishing adequate garrisons there, made it impossible for any invaders to enter the region. These were the efforts of Emperor Justinian in that part of Armenia known as Sophanene.

In Citharizon, which is in the province called Asthianene, he built a new fort on a hilly spot, of great size, and completely impregnable. This place he furnished with a sufficient supply of water, and all other conveniences for its inhabitants, and placed in command of it, as I said before, the other Duke of Armenia with a sufficient garrison of soldiers, thus rendering the tribes of Armenia secure in this quarter also.

In Citharizon, located in the province of Asthianene, he constructed a large, impenetrable fort on a hillside. He ensured it had an ample water supply and all other necessities for those living there. As I mentioned before, he appointed the other Duke of Armenia to oversee it, along with a sufficient number of soldiers, thereby ensuring the safety of the Armenian tribes in that area as well.

As one goes from Citharizon[59] towards Theodosiopolis and Greater Armenia is the country of Corzane, which extends for a distance of about three days’ journey, without any lake, river or mountain to divide it from the country of the Persians, whose frontier is confused with it; so that the inhabitants of this region, whether they be Roman or 80 Persian subjects, have no fear of one another, and never expect any attack, but intermarry with one another, have common markets for their produce, and cultivate the country together. When the rulers of either nation make an expedition against the other at the command of their prince, they always find their neighbours unprotected; for each of them has extremely populous places close to one another, while in former times there was no fortification whatever; so that it was possible for the King of Persia to invade the Roman territory in this quarter more easily than anywhere else, until the Emperor Justinian prevented his doing so, in the following manner. In the midst of this country there was a place named Artaleson, which he surrounded with a very strong wall, and made into an impregnable fortress; he placed a garrison of regular soldiers in it, and appointed a general over them, whom the Romans in the Latin language style ‘a Duke.’ Thus did he fortify the whole of that frontier.

As you travel from Citharizon[59] toward Theodosiopolis, you come into the region of Corzane in Greater Armenia, which stretches for about three days’ journey without any lakes, rivers, or mountains separating it from Persian territory, making the borders unclear. The people living here, whether they're Romans or Persians, feel no threat from each other and do not anticipate any attacks. They intermarry, share markets for their goods, and farm the land together. When leaders from either side launch an attack on the other at the request of their prince, they always find their neighbors unprepared. Each side has densely populated towns close to one another and, in the past, there were no fortifications at all. This left the King of Persia able to invade the Roman areas in this region more easily than anywhere else until Emperor Justinian took action. He surrounded a place called Artaleson with a strong wall and turned it into an impenetrable fortress. He stationed regular soldiers there and appointed a general, known as ‘Duke’ in Latin, to lead them. This is how he strengthened the entire frontier.

IV. These were the works of the Emperor Justinian in that quarter. I now come to what he did in the rest of Armenia. The city of Satala was formerly in a perilous position, because it is not far distant from the enemy’s country, and is built upon low ground, surrounded by many hills, so that it ought in consequence of its position to possess impregnable fortifications. However, its defences were even more untrustworthy than its position, the works having been badly and carelessly constructed, and by lapse of time having fallen into ruin. The whole of these were demolished by the Emperor, who built a new wall round it of sufficient height to appear to overtop the neighbouring hills, and of sufficient thickness to support such an unusual height with safety. He built round it an outwork of an admirable character, and struck despair into the heart of the enemy. He also built a very strong fort not far from Satala, in the province of Osrhoene.

IV. These were the projects of Emperor Justinian in that area. Now, I’ll discuss what he did in the rest of Armenia. The city of Satala used to be in a dangerous spot since it's close to enemy territory and sits on low ground, surrounded by many hills, which meant that it should have had strong fortifications. However, its defenses were even less reliable than its location, as they were poorly constructed and had fallen into disrepair over time. The Emperor demolished all of these and built a new wall around the city that was tall enough to seem to rise above the nearby hills and thick enough to safely support such height. He also constructed an impressive outwork around it that instilled fear in the enemy. Additionally, he built a very strong fort not far from Satala in the province of Osrhoene.

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In this province there was an old fort built by the ancients upon the ridge of a precipitous hill, which was once taken by Pompeius, the Roman general, who, when he became master of the country, fortified it with great care, and named it Colonia. The Emperor Justinian exerted all his power in restoring this fort, which had fallen into decay after so long a time; moreover, he distributed enormous sums of money among the inhabitants of this region, and thus persuaded them to build new fortifications on their own ground, and to restore those which had fallen into ruin; so that nearly all the works situated in that country were built by the Emperor Justinian. There also he built the forts of Baiberdon and Arcon; he restored Lysiormum and Lutararizon;[60] he also built a new fort in the place which is called the Ditch of Germanus. Moreover, he restored the walls of Sebastia[61] and Nicopolis, which are cities of Armenia, which were on the point of falling, having become decayed through age. In them he built churches and monasteries. At Theodosiopolis he built a church dedicated to the Virgin, and restored the monasteries in the places named Petrius and Cucarizon. At Nicopolis[62] he built the monastery of the Forty-five saints, and a church of St. George the Martyr at Bizana. Near Theodosiopolis he restored the monastery named after the Forty Martyrs.

In this province, there was an old fort built by the ancients on the ridge of a steep hill. It was once captured by Pompeius, the Roman general, who, after taking control of the area, fortified it with great care and named it Colonia. Emperor Justinian put in a lot of effort to restore this fort, which had fallen into ruin over time. He also gave significant amounts of money to the local residents, encouraging them to build new fortifications on their land and to restore those that had decayed. As a result, nearly all the structures in that region were constructed by Emperor Justinian. He built the forts of Baiberdon and Arcon; he restored Lysiormum and Lutararizon; he also built a new fort in a location known as the Ditch of Germanus. Additionally, he restored the walls of Sebastia and Nicopolis, cities in Armenia, which were about to collapse due to age. He built churches and monasteries in these cities. In Theodosiopolis, he constructed a church dedicated to the Virgin and restored the monasteries in places called Petrius and Cucarizon. At Nicopolis, he established the monastery of the Forty-five Saints and a church dedicated to St. George the Martyr at Bizana. Near Theodosiopolis, he restored the monastery named after the Forty Martyrs.

There was a place in what used to be called Lesser Armenia, not far from the river Euphrates, where formerly a regiment of Roman soldiers was stationed. The place 82 was named Melitene, and the regiment was named Legion. Here the Romans in former times had built a square fortification on low ground, which was convenient for soldiers’ quarters and for the reception of their standards. Afterwards, by the orders of Trajan, the Roman Emperor, the place was raised to the dignity of a city, and became the capital of that nation. In the course of time the city of Melitene became large and populous; and since it was no longer possible for the inhabitants to dwell within the fortification, which, as I have said, enclosed but a small space of ground, they built their city in the plain near it, erecting thereon their churches, the dwellings of their magistrates, the market-place, and the shops of their merchants, the streets, porticos, baths, theatres, and all the other ornaments of a large city. In this manner Melitene became for the most part composed of suburbs. The Emperor Anastasius attempted to enclose the whole of it with a wall, but died before he had carried out his intention; however, the Emperor Justinian built a wall all round it, and rendered Melitene[63] a great defence and ornament to the Armenians.

There was a place in what used to be called Lesser Armenia, not far from the Euphrates River, where a regiment of Roman soldiers was once stationed. The location was called Melitene, and the regiment was known as the Legion. Here, the Romans had built a square fort on low ground, which was suitable for housing soldiers and displaying their standards. Later, at the orders of Trajan, the Roman Emperor, the site was upgraded to the status of a city and became the capital of that nation. Over time, the city of Melitene grew large and populous; since it was no longer feasible for the residents to live within the fort, which only covered a small area, they built their city in the nearby plain, establishing their churches, the homes of their magistrates, a marketplace, shops, streets, porticos, baths, theaters, and all the other features of a large city. In this way, Melitene largely consisted of suburbs. Emperor Anastasius tried to surround the entire city with a wall but died before completing this plan; however, Emperor Justinian built a wall around it, making Melitene a strong defense and an adornment for the Armenians.

V. These are the works of our Emperor in that part of Armenia which lies on the right bank of the Euphrates; I will now speak of what he did in Greater Armenia. When the Roman Emperor Theodosius obtained the kingdom of Arsaces, as I explained before, he built a castle on one of its hills, very liable to capture, which he called Theodosiopolis. This was taken by Cabades, the king of Persia, when he passed it as he was marching straight upon Amida. Not long afterwards the Roman Emperor Anastasius built a city there, enclosing within its walls the hill upon which Theodosius had placed his castle. Although he named the city after himself, yet he was not able to abolish the name of Theodosius, its former 83 founder; for though the things in common use among mankind are constantly changing, yet it is not easy to alter their former names. The wall of Theodosiopolis was of a sufficient width, but was not raised to a proportional height, for it was only about thirty feet high, and therefore was very liable to capture by an enemy skilled in sieges, such as the Persians. It was weak in other respects also, for it was not defended by any outwork or ditch; moreover, some high ground close to the city overhung the wall. These defects the Emperor Justinian remedied in the following manner; in the first place he dug a very deep trench all round it, like the bed of a torrent among precipitous mountains: next, he cut up the overhanging hill into a mass of inaccessible precipices and pathless ravines; moreover, in order to make the wall very high, and unassailable by an enemy, he employed the same device as at the city of Dara. He contracted the battlements to the smallest size through which it was possible to shoot at the besiegers, laid stones over them so as to make another story round the entire circuit, and skilfully placed a second set of battlements upon it, enclosing the whole place within an outwork like that of the city of Dara, and making each tower into a strong castle. He established in this place all the forces of Armenia, with their general, and rendered the Armenians so strong that they no longer feared the attacks of the Persians.

V. These are the achievements of our Emperor in that part of Armenia located on the right bank of the Euphrates; I will now discuss his actions in Greater Armenia. When the Roman Emperor Theodosius took control of the kingdom of Arsaces, as I mentioned earlier, he constructed a castle on one of its hills, which was vulnerable to being captured, calling it Theodosiopolis. This castle was taken by Cabades, the king of Persia, as he marched directly towards Amida. Shortly after, the Roman Emperor Anastasius built a city there, incorporating the hill where Theodosius had built his castle within its walls. Although he named the city after himself, he couldn't erase the name of Theodosius, its original founder; even though commonly used things among people tend to change, it's not easy to change their original names. The wall of Theodosiopolis was wide enough but not tall enough, standing at only about thirty feet high, making it quite vulnerable to capture by skilled siege enemies like the Persians. It also had weaknesses in other areas, as it wasn’t defended by any outworks or ditches; additionally, some high ground near the city overlooked the wall. The Emperor Justinian addressed these shortcomings by first digging a very deep trench all around it, similar to a torrent's bed among steep mountains. Next, he transformed the overhanging hill into a series of inaccessible cliffs and untraversable ravines; furthermore, to raise the wall's height and make it impregnable to enemies, he used the same strategy he employed at the city of Dara. He narrowed the battlements to the smallest size possible for shooting at the attackers, placed stones over them to create an additional story around the entire perimeter, and skillfully added a second set of battlements on top, surrounding the entire area with an outwork like that of the city of Dara, transforming each tower into a stronghold. He positioned all the forces of Armenia there, together with their general, making the Armenians so strong that they no longer feared attacks from the Persians.

At Bizana the Emperor did nothing of this sort; for this place is situated upon flat country, surrounded by wide plains fit for the manœuvres of cavalry, and full of putrid pools of stagnant water; so that it was very easily stormed by an enemy, and was very unhealthy for its inhabitants; for these reasons, he neglected this place, and built a city elsewhere to which he gave his own name. It is a fine city and altogether impregnable, and stands in a place 84 called Tzumina, distant three miles from Bizana, in a very healthy and airy position on high ground.

At Bizana, the Emperor didn’t do anything like that; this area is flat, surrounded by wide plains suitable for cavalry maneuvers, and filled with disgusting, stagnant pools of water. This made it easy for an enemy to take over and very unhealthy for the people living there. Because of these reasons, he ignored this location and built a city elsewhere, naming it after himself. It's a great city, completely secure, located in a place called Tzumina, which is three miles from Bizana, in a healthier and breezier area on elevated land.

VI. These were the acts of the Emperor Justinian in Armenia. At this point of my narrative it appears convenient to describe what he did among the tribes of the Tzani, since they dwell next to the Armenians. In ancient times the Tzani were independent and without any rulers, living after the manner of wild beasts, regarding and worshipping as gods the woods and birds and other animals. They spent all their lives in lofty and thickly wooded mountains, and never cultivated the ground, but supported themselves by plundering and brigandage; for they themselves were unacquainted with agriculture, and their country, when it is not covered with precipitous mountains, is hilly: and the surface of these hills is not earthy, or capable of growing crops even if it were cultivated, but rough and hard, and altogether sterile. It is not possible to irrigate the ground, to reap a crop, or to find a meadow anywhere; and even the trees, with which the land of the Tzani is covered, bear no fruit, because for the most part there is no regular succession of seasons, and the land is not at one time subjected to cold and wet, and at another made fertile by the warmth of the sun, but is desolated by perpetual winter and covered by eternal snows. For this reason the Tzani, in ancient times, remained independent; but during the reign of our Emperor Justinian they were conquered by the Romans, under the command of Tzita; and, perceiving that resistance was impossible, at once submitted in a body, preferring an easy servitude to a dangerous freedom. They at once all changed their religion to the true faith, became Christians, and embraced a more civilized mode of life, renouncing brigandage, and serving in the Roman army, which was constantly at war with their enemies. However, the Emperor Justinian, 85 fearing that the Tzani might at some time revert to their former wild mode of life, devised the following expedients.

VI. These were the actions of Emperor Justinian in Armenia. At this point in my story, it makes sense to describe what he did among the Tzani tribes, as they live close to the Armenians. In ancient times, the Tzani were independent and had no leaders, living like wild animals and worshiping the woods, birds, and other creatures as gods. They spent their lives in high, dense mountains and never farmed the land; instead, they survived through looting and banditry, having no knowledge of agriculture. Their land, when not covered by steep mountains, is hilly, and the hills are not fertile or suitable for growing crops, being rough, hard, and completely barren. It’s impossible to irrigate the soil, harvest crops, or find meadows anywhere; even the trees that cover the Tzani’s land produce no fruit because the seasons are irregular and the land doesn’t experience both cold and wet conditions, followed by warmth from the sun, but is instead stuck in perpetual winter and covered in eternal snow. Because of this, the Tzani remained independent in ancient times; however, during Emperor Justinian's reign, they were conquered by the Romans, led by Tzita. Realizing that resistance was futile, they all quickly submitted, choosing easier servitude over perilous freedom. They all converted to the true faith, became Christians, and adopted a more civilized way of life, giving up banditry and serving in the Roman army, which was continually at war with their enemies. However, fearing that the Tzani might someday return to their former wild lifestyle, Emperor Justinian devised the following strategies.

The whole country of the Tzani is difficult, and quite impassable for horsemen, being everywhere surrounded with precipices and woods, as I said before; so that it was impossible for the Tzani to mix with their neighbours, but they lived by themselves in a savage manner, like wild beasts. He therefore cut down all the trees which hindered the making of roads, and levelled the rough ground, rendering it easily passable for horsemen, and thus made it possible for them to mix with the rest of mankind, and hold intercourse with their neighbours. Next he built a church for them in a place called Schamalinichon, in order that they might perform divine service, partake of the holy mysteries, gain the favour of God by prayers, perform the other duties of religion, and feel themselves to be human beings. He built forts in every part of the country, garrisoned them with regular Roman soldiers, and thus enabled the Tzani to mix without restraint with the rest of mankind. I shall now describe the parts of Tzania in which he built these forts.

The entire country of the Tzani is challenging and nearly impossible for horsemen to navigate, being surrounded by cliffs and forests, as I mentioned earlier. This made it impossible for the Tzani to interact with their neighbors, leading them to live in isolation, almost like wild animals. So, he cleared all the trees that obstructed road-making, leveled the rough terrain, and made it easier for horsemen to travel, allowing them to engage with the rest of humanity and connect with their neighbors. He then constructed a church for them in a place called Schamalinichon, so they could hold religious services, partake in holy rites, seek God's favor through prayer, fulfill their religious obligations, and feel more human. He built forts throughout the country, manned them with regular Roman soldiers, and that allowed the Tzani to mix freely with others. I will now describe the areas of Tzania where he built these forts.

There is there a place where the three frontiers of the Roman Empire, of Persian Armenia, and of the Tzani join; here he constructed a new and very powerful fort, named Oronon, which he made the chief guarantee of peace to the country; for at that point the Romans first entered Tzania. Here he established a garrison under a general with the title of Duke. At a place distant two days’ journey from Oronon, on the frontier of the Ocenite Tzani—for the Tzani are divided into many tribes—there was a fortress built in ancient times, which long before this had fallen into ruin by neglect, and was named Charton. The Emperor Justinian restored this, and placed in it a large garrison to keep the province in order. 86 On the east of this place is a precipitous ravine stretching towards the north. Here he built a new fort named Barchon. Beyond this, at the skirts of the mountain, are stables where the Ocenite Tzani used to keep their cattle, not in order to plough the land,—for the Tzani, as I said before, are altogether idle, and know nothing of husbandry, and have no ploughed land, or other operations of farming,—but for a constant supply of milk and meat. Beyond the skirts of the mountain, to the westward of the place upon the plain, which is called Cena, stands the fort of Sisilisson, which was of ancient construction, but by length of time had fallen into ruin, and was restored by the Emperor Justinian, who established in it, as in all the others, a sufficient garrison of Roman soldiers. On the left, as one goes from thence in a northerly direction, is a place which the natives call the Ditch of Longinus; for in ancient times Longinus, a Roman general of the Isaurian nation, pitched his camp there during a campaign against the Tzani. Here our Emperor built a fort, named Burgum Noes, a day’s journey distant from Sisilisson, which, like the fort at Sisilisson described above, our Emperor very strongly fortified. Beyond this is the frontier of the Coxylini Tzani, where he placed two forts named Schimalinichon and Tzanzakon. Here he placed another officer with a garrison.

There’s a spot where the borders of the Roman Empire, Persian Armenia, and the Tzani meet; here he built a new and powerful fort called Oronon, which became the main guarantee of peace for the area, since this was the first point where the Romans entered Tzania. He set up a garrison under a general titled Duke. Two days' journey away from Oronon, on the edge of the Ocenite Tzani territory—since the Tzani are split into many tribes—there was an ancient fortress named Charton, which had fallen into disrepair due to neglect. Emperor Justinian restored it, placing a large garrison there to maintain order in the province. To the east of this location, there's a steep ravine that extends north. He constructed a new fort named Barchon here. Beyond that, at the base of the mountain, there were stables where the Ocenite Tzani kept their cattle, not for farming—since the Tzani, as I mentioned earlier, are completely idle and know nothing about agriculture, possessing no plowed fields or farming practices—but for a steady supply of milk and meat. Further westward, on the plain called Cena, stands the fort of Sisilisson, which was originally built long ago but had crumbled over time; it was restored by Emperor Justinian, who also stationed a sufficient garrison of Roman soldiers there, just like in all the other forts. On the left, as one travels north from there, is a place the locals call the Ditch of Longinus; it’s named after Longinus, a Roman general from the Isaurian nation, who had camped there during a campaign against the Tzani. Here, our Emperor built a fort called Burgum Noes, a day's journey from Sisilisson, which he also fortified heavily, just as he did with the fort at Sisilisson mentioned earlier. Beyond this point is the territory of the Coxylini Tzani, where he constructed two forts named Schimalinichon and Tzanzakon, and placed another officer with a garrison there.

VII. These were the works of the Emperor Justinian among the Tzani. In the country beyond them, on the banks of the Euxine Sea, is a city called Trapezus.[64] As there was a scarcity of water at this place, the Emperor Justinian constructed an aqueduct, called by the name of the Martyr Eugenius, by which he relieved the wants of the inhabitants. Both here and at Amasea[65] he restored 87 the greater part of the churches, which had become ruinous by lapse of time. Beyond the frontier of the city of Trapezus is a place named Rhizeum,[66] which he in person restored and surrounded with fortifications magnificent beyond description and belief; for the city is second to none of those on the Persian frontier in size and strength.

VII. These were the achievements of Emperor Justinian among the Tzani. In the land beyond them, on the shores of the Black Sea, there is a city called Trapezus.[64] Due to a shortage of water in this area, Emperor Justinian built an aqueduct, named after the Martyr Eugenius, to meet the needs of the residents. In both this city and Amasea[65], he restored most of the churches that had fallen into disrepair over time. Just beyond the border of Trapezus is a place called Rhizeum,[66] which he personally rebuilt and surrounded with fortifications that are incredibly impressive and hard to believe; the city rivals any on the Persian frontier in size and strength.

He also built a fort in Lazica, named Losorium, and fortified the passes in that country, which are named the Clisuræ, in order to shut out the enemy from the country of the Lazi.[67] He also restored an ancient and ruinous church of the Christian Lazi, and founded a noble city, named Petra,[68] which the Lazi by their own negligence allowed to fall into the hands of the Persians, when Chosroes came thither with a great army; but the Romans conquered the Persians in battle, killed some of them, took the rest prisoners, and razed the city to the ground, that the Persians might not be able to return thither and do any more mischief—all of which has been described in my ‘History of the Wars’—where also is a description of how, on the Continent opposite the territory of the Lazi, as one goes towards the Mæotic Lake,[69] the Romans destroyed two forts, named Sebastopolis[70] and Pityous, because they heard that Chosroes meditated sending an 88 army to occupy them. Now, however, the Emperor Justinian entirely rebuilt Sebastopolis, which before was only a small fort, making it impregnable by the strength of its walls and other defences, and ornamenting it with streets and buildings, so as to render it one of the first of cities, both for size and beauty.

He also built a fort in Lazica, called Losorium, and strengthened the mountain passes in that area, known as the Clisuræ, to keep the enemy out of the Lazi territory. He restored an ancient and dilapidated church of the Christian Lazi and founded a significant city called Petra, which the Lazi allowed to fall into the hands of the Persians through their own carelessness when Chosroes arrived with a large army. However, the Romans defeated the Persians in battle, killed some of them, and captured the rest, then destroyed the city so that the Persians couldn't come back and cause more trouble. All of this is detailed in my "History of the Wars," which also describes how the Romans destroyed two forts, named Sebastopolis and Pityous, on the continent opposite Lazi territory as they were heading towards the Mæotic Lake because they learned that Chosroes planned to send an army to take them. Now, though, Emperor Justinian completely rebuilt Sebastopolis, which was previously a small fort, making it impregnable with strong walls and defenses and beautifying it with streets and buildings, turning it into one of the most prominent cities in terms of size and attractiveness.

Moreover, finding that the walls of the cities of Bosporus and Cherson, which are situated upon the sea-shore in that region, beyond the Mæotic Lake and the Tauri and the Tauroscythi, on the frontier of the Roman Empire, had quite fallen into ruin, he restored them to a condition of great beauty and strength. In the same region he built the fort of Alustus, and one in the country of the Gorzubiti. He especially strengthened the fortifications of Bosporus, which, in ancient times, had fallen into the power of the barbarians, and which he captured from the Huns and annexed to the Roman Empire. There is here a country by the sea-shore, named Doru, which has been long inhabited by those Goths, who would not follow Theoderic on his expedition to Italy, but of their own accord remained there, and have been in alliance with the Romans down to my own time, joining the Roman armies when they march against the enemy, at the pleasure of the Emperor; their numbers are about three thousand; they are excellent warriors, industrious husbandmen, and most hospitable to strangers. Their country, Doru, is situated on high ground, yet is not rough or sterile, but good soil, producing the best of crops. The Emperor built no city or fort anywhere in this country, as its inhabitants cannot endure to be confined within walls, but love to dwell in the open country. He did, however, fortify with long walls the passes by which an enemy could enter the country, and thus freed the Goths from foreign invasion. These were his works in this quarter.

Moreover, upon discovering that the walls of the cities of Bosporus and Cherson, located along the seashore in that area, beyond the Mæotic Lake and the Tauri and the Tauroscythi, on the edge of the Roman Empire, had completely fallen into disrepair, he restored them to a state of great beauty and strength. In the same area, he built the fort of Alustus, as well as one in the territory of the Gorzubiti. He especially reinforced the fortifications of Bosporus, which, in ancient times, had been captured by barbarians, and which he seized from the Huns and brought into the Roman Empire. There is a coastal region called Doru, long inhabited by those Goths who chose not to follow Theoderic on his campaign to Italy, but instead remained there of their own choice, forming an alliance with the Romans to this day, joining the Roman armies whenever they march against enemies at the discretion of the Emperor; their numbers are around three thousand; they are skilled warriors, hardworking farmers, and very hospitable to visitors. Their land, Doru, is elevated but not harsh or barren; it has fertile soil that produces the best crops. The Emperor did not establish any cities or forts in this land, as its residents cannot tolerate being confined within walls, preferring to live in the open countryside. However, he did strengthen the entry points with long walls to prevent enemy incursions, thus protecting the Goths from foreign attacks. These were his achievements in this region.

There is a maritime town of the Thracians on the 89 borders of the Euxine Sea, named Anchialus,[71] which it would be more proper to mention in my description of Thrace; since, however, the course of my narrative has led me to speak of the works of our Emperor on the shores of the Euxine Sea, it will be well at this point to describe the buildings which he erected at Anchialus. At this place, fountains of warm water, which spring up not far from the city, supply the inhabitants with natural baths. This place was neglected and left unfortified by the former Emperors, although so many tribes of barbarians dwell in the neighbourhood of it, so that the sick persons, who resorted to it, could not enjoy its benefits without considerable danger; however, the Emperor Justinian has now fortified it, and enabled them to be healed in safety. These were the fortifications built in the East, in Armenia, in the country of the Tzani, and on the shores of the Euxine Sea, by the Emperor Justinian. Let us now proceed from this region to the buildings which he has constructed in the rest of Europe.

There is a coastal town of the Thracians on the89 borders of the Black Sea, called Anchialus, which it would be more appropriate to include in my description of Thrace. However, since my narrative has led me to discuss the works of our Emperor along the shores of the Black Sea, it's fitting to describe the buildings he erected at Anchialus at this point. Here, warm water springs not far from the city provide the locals with natural baths. This place was previously neglected and left without fortifications by earlier Emperors, despite the presence of many barbarian tribes nearby, which meant that sick people who came here had to face significant danger to enjoy its benefits. However, Emperor Justinian has now fortified it, allowing them to seek healing safely. These were the fortifications built in the East, in Armenia, in the land of the Tzani, and along the shores of the Black Sea, by Emperor Justinian. Now, let’s move from this region to the buildings he constructed in the rest of Europe.


BOOK IV.

I. I count it a toilsome and perilous task, to cross a great ocean in a crazy vessel; and it is the same thing to describe the buildings of the Emperor Justinian in a feeble narrative; for this Emperor, one may say, showed greatness of mind in all that he did, and in his buildings performed works surpassing description. In Europe especially, wishing to construct works on a scale worthy of the need which existed for them, his buildings are difficult, nay, almost impossible to describe, being worthy of their position in the neighbourhood of the river Danube and 90 the barbarian tribes beyond it, whose invasions they are intended to repel; for along its banks dwell the nations of the Huns and the Goths, and the empire is threatened by the tribes of the Tauri and the Scythians, the Sclavonians and the rest, whom the ancient historians call the ‘dwellers in waggons’ or Sauromatæ, and all the other wild tribes which either inhabit or roam through that region. With all these tribes, ever eager for war, Justinian was forced to contend, so that he could neglect no point, but was forced to construct a chain of innumerable fortresses, establish in them numberless garrisons of soldiers, and do everything else in his power to hold in check a foe, with whom neither truce nor intercourse could be held; for these enemies were accustomed to make war without any pretext or declaration, and not to terminate it by any treaty, or cease fighting after a time, but to take up arms without any cause only to lay them down when compelled by main force. However, let us proceed to what remains of our description; for when a work is begun, it is better to bring it to an end in any fashion whatever, rather than to give it up and leave it unfinished; besides which, we might reasonably be blamed if our Emperor could construct such works, and we were to shrink from the labour of describing them. Now that I am about to enumerate the buildings of this our Emperor in Europe, it is worth while before doing so to make a few remarks about the country.

I. I see it as a challenging and risky task to cross a vast ocean in a rickety ship; it’s the same when trying to describe the buildings of Emperor Justinian in a weak narrative. This Emperor, you could say, showed great vision in everything he did, and in his constructions, he achieved works that surpass description. Especially in Europe, wanting to build on a scale that matched the existing needs, his buildings are hard, if not impossible, to describe, as they are worthy of their location near the Danube River and the barbarian tribes beyond, which they were meant to defend against. The nations of the Huns and the Goths live along its banks, and the empire faces threats from the Tauri and the Scythians, the Slavs, and others, whom ancient historians referred to as the ‘dwellers in wagons’ or Sauromatæ, along with other wild tribes that inhabit or wander through that area. Justinian had to contend with all these tribes, always eager for battle, so he couldn’t overlook any detail. He had to construct a chain of countless fortresses, set up numerous garrisons of soldiers, and do everything he could to hold back an enemy with whom there could be no truce or negotiation; these foes were known to wage war without any excuse or declaration, and they wouldn’t finish it with a treaty or cease fighting after a while, but would take up arms without reason and only put them down when forced to. Now, let’s move on to what remains of our description; once a task is started, it’s better to finish it in any way possible rather than abandon it unfinished. Moreover, we’d reasonably be criticized if our Emperor could create such works, and we hesitated to take on the task of describing them. As I’m about to list the buildings of our Emperor in Europe, it’s worth making a few comments about the country first.

From what is called the Adriatic Sea a branch extends straight into the continent, apart from the rest of the sea, so as to divide the country and form the Ionian Gulf, having on its right bank the Epirotes and the other nations in that quarter, and on the left the Calabrians. Compressed into a long and narrow inlet, it embraces almost the whole of the continent. Above this sea and 91 running over against it, the river Danube forms the land of Europe into a peninsula. Here our Emperor constructed many admirable works; for he fortified the whole of Europe so securely as to render it inaccessible to the barbarians who dwell beyond the river Danube.

From what we now call the Adriatic Sea, a branch stretches straight into the mainland, separating it from the rest of the sea, creating the Ionian Gulf. On its right side are the Epirotes and other nations in that area, while on the left are the Calabrians. This long and narrow inlet nearly surrounds the entire continent. Above this sea and facing it, the Danube River shapes Europe into a peninsula. Here, our Emperor built many impressive structures; he fortified the entire continent so well that it became unreachable for the barbarians living beyond the Danube River.

I ought, however, to begin with the native country of the Emperor, which must occupy the first place in my narrative, as it does in all other respects; for it alone may rejoice and pride itself upon the glory of having bred and furnished the Romans with an Emperor, whose works are so great that they can neither be described in language nor set down in writing.

I should start with the Emperor's home country, which deserves the top spot in my story, just like it does in every other way. It's the only place that can take joy and pride in producing and providing the Romans with an Emperor whose accomplishments are so significant that they can't be fully captured in words or recorded in writing.

In the country of the European Dardani, who dwell beyond the frontier of the citizens of Epidamnus, near the fort called Bederiana, is a place named Tauresium, from whence came the Emperor Justinian, the Founder of the Universe.[72] This place he hastily fortified in a quadrangular form, placing a tower at each angle, and gave it from its shape the name of Tetrapyrgia, or the ‘Four Towers.’ Close to this place he built a most noble city, which he named Justiniana Prima (this word in the Latin language means ‘First’), thus repaying his debt to the country which bred him, though this duty ought to have been shared by all the Romans, since this place furnished a preserver for them all alike. Here he constructed an aqueduct and supplied the city with a perpetual flow of water, and erected many other works, magnificent and surpassing all description, worthy of the founder of the city; it is not easy to enumerate the churches, and it is 92 impossible for language to describe the dwellings of the magistrates, the size of the porticos, the beauty of the market-places, the fountains, the streets, the baths, and the shops. In a word, the city is great, populous, flourishing, and worthy to be the metropolis of the whole country, to which dignity it has been raised. In addition to this, it is the seat of the Archbishop of Illyria, all the other cities yielding to it as being the greatest in size; so that it in turn reflects glory upon the Emperor; for the city prides itself upon the Emperor which it has bred, while the Emperor glories in having constructed the city. Let the above description of it suffice; for to describe it all, in exact detail, is impossible, because all language must fall short of a city worthy of such an Emperor.

In the land of the European Dardani, located beyond the borders of the citizens of Epidamnus, near the fort called Bederiana, lies a place named Tauresium, the birthplace of Emperor Justinian, the Creator of the World. This place he quickly fortified in a square shape, with a tower at each corner, naming it Tetrapyrgia, or 'Four Towers.' Close to this location, he built an impressive city, which he called Justiniana Prima (the Latin word means 'First'), fulfilling his obligation to the land that raised him, though this responsibility should have been shared by all the Romans, as this place provided a protector for them all. Here, he built an aqueduct to ensure the city had a constant supply of water and created many other magnificent structures beyond description, befitting the founder of the city; it's difficult to list the churches, and it's impossible to put into words the homes of the officials, the scale of the colonnades, the beauty of the marketplaces, the fountains, the streets, the baths, and the shops. In short, the city is large, populated, thriving, and deserving of being the capital of the entire region, a status it has achieved. Additionally, it is the seat of the Archbishop of Illyria, with all other cities deferring to it due to its size; in turn, it brings honor to the Emperor, as the city takes pride in the Emperor it has produced, while the Emperor takes pride in having built the city. Let this description be enough, for detailing everything accurately is impossible, as words will always fall short of a city worthy of such an Emperor.

Besides this, he entirely rebuilt the fort of Bederiana, and rendered it much stronger than before. There was an ancient city in the country of the Dardani, named Ulpiana. He demolished the greater part of the wall of this place, which was very unsafe and altogether useless, and brought it to its present magnificent appearance, decorated it with many other beautiful buildings, and gave it the name of Justiniana Secunda. (Secunda in the Latin language signifies ‘Second.’) He also built a new city in its neighbourhood, which he named Justinopolis, after the name of his uncle Justin. He restored the walls of Sardica, Naïsopolis, Germana and Pantalia, which he found dilapidated by age, so as to make them secure and impregnable. Between these cities he built three small towns, Cratiscara, Quimedaba, and Rumisiana. Thus he restored these cities from their foundations; and, wishing to render the river Danube a very strong bulwark to them and to the whole of Europe, he covered the whole course of the river with numerous forts, as I shall shortly afterwards describe, and established on all parts of its banks 93 garrisons of soldiers, sufficient to restrain the barbarians from crossing the river in that quarter. When, however, he had completed all these works, remembering the insecurity of all human designs, and reflecting that, should the enemy succeed in passing the river by any means, they would ravage the unguarded country, carry off all the inhabitants for slaves, and plunder all their property, he did not leave them to trust to the forts along the course of the river alone for their protection, but gave them means of defence of their own; for he constructed such a number of fortifications in these regions, that every field either possesses a castle or is near to some walled place, both here and in New and Old Epirus. Here also he built the city of Justinianopolis, which formerly was called Adrianopolis.

Besides this, he completely rebuilt the fort of Bederiana, making it much stronger than before. In the land of the Dardani, there was an ancient city called Ulpiana. He tore down most of the unsafe and useless wall of this place and transformed it into its current magnificent appearance, adding many other beautiful buildings, and renamed it Justiniana Secunda. (Secunda means ‘Second’ in Latin.) He also built a new city nearby, which he named Justinopolis after his uncle Justin. He repaired the walls of Sardica, Naïsopolis, Germana, and Pantalia, which were falling apart with age, making them secure and impenetrable. Between these cities, he established three small towns: Cratiscara, Quimedaba, and Rumisiana. Thus, he rebuilt these cities from the ground up; and wanting to make the river Danube a strong defense for them and for all of Europe, he lined the entire length of the river with numerous forts, as I will describe shortly, and stationed garrisons of soldiers along its banks to prevent the barbarians from crossing the river in that area. However, after completing all these works, he remembered the uncertainty of all human plans, and considering that if the enemy managed to cross the river, they would devastate the unprotected land, capture the inhabitants as slaves, and loot their property, he didn’t leave them relying solely on the forts along the river for protection. Instead, he provided them with their own means of defense; he built enough fortifications in these regions so that every field either has a castle or is near a walled place, both here and in New and Old Epirus. Here, he also built the city of Justinianopolis, which was formerly called Adrianopolis.

He restored Nicopolis, Photica and Phœnice; the latter towns, Photica and Phœnice, being situated upon low ground, suffered from inundations; wherefore the Emperor Justinian, perceiving that it was impossible to build walls for them upon a firm foundation, made no alteration in either of them, but built forts near them, which he placed upon strong and precipitous ground. In this country there was an ancient city, abundantly supplied with water, and deriving its name from its position, for it was formerly named Eurœa. Not far from this city of Eurœa is a lake, in the midst of which rises an island containing a hill; the lake reaches round this island so far as only just to allow access to it. The Emperor transferred the inhabitants of Eurœa to this place, built a city for them, and strongly fortified it.

He rebuilt Nicopolis, Photica, and Phœnice; the latter two towns, Photica and Phœnice, were located on low ground and struggled with flooding. Because of this, Emperor Justinian realized it was impossible to construct walls for them on stable ground, so he made no changes to either town but built forts nearby on solid, steep ground. In this region, there was an ancient city that had plenty of water and got its name from its location because it used to be called Eurœa. Close to this city of Eurœa is a lake, which has an island in the middle with a hill on it; the lake surrounds the island enough to allow only limited access. The Emperor moved the people of Eurœa to this site, built a city for them, and fortified it well.

II. After our survey of the whole of Epirus we pass over Ætolia and Acarnania, and come to the Crissæan Gulf, the Isthmus of Corinth, and the other parts of Greece. Here the Emperor’s foresight was most especially 94 displayed, and one may marvel at the numerous walled cities with which he fortified the Roman Empire. Amongst the rest he paid especial care at the pass of Thermopylæ. In the first place he raised its walls to a great height, for the mountains in this place were easy to be taken by an enemy, and were fortified by what was more like a hedgerow than a wall. He placed double battlements upon all these walls, and also upon the fort, which had been built there in an equally careless manner by the ancients, giving it a sufficient height, and double bulwarks. Besides all this, as the place was entirely without water, he contrived a reservoir for rain-water, and also carefully fortified many paths up the mountain which had formerly been left unguarded.

II. After exploring all of Epirus, we moved past Aetolia and Acarnania and arrived at the Crissaean Gulf, the Isthmus of Corinth, and other regions of Greece. Here, the Emperor's foresight was especially evident, and one can admire the many walled cities he built to strengthen the Roman Empire. He placed particular emphasis on the pass of Thermopylae. First, he raised its walls significantly because the mountains in this area were easy for an enemy to capture and were protected more like a hedgerow than a proper wall. He put double battlements on all these walls, as well as on the fort that had been constructed carelessly by the ancients, giving it adequate height and double defenses. Additionally, since the place lacked water entirely, he created a reservoir for rainwater and carefully fortified several mountain paths that had previously been left unguarded.

One may well wonder how the Persian King spent so long a time here, and only found one path, and that, too, one which was betrayed to him by Greek traitors, when there are many unfortified roads in the place along which one could almost drive a waggon; for the sea, which washes the base of the mountains, has widened the mouths of most of the paths leading up from thence, and as the ground was full of glens and impassable ravines, it appeared to the ancients that what was thus divided by nature could not be continuously enclosed by fortifications, so that they lazily sacrificed their safety in their reluctance to embark upon so difficult a work, and trusted to chance, resting all their hopes of safety against the invasion of the barbarians on their probable ignorance of the roads; for men who despair of accomplishing difficult tasks always imagine that what they have found so hard, will not easily be effected by others; so that it cannot be disputed that the Emperor Justinian showed greater care and foresight than anyone else who has ever lived, since he was not prevented, even by the sea which washes and breaks upon 95 these mountains, from laying firm foundations on the very beach and watery shore, and making the most contrary elements serve his purpose, and yield to him, subdued by human art. However, not even after having connected these mountain thickets and glens, and having joined the sea to the mountain, and enclosed the whole of Greece with his fortifications, did our Emperor relax his zeal on behalf of his subjects, but he also built many forts within this wall, taking a just view of the chances of human life, which render no place secure or impregnable; so that if by any mischance it should happen that these walls should at any time be taken, the garrison might find a refuge in these forts. Moreover, he established everywhere granaries and reservoirs of water in secure positions, and placed nearly 2,000 soldiers to garrison the works, which was never done by any emperor at any former time; for these walls remained unguarded formerly, even down to my own time, and if the enemy assaulted them, some of the peasants in the neighbourhood, adopting a military life on the spur of the moment, used to act as garrison, and, from their want of experience, risked the capture of them and of the whole of Greece, by which parsimony this country was for a long time exposed to the attack of the barbarians.[73]

One might wonder how the Persian King stayed here for so long and only found one route, and that one revealed to him by Greek traitors, when there are many unguarded roads nearby that could practically fit a wagon. The sea, which laps at the base of the mountains, has widened the entrances of most paths leading up, and since the land is filled with valleys and impassable ravines, the ancients believed that what nature had divided could not be securely enclosed with walls. As a result, they carelessly sacrificed their safety, unwilling to undertake such a daunting task, and relied on luck, betting their hopes of safety against a barbarian invasion on the likely ignorance of the roads. People who give up on tough tasks often think that what they struggle with won’t be easily navigated by others. Therefore, it’s undeniable that Emperor Justinian demonstrated more care and foresight than anyone else ever has, as he wasn’t deterred, even by the sea crashing against these mountains, from laying solid foundations right on the beach and coast, making the most challenging elements work for him, yielding to human ingenuity. However, not even after connecting these mountain thickets and valleys, and extending the sea to the mountains, and fortifying all of Greece, did our Emperor ease up on his dedication to his people. He also constructed several forts within this wall, considering the unpredictable nature of human life, which makes no place truly safe or impregnable. So, if by some misfortune these walls were ever breached, the garrison could seek refuge in these forts. Additionally, he established granaries and water reservoirs in secure spots, and stationed nearly 2,000 soldiers to guard the works—something no emperor had done before. Previously, these walls remained unwatched even into my own time, and if the enemy attacked, nearby peasants, suddenly taking on military roles, would serve as the garrison, and their inexperience risked the loss of the walls and all of Greece, leaving this land vulnerable to barbarian attack for a long time.

Thus did the Emperor Justinian strengthen the fortifications of Thermopylæ. He also with great care built walls round the cities which lie in the country beyond it— 96Saccus, Hypata, Coracii, Unnum, Baleæ and Leontarium. At Heraclea he did as follows: as one goes from Illyria to Greece, two mountains stand close to one another for a long distance, forming a narrow pass between them, of the kind called Clisuræ. In the midst runs a fountain, which in the summer-time pours a clear and drinkable stream down from the mountains which stand around, and forms a tiny rivulet; but in rainy seasons there rises a very deep and violent torrent, which collects its waters from the ravines among the cliffs. By this path the barbarians were able to gain an easy passage to Thermopylæ and the neighbouring parts of Greece. On either side of the path there were in ancient times two ancient fortresses, one being the city of Heraclea, which I mentioned before, and the other that of Myropole, standing at a little distance from it. The Emperor Justinian restored both these fortresses, which had long been in ruins, and built a very strong wall across the pass, joining it to the mountains on either side, so that he closed the passage against the barbarians, and forced the torrent first to form a lake within this wall, and then to flow over it and continue its course.

So, Emperor Justinian strengthened the fortifications of Thermopylæ. He also carefully built walls around the cities in the area beyond it—96Saccus, Hypata, Coracii, Unnum, Baleæ, and Leontarium. At Heraclea, he did the following: as you travel from Illyria to Greece, two mountains stand close to each other for a long stretch, creating a narrow pass between them, known as Clisuræ. In the middle, there's a fountain that in the summer flows a clear, drinkable stream down from the surrounding mountains, forming a small creek; but during rainy seasons, it turns into a deep, raging torrent, collecting water from the ravines in the cliffs. Through this path, the barbarians could easily access Thermopylæ and the nearby regions of Greece. On either side of the path, there were once two ancient fortresses: one was the city of Heraclea, which I mentioned earlier, and the other was Myropole, located a short distance away. Emperor Justinian restored both fortresses, which had been in ruins for a long time, and built a very strong wall across the pass, connecting it to the mountains on either side, effectively blocking the path against the barbarians, forcing the torrent to first create a lake within the wall, and then flow over it to continue its course.

He secured all the cities of Greece which lie within the walls of Thermopylæ, restoring the fortifications of all of them, for they had long ago fallen into decay—at Corinth in consequence of violent earthquakes, and at Athens, Platæa, and the towns in Bœotia having fallen into decay through age, as no one had taken any care of them; he, however, left no place assailable or unguarded, for in his watchful care for his subjects he bethought him that the barbarians, should they reach the country about Thermopylæ, would despair of success as soon as they learned that they would gain nothing by forcing the works there, since all the rest of Greece was fortified, and they would have to undertake the siege of each individual city; for a 97 deferred hope does not encourage men to endure labour, nor are they eager for gain which is far distant, but give up their hopes of future advantage to avoid present discomfort.

He secured all the cities of Greece that are within the walls of Thermopylæ, restoring their fortifications, which had long since fallen into disrepair—at Corinth due to severe earthquakes, and at Athens, Platæa, and the towns in Bœotia because of age, since no one had cared for them. However, he made sure there was no place vulnerable or unguarded, as he believed that if the barbarians reached the area around Thermopylæ, they would lose hope as soon as they realized that they wouldn’t gain anything by attacking those defenses, since the rest of Greece was fortified. They would have to lay siege to each individual city; for a97 deferred hope doesn't motivate people to endure hardship, nor are they eager for rewards that are far off, but tend to abandon their hopes for future benefits in order to avoid current discomfort.

Having effected this, the Emperor Justinian, learning that all the cities in Peloponnesus were unwalled, and reflecting that much time would be wasted if he attended to the security of each one, securely fortified the whole isthmus with a wall, since the existing wall was mostly in ruins. Upon this wall he built forts and established garrisons in them, and in this manner rendered the whole country of Peloponnesus safe from the enemy, even though any misfortune should befall the fortifications at Thermopylæ.

After doing this, Emperor Justinian learned that all the cities in the Peloponnesus were without walls. Realizing that it would take too long to secure each city individually, he decided to fortify the entire isthmus with a wall, since the existing wall was mostly in ruins. On this new wall, he built forts and stationed garrisons, effectively making the whole Peloponnesus safe from enemy attacks, even if something were to happen to the fortifications at Thermopylae.

III. Diocletianopolis in Thessaly was in ancient times a flourishing city, but latterly was ruined by the incursions of the barbarians, and had long been without inhabitants. There is a lake near it, which is called Castoria, in the midst of which is an island surrounded by water, with only one narrow passage, not wider than fifteen feet, leading to it through the lake. On this island stands a very lofty mountain, which overhangs the lake on one side and the island on the other; wherefore our Emperor decided against the site of Diocletianopolis, because it was obviously exposed to attack, and had long before suffered the misfortunes which I had mentioned, but built a very strong city on the island, to which he naturally gave his own name. Besides this, he removed the walls of Echinæum, Thebes, Pharsalus, and all the other cities of Thessaly, amongst which are Demetrias, Metropolis, Gomphi, and Tricattus, and securely fortified them, for their walls were decayed by age and could easily be taken by an enemy.

III. Diocletianopolis in Thessaly used to be a thriving city, but it was later devastated by barbarian invasions and had been empty for a long time. There’s a lake nearby called Castoria, which has an island in the middle, surrounded by water, with only one narrow passage, not more than fifteen feet wide, leading to it through the lake. On this island stands a very tall mountain that overlooks the lake on one side and the island on the other. Because of this, our Emperor chose not to build on the site of Diocletianopolis, as it was clearly vulnerable to attacks and had already faced the disasters I mentioned earlier. Instead, he constructed a strong city on the island, which he naturally named after himself. Additionally, he took down the walls of Echinæum, Thebes, Pharsalus, and all the other cities of Thessaly, including Demetrias, Metropolis, Gomphi, and Tricattus, and fortified them securely, since their walls had deteriorated with age and could easily be breached by an enemy.

Now that we have come to Thessaly, let us proceed to 98 Mount Pelion and the river Peneus. The Peneus flows in a gentle stream past Mount Pelion, and in its course adorns the city of Larissa, for Phthia no longer exists, but has perished through age. The river flows with a quiet stream as far as the sea, and the neighbouring country is rich in fruits of all kinds, and in sweet waters, which the inhabitants were never able to enjoy, as they were in continual expectation of an attack from the barbarians; for there was no strong place anywhere in these regions to which they could fly for refuge, but the walls of Larissa and Cæsarea were so ruinous that they were almost open towns. The Emperor Justinian, by rebuilding the walls of both these cities very strongly, enabled the country to enjoy true prosperity. Not far from hence rise precipitous mountains covered with lofty trees. These mountains were the home of the Centaurs; and in this country the battle of the Centaurs with the Lapithæ took place, as the ancient myths declare, which inform us that in old times there dwelt there a monstrous race combining the forms of two creatures. Antiquity gives some warrant for this fable by the name of a fort in these mountains, which down to my own time was named Centauropolis, whose ruinous walls the Emperor Justinian restored and strengthened, together with those of Eurymene in the same country, which had fallen into the same condition.

Now that we’ve arrived in Thessaly, let’s move on to98 Mount Pelion and the river Peneus. The Peneus flows gently past Mount Pelion, decorating the city of Larissa along its route, for Phthia no longer exists and has faded away with time. The river flows quietly all the way to the sea, and the surrounding land is abundant with all kinds of fruits and fresh waters, which the locals could never truly enjoy because they were always expecting an attack from barbaric tribes. There was no stronghold in these areas where they could escape for safety, and the walls of Larissa and Cæsarea were so dilapidated that they were almost like open towns. The Emperor Justinian rebuilt the walls of both cities very solidly, allowing the region to experience genuine prosperity. Not far from here rise steep mountains covered with tall trees. These mountains were home to the Centaurs, and according to ancient myths, this is where the battle between the Centaurs and the Lapithæ took place, which tells us that long ago, a monstrous race with features of two creatures lived here. Ancient history even supports this story with the name of a fortress in these mountains, which up until my time was called Centauropolis, whose crumbling walls the Emperor Justinian restored and strengthened, along with those of Eurymene in the same area, which had fallen into a similar state.

Now, that I may leave no part of Greece undescribed, we must proceed to the island of Eubœa, which stands close to Athens and Marathon. This island of Eubœa lies in the sea, in front of Greece, and seems to me as though it had once formed a part of the mainland, and had afterwards been separated from it by a strait, for an arm of the sea flows past the mainland there, in the neighbourhood of the city of Chalcis, ebbing and flowing in a narrow channel, confined between banks which re 99duce it to the size of a rivulet. This strait is called the Euripus. Such is the island of Eubœa. A single beam laid across the strait forms a bridge, which the inhabitants lay across at their pleasure, and then appear to be dwellers on the continent, and walk on foot to the land beyond the strait; but when they remove it, they cross the strait in boats, and again become islanders: so that whether they proceed on foot or on shipboard depends upon the laying down or taking up of a single piece of wood....

Now, to ensure I cover all of Greece, we need to move on to the island of Euboea, which is close to Athens and Marathon. This island is in the sea in front of Greece and seems to have once been part of the mainland, later separated by a strait. A stretch of water flows past the mainland near the city of Chalcis, ebbing and flowing in a narrow channel confined between banks that reduce it to the width of a small stream. This strait is called the Euripus. That’s Euboea for you. A single beam laid across the strait acts as a bridge that the locals can put in place whenever they like, allowing them to walk over and seem like they're on the mainland. When they take it away, they use boats to cross the strait and return to being islanders. So, whether they walk or take a boat depends on whether that single piece of wood is in place or not.

The country within this is named (the Peninsula of) Pallene. In ancient times the inhabitants built a wall across the isthmus, which joined the sea at each end, and built there a city, which in former times was called Potidæa, and now Casandria; however, time so ruined all these buildings that when, not long ago, the Huns overran these regions, they captured this cross-wall and city as though in sport, though they never have conducted a siege since the world began. This event, however, gave the Emperor Justinian an opportunity of displaying his goodness and magnanimity: for as he was always wont to repair all the misfortunes which befell him by his own foresight, he turned the most terrible disasters into a source of good fortune by the magnificent works by which he repaired. So here he fortified the city of Pallene, which is the bulwark of the whole country, and the wall across the isthmus, so as to render them quite impregnable and able to defy all attacks. These were his works in Macedonia.

The region described here is called the Peninsula of Pallene. In ancient times, the inhabitants built a wall across the isthmus, connecting the sea on both ends, and established a city that was once known as Potidæa, and now Casandria. However, time caused these structures to deteriorate so much that when the Huns invaded the area not long ago, they seized this cross-wall and city almost playfully, despite never having conducted a siege in history. This incident provided Emperor Justinian with a chance to demonstrate his kindness and generosity. He was always inclined to address the misfortunes he faced with foresight, turning significant disasters into opportunities for good through impressive projects of restoration. In this case, he fortified the city of Pallene, the main defense of the entire region, and reinforced the wall across the isthmus to make them completely impregnable against any attack. These accomplishments were his contributions in Macedonia.

Not far from the city of Thessalonica flows the river Rhechius, which passes through a fertile and rich country, and empties itself into the sea at that place. This river flows with a gentle current: its waters are calm and sweet. The neighbouring country is low-lying, well-watered, and forms rich pasture; but was sadly exposed to the inroads of the barbarians, having no fort or place 100 of strength of any kind for a distance of forty miles; wherefore the Emperor built a strong fort on the banks of the river Rhechius where it joins the sea—an entirely new work, to which he gave the name of Artemisium.

Not far from the city of Thessalonica flows the river Rhechius, which runs through fertile and rich land and empties into the sea at that point. This river has a gentle current; its waters are calm and pleasant. The nearby area is low-lying, well-watered, and provides abundant pasture; however, it was unfortunately vulnerable to attacks from barbarians, lacking any fortifications or strongholds for a distance of forty miles. So, the Emperor constructed a strong fort on the banks of the river Rhechius where it meets the sea—an entirely new structure that he named Artemisium.100

IV. It is my duty to mention the other strong places in this part of Europe. I am quite sure that if I were to recount this list of the fortresses in this country, to men dwelling in a distant region and belonging to another nation, without any facts to guarantee the truth of my story, the number of the works would make it appear altogether fabulous and incredible; as it is, however, they are to be seen at no great distance, and great numbers of the inhabitants of that region are present in our city; wherefore, with the confidence which springs from truth, I shall not hesitate to give a list of the works of the Emperor Justinian in the above-mentioned countries, both in restoring ruinous fortifications and in building new ones. It will be most convenient to put them all in the form of a list, so that my narrative may not be confused by the insertion of their names.

IV. I need to highlight the other strongholds in this part of Europe. I’m sure that if I were to list the fortresses in this country to people living far away and from another nation, without any proof to back up my claims, the sheer number would seem completely unbelievable. However, they are actually not far away, and many of the locals from that area are here in our city. Therefore, with the confidence that comes from the truth, I won't hesitate to provide a list of the works of Emperor Justinian in the aforementioned countries, both in restoring crumbling fortifications and in constructing new ones. It makes the most sense to present them as a list, so my narrative doesn’t get muddled by mentioning their names.

These are the new forts built by the Emperor Justinian in New Epirus:[74]

These are the new forts built by Emperor Justinian in New Epirus:[74]

  • Sceminites,
  • Ulpiansus,
  • Episterba,
  • Argus,
  • Aona,
  • Stephaniacum,
  • St. Sabinus,
  • Aliula,
  • Dyrlachin,
  • Patana,
  • Gemenus,
  • Bacuste,
  • Alistrus,
  • Irene,
  • Epiduta,
  • Bacusta,
  • Martis,
  • Gynæcomytes,
  • Speretium,
  • Aven,
  • Streden,
  • Deuphracus,
  • Labellus,101
  • Epileum,
  • Piscinæ,
  • Cithinas,
  • Dolebin,
  • Hedonia,
  • Titiana,
  • Ulibula,
  • Brebate,
  • Thesaurus.
These places were restored:
  • St. Stephen,
  • Cethreon,
  • Apis,
  • Peleum,
  • Come,
  • Pacue,
  • Scidreonpolis,
  • Antipagræ,
  • Pupsalus,
  • Gabræum,
  • Dionaa,
  • Clementiana,
  • Illyrin,
  • Tithra,
  • Brebeta,
  • Bupus,
  • Endyni,
  • Dionysus,
  • Ptochium,
  • Tyrcanus,
  • Capaza,
  • Cilicæ,
  • Argyas,
  • Therma,
  • Amantia,
  • Paretium.
These are the new forts built in Old Epirus:
  • Parmus,
  • Olbus,
  • Cionin,
  • Marciana,
  • Algus,
  • Cimenus,
  • Xeropotoes,
  • Europa,
  • Chimæra,
  • Helega,
  • Homonœa,
  • Adanum.102
These places were rebuilt:
  • Murciara,
  • Castina,
  • Genysius,
  • Percus,
  • Marmarata,
  • Listria,
  • Petroniana,
  • Carmina,
  • St. Sabinus,
  • Also a reservoir in the fort of Come,
  • Martius,
  • Pezium,
  • Onalus,
  • Two forts dedicated to
    St. Donatus, in the
    territory of Justinianopolis
    and Photice,

    Two forts dedicated to
    St. Donatus,
    in the
    territory of Justinianopolis
    and Photice,

  • Symphygium,
  • Pronathidum,
  • Hedones,
  • Castellum,
  • Bulibas,
  • Palyrus,
  • Trana,
  • Posidon,
  • Colophonia.
In Macedonia:
  • Candida,
  • Colobona,
  • The Basilica of Amyntas,
  • Bolbus,
  • Brigizes,
  • Opas,
  • Pleurum,
  • Caminus,
  • Therma,
  • Bogas,
  • Neapolis,
  • Calarnus,
  • Museum,
  • Acremba,
  • Adrianium,
  • Edana,
  • Siclæ,
  • Nymphium,
  • Metizus,
  • Argicianum,
  • Bazinus,
  • Cassopas,
  • Parthion,
  • Melichisa,
  • Pascas,
  • Aulon,
  • Gentianum,
  • Priniana,
  • Thesteum,
  • Cyrrhi,
  • Gurasson,
  • Cumarciana,
  • Limnederium,
  • Bupoodin,
  • Babas,
  • Cyriana,
  • Pelecum,
  • Lages,
  • Cratæa,103
  • Fasciæ,
  • Placidiana,
  • Hynea,
  • Limnaæ,
  • Option,
  • Charadrus,
  • Cassopes.
These forts were rebuilt in Thessaly:
  • Alcon,
  • Lossonus,
  • Gerontica,
  • Perbyla,
  • Cercinei,
  • Scidreus,
  • Phracellan.
The following new forts were built in Dardania:
  • Laberium,
  • Castimum,
  • Rabestum,
  • Castellium,
  • Acrenza,
  • Terias,
  • Drullus,
  • Victoriæ.
These were rebuilt:
  • Cesiana,
  • Tezule,
  • Usiana,
  • Besiana,
  • Mascas,
  • Liste,
  • Celliriana,
  • Zysbaës,
  • Genzana,
  • Petrizen,
  • Eutychiana,
  • Mulato,
  • Belas,
  • Cattarus,
  • Cattaricus,
  • Pentza,
  • Cattapheterus,
  • Debanus,
  • Cubinus,
  • Getmaza,
  • Victoriana,
  • Azeta,
  • Durbulie,
  • Suricum,
  • Cusines,
  • Tuttiana,
  • Ballesina,
  • Bella,
  • Catrelates,
  • Casyella,
  • Mariana,
  • Priscopera,
  • Miletes,
  • Dardapara,
  • Cesuna,
  • Veriniana,
  • Lasbarus,
  • Castellobretara,
  • Edetzio,
  • Dinius,
  • Cecola,
  • Emastus,
  • Castelona,104
  • Capomalva,
  • Seretus,
  • Potchium,
  • Quino,
  • Berzana,
  • Bessaiana,
  • Arsa,
  • Blezo,
  • Labutza,
  • Quinti,
  • Bermerium,
  • Catrasema,
  • Rotun,
  • Cobenciles,
  • Marcellina,
  • Primoniana,
  • Pamylinus,
  • Aria.
These in the country of the city of Sardica:
  • Scupium,
  • Stenes,
  • Marcipetra,
  • Briparum,
  • Romaniana,
  • Struas,
  • Protiana,
  • Maccunniana,
  • Scopentziana.
In the country of Cabentza, Balbæ was built, and the following were repaired:
  • Byrsia,
  • Stamazo,
  • Clesbestita,
  • Duiana,
  • Turicla,
  • Medeca,
  • Peplabius,
  • Cunæ,
  • Vineus,
  • Trisciana,
  • Parnusta,
  • Tzimes,105
  • Bidzo,
  • Stenocorta,
  • Danedebæ,
  • Ardia.
In * * * these were restored:
  • Bugarma,
  • Betzas,
  • Bregedaba,
  • Borbrega,
  • Turus.
These were rebuilt:
  • Salebries,
  • Arcunes,
  • Duries,
  • Buteries,
  • Barbaries,
  • Arbatias,
  • Cuzusura,
  • Etæries,
  • Itaberies,
  • Tugurias,
  • Bemaste,
  • Stramentias,
  • Bottes,
  • Bitzimaeas,
  • Badziania,
  • Banes,
  • Bimerus,
  • Tusudeaas,
  • Scuanes,
  • Scentudies,
  • Scares,
  • Lignius,
  • Itadeba.
In the country of the city Germanae, Scaplizo was built, and the following were rebuilt:
  • Germas,
  • Candaras,
  • Rolligeras,
  • Scinzeries,
  • Riginocastellum,
  • Suagogmense.
These in the country of the city of Pauta (Pantalia?):
  • Tarporum,
  • Sobastas,
  • Cherdusceras,
  • Blepus,
  • Zespuries. 106
These in the region of Scassetana:
  • Alarum,
  • Magomias,
  • Luconanta,
  • Balausum,
  • Butis.
In the country of the city of * * * these new forts were built:
  • Calventia,
  • Pharanores,
  • Stranbasta,
  • Aldanes,
  • Barachthestes,
  • Sarmates,
  • Arsena,
  • Brarcedum,
  • Eraria,
  • Bercadium,
  • Sabinibries,
  • Timiana,
  • Candilar,
  • Gurbicum,
  • Lautzones,
  • Duliares,
  • Arsaza,
  • Viculea,
  • Castellium,
  • Groffes,
  • Garces,
  • Pistes,
  • Dusmanes,
  • Bratzista,
  • Holodoris,
  • Cassia,
  • Grandetum,
  • Urbriana,
  • Nogeto,
  • Mediana,
  • Tiuncana,
  • Castengium.
These were rebuilt:
  • Hercula,
  • The fort of Mucianus,
  • Burdopes,
  • Calys,
  • Millareca,
  • Debrera,
  • Chesdupara.
These in the country of Remesiana:
  • Brittura,
  • Subaras,
  • Lamponiana,
  • Stronges,
  • Dalmatas,
  • Primiana,
  • Frerraria,
  • Topera,
  • Tomes,
  • Cuas,
  • Tzerzenuzas,
  • Stenes,
  • Aeadaba,
  • Deutreba,
  • Pretzuries,
  • Cumudeba,
  • Deurias,107
  • Lutzolo,
  • Repordenes,
  • Spelunca,
  • Scumbro,
  • Britaro,
  • Tulcoburgo,
  • Longiana,
  • Lupofantana,
  • Dardapara,
  • Burdomina,
  • Grinciapana,
  • Graccus,
  • Drasimarca.
In the country of Aquiena there was built the new fort of Timathachion, and the following were rebuilt:
  • Peteres,
  • Sculcoburgo,
  • Vindimiola,
  • Braiola,
  • Arganocilum,
  • Auriliana,
  • Gembro,
  • Clemades,
  • Turribas,
  • Gribo,
  • Chalarus,
  • Tzutrato,
  • Mutzipara,
  • Stendas,
  • Scaripara,
  • Odriuzo,
  • Cipipene,
  • Trasiana,
  • Castellonovo,
  • Florentiana,
  • Romyliana,
  • Sceptecasas,
  • Argentares,
  • Potes,
  • Amuloselotes,
  • Timalciolum,
  • Meridio,
  • Meriopontede,
  • Tredetitilius,
  • Bræola,
  • Motrees,
  • Vicanovo,
  • Quartiana,
  • Julioballæ,
  • Pontzas,
  • Zanes.

108

108

V. Thus did the Emperor Justinian fortify the whole Illyrian continent. I shall now set forth the manner in which he strengthened the bank of the river Ister, which men also call the Danube, with fortifications and garrisons of soldiers. The Roman Emperors in ancient times, wishing to prevent the barbarians who dwelt beyond the Danube from crossing it, occupied the whole shore of this river with fortresses, which they built not only on the right bank, but in some places also on the further bank of the river. These fortresses were not constructed so as to be inaccessible to assailants, but just sufficient not to leave that bank of the river without defenders; for the barbarians in that region did not understand siege operations. Most of these strong places consisted only of one tower, and were consequently called towers, and very few men were stationed in them. This was at that time sufficient to overawe the barbarian tribes, so that they made no attacks upon the Romans; but in later times Attila invaded the country with a great army, razed all these fortresses to the ground without difficulty, and laid waste the greater part of the Roman territory, without meeting with any resistance. The Emperor Justinian rebuilt the demolished forts, not in their original form, but in the most powerful manner of fortification, and in addition to them built many others. In this manner he entirely restored the security of the Roman Empire, which had been altogether lost. I shall now set forth the manner in which all this was effected.

V. So, Emperor Justinian strengthened the entire Illyrian continent. Now, I will explain how he reinforced the banks of the river Ister, also known as the Danube, with fortifications and military garrisons. In ancient times, the Roman Emperors, wanting to stop the barbarians living beyond the Danube from crossing it, took control of the entire riverbank by building fortresses, not only on the right bank but also in some places on the opposite bank. These fortresses weren't designed to be completely impenetrable, but just enough to ensure that bank had defenders since the barbarians in that area didn’t know how to conduct a siege. Most of these strongholds were made up of just one tower, which is why they were called towers, and very few soldiers were stationed in them. At that time, this was enough to intimidate the barbarian tribes, preventing them from attacking the Romans. However, later on, Attila invaded with a large army, easily destroyed all these fortresses, and devastated much of the Roman territory without facing any resistance. Emperor Justinian rebuilt the destroyed forts, not in their original style but with the strongest fortifications possible, and built many new ones as well. In this way, he completely restored the security of the Roman Empire, which had been entirely lost. I will now explain how all this was accomplished.

The river Danube, flowing from the mountains of the Celts, who are now known as the Gauls, encloses a great tract of country, for the most part entirely desert, but in some places inhabited by barbarians, who dwell like savages, without any intercourse with the rest of mankind. On reaching Dacia, it first begins to divide the 109 barbarians who dwell on its left bank from the Roman territory on the right bank. For this reason the Romans call this part of Dacia ‘Ripensis’; for in the Latin language a bank is called ripa. The first city which they built on this bank was named Singedon, which in process of time the barbarians captured, razed to the ground, and rendered entirely desolate. Most of the other fortresses were reduced to the same condition; but the Emperor Justinian rebuilt it entirely, surrounded it with a strong wall, and again made it a noble and admirable city. He built a new fort of great strength, distant eight miles from the city of Singedon,[75] which from that circumstance is called Octavum. Beyond it there was an ancient city named Viminacium, which the Emperor entirely rebuilt; for it had long before been razed to the ground.

The Danube river, flowing from the mountains of the Celts, now known as the Gauls, surrounds a large area, mostly completely deserted, but in some places inhabited by barbarians who live like savages, without any contact with the rest of humanity. Upon reaching Dacia, it starts to separate the barbarians living on its left bank from the Roman territory on the right bank. For this reason, the Romans refer to this part of Dacia as ‘Ripensis’; in Latin, a bank is called ripa. The first city they built on this bank was named Singedon, which over time was captured by the barbarians, destroyed, and left completely desolate. Most of the other fortresses suffered the same fate; however, Emperor Justinian completely rebuilt it, surrounded it with a strong wall, and transformed it into a notable and impressive city. He constructed a new, robust fort eight miles from the city of Singedon, which is called Octavum due to its location. Beyond it lay an ancient city named Viminacium, which the Emperor fully rebuilt, as it had long since been destroyed.

VI. Proceeding onward from the city of Viminacium, three fortresses stand on the bank of the Danube, named Picnus, Cupus, and Novæ, which formerly derived their name from a single tower built in each place; now, however, the Emperor Justinian added so many houses and fortifications to each of these, that they came to be regarded as considerable cities. On the further bank, opposite Novæ, stood in ancient times a ruinous tower named Litorata, which the ancients called Lederata. This place was made by our Emperor into a large and very strong fort. After Novæ are the forts of Cantabazates, Smornes, Campses, Tanatas, Vernes, and Ducepratum, and many more on the further bank, all of which he rebuilt from the foundations. After this comes Caput-bovis, the work of the Roman Emperor Trajan, and beyond it an ancient fort named Zanes, all of which he enclosed with strong fortifications, and rendered them impregnable bulwarks of the empire. Not far from Zanes is a fort named Pontes, where a stream leaves the river, encloses a small portion 110 of the bank, and then rejoining its true channel, unites itself to the main river. It does this not by nature, but compelled by human art. I will now describe why it was that the place was named Pontes, and that the Danube was forced to flow round this place.

VI. Moving forward from the city of Viminacium, three fortresses sit on the bank of the Danube, called Picnus, Cupus, and Novæ, which used to be named after a single tower built in each location; however, Emperor Justinian added so many houses and fortifications to each that they became seen as significant cities. On the opposite bank, across from Novæ, there used to be a crumbling tower called Litorata, which the ancients referred to as Lederata. This site was turned by our Emperor into a large and very strong fort. After Novæ are the forts of Cantabazates, Smornes, Campses, Tanatas, Vernes, and Ducepratum, along with many others on the opposite bank, all of which he rebuilt from the ground up. Next is Caput-bovis, built by the Roman Emperor Trajan, and beyond that an old fort called Zanes, all of which he enclosed with strong fortifications, making them impregnable strongholds of the empire. Not far from Zanes is a fort called Pontes, where a stream diverges from the river, surrounds a small part of the bank, and then returns to its natural channel, joining back with the main river. It does this not naturally, but through human intervention. I will now explain why this place was named Pontes and how the Danube was redirected to flow around this area.

The Roman Emperor Trajan, a spirited and energetic man, appears to have been irritated at the thought that the boundary of his empire was fixed by the river Danube.[76] He was anxious, therefore, to throw a bridge across it, in order that he might pass it without its offering any obstacle when he marched against the barbarians beyond it. How he built this bridge I shall take no pains to describe, but shall let that be told by Apollodorus of Damascus, the chief architect of the entire work. No advantage accrued from it to the Romans, and the bridge subsequently was destroyed by the stream of the Danube and by age. Trajan built two forts on either bank of the river, and called that on the further side Theodora and that on the Dacian bank Pontem, from the name of the bridge; for the Romans call a bridge pons in Latin. Since after this the river became impassable for ships at this place, owing to the ruins and foundations of the bridge, they forced the river to adopt a new channel and perform a circuit in order to afford them a passage beyond it. Both these forts fell into ruins through age and the assaults of the barbarians; but the Emperor Justinian rebuilt the fort Pontem, on the right bank of the river, with new and powerful fortifications, and thus secured Illyria. As for that on the opposite bank, named Theodora, he thought 111 it unnecessary to bestow any care upon it, since it was exposed to the attacks of the barbarians in that region; but he built all the new fortifications which stand on the bank below Pontem at this day, which are named Mareburgus, Susiana, Armata, Timena, Theodoropolis, Stiliburgus, and Halicaniburgus. There is a small city near this place, named Ad Aquas, some small part of whose fortifications, which had become unsafe, were restored by the Emperor. Beyond it he built Bergonovore, and Laccobergus, and the fort named Dorticum, which he made into the existing strong fortification. He altered the solitary tower named Judæus into what may be called, and really is, a most beautiful fort. He rebuilt Bergus Altus, which formerly was deserted and altogether uninhabited, and also enclosed with a wall another place named Gombes. He rebuilt the fortifications of Crispas, which had become ruinous from age, and built Longiniana and Ponteserium in an admirable manner. At Bononia and Novum he rebuilt the bastions which had become ruinous. He rebuilt all the ruinous parts of the city of Ratiaria; and in many other places he either enlarged small fortifications or reduced over-large ones to a convenient form, in order that neither their smallness nor their excessive size might expose them to the attacks of the enemy; as, for example, he turned Mocatiana from a single tower into the more complete fort which it is at this day, whilst at Almus he reduced the space enclosed by the walls, which formerly was very great, thus enabling it to defy the attacks of the enemy. In many places he altered a solitary tower, an object of contempt to an invader, into a strong fort, as at Tricesa and Putedis. He magnificently restored the ruinous walls of Cebrus. He built a new fort in Bigrane, and another one near to it, in a place where formerly stood a single tower named Onos. Not far from 112 this there remained only the foundations of a city, which in former times had been named Augusta, but which now, possessing its ancient name, but having been altogether rebuilt by the Emperor Justinian, is well peopled. He rebuilt the ruined fortifications of Aëdabe, restored the city of Variana, which had long been in ruins, and fortified Valeriana, which before had possessed no defences.

The Roman Emperor Trajan, a lively and dynamic man, seemed to be annoyed at the idea that the edge of his empire was defined by the Danube River.[76] So, he was eager to build a bridge across it, so he could cross it without any barriers when he marched against the barbarians beyond. I won’t go into details about how he built this bridge; instead, I'll let Apollodorus of Damascus, the lead architect of the whole project, explain it. The Romans gained no benefit from it, and the bridge was later washed away by the Danube and wore down by time. Trajan constructed two forts on each bank of the river, naming the one on the far side Theodora and the one on the Dacian side Pontem, after the name of the bridge; since in Latin, a bridge is called pons. After this, the river became impassable for ships at this point due to the ruins and the bridge's foundations, forcing the river to change its course to create a pathway around it. Both forts fell into disrepair because of age and barbarian attacks; however, Emperor Justinian rebuilt the fort Pontem on the river's right bank with strong new fortifications, thereby securing Illyria. As for the one on the opposite bank, named Theodora, he deemed it unnecessary to take care of it since it was vulnerable to the attacks from the barbarian forces in that area; but he constructed all the new fortifications that still stand on the lower bank of Pontem today, which are named Mareburgus, Susiana, Armata, Timena, Theodoropolis, Stiliburgus, and Halicaniburgus. There’s a small city nearby called Ad Aquas, part of whose fortifications, which had become unsafe, were restored by the Emperor. Beyond this, he built Bergonovore and Laccobergus, and the fort named Dorticum, which he turned into a robust stronghold. He transformed the lone tower called Judæus into what could be described as a stunning fort. He rebuilt Bergus Altus, which was previously abandoned and completely uninhabited, and also encircled another location called Gombes with a wall. He restored the fortifications of Crispas, which had fallen into ruin from age, and constructed Longiniana and Ponteserium very impressively. At Bononia and Novum, he rebuilt the bastions that had become dilapidated. He repaired all the decaying parts of the city of Ratiaria, and in many other places, he either expanded small fortifications or downsized large ones to make them more manageable, ensuring they weren’t too small or excessively large to resist enemy attacks; for example, he turned Mocatiana from a single tower into the more complete fort it is today, while at Almus, he reduced the area enclosed by the walls, which had previously been very extensive, thus allowing it to withstand enemy threats. In various places, he converted solitary towers, which were easily dismissible to an attacker, into strong forts, as seen at Tricesa and Putedis. He splendidly restored the crumbling walls of Cebrus. He built a new fort in Bigrane and another nearby, in a location where there used to be a single tower called Onos. Not far from this, only the foundations remained of a city that had once been known as Augusta, which now, retaining its ancient name but wholly rebuilt by Emperor Justinian, is well populated. He restored the ruined fortifications of Aëdabe, revived the long-abandoned city of Variana, and strengthened Valeriana, which previously lacked any defenses.

Besides these, he paid attention to and enclosed with strong fortifications other places not on the bank of the river, but standing at a distance from it, named Castramartis, Zetnocortum, and Iscum. He took great pains to enclose with a wall and otherwise fortify an old fort on the bank of the river, named the Fort of the Huns. Not far from the Fort of the Huns is a place where a fort stands on each bank of the Danube, the one in Illyria named Palatiolum, while that on the opposite bank was named Sicibida. These, which had become ruinous through age, were restored by the Emperor Justinian, who thereby checked the inroads of the barbarians in that quarter, and beyond them rebuilt an ancient fort, now known as Utos. On the extreme frontier of Illyria he built a fort named Lapidaria, and altered a solitary tower, named Lucernariaburgum, into a fort worthy of admiration. The above were the works of the Emperor Justinian in Illyria; he did not, however, merely strengthen this country with fortifications, but placed in each of them garrisons of regular soldiers, and thus checked the incursions of the barbarians.

Besides these, he focused on and surrounded with strong fortifications other locations not directly on the riverbank, but situated a bit farther away, called Castramartis, Zetnocortum, and Iscum. He made significant efforts to enclose with a wall and further fortify an old fort along the river, known as the Fort of the Huns. Close to the Fort of the Huns, there’s a site where a fort is located on each bank of the Danube—the one in Illyria called Palatiolum, while the one on the opposite bank was named Sicibida. These, which had fallen into disrepair over time, were restored by Emperor Justinian, who successfully halted the invasions of the barbarians in that area, and beyond those, he rebuilt an ancient fort, now called Utos. At the far edge of Illyria, he constructed a fort called Lapidaria, and transformed a solitary tower, named Lucernariaburgum, into a fort that was quite impressive. The above were the accomplishments of Emperor Justinian in Illyria; he didn’t just fortify this region but also stationed regular soldiers in each of them, effectively curbing the attacks from the barbarians.

VII. Hitherto I have described the fortifications of Illyria along the river Danube. We must now pass into those which the Emperor Justinian built along its shores in Thrace; for it appears convenient to me first to describe the whole of this bank, and then to proceed to the description of his works in the inland country. Let 113 us then first proceed to the country of the Mysians,[77] whom the poets speak of as fighting hand to hand; for their country is conterminous with that of Illyria. After Lucernariaburgum, the Emperor Justinian built the new fort of Securisca, and beyond it restored the ruinous part of Cyntodemus. Beyond this he built an entirely new city, which, after the name of the Empress, he called Theodoropolis. He renewed the ruinous part of the forts which are named Iatron and Tigas, and added a tower to that of Maxentius, of which he thought it stood in need. He built the new fort of Cynton. Beyond this is the fortification of Transmarisca, opposite to which, on the further side of the river, the Roman Emperor Constantine once built with great care a fort named Daphne, thinking it advisable that at this place the river should be guarded on both sides. This in process of time was entirely destroyed by the barbarians, but was rebuilt from its foundations by the Emperor Justinian. Beyond Transmarisca, he took suitable pains to restore the fortresses of Altinum and that called Candidiana, which long ago had been destroyed by the same enemies. There are three forts in succession along the bank of the Danube, named Saltopyrgus, Dorostolus, and Sycidaba, in each of which the Emperor repaired with great care such parts as had become ruinous. He bestowed similar pains upon Quesoris, which lies beyond the bank of the river, and enlarged and greatly extended Palmatis, which stands in a narrow pass, although it was not near the bank of the river. Close to this he built a new fort, named Adina, because the Sclavonian barbarians were wont to conceal themselves there and lie in ambush, so as to render it 114 impossible for travellers to proceed through that country. He also built the fort of Tilicion and the outwork on the left of it.

VII. Until now, I have described the fortifications of Illyria along the Danube River. Now, we need to discuss those that Emperor Justinian built along its shores in Thrace. I find it makes sense to first outline the entire bank before moving on to his works in the inland areas. Let’s start with the land of the Mysians, who the poets say fought hand to hand; their territory borders Illyria. After Lucernariaburgum, Emperor Justinian constructed the new fort of Securisca, and beyond it, he repaired the damaged section of Cyntodemus. Further along, he built an entirely new city, naming it Theodoropolis after the Empress. He also restored the damaged parts of the forts called Iatron and Tigas and added a tower to Maxentius, which he believed needed it. He constructed the new fort of Cynton. Next is the fortification of Transmarisca, across which, on the other side of the river, the Roman Emperor Constantine once carefully built a fort named Daphne, thinking it wise to guard the river on both sides. Over time, this was completely destroyed by barbarians, but Emperor Justinian rebuilt it from the ground up. Beyond Transmarisca, he diligently restored the fortresses of Altinum and Candidiana, which had long been destroyed by the same enemies. There are three forts in a row along the bank of the Danube, named Saltopyrgus, Dorostolus, and Sycidaba, each of which the Emperor carefully repaired where it had fallen into disrepair. He invested similar efforts in Quesoris, which lies beyond the riverbank, and expanded Palmatis, located in a narrow pass, even though it wasn't near the river. Near this, he built a new fort called Adina, because the Sclavonian barbarians used to hide there and set ambushes, making it impossible for travelers to pass through that area. He also built the fort of Tilicion and its outwork on the left.

Thus was the bank of the Danube and its neighbourhood fortified in Mysia.[78] I shall now proceed to Scythia, where the first fort is that named after St. Cyrillus, the ruinous parts of which were most carefully rebuilt by the Emperor Justinian. Beyond this was an ancient fortress named Ulmiton, but as the Sclavonian barbarians had for a long time infested that region, and made their habitation there, it had become quite deserted, and nothing remained of it except its name. He therefore rebuilt it from its foundations, and rendered that part of the country safe from the attacks of the Sclavonians. Next to this is the city of Ibida, whose walls had become very ruinous, but which he, without any delay, rebuilt and rendered very strong. He built a new fort beyond it named Ægistum, and restored another fort in the furthest part of Scythia named Almyris, whose walls had for the greater part fallen into decay, as he did to all the other fortifications in this part of Europe.

Thus, the bank of the Danube and its surroundings were fortified in Mysia. I will now move on to Scythia, where the first fort is named after St. Cyrillus. The damaged sections of this fort were carefully rebuilt by Emperor Justinian. Beyond this, there was an ancient fortress called Ulmiton, but since the Sclavonian barbarians had long occupied that area, it had become completely deserted, leaving only its name behind. The Emperor rebuilt it from the ground up, making that part of the country secure against Sclavonian attacks. Next to this is the city of Ibida, whose walls had fallen into severe disrepair, but he quickly rebuilt it and made it very strong. He also constructed a new fort nearby called Ægistum and restored another fort in the farthest part of Scythia named Almyris, which had mostly crumbled, just as he did with all the other fortifications in this part of Europe.

VIII. I have described above the buildings constructed by the Emperor Justinian among the Dardanians, Epirotes, Macedonians, and the other tribes of the Illyrians, as well as those in Greece and along the river Ister.

VIII. I've described earlier the buildings built by Emperor Justinian among the Dardanians, Epirotes, Macedonians, and other Illyrian tribes, as well as those in Greece and along the Ister River.

Let us now proceed to Thrace, taking as the best foundation for our narrative the neighbourhood of Byzantium, since that city surpasses all others in Thrace, both in strength and situation, for it overhangs Europe like a citadel, and guards also the sea which divides it from Asia. I have described above his works, both churches and other buildings, within and without the walls of Constantinople; I am now about to speak of what lies beyond them.

Let’s now move on to Thrace, using the area around Byzantium as the best starting point for our story, since that city is the strongest and best-placed in Thrace. It towers over Europe like a fortress and also protects the sea that separates it from Asia. I’ve already talked about his projects, including churches and other structures, inside and outside the walls of Constantinople; now I'm going to discuss what lies beyond those walls.

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There is a fort in the suburbs of the city, which from its form is called the ‘round fort.’ The road which leads from it to Rhegium passes for the most part over uneven ground, and in rainy seasons used to become swampy and difficult for travellers; now, however, our Emperor has paved it with large stones, and made it easy to traverse. In length this road reaches as far as Rhegium; its width is such that two waggons going in opposite directions can pass without difficulty. The stones of which it is formed are very hard; one would imagine them to be millstones. They are of enormous size, so that each of them covers a large extent of ground, and stands up to a great height. They form so smooth and level a surface that they do not seem to be joined, or carefully let into one another, but to have grown together. Such is this road. There is a lake close to Rhegium, into which rivers flowing from the higher ground discharge their waters. This lake reaches as far as the sea, so that there is but one very narrow bank between them, both washed on either side by their several waters; when, however, they approach most nearly to one another, they restrain their currents and turn them back, as though they had there placed boundaries for themselves. At one point they join one another, leaving a channel between them, of which it is hard to say to which water it belongs, for the water of the sea does not always flow into the lake, nor does the lake always discharge its waters into the sea; but after much rain, and with a southerly wind, the water of the channel appears to flow out of the lake; though if the wind blows from the north, the sea appears to wash into the lake. In this place the sea forms an immense extent of shoal-water, with only one narrow channel leading through them into deep water. This channel is so narrow that it is called the ‘Ant.’ The channel which, as I have said before, 116 joins the lake to the sea, used in former times to be crossed by a wooden bridge, though with great danger to the passengers, who often fell into the water together with the beams of the bridge; now, however, the Emperor Justinian has raised the bridge upon high arches of stone, and rendered the passage safe.

There’s a fort in the suburbs of the city, known as the "round fort" due to its shape. The road that leads from it to Rhegium mostly goes over uneven land, which used to get swampy and difficult for travelers during the rainy season; however, our Emperor has now paved it with large stones, making it easy to travel on. This road stretches all the way to Rhegium, and it’s wide enough for two wagons going in opposite directions to pass each other without any issues. The stones are very hard, almost like millstones. They’re huge, each covering a large area and standing at a significant height. They create such a smooth and level surface that they don’t seem to be connected or fitted together carefully, but rather like they’ve grown together. That’s how this road is. There’s a lake near Rhegium where rivers from the higher ground flow into. This lake extends all the way to the sea, with just a narrow strip of land between them, both sides washed by their respective waters. When they come close to each other, they hold back their currents, as if they’ve set boundaries for themselves. At one point, they meet, leaving a channel between them that’s hard to tell which water belongs to, since the sea doesn’t always flow into the lake, nor does the lake always pour its water into the sea. After heavy rain and with a southern wind, the water in the channel seems to flow out from the lake; but if the wind blows from the north, the sea appears to pour into the lake. Here, the sea creates a vast area of shallow water, with only one narrow channel leading through to deeper water. This channel is so narrow that it’s called the "Ant." The channel that connects the lake to the sea used to have a wooden bridge crossing it, which was very dangerous for travelers, as they often fell into the water along with the bridge beams; however, now, Emperor Justinian has built a bridge on high stone arches, making the passage safe.

Beyond Rhegium there is a city named Athyra, whose inhabitants he relieved from the distress from which he found them suffering from want of water, by building a reservoir there, in which the excess of their water might be stored up, and supplied to them in time of need; he also restored the ruinous part of their wall.

Beyond Rhegium, there is a city called Athyra, where he helped the residents who were struggling with water shortages by building a reservoir to store excess water for times of need; he also fixed the crumbling section of their wall.

Beyond Athyra there is a place which the natives call Episcopia. The Emperor Justinian perceiving that this place lay exposed to the attacks of the enemy, more especially as there was no strong place, but the country was entirely unguarded, built a fort there, the towers of which he constructed, not in the usual manner, but as follows. From the ‘curtain’ wall projects a building, narrow at first, but very wide at the outer end, upon which each of the towers is built. It is not possible for an enemy to approach near to this wall, since they come between these towers, and are overwhelmed by the cross-fire which the garrison easily pour upon their heads. He placed the gates, not in the usual manner, between two towers, but obliquely in a small projection of the wall, so that they are not seen by the enemy, but are hidden behind the wall. This work was performed for the Emperor by Theodorus Silentiarius, a very clever man. Thus was this fort constructed. We must now proceed to make some mention of the ‘long walls.’

Beyond Athyra, there's a place that the locals call Episcopia. Emperor Justinian noticed that this area was vulnerable to enemy attacks, especially since there wasn’t a stronghold and the countryside was completely unguarded. He decided to build a fort there, creating the towers in an unusual way. From the curtain wall, a structure extends that starts narrow but widens significantly at the outer end, where each tower is built. Enemies can’t get close to this wall, as they have to come between the towers and are easily overwhelmed by the crossfire from the garrison. Instead of placing the gates between two towers as is typical, he positioned them at an angle in a small projection of the wall, making them hidden from the enemy's view. The fort was constructed by Theodorus Silentiarius, a very skilled individual. Thus, this fort was built. Now we should move on to discuss the ‘long walls.’

IX. The sea which proceeds from the ocean and Spain, with Europe on its left hand, flows in the same easterly direction as far as Thrace, but there divides into two por 117tions, one of which proceeds towards the east, while another makes a short bend and terminates in the Euxine Sea. When it reaches Byzantium, it winds round the city on its eastern side, as though round a goal, and continues its course in a much more oblique direction, proceeding by a strait which turns the upper and lower parts of Thrace into an isthmus; not that the sea there is divided into two parts, as is the case in other isthmuses, but it circles round in a singular manner and embraces Thrace on both sides, and more especially the whole suburbs of Byzantium. These suburbs the inhabitants have built over and adorned, not merely for their use, but with an arrogant and boundless luxury, and with all the license which is produced by wealth. Here they have stored much furniture, and preserved many works of art. Whenever, therefore, the barbarians suddenly invade the Roman Empire, these places suffer far more damage than the rest, and are in fact utterly ruined. The Emperor Anastasius, wishing to prevent this, built long walls[79] at a place no less than forty miles from Byzantium, joining the two seas where they were distant two days’ journey from one another. Having constructed these works, he supposed that all within them had been made secure; they were, however, the cause of still greater disasters, for it was not possible either to build so enormous a work firmly, or to guard it with proper care; while when the enemy made themselves masters of one part of the long wall, they conquered the remainder of the garrison without difficulty, 118 assailed the rest of the people unexpectedly, and did more mischief than can easily be described.

IX. The sea that comes from the ocean and Spain, with Europe on its left, flows eastward all the way to Thrace, where it splits into two parts. One part goes further east, while the other takes a short curve and ends in the Black Sea. When it reaches Byzantium, it wraps around the city on its eastern side, almost like it's going around a finish line, and continues on a much more angled path, going through a strait that makes the upper and lower Thrace an isthmus; not because the sea is divided like in other isthmuses, but because it flows around in a unique way and surrounds Thrace on both sides, especially the entire neighborhoods of Byzantium. The locals have built these suburbs up and decorated them, not just for their own use, but with excessive and limitless luxury, fueled by their wealth. They have stored a lot of furniture and preserved many artworks here. So, whenever the barbarians suddenly invade the Roman Empire, these areas suffer much more damage than others and are often completely destroyed. The Emperor Anastasius, wanting to prevent this, built long walls at a spot that was at least forty miles from Byzantium, connecting the two seas where they were two days' journey apart. After constructing these walls, he thought everything within them was safe; however, they ended up causing even greater disasters. It was impossible to build such a massive structure securely or to maintain it properly, and when the enemy took control of one section of the long wall, they easily defeated the rest of the garrison, caught the remaining people off guard, and caused more destruction than can be easily described.

Our Emperor, however, having rebuilt the ruinous part of these walls, and strengthened their weak points so as to assist their defenders, devised the following plan also. He stopped up all the passages leading from one tower to another, and arranged one single means of ascent from the ground, within the walls of each, so that the garrison could, if necessary, block up this passage and defy an enemy, even though he had made his way within the wall, since each tower is sufficient within itself for the defence of its garrison. Within these walls he made the most complete provision for safety, both by the buildings which I have mentioned above, and by restoring the most ruinous part of the wall of the city of Selybria.[80] These were the works of the Emperor Justinian at the ‘long walls.’

Our Emperor, however, having rebuilt the damaged sections of these walls and reinforced their weak points to support the defenders, came up with this plan as well. He blocked all the pathways connecting one tower to another and created a single way to access each tower from the ground, so that the garrison could, if needed, seal off this passage and stand firm against an enemy, even if they managed to breach the walls, since each tower is capable of defending its own garrison. Within these walls, he ensured maximum safety, both through the structures I mentioned earlier and by repairing the most deteriorated section of the wall of the city of Selybria. [80] These were the projects of Emperor Justinian at the ‘long walls.’

The well-known city of Heraclea,[81] our neighbour on the sea-coast, which formerly, under the name of Perinthus, was the first city in Europe, and now is second to Constantinople alone, not long ago was reduced to great straits by want of water; not that the country near it was waterless, or that those who built the city in ancient times had neglected to supply it with water—for Europe abounds with fountains, and the ancients took care to make aqueducts—but time, as usual, destroyed the fabric of the aqueduct either through contempt for the age of the building, or encouraged to ruin it by the carelessness of the citizens of Heraclea. This led to Heraclea being left almost without inhabitants; while time produced the same effect upon the palace there, which was a very magnificent building. However, the Emperor Justinian did not neglect this city, but in a truly royal manner furnished it with 119 sweet and transparent waters, and did not allow the palace to lose its ancient reputation, for he restored the whole of it.

The well-known city of Heraclea, our neighbor on the coast, which was once known as Perinthus and was the first city in Europe, now second only to Constantinople, recently faced serious water shortages. It wasn’t that the surrounding area lacked water or that the city’s founders in ancient times failed to provide it—Europe is rich in fountains, and the ancients built aqueducts. However, over time, as is often the case, the structures of the aqueduct fell apart, either because of neglect as they aged or due to the carelessness of the residents of Heraclea. This led to the city being almost deserted, and the same fate befell the palace there, which was a grand building. Nevertheless, Emperor Justinian didn’t overlook this city; he generously supplied it with clean, clear water, ensuring that the palace maintained its former glory by restoring it entirely.

A day’s journey from Heraclea is a place by the seaside named Rhædestus, conveniently situated for the navigation of the Hellespont, with a good harbour where merchant-ships can moor and discharge their cargoes in quiet water, and when reloaded can again put to sea without difficulty. It is, however, exposed to attacks of barbarians if they should make a sudden incursion into that country, being neither fortified nor placed on difficult ground; for this reason it was neglected by merchants, who disregarded it through fear of this danger. Now, however, the Emperor Justinian has not only rendered the place itself secure, but has also provided for the safety of all those who dwell in the neighbourhood by building a city at Rhædestus, with a strong wall and of very remarkable size, in which, on an invasion of the barbarians, all the people of the neighbourhood can take refuge and save their lives and property.

A day’s journey from Heraclea is a seaside place called Rhædestus, conveniently located for navigating the Hellespont, with a good harbor where merchant ships can dock and unload their cargo in calm waters, and when reloaded can set sail again without trouble. However, it is vulnerable to attacks from barbarians if they make a sudden invasion into that area, as it is neither fortified nor on difficult terrain; for this reason, it was overlooked by merchants, who avoided it out of fear of this threat. Now, though, Emperor Justinian has not only made the place itself safe, but he has also ensured the security of everyone living nearby by constructing a city at Rhædestus, with a strong and notably large wall, where, in the event of a barbarian invasion, all the local people can take refuge and protect their lives and property.

X. Thus did the Emperor Justinian at Rhædestus;[82] I now proceed to his works in the Chersonesus. The Chersonesus projects beyond that part of Thrace, for it runs out into the sea and appears as though it proceeded as far as Asia, and was joined on to it. Its shore forms a promontory near the city of Elæus,[83] thus dividing the sea into two parts, while it itself is separated from the rest of the mainland by the water which runs into a recess forming what is called the Black Gulf; the rest of it almost forms an island, from which shape it derives its name, for it is called Chersonesus because it is only prevented by a narrow isthmus from being altogether an island. Across this isthmus the ancients carelessly built a wall which 120 could be scaled with ladders, making it as low and narrow as though they thought they were building a dry stone wall round an out-of-the-way garden. In addition to this they built low and mean works, of the kind called moles, projecting into the sea on either side of the isthmus, and thus fortified the space between the wall and the sea, but in such a manner as not to repel invaders but to invite them to make an attack, so contemptible and easily captured was their fortification. Imagining, however, that they had erected an impassable barrier against the enemy, they did not think it necessary to build any strong place within this wall, for there was no fort or any other place of strength in the Chersonesus, though it extends for a distance of nearly three days’ journey. Quite lately the enemy invaded Thrace, made an attempt upon the passage by the seashore, frightened away its guards, forced their way in as if in sport, and gained the other side of the wall without any difficulty.

X. So, the Emperor Justinian was in Rhædestus;[82] I now move on to his works in the Chersonesus. The Chersonesus extends beyond that part of Thrace, jutting out into the sea and seeming to connect with Asia. Its coast creates a promontory near the city of Elæus,[83] dividing the sea into two parts, while it itself is separated from the mainland by water that flows into a bay known as the Black Gulf; the rest of it almost resembles an island, a shape that gives it its name—Chersonesus—since it's only kept from being completely an island by a narrow isthmus. On this isthmus, the ancients carelessly built a wall that could be climbed with ladders, making it low and narrow as if they believed they were constructing a simple stone wall around a secluded garden. Additionally, they built low and unimpressive structures, called moles, extending into the sea on either side of the isthmus, thus reinforcing the area between the wall and the sea, but in a way that didn’t deter invaders, instead making it easy for them to launch an attack, as the fortification was so pathetic and easily taken. Believing they had created an unbreachable defense against their enemies, they saw no need to build any stronghold within this wall, as there was no fort or any other significant structure in the Chersonesus, despite it stretching nearly three days’ journey. Recently, the enemy invaded Thrace, tried to cross the coastal passage, scared off its guards, pushed through as if it were a game, and crossed to the other side of the wall without any trouble.

The Emperor Justinian therefore, in his great care for the safety of his subjects, did as follows: First, he utterly destroyed the ancient wall so that no vestige of it was left. He then built a second wall upon the same site, of considerable width and height; above the battlements of this he built a vaulted roof like a portico to shelter the defenders, while a second range of battlements resting upon these vaults doubled the defensive power of this work against an enemy. After this, at each end of the wall, on the very beach of the sea, he built two of the projecting works named moles, reaching a long way into the water, connected with the wall, and equalling it in height. He also cleaned out the ditch outside the wall and excavated it to a great width and depth; moreover, he placed a garrison of soldiers within these long walls sufficient to hold them against all the barbarians who might attack the Chersonesus. After having made this part so strong 121 and secure, he nevertheless built additional fortifications in the interior, so that if, which God forbid, any disaster should befall the ‘long wall,’ the people of Chersonesus would nevertheless be safe; for he enclosed the city of Aphrodisias, which before had been for the greater part defenceless, with a very strong wall, and supplied with walls and inhabitants the city of Ciberis, building there baths, hospices, numerous houses, and all that is necessary for a magnificent city. He likewise most securely fortified Callipolis,[84] which had been left without walls by the ancients, through their trust in the ‘long wall.’ Here he built storehouses for corn and wine sufficient to supply all the wants of the garrison of the Chersonesus.[85]

The Emperor Justinian, showing great concern for the safety of his people, took the following actions: First, he completely demolished the ancient wall until there was nothing left. Then he constructed a new wall on the same site, with significant width and height; on top of this wall, he added a vaulted roof resembling a portico to protect the defenders, while a second row of battlements on these vaults increased the defensive capability against any attacking force. After that, at each end of the wall, right on the beach, he built two projecting structures called moles that extended far into the water and matched the height of the wall. He also cleared out the ditch outside the wall, deepening and widening it considerably; additionally, he stationed a garrison of soldiers within these long walls to defend against any barbarian attacks on the Chersonesus. Having made this area so strong and secure, he nonetheless constructed extra fortifications within the city, ensuring that if, God forbid, anything unfortunate were to happen to the 'long wall,' the people of Chersonesus would still be protected; he surrounded the city of Aphrodisias, which had previously been mostly unprotected, with a robust wall, and populated the city of Ciberis with more walls and residents, building baths, hospices, numerous houses, and everything essential for a great city. He also fortified Callipolis, which had been left without walls by the ancients due to their reliance on the 'long wall.' Here he built storage facilities for grain and wine that were adequate to meet all needs of the Chersonesus garrison.

Opposite Abydos is an ancient city named Sestos, which also in former times was uncared-for and possessed no defences. It was overhung by a very steep hill, upon which he built a fort which is quite inaccessible, and impossible to be taken by an enemy. Not far from Sestos is Elæus, where a precipitous rock rises from the sea, raising its summit high in the air and forming a natural fortification. Upon this also the Emperor built a fort, which is difficult to pass by and altogether impregnable; moreover, he built a fort at Thescus, on the other side of the ‘long wall,’ fortifying it with an exceedingly strong wall. Thus did he provide in all quarters for the safety of the inhabitants of the Chersonesus.

Opposite Abydos is an ancient city called Sestos, which in the past was neglected and lacked defenses. It was overshadowed by a very steep hill, where he constructed a fort that is completely inaccessible and impossible for an enemy to capture. Not far from Sestos is Elæus, where a steep rock rises from the sea, elevating its peak high into the air and creating a natural fortification. The Emperor also built a fort there, which is hard to get past and entirely impregnable; additionally, he built a fort at Thescus, on the other side of the 'long wall,' reinforcing it with an extremely strong wall. In this way, he ensured the safety of the people living in the Chersonesus.

XI. Beyond Chersonesus is the city of Ænus,[86] which 122 takes its name from that of its founder; for Æneas was, according to tradition, the son of Anchises. The wall of this place was easy of capture from its lowness, since it did not reach to the necessary height, while it lay completely exposed in the neighbourhood of the sea, where it was washed by the waves. However, the Emperor Justinian raised its walls to such a height that not only they could not be taken, but could not even be assaulted; and, by bringing them down to the seashore and strengthening them in every quarter, rendered Ænus altogether impregnable. Thus he provided for the safety of the city; but the country remained exposed to the incursions of the barbarians, because the (mountains of) Rhodope had been from ancient times deficient in fortifications. In the interior was a village named Bellurus, in wealth and population equal to a city, but always exposed to the plundering attacks of barbarians, on account of its being defenceless, as was also a large extent of country round about it: this place our Emperor made into a city, fortified, and rendered worthy of himself; moreover he also restored with great care all the fortifications which were wanting or had become ruinous in the other cities in the Rhodope Mountains. Among these were Trajanopolis and Maximianopolis, whose walls he rebuilt where they were defective. These were his works in this quarter.

XI. Beyond Chersonesus is the city of Ænus, 122 takes its name from its founder; Æneas was, according to tradition, the son of Anchises. The wall of this city was easy to capture due to its low height, as it did not reach the necessary level and was completely exposed to the sea, where it was washed by the waves. However, Emperor Justinian raised the walls so high that they not only couldn’t be taken but couldn’t even be attacked. By bringing them down to the seashore and reinforcing them in every direction, he made Ænus completely impregnable. This ensured the city's safety; however, the surrounding countryside remained vulnerable to barbarian incursions because the Rhodope Mountains had long been lacking in fortifications. Inside was a village named Bellurus, which was as wealthy and populated as a city but always at risk of plundering attacks from barbarians due to its lack of defenses, as was a large area around it. Our Emperor turned this place into a fortified city that was worthy of himself; in addition, he carefully restored all the fortifications that were missing or had become dilapidated in other cities in the Rhodope Mountains. Among these were Trajanopolis and Maximianopolis, whose walls he rebuilt where they were damaged. These were his achievements in this region.

In this country Anastasiopolis was already furnished with walls, but, though lying near the sea, had an undefended sea-beach, so that it often happened that the barbarian Huns seized the vessels which lay there helpless, and extended their ravages to the neighbouring islands. The Emperor Justinian enclosed the whole sea-beach with a fortification, and thus provided for the safety both of the ships and of the islanders. He also constructed a very lofty aqueduct leading to the city from the mountains in 123 the neighbourhood. There is in Rhodope an ancient city named Toperus, which is almost surrounded by a river, and lies at the foot of a lofty hill, from which it had not long before been captured by the barbarian Sclavonians; but Justinian raised its wall to so great a height that it rises above this hill as much as it formerly fell short of it. He built a vaulted portico along the wall, so that the garrison could defend the city in safety against besiegers, and formed each of its towers into a strong castle. He also strengthened it by enclosing the part between the river and the city-wall by a cross-wall. These were the works of the Emperor Justinian in this quarter.

In this country, Anastasiopolis already had walls, but even though it was close to the sea, it had an unprotected beach. This often led to the barbarian Huns seizing the ships that were left vulnerable there and extending their attacks to the nearby islands. Emperor Justinian built a fortification around the entire beach, ensuring the safety of both the ships and the islanders. He also constructed a tall aqueduct that brought water from the nearby mountains into the city. In Rhodope, there is an ancient city called Toperus, which is almost encircled by a river and sits at the base of a tall hill. Not long before, it had been captured by the barbarian Sclavonians, but Justinian raised its wall to such a height that it now towers above the hill, which it previously did not reach. He built a vaulted portico along the wall so the garrison could defend the city safely against attackers, and he made each tower into a stronghold. He also reinforced the area between the river and the city wall with a cross-wall. These were the achievements of Emperor Justinian in this area.

I will now describe the other fortifications which he built in the rest of Thrace, and in what is now called Mount Hæmus. First, he carefully built up what was wanting or ruinous at Philippopolis and Plotinopolis, which were very weakly fortified, although they stood in the neighbourhood of many tribes of barbarians. He also established numberless forts throughout the whole of Thrace, by means of which the country, which had formerly been exposed to the inroads of the enemy, was entirely preserved from their ravages; the names of these forts, as far as my memory goes, are as follows.

I will now describe the other fortifications he built in the rest of Thrace and what is now known as Mount Hæmus. First, he carefully rebuilt what was lacking or in ruins at Philippopolis and Plotinopolis, which were very poorly fortified, even though they were near many tribes of barbarians. He also established countless forts throughout all of Thrace, which completely protected the region, previously vulnerable to enemy attacks, from their devastation. The names of these forts, as far as I can remember, are as follows.

In Europe:
  • Lydicæ,
  • Elaeae.
In Rhodope the following new forts:
  • Caseera,
  • Theodoropolis,
  • Thrasi,
  • Thudanelanæ,
  • Mundepa,
  • Tharsandala,
  • Denizus,
  • Toparum,
  • Dalatarba,
  • Bre,
  • Scemnas,
  • Carasthyra,
  • Pinzus,
  • Tuleus,
  • Arzon,
  • Castrazarba,
  • Zositersum,
  • Bergisum,
  • Dingium,
  • Sacissus,
  • Cyrtuxura,
  • Potamocastellum,
  • Isdicaea,
  • Emporium,
  • Taurocephalaeum,
  • Velaidipara,
  • Scitaces,
  • Bepara,
  • Pusinum,
  • Hymanparubri,
  • Scariotasalucra,
  • Augustas,
  • Urdaus,
  • St. Trajanus,
  • Dertallus,
  • Solvani,
  • Vascum,
  • Zincyra,
  • Hæmimonti,
  • Zemarchi,
  • Cerioparorum,
  • Casibonorum,
  • Unci,
  • Antoninum,
  • Debre,
  • Probini,
  • Carberus,
  • Esimonti,
  • Asgizus,
  • Dalatarba,
  • Theodoropolis,
  • Cuscabri,
  • Cusculus,
  • Thracian Bospara,
  • Vesiparum,
  • Capisturia,124
  • Veripara,
  • Isgipera,
  • Ozorme,
  • Vereiaros,
  • Tamonbari,
  • Ditch of Gesilas,
  • Cherœnum,
  • Probini,
  • St. Theodorus,
  • Burdepto,
  • Rhacule,
  • St. Julianus,
  • Tzitaëtus,
  • Velastyras,
  • Getrinas,
  • Bredas,
  • Verus,
  • Thocyodis,
  • Via,
  • Anagonclias,
  • Suras,
  • Anthipari,
  • Dordas,
  • Sarmathon,
  • Clisura,
  • Hylasianae,
  • Thrasarichi,
  • Bæca,
  • Chrysanthus,
  • Marcerota,
  • Zdebrin,
  • S. Theodorus,
  • Asgarzus,
  • Burtudgizi,125
  • Taurocomum,
  • Nice,
  • Cavotumba,
  • Dixas,
  • Getistraus,
  • Tzyidon,
  • Tzonpolegon,
  • Basibunum,
  • Anchialus,
  • Marcianum,
  • Cyridana,
  • Beculi.

The following are the other forts in Thrace on the Euxine Sea and river Danube, and also in the interior of the country.

The following are the other forts in Thrace along the Euxine Sea and the Danube River, as well as in the interior of the country.

On the river Danube:
  • Mysias,
  • Erculente,
  • Scatrina,
  • Appiara,
  • Exentaprista,
  • Deoniana,
  • Limo,
  • Odyssus,
  • Bidigis,
  • Arina,
  • Nicopolis,
  • Zicideba,
  • Poliscastellum,
  • Cistidizus,
  • Basternas,
  • Metalla,
  • Veripara,
  • Spadizus,
  • Marcerota,
  • Bodas,
  • Zisnudeba,
  • Turules,
  • Monteregine,
  • Becis,
  • Altina,
  • Maurovalle,
  • Justinianopolis,
  • Therma,
  • Gemellomuntes,
  • Asilba,
  • Cuscana,
  • Cuscum,
  • Fossatum,
  • Bisdina,
  • Marcianopolis,
  • Scythias,
  • Grapso,
  • Nono,
  • Trosmes,
  • Naisduno,
  • Rhesidina,
  • Constantiana,126
  • Callatis,
  • Bassidina,
  • Beledina,
  • Abrittus,
  • Rubusta,
  • Diniscarta,
  • Tigra,
  • Scedeba,
  • Novas.
In the interior:
  • Copustorus,
  • Virginazo,
  • Tillito,
  • Ancyriana,
  • Murideba,
  • Itzes,
  • Castellonovo,
  • Padisara,
  • Bismapha,
  • Valentiniana,
  • Zaldapa,
  • Axiopa,
  • Carso,
  • Gratiana,
  • Preidis,
  • Argamo,
  • Paulimandra,
  • Tzasclis,
  • Fair Theodora,
  • Tomis,
  • Creas,
  • Catassi,
  • Nisconis,
  • Novejustiniana,
  • Presidio,
  • Ergamia.
And others beyond number.

127

127

BOOK V.

I. The works of Justinian in the whole of Europe have been as far as possible described by me in the former portion of this book; we must now proceed to the description of the remainder of his works in Asia. I think that I have described above the fortifications of cities and forts, and the other buildings erected by him in the East, from the Median frontier as far as the city of Palmyra in Phœnicia, on the borders of Lebanon. I shall now speak of his works in the remainder of Asia and Libya, describing both the manner in which he repaired the roads, which were difficult and dangerous, in some places steep and overhung by rocky mountains, in others bordering upon rivers which drowned travellers, and also how he repaired all that was defective in the cities, beginning at the following point.

I. I've already detailed Justinian's works throughout Europe in the earlier part of this book; now we need to move on to the rest of his projects in Asia. I believe I’ve covered the fortifications of cities and forts, along with other buildings he erected in the East, from the Median border up to the city of Palmyra in Phoenicia, near Lebanon. Next, I'll discuss his efforts in the remaining parts of Asia and Libya, explaining how he improved the challenging and dangerous roads—some steep and flanked by rocky mountains, others next to rivers that could drown travelers—and how he fixed everything that was inadequate in the cities, starting from the following point.

Before the city of Ephesus[87] there is some high ground, not formed of earth or capable of producing fruit, but altogether hard and rocky. Here the inhabitants at former times had built a church, dedicated to St. John the Apostle, surnamed the Divine. This Apostle was named the Divine because he has written about God in a manner surpassing the nature of man. This church, which was small and ruinous through age, the Emperor Justinian 128 razed to the ground, and rebuilt of such size and beauty, that, in short, it resembles and in all respects vies with the church dedicated by him to the Apostles in the imperial city, which I have described above.

Before the city of Ephesus[87] there is some elevated land, not made of soil or capable of growing crops, but entirely hard and rocky. Here, the locals once built a church dedicated to St. John the Apostle, known as the Divine. He was called the Divine because he wrote about God in a way that goes beyond human understanding. This church, which was small and in ruins from age, was torn down by Emperor Justinian128 and rebuilt into a structure so grand and beautiful that, in short, it rivaled the church he dedicated to the Apostles in the imperial city, which I have described above.

This was the work of our Emperor in Ephesus. In the island of Tenedos I will presently describe the work which he constructed for the advantage of the imperial city and all seafarers, after making the following prefatory remarks. The sea as far as the Hellespont is contained in a narrow strait; for the two continents there approach nearest to one another, forming the beginning of the strait near Sestos and Abydos. Ships bound for Constantinople consequently anchor when they reach this place, because they are unable to proceed any further unless the wind blows from the south. When, therefore, the fleet of corn-ships sail thither from Alexandria, if it meets with a favourable wind, the merchants in a very short time moor their ships in the harbours of Byzantium, and as soon as they have unloaded them, depart at once, in order that they may all make this voyage for a second or even a third time before the winter, while those of them who choose take in some other merchandise for the return voyage. If, however, the wind blows against them at the Hellespont, both the corn and the ships become injured by delay. Reflecting upon these things, the Emperor Justinian has clearly proved that nothing is impossible for man, even when he has to contend with the greatest difficulties; for he built granaries on the island of Tenedos, which is close to the strait, of a sufficient size to contain the freight of the whole fleet, being in width no less than ninety feet, in length two hundred and eighty, and of great height. After the Emperor had constructed these, when those who were conveying the public supply of corn were detained by contrary winds at this point, they used 129 to unload their cargo into the granary, and, disregarding the northerly and westerly winds and all the other winds which were unfavourable for them, would prepare for another voyage. They therefore at once sailed home, while afterwards, whenever it became convenient to sail from Tenedos to Byzantium, the corn was conveyed from Tenedos thither in other ships by persons appointed to perform this duty.

This was the work of our Emperor in Ephesus. On the island of Tenedos, I will soon describe the project he built for the benefit of the imperial city and all seafarers, after making the following introductory remarks. The sea leading to the Hellespont is squeezed into a narrow strait, where the two continents come closest together, marking the start of the strait near Sestos and Abydos. Ships heading for Constantinople typically anchor at this spot, as they can't go any further unless the wind comes from the south. So, when the fleet of grain ships sails over from Alexandria, if the wind is favorable, merchants can quickly dock their ships in the harbors of Byzantium and, as soon as they unload, set off again, aiming to make this trip two or even three times before winter. Those who choose to can also load other goods for the return journey. However, if the wind blows against them at the Hellespont, both the grain and the ships suffer from the delay. Considering this, Emperor Justinian clearly demonstrated that nothing is impossible for man, even when facing significant challenges; he built granaries on the island of Tenedos, close to the strait, that are large enough to hold the entire fleet's cargo, measuring ninety feet wide, two hundred and eighty feet long, and very tall. After the Emperor constructed these, when those transporting the public supply of grain were stuck by strong winds at this point, they would unload their cargo into the granary, ignoring the northerly and westerly winds as well as other unfavorable conditions, and prepare for another journey. They would then sail home, and later, whenever it was convenient to travel from Tenedos to Byzantium, the grain was transported there in other ships by designated individuals.

II. In Bithynia there is a city[88] named after Helena, the mother of the Emperor Constantine, in which they say that Helena was born, and which in former times was an inconsiderable village. The Emperor Constantine, out of filial duty, gave this place its name and the dignity of a city, but built nothing there on an imperial or magnificent scale; for the place remained in its former condition in respect of its buildings, but merely had the glory of being called a city, and prided itself on being named after Helena, to whom it had given birth. However, the Emperor of our own age, as though wishing to put away the reproach of the founder of the empire, first supplied this city, which he found suffering from want of water, with a magnificent aqueduct, and furnished the inhabitants beyond their expectation with enough water not only to drink, but also to wash in, and to use for all the other luxuries of life, as they were now supplied with water in abundance; in addition to this he built for them a new public bath, and restored another which had fallen into ruins and been neglected through the want of water which I have mentioned, so that it had all fallen to the ground. He also built churches, palaces, porticos, and dwellings for the magistrates, and supplied all the other needs of a flourishing city.

II. In Bithynia, there is a city[88] named after Helena, the mother of Emperor Constantine, where it is said she was born, and which used to be just a small village. The Emperor Constantine, out of respect for his mother, named this place and elevated it to city status, but he didn’t construct anything grand there; the place kept its old appearance in terms of buildings, merely gaining the title of a city and taking pride in being named after Helena, its birthplace. However, the current Emperor, wanting to overcome the shame of the empire’s founder, first provided this city, which was struggling with a lack of water, with a grand aqueduct. He gave the residents more than they expected, providing enough water not only for drinking but also for washing and all the other comforts of life, as they now had an ample supply. In addition to this, he built a new public bath, repaired another one that had fallen into disrepair due to the previous water shortage, which had caused it to collapse. He also constructed churches, palaces, colonnades, and homes for the magistrates, addressing all the other needs of a thriving city.

Close by this city flows a river, which the natives from 130 its form call Draco (the snake); for it winds in curves on either hand, often proceeding in opposite directions, bending its waters round in a crooked course, and flowing now to the right hand and now to the left; so that travellers coming to the city were obliged to cross it more than twenty times.[89] Many of them thus perished through the river suddenly rising in flood; besides which, a thick wood and masses of reeds, which encumbered its outfall into the sea, made it a source of trouble to the country; indeed, not very long ago, after much rain, it overflowed its banks and inundated a great part of the country, doing irreparable damage; for it swept away many fields, uprooted vines, olives, and numberless fruit-trees of all kinds, and also the houses which stood outside the walls of the city, besides doing other important damage to the inhabitants. The Emperor Justinian, out of pity for them, devised the following plan: he cleared away the woods, and cut down all the reeds, so as to enable the river to discharge itself freely into the sea, so that it would no longer be forced to overflow its banks. He also cut through the mountains which stand in that country, and made a carriage-road through places which formerly had been rough and precipitous. By this means he rendered it unnecessary for the greater part of the inhabitants to cross the river at all, whilst he threw two bridges of great width across it, so that henceforth they could pass over it without danger.

Close to this city flows a river that the locals call Draco (the snake) because of its winding shape. It curves on both sides, often going in opposite directions, bending its waters around with a crooked course, and shifting from right to left; travelers arriving at the city had to cross it more than twenty times. Many of them died when the river suddenly flooded; additionally, a thick forest and large clumps of reeds that blocked its outlet to the sea created trouble for the area. In fact, not long ago, after heavy rain, it overflowed its banks and flooded much of the region, causing severe damage by washing away fields, uprooting grapevines, olive trees, and countless other fruit trees, as well as destroying houses outside the city walls, along with other significant harm to the locals. Out of compassion for them, Emperor Justinian came up with a plan: he cleared away the woods and cut down all the reeds to allow the river to flow freely into the sea, preventing it from overflowing. He also cut through the mountains in that area to create a road through previously rough and steep terrain. This way, most of the inhabitants no longer needed to cross the river at all, and he built two wide bridges over it, allowing people to cross safely from then on.

III. The excellent works which he constructed at Nicæa,[90] in Bithynia, are worthy of mention. In the first 131 place, he restored the whole of the aqueduct, which had entirely fallen into ruin and become useless, and thus furnished the city with an abundant supply of water. Next he built churches and convents both for women and men. He carefully restored the whole of the palace there, some part of which was in ruins, and likewise a bath in the place which is called the ‘Couriers’ Lodgings 132,‘ and which had long been ruinous. Close to this city, on the west side, a torrent is wont to rush down, making the road in that direction entirely impassable. The ancients had constructed a bridge here, which in the course of time became unable to withstand the rush of the torrent, as it was not kept in proper repair, so that it yielded to the force of the stream, and was swept away, leaving no trace on the spot where it formerly stood. The Emperor Justinian built another bridge here, of such height and width that the former one seemed to bear no proportion to it whatever, which rises high above the torrent when at its fullest, and affords a safe passage to travellers.

III. The amazing structures he built at Nicæa, [90] in Bithynia, are definitely worth mentioning. First of all, he completely restored the aqueduct, which had fallen into disrepair and was useless, providing the city with a plentiful water supply. Then he constructed churches and convents for both men and women. He carefully renovated the entire palace, part of which was in ruins, as well as a bath in the area known as the ‘Couriers’ Lodgings’, which had been dilapidated for a long time. Nearby, on the west side of the city, a fast-flowing stream often renders the road impassable. The ancient builders had constructed a bridge here, but over time it could no longer withstand the force of the torrent because it wasn't properly maintained. As a result, it collapsed and disappeared without a trace. Emperor Justinian built a new bridge here, so tall and wide that the old one seemed insignificant in comparison. This new bridge stands high above the stream at its fullest and offers a safe crossing for travelers.

SECTION and
PLAN OF THE CISTERN OF IMBAHER OR BATHS OF ANTONINUS.
Reduced from Texier’s Asia Minor. G.A.

At Nicomedia[91] he rebuilt the Baths of Antoninus, the most important part of which had fallen down, and from the vastness of its size seemed unlikely ever to be rebuilt. The great river which is now called the 133 Sangaris,[92] which runs with an exceedingly swift current, is of great depth in the middle, and of width like a sea, and had never been spanned by a bridge since the creation; however, by lashing a number of boats together, and connecting them with each other like mat-work, foot-passengers ventured to cross it, as once the army of Medes crossed the Hellespont, fearing the wrath of Xerxes. This, however, they did not accomplish without danger, for the river often swept away all the boats, together with their fastenings, and made it impossible for travellers to cross it. Now, however, the Emperor Justinian has attempted to build a bridge over it. The work is begun, and he has already expended much labour upon it; so that I am sure that before long he will accomplish it, for I know that Heaven assists him in all his works, so that up to this time none of his projects have remained unaccomplished, although in many cases he at first seemed to be undertaking impossibilities.

At Nicomedia, he rebuilt the Baths of Antoninus, the most significant part of which had collapsed and seemed too large to ever be rebuilt. The great river now called the Sangaris, which flows with a very swift current, is deep in the middle and as wide as a sea, and had never been crossed by a bridge since its inception; however, by tying several boats together and linking them like a woven mat, pedestrians managed to cross, much like the Mede army once crossed the Hellespont, fearing Xerxes' wrath. This, however, was not without risk, as the river often swept away all the boats and their attachments, making it impossible for travelers to get across. Now, though, Emperor Justinian has started to build a bridge over it. The work has begun, and he has already put a lot of effort into it; I am confident that he will complete it soon, as I believe that Heaven supports him in all his endeavors, so far none of his plans have gone unfulfilled, even though many times he initially appeared to be taking on the impossible.

BRIDGE ACROSS THE RIVER SANGARIS.
Reduced from Texier’s Asia Minor

There is a road in Bithynia leading thence into Phrygia, upon which in the winter season innumerable men and animals used to perish; for the ground, being soft, not only after great rains, or the melting of great quantities of snow, but even after slight showers, became deep, impassable mud, and turned the road into a swamp, in which travellers were frequently swallowed up. 134 He, however, together with the Empress Theodora, with magnificent generosity, removed this source of danger to travellers; for they raised the thoroughfare safely upon enormous stones for a distance of half a day’s journey for a lightly-equipped traveller, and enabled passengers to proceed along a firm road. These were the works of the Emperor Justinian in this quarter.

There’s a road in Bithynia that leads into Phrygia, where countless men and animals used to die in the winter. The ground, being soft, became deep, impassable mud not just after heavy rains or when large amounts of snow melted, but even after light showers, turning the road into a swamp where travelers often got trapped. 134 However, he, along with Empress Theodora, generously removed this danger for travelers; they elevated the road on huge stones for about half a day’s journey for a lightly-loaded traveler, allowing people to travel on a solid path. These were the achievements of Emperor Justinian in this area.

In Bithynia there are springs of warm water in the place called Pythia. These springs are made use of by many persons, especially the inhabitants of Byzantium, for pleasure, and above all for the healing of those suffering from disease. Here he displayed a truly imperial magnificence; for he built a palace, which had not existed before, and public baths supplied with the warm water. He also brought hither drinking water by an aqueduct from distant fountains, and relieved the place from the drought from which it had formerly suffered. Besides this, he rebuilt on a larger and much more magnificent scale the Church of the Archangel and the infirmary for the sick.

In Bithynia, there are warm water springs in a place called Pythia. Many people, especially those from Byzantium, come here for enjoyment and, most importantly, for healing from illnesses. Here, he showcased a truly royal grandeur; he built a palace that hadn't existed before and public baths supplied with warm water. He also brought drinking water through an aqueduct from distant sources and alleviated the area's previous drought issues. Additionally, he rebuilt the Church of the Archangel and the infirmary for the sick on a larger and much more impressive scale.

IV. There is a river in Galatia which the inhabitants call the Siberis,[93] near the place called Sycæ, and about ten miles from the city of Juliopolis, on the eastern side. This river often rose suddenly to a great height and swept away many of the travellers along that road. The Emperor Justinian, grieved at hearing this, put a stop to these disasters for the future by spanning the river with a powerful bridge, capable of withstanding the force of a flooded river. He also formed the eastern abutment of the bridge into a projecting wall, of the form technically known as a bulwark. He also built a church for travellers on the western side of it, which might serve as a refuge for them in times of storm. The river, which flows past the western side of this city of Juliopolis, used to 135 shake and injure its walls; however, our Emperor restrained it by building an embankment parallel to the city wall for a distance of not less than five hundred feet. By this means he preserved the fortifications of the city from being washed away.

IV. There’s a river in Galatia that the locals call the Siberis, near a place called Sycæ, about ten miles from the city of Juliopolis on the eastern side. This river often rose suddenly and flooded, sweeping away many travelers on that road. Emperor Justinian, saddened by these events, stopped these disasters by building a strong bridge to span the river, which could withstand floodwaters. He also shaped the eastern end of the bridge into an outward-facing wall, known as a bulwark. Additionally, he constructed a church for travelers on the western side, which could serve as a refuge during storms. The river, flowing past the western side of Juliopolis, used to shake and damage the city’s walls; however, our Emperor contained it by building an embankment parallel to the city wall for at least five hundred feet. This preserved the city’s fortifications from being washed away.

The following were his works in Cappadocia. There has been there since ancient times a very large and populous city named Cæsarea, which was surrounded by a wall of such excessive extent as to render it weak and altogether indefensible, because it enclosed a large space which was not necessary for the city, and was exposed to attack by its useless length; for there are lofty hills, not near to one another, but at a considerable distance, which the founder of the city was anxious to enclose within its walls, lest they should be used to attack it from, so that thus, under the pretext of safety, he really exposed it to great danger, by enclosing many fields and gardens, besides crags and high pasture-land, on which the inhabitants did not subsequently build any houses, but left it in its former condition, the few houses upon it remaining solitary and isolated to the present day. The garrison was not sufficient to guard such a great extent of wall, nor were the inhabitants able to keep it in repair, so that they lived in terror of attack, just as though they had no walls at all. However, the Emperor Justinian pulled down the unnecessary part of the wall, concentrated the city within a really efficient rampart, and made the place impregnable to all assailants, strengthening it with a sufficient garrison. Thus did he provide for the safety of the people of Cæsarea in Cappadocia.

The following were his works in Cappadocia. There has been a very large and populous city there since ancient times called Cæsarea, which was surrounded by a wall so extensive that it made the city weak and completely defenseless. The wall enclosed a large area that wasn't necessary for the city and was vulnerable to attacks because of its unnecessary length. There are tall hills, spaced out at a considerable distance, which the city's founder wanted to include within the walls to prevent them from being used for attacks. This attempt at safety ultimately put the city in greater danger by enclosing many fields and gardens, as well as rocky areas and high pastures where the residents didn't build any houses, leaving them solitary and isolated to this day. The garrison was not enough to guard such a vast length of wall, nor could the residents maintain it, so they lived in constant fear of attacks, as if they had no walls at all. However, Emperor Justinian tore down the unnecessary parts of the wall, fortified the city with an effective rampart, and made it impregnable to any attackers, bolstering it with an adequate garrison. In this way, he ensured the safety of the people of Cæsarea in Cappadocia.

There was in Cappadocia a fortress named Mocesus, standing on level ground, whose wall was so decayed that some part of it had already fallen, and the rest was like to fall. The Emperor Justinian demolished this fort, and 136 built a new and very great wall to the westward of the old fort, on a lofty spot inaccessible to any assailants. Here he built many churches, hospices, public baths, and everything else which belongs to a flourishing city; so that this place came to be regarded as the metropolis, which is the name given by the Romans to the first city of a nation. These were his works in Cappadocia.

There was a fortress in Cappadocia called Mocesus, sitting on flat ground, whose walls were so worn down that some parts had already collapsed, and the rest seemed likely to fall as well. Emperor Justinian tore down this fort and built a new, impressive wall to the west of the old one, on a high spot that was hard for attackers to reach. He constructed many churches, hospices, public baths, and everything else that a thriving city needs; as a result, this place came to be seen as the capital, which is the term the Romans used for the first city of a nation. These were his achievements in Cappadocia.

V. Along the road leading from the city of Antiochia, now called Theopolis, towards Cilicia, is a suburb named Platanon. Not far from this city was an ancient path, confined in a narrow glen between two mountains, which had been for the greater part washed away by the rains, so as to render it dangerous to travellers proceeding along it. When the Emperor Justinian heard of this, he spent much pains and thought upon it, and at once discovered a remedy for this evil; for at a vast expense he cut down and overcame the difficulties of the mountains in that region for a great distance, so that, beyond everyone’s hope and expectation, he made a level and wide carriage-road over what had formerly been precipice, clearly proving that by wise plans and lavish expenditure men can overcome all obstacles. These were his works in that quarter.

V. Along the road from the city of Antiochia, now known as Theopolis, heading towards Cilicia, there is a suburb called Platanon. Close to this city was an ancient trail, nestled in a narrow valley between two mountains, which had mostly been eroded by rain, making it hazardous for travelers. When Emperor Justinian heard about this, he put a lot of effort and thought into it, and quickly found a solution; at great expense, he tackled the mountains in that area over a long distance, creating a flat and wide carriageway where there had previously been a cliff. This clearly demonstrated that with smart planning and generous spending, people can overcome any obstacles. These were his achievements in that area.

There is in Cilicia a city named Mopsuestia,[94] the work, it is said, of the celebrated ancient prophet (Mopsus). Beside this runs the river Pyramus, which is an ornament to the city, but is only traversed by one bridge. In the course of ages the greater part of this bridge became ruinous, so that it continually threatened to fall, and all who crossed it did so with the fear of death before their eyes. Thus, a work devised by the ancients for men’s safety had, through the negligence of those in charge of it, become a source of danger and terror; however, our 137 Emperor carefully restored all the ruinous parts of the bridge, so as to afford security to those who crossed it, and enabled the city again to take a pride in the river unalloyed with fear.

There is a city in Cilicia called Mopsuestia,[94] which is said to be the work of the famous ancient prophet (Mopsus). Next to it runs the river Pyramus, which beautifies the city but is only crossed by one bridge. Over the years, most of this bridge fell into disrepair, constantly threatening to collapse, so everyone who crossed it did so with a fear of death looming over them. What was once designed by the ancients for people’s safety had, due to the negligence of those responsible, become a source of danger and fear. However, our137 Emperor carefully restored all the damaged parts of the bridge to provide safety for those crossing it, allowing the city to take pride in the river without any fear.

Beyond this is the city of Adana, round the eastern side of which runs a river named Sarus,[95] which rises in the mountains of Armenia. The Sarus is a navigable river, and is nowhere fordable on foot. Here in ancient times there had been constructed a large and admirable bridge, in the following manner. In the river were built many piers, formed of large stones of great thickness, extending across the whole width of the river, and rising high above its surface. Above the two central ones rise two lofty arches. These piers, standing in the water, and having to withstand the force of a strong current, had in the course of ages become for the most part ruinous, so that at no distant time it appeared probable that the whole bridge would fall into the river, and every man who crossed it prayed that it might only just hold together until he had done so. However, the Emperor Justinian dug a new channel for the river, into which he diverted its stream for a time, removed the water from the above-mentioned piers, promptly removed the ruinous portions of them, and rebuilt them, after which he turned the river back again into the channel which is called its bed. These were his proceedings here.

Beyond this is the city of Adana, on the eastern side of which flows a river called Sarus, which originates in the mountains of Armenia. The Sarus is a navigable river and is never shallow enough to cross on foot. In ancient times, a large and impressive bridge was built here in the following way. Many piers made of thick stones were constructed in the river, extending across its entire width and rising high above the water's surface. Above the two central piers rise two tall arches. These piers, sitting in the water and needing to withstand the force of a strong current, had mostly become dilapidated over time, making it likely that the whole bridge would soon collapse into the river, and each person who crossed it hoped it would hold together just long enough for them to get across. However, Emperor Justinian created a new channel for the river, diverting its flow temporarily, removing the water from the aforementioned piers, quickly taking out the crumbling parts, and rebuilding them, after which he redirected the river back into its original path. These were his actions in this place.

The river Cydnus[96] runs through the midst of the city of Tarsus, and appears to have done no injury to it at any time except once, when it caused great destruction in the following manner: the season was spring-time, and a south wind, which suddenly began to blow with great strength, melted all the snow with which in winter-time the Tarsus Mountains are almost entirely covered. In 138 consequence of this streams of water ran down from every part of those mountains, all the ravines poured down torrents, and numerous springs inundated all the skirts of the Tarsus range. The river Cydnus, swollen high by these waters which were poured into it by its tributaries, and by heavy rains which afterwards fell, overflowed and entirely washed away all the suburbs of Tarsus on the southern side, poured furiously into the city, sweeping away the bridges, which were of slight construction, inundated all the streets and market-places, and even rose as high as the upper stories of the houses. For a night and a day the city remained in this danger and distress, after which the river gradually retired and returned to its usual bed. When the Emperor Justinian heard of this, he devised the following plan. In the first place, he prepared a second channel for the river outside the city, in order that it might there divide its stream, and might only pour half its waters upon the city of Tarsus: next, he built the bridges very much wider, and rendered them too strong to be swept away by the flooded Cydnus. Thus he enabled the inhabitants of the city to dwell in it without alarms or dangers for the future.

The river Cydnus runs through the center of the city of Tarsus and seems to have caused no harm at any time except once, when it caused great destruction in the following way: it was spring, and a strong south wind suddenly blew, melting all the snow that covers the Tarsus Mountains in winter. As a result, streams of water flowed down from every part of those mountains, all the ravines released torrents, and many springs flooded the edges of the Tarsus range. The river Cydnus, swollen by the water from its tributaries and by heavy rains that followed, overflowed and completely washed away all the suburbs of Tarsus on the southern side, surged furiously into the city, sweeping away the bridges, which were poorly built, flooded all the streets and markets, and even rose to the upper floors of the houses. The city was in danger and distress for a night and a day, after which the river gradually receded and returned to its usual bed. When Emperor Justinian heard about this, he came up with a plan. First, he created a second channel for the river outside the city so that it could split its stream and only direct half its waters toward Tarsus. Next, he built much wider bridges that were strong enough to withstand the floods of the Cydnus. This allowed the city's inhabitants to live there without fear or danger in the future.

Plan OF ES SAKHRA.
(Dome of the Rock)
From the O.S. Plan of Jerusalem 1864-5.
Plan of EL AKSA.

VI. These were the works of the Emperor Justinian in Cilicia. At Jerusalem he built a church in honour of the Virgin,[97] to which no other can be compared. The inhabitants call it the ‘new church.’ I shall describe what it is like, prefacing my account by the remark that this city stands for the most part upon hilly ground, which hills are not formed of earth, but are rough and precipitous, so as to make the paths up and down them as steep as ladders. All the rest of the buildings in the city stand in one place, 139 being either built upon the hills, or upon flat and open ground; but this church alone stands in a different position; for the Emperor Justinian ordered it to be built upon the highest of the hills, explaining of what size he wished it to be, both in width and in length. The hill was not of sufficient size to enable the work to be carried out according to the Emperor’s orders, but a fourth part of the church, that towards the south wind and the rising sun, in which the priests perform the sacred mysteries, was left with no ground upon which to rest. Accordingly those in charge of this work devised the following expedient: they laid foundations at the extremity of the flat ground, and constructed a building rising to the same height as the hill. When it reached the summit, they placed vaults upon the walls and joined this building to 141 the other foundations of the church; so that this church in one place is built upon a firm rock, and in another place is suspended in the air—for the power of the Emperor has added another portion to the (original) hill. The stones of this substruction are not of the size of those which we are accustomed to see: for the builders of this work, having to contend with the nature of the ground, and being forced to raise a building equal in size to a mountain, scorned the ordinary practices of building, and betook themselves to strange and altogether unknown methods. They cut blocks of stone of enormous size out of the mountains which rise to vast heights in the neighbourhood of the city, cunningly squared them, and brought them thither in the following manner: they built waggons of the same size as these stones, and placed one stone upon each waggon. These waggons were dragged by picked oxen, chosen by the Emperor, forty of them dragging each waggon with its stone. Since it was impossible for the roads leading into the city to take these waggons upon them, they made a passage for them by cutting deeply into the mountains, and thus formed the church of the great length which it was the Emperor’s pleasure that it should have. After they had built it of a proportional width they were not able to put a roof upon it. While they were inspecting every grove and place which they heard was planted with tall trees, they discovered a thick wood, producing cedars of enormous height, with which they made the roof of the church, of a height proportional to its length and width. These were the works[98] which the Emperor Justinian constructed by human power and art, though assisted by his pious confidence, which in its turn reflected honour upon himself, and helped him to carry out his design. This church required to be surrounded on every side with columns, such as in beauty would be 142 worthy of the main building, and of a size capable of supporting the weight which would be laid upon them. However, the place, from its inland situation at a distance from the sea, and its being entirely surrounded by the precipitous mountains which I have mentioned, rendered it impossible for the builders of the foundation to bring columns thither from elsewhere. While, however, the Emperor was grieving at this difficulty, God pointed out in the nearest mountains a bed of stone of a kind suitable for this purpose, which either had existed there in former times and been concealed, or was then created. Either story is credible to those who regard God as the cause of it: for we, measuring everything by our human strength, think that many things belong to the region of the impossible, while for God nothing whatever is difficult or impossible. The church, then, is supported by a great number of columns brought from this place, of very great size, and of a colour which resembles flame, which stand, some above, some below, and some round the porticos which encircle the entire church, except on the side turned towards the east. Of these columns, the two which stand before the door of the church are of very unusual size, and probably second to no columns in the whole world. Beyond them is another portico, named the Narthex (reed), I suppose because it is narrow; after this is a court of square shape supported by columns of equal size; from this lead interior doors of such grandeur as to show those passing them what a spectacle they are about to meet with. Beyond this is a wonderful porch, and an arch supported on two columns at a great height. Proceeding further, there stand two semicircles, opposite to one another, on each side of the way to the church; while on either side of the other road are two hospices—the work of the Emperor Justinian—one of which is destined for 143 the reception of strangers, while the other is an infirmary for the sick poor. The Emperor Justinian also endowed this Church of the Virgin with large revenues. Such were the works of the Emperor Justinian in Jerusalem. 144

VI. These were the works of Emperor Justinian in Cilicia. In Jerusalem, he built a church in honor of the Virgin, which is unmatched. The locals refer to it as the 'new church.' I'll describe what it's like, starting with the note that this city mostly sits on hilly terrain, with steep, rugged hills that make the paths up and down feel like ladders. All the other buildings in the city are grouped together, either built on the hills or on flat ground; but this church stands out, as Emperor Justinian ordered it to be built on the highest hill, specifying its width and length. However, the hill wasn't large enough to accommodate his plans, and a quarter of the church on the side facing the south wind and the rising sun, where the priests perform the sacred rituals, had no stable ground. So, the workers came up with a solution: they laid foundations at the edge of the flat area and constructed a building that rose to the height of the hill. Once at the top, they added vaults on the walls and connected this building to the other foundations of the church; thus, part of the church is built on solid rock, while another part is suspended in the air, as the Emperor's power has extended another section to the original hill. The stones used for this foundation were not the usual size we see; the builders, facing the challenging terrain and needing to create a building as massive as a mountain, disregarded normal construction practices and employed unusual methods. They carved huge stone blocks from the towering mountains nearby, carefully squared them, and transported them in this way: they built wagons to match the size of the stones and placed one stone on each wagon. These wagons were pulled by chosen oxen, forty per wagon. Since the roads leading into the city couldn't handle these wagons, they created a path by cutting deep into the mountains, thus forming the lengthy church that the Emperor desired. After constructing it to the necessary width, they faced the challenge of putting a roof on it. While searching every grove and area rumored to have tall trees, they found a dense forest with incredibly tall cedars, which they used to make a roof proportional to the church's length and width. These were the works of Emperor Justinian, achieved through human effort and skill, supported by his pious faith, which brought him honor and helped realize his vision. This church needed to be surrounded by columns that matched the beauty of the main building and were strong enough to support its weight. However, the area, being inland and completely surrounded by steep mountains, made it impossible for the builders to bring columns from elsewhere. While the Emperor was troubled by this issue, God revealed a suitable stone deposit in the nearby mountains, which either had been hidden there or was newly created. Either explanation seems reasonable to those who see God's hand in it: we often measure everything by our limited human abilities and view many things as impossible, while for God, nothing is difficult or impossible. The church, then, is supported by a great number of large columns from this site, colored like flames, standing above, below, and around the porticos that encircle the church, except for the side facing east. Among these columns, the two in front of the church door are exceptionally large, likely second to none in the world. Beyond them is another portico called the Narthex, probably due to its narrowness; after this is a square courtyard supported by columns of equal size, leading to grand interior doors that hint at the magnificent sight ahead. Beyond this is a stunning porch and an arch propped up by two tall columns. As you go further, you'll find two semicircles facing each other on either side of the path to the church; on either side of the other road are two hospices, created by Emperor Justinian—one for welcoming strangers and the other as an infirmary for the sick poor. Emperor Justinian also provided substantial funding for this Church of the Virgin. These were the works of Emperor Justinian in Jerusalem.

Ruins of Church on Mt. Gerizim.
From a plan by Capt. Wilson RE
Quarterly Statement April 1883.

VII. There is a city in Palestine named Neapolis, which is overhung by a lofty mountain named Gerizim.[99] This mountain was originally held by the Samaritans, who ascended it at all seasons in order to pray, not that they had ever built a church there, but worshipped and reverenced the summit of the mountain above everything else. Jesus, the Son of God, when in the flesh, went amongst these people, and held a conversation with one of the women of the country. When she inquired of Him about the mountain, He told her that in future times the Samaritans should not worship in this mountain, but that the true worshippers should worship Himself there, alluding to the Christians. In process of time this prophecy came to pass, for it was not possible that the true God should lie. It came to pass in the following manner. In the reign of the Emperor Zeno, the Samaritans suddenly collected together, and fell upon the Christians in Neapolis, who were keeping the feast called Pentecost in their church, and killed many of them, while they struck with their swords the Bishop, by name Terebinthius—whom they found standing before the holy table, engaged in celebrating the sacrament—so as, amongst other wounds, to cut off the fingers from his hands, while they insulted 145 the holy mysteries in a manner fit indeed for Samaritans to do, but not fit for us to speak of. This priest shortly afterwards came to Byzantium, into the presence of the then Emperor, to whom he showed what he himself had suffered, described what had taken place, and begged the Emperor to avenge what had been done, reminding him of the prophecy of Christ. The Emperor Zeno, much moved at what had taken place, without delay inflicted a full measure of punishment upon those who had been guilty of this outrage. He drove the Samaritans out of Mount Gerizim, handed it over to the Christians, and built upon the summit a church which he dedicated to the Virgin, which he enclosed with what was indeed called a wall, but which in truth was a dry stone fence. He placed a sufficient number of soldiers as a garrison in the city below, but in the church and its fortification not more than ten. The Samaritans, enraged at these proceedings, were filled with anger, and remained sulky and dissatisfied, though, through fear of the Emperor, they kept silence. In process of time, however, in the reign of Anastasius, the following event took place. Some of the Samaritans, at the instigation of a woman, climbed unexpectedly up the steep face of the mountain, for the road which leads up it from the city was strictly guarded, so that it was impossible for them to ascend by it. Falling suddenly upon the church, they killed the guards who were posted there, and called with a loud voice upon the Samaritans in the city to join them. They, however, fearing the soldiers, were not at all willing to join the conspirators; and not long afterwards the governor of the province (he was named Procopius, of the city of Edessa, an eloquent man) captured those who had been guilty of this outrage, and put them to death. Yet even then the Emperor did not bestow any attention or care upon the 146 fortification; but in our own time the Emperor Justinian, although he has for the most part converted the Samaritans to a better religion, and rendered them Christians, yet, leaving the old wall round the church upon Gerizim in its former condition of loose stones, as I described before, he enclosed it within a second wall, and rendered it altogether impregnable. In this place he also rebuilt five Christian churches which had been burned by the Samaritans. These were his works in this country.

VII. There is a city in Palestine called Neapolis, which is overshadowed by a tall mountain named Gerizim. This mountain was once occupied by the Samaritans, who climbed it at all times to pray. They never built a church there; instead, they worshipped and honored the summit of the mountain above all else. Jesus, the Son of God, during His time in the flesh, interacted with these people and spoke with a woman from the region. When she asked Him about the mountain, He told her that in the future, Samaritans would not worship there anymore, but that true worshippers would worship Him there, referring to Christians. Over time, this prophecy was fulfilled, as it was impossible for the true God to lie. It happened like this: During the reign of Emperor Zeno, the Samaritans suddenly gathered and attacked the Christians in Neapolis while they were celebrating the feast called Pentecost in their church. They killed many of them and struck Bishop Terebinthius—who was standing at the holy table celebrating the sacrament—inflicting wounds that included cutting off fingers, while they disrespected the holy mysteries in a way unfit for us to recount. Soon after, this priest went to Byzantium to see the Emperor, to whom he recounted his sufferings, explained what had happened, and asked the Emperor to seek justice for what had occurred, reminding him of Christ's prophecy. The Emperor Zeno, deeply affected by the events, quickly punished those responsible for the outrage. He expelled the Samaritans from Mount Gerizim, handed it over to the Christians, and built a church on the summit dedicated to the Virgin, enclosing it with what was technically called a wall but was actually just a stone fence. He stationed a sufficient number of soldiers as a garrison in the city below, but only about ten in the church and its fortifications. The Samaritans, furious about these actions, felt bitter and dissatisfied, although they kept quiet out of fear of the Emperor. Over time, however, during the reign of Anastasius, the following event occurred. Some Samaritans, prompted by a woman, unexpectedly scaled the steep mountain, as the main road from the city was heavily guarded. They suddenly attacked the church, killed the guards stationed there, and loudly called upon the Samaritans in the city to join them. However, fearing the soldiers, the city residents were reluctant to join the conspirators. Not long after, the provincial governor, named Procopius from the city of Edessa, an eloquent man, captured those responsible for this attack and executed them. Despite this, the Emperor still did not pay attention to the fortifications. In our own time, Emperor Justinian, although he has mostly converted the Samaritans to a better faith and made them Christians, retained the old wall around the church on Gerizim in its original condition of loose stones as I mentioned before, and built a second wall around it that made it completely secure. He also rebuilt five Christian churches that had been burned by the Samaritans. These were his contributions in this region.

VIII. In the country which was formerly called Arabia, but which now is known as the Third Province of Palestine, a desert tract extends for a great distance, entirely barren of fruits, of water, and of all good things. A precipitous and savagely wild mountain, named Sina, stands close to the Red Sea. It is not necessary at this point in my narrative for me to give a description of these regions, since in my ‘History of the Wars’ I have given an exact account of the whole of the country near the Red Sea and the so-called Arabian Gulf, and of the tribes of the Auxomite Ethiopians, and the Homerite Saracens. There also I have described how the Emperor Justinian added the palm-grove[100] to the Roman Empire. I therefore omit to speak of this, that I may not incur the charge of want of taste. In this Mount Sina[101] dwell monks, whose life is but a careful study of death, and who therefore enjoy without fear the solitude which is dear to them. Since these monks have no desires, but are superior to all human passions, and as they possess nothing and spend no care upon their persons, nor seek for pleasure from anything else whatever, the Emperor Justinian built a 147 church for them, which he dedicated to the Virgin, that they might therein spend their life in continual prayer and service of God. He did not build this church on the summit of the mountain, but a long way below it; for it is not possible for a man to pass the night upon the peak, because at night continuous thunderings and other yet more terrible divine manifestations take place, which overpower men’s strength and reason. Here it was that Moses is said to have received the Law from God, and to have brought it away. At the foot of the mountain our Emperor also built a very strong fort, and placed in it a very considerable garrison of soldiers, in order that the barbarian Saracens might not from that point, the country being, as I have said, a desert, secretly invade Palestine. This is what he did here; but what he did in the monasteries, both here and in the remainder of the East, I will now briefly enumerate.

VIII. In the area that used to be called Arabia, now known as the Third Province of Palestine, stretches a vast desert that is completely barren of fruits, water, and all good things. A steep and wildly rugged mountain, called Sinai, is located close to the Red Sea. At this point in my story, I don't need to describe these regions, as I've already given a detailed account in my ‘History of the Wars’ about the whole area near the Red Sea and the so-called Arabian Gulf, as well as the tribes of the Auxomite Ethiopians and the Homerite Saracens. I've also described how Emperor Justinian added the palm grove[100] to the Roman Empire. Therefore, I will skip this part to avoid appearing tasteless. On this Mount Sinai[101] live monks whose life revolves around a careful study of death, allowing them to enjoy their beloved solitude without fear. Since these monks have no desires and rise above all human passions, and because they own nothing and pay no attention to their appearance or seek pleasure from anything else, Emperor Justinian built a147 church for them, dedicated to the Virgin, so they could spend their lives in continuous prayer and service to God. He didn't build this church on top of the mountain but far below it, as it’s impossible for anyone to stay the night on the peak due to the constant thunder and even more terrifying divine manifestations that overwhelm people's strength and sanity. It is said that this is where Moses received the Law from God and brought it down. At the foot of the mountain, our Emperor also built a strong fort and stationed a significant garrison of soldiers there so that the barbarian Saracens couldn't secretly invade Palestine from that desert area, as I mentioned before. This is what he did here; now I will briefly list what he did in the monasteries, both in this area and throughout the rest of the East.

IX, In Jerusalem he restored the following monasteries: that of St. Thalelæus, St. Gregorius, and St. Panteleemon in the desert of Jordan; the hospice at Jericho;[102] the church of the Virgin at Jericho; the church of the Iberians at Jerusalem; the church of the Lazi in the desert of Jerusalem; the church of St. Mary in the Mount of Olives; the church of the well of St. Elisæus;[103] the church of 148 Siletheus; the church of the Abbot Romanus. He restored the wall of Bethlehem, and the church of the Abbot Joannes at Bethlehem.

IX, In Jerusalem he restored the following monasteries: those of St. Thalelæus, St. Gregory, and St. Panteleemon in the Jordan desert; the hospice at Jericho;[102] the church of the Virgin at Jericho; the church of the Iberians in Jerusalem; the church of the Lazi in the Jerusalem desert; the church of St. Mary on the Mount of Olives; the church by the well of St. Elisha;[103] the church of Siletheus; the church of Abbot Romanus. He restored the wall of Bethlehem and the church of Abbot Joannes in Bethlehem.

CHURCH AT BETHLEHEM.[104]

He built cisterns and reservoirs as follows: in the monastery of St. Samuel, a wall and a cistern; in the monastery of the Abbot Zacharia, a cistern; in the monastery of Susanna, a cistern; in the monastery of Aphelius, a cistern; in the 149 monastery of St. John beside the Jordan, a cistern;[105] in the monastery of St. Sergius in the mountain named Cisseron, a cistern; the wall of Tiberias;[106] the poor-house at Bostra 150 in Phœnicia; the house of the Virgin at Porphyreon;[107] the monastery of St. Phoca in the mount; the house of St. Sergius in Ptolemaïs;[108] the house of St. Leontius at 151 Damascus. In the suburbs of Apamea[109] he restored the poor-house of St. Romanus; he built the wall of St. Marox; he restored the church of Daphne[110] in the suburbs of Theopolis; at Laodicea[111] he restored the church of St. John; in Mesopotamia he restored the monastery of St. John, and the monasteries of Thelphrache, Zebinus, Theodotus, Joannes, Sarmathe, Cyrene, Begadacum, and the monastery at Apadnæ, in Isauria.[112] He rebuilt the bath and poor-house of the city of Cyricum; the poor-house of St. Conon, and the aqueduct of the same saint in Cyprus; the house of SS. Cosmas and Damianus in Pamphylia; 152 and the poor-house of St. Michael in the seaport which is called the naval arsenal of the city of Perga, in Pamphylia.

He built cisterns and reservoirs as follows: in the monastery of St. Samuel, a wall and a cistern; in the monastery of Abbot Zacharia, a cistern; in the monastery of Susanna, a cistern; in the monastery of Aphelius, a cistern; in the monastery of St. John beside the Jordan, a cistern; in the monastery of St. Sergius in the mountain named Cisseron, a cistern; the wall of Tiberias; the poor-house at Bostra in Phoenicia; the house of the Virgin at Porphyreon; the monastery of St. Phoca in the mount; the house of St. Sergius in Ptolemaïs; the house of St. Leontius at Damascus. In the suburbs of Apamea, he restored the poor-house of St. Romanus; he built the wall of St. Marox; he restored the church of Daphne in the suburbs of Theopolis; at Laodicea he restored the church of St. John; in Mesopotamia he restored the monastery of St. John, and the monasteries of Thelphrache, Zebinus, Theodotus, Joannes, Sarmathe, Cyrene, Begadacum, and the monastery at Apadnæ, in Isauria. He rebuilt the bath and poor-house of the city of Cyricum; the poor-house of St. Conon, and the aqueduct of the same saint in Cyprus; the house of SS. Cosmas and Damianus in Pamphylia; and the poor-house of St. Michael in the seaport called the naval arsenal of the city of Perga, in Pamphylia.


BOOK VI.

I. The above were the works of Justinian in those regions. What he did at Alexandria was as follows. The river Nile does not flow as far as Alexandria, but, after reaching the city which is named Chæreum,[113] proceeds to the left, leaving the country about Alexandria. In consequence this the ancients, in order that the city might not be entirely cut off from the river, dug a deep channel from Chæreum, and succeeded in making a small part of the stream of the river Nile run through it, by which, as by other channels, it discharges its waters into the lake Maria. This channel was nowhere navigable for large ships, but men at Chæreum transfer Egyptian corn from them to boats named diaremata, and so bring it to the city, which they can reach by the river which flows through this channel. They store up the corn in the place which the Alexandrians call Phiale. Since it often happened that when the populace rose in revolt, the corn in this place was destroyed, the Emperor Justinian enclosed it with a wall, and prevented any attacks being made upon the corn. These were the works of the Emperor Justinian in this place. However, since the course of our narrative has brought us into Egypt, a country which borders upon Libya, let us describe his works in that country also, since this Emperor found the whole of Libya in the possession of barbarians, and annexed it to the Roman Empire.

I. The actions described above were those of Justinian in those areas. Here's what he did in Alexandria. The Nile River doesn’t flow directly to Alexandria; instead, it diverts left after reaching the city called Chæreum, leaving the region around Alexandria. To ensure the city wasn’t completely cut off from the river, the ancients dug a deep channel from Chæreum, successfully redirecting a small portion of the Nile’s waters through it, which, along with other channels, flows into Lake Maria. This channel wasn’t deep enough for large ships, but people at Chæreum would transfer Egyptian grain from those ships to smaller boats called diaremata, allowing them to transport the grain to the city via the river flowing through this channel. They stored the grain in a place known to the Alexandrians as Phiale. Since it often happened that the grain was destroyed during riots, Emperor Justinian built a wall around it to protect against attacks. These were the projects carried out by Emperor Justinian in this area. Now that we're discussing Egypt, a country next to Libya, let’s also talk about his efforts there, as this Emperor found all of Libya under barbarian control and brought it into the Roman Empire.

153

153

The river Nile, which flows from the Indies into Egypt, divides that land into two portions down to the sea. The land, which is divided by the river, is divided also in name; for the country on the right bank of the river is named Asia, as far as the river Phasìs in Colchis, which divides the land of Asia from that of Europe, or indeed to the Cimmerian straits and the river Tanais; for geographers are at issue upon this point, which I have mentioned in the description of the Euxine Sea in my ‘History of the Wars.’ The country on the left bank of the Nile is called Libya as far as the main ocean, which divides the two continents in the West by interposing an arm between them, which forms our (Mediterranean) Sea. The whole of Libya is divided into various provinces, called, probably, after the name of their inhabitants; but the name of Libya at the present day is applied only to the territory of Pentapolis,[114] which extends from the frontier at Alexandria as far as the city of Cyrene. In it there is a city, situated at a distance of two days’ journey from Alexandria, named Taphosiris,[115] in which it is said that the Egyptian god Osiris is buried. In this city the Emperor Justinian constructed magistrates’ houses, public baths, and other buildings.

The Nile River, which flows from India into Egypt, splits the land into two parts down to the sea. The area divided by the river is also named differently; the land on the right bank of the river is called Asia, extending to the Phasis River in Colchis, which separates Asia from Europe, or even to the Cimmerian straits and the Tanais River; geographers have differing opinions on this point, which I mentioned in my description of the Euxine Sea in my ‘History of the Wars.’ The land on the left bank of the Nile is referred to as Libya, reaching as far as the ocean, which separates the two continents in the West by putting an arm between them, forming our Mediterranean Sea. All of Libya is divided into several provinces, likely named after their inhabitants; however, the name Libya today only refers to the territory of Pentapolis, which stretches from the border at Alexandria to the city of Cyrene. Within it, there’s a city located a two-day journey from Alexandria called Taphosiris, where it is said the Egyptian god Osiris is buried. In this city, Emperor Justinian built magistrates’ houses, public baths, and other structures.

II. The greater part of this country of Libya is desert, 154 and was almost entirely neglected: yet our Emperor in his watchful care took measures to prevent its incurring any damage from invasion by the neighbouring Moors, for he built two forts and established garrisons in them. One of these forts is named Paratonium, and the other Antipyrgum, which stands near Pentapolis. Pentapolis is distant from Alexandria eight days’ journey for a lightly-equipped traveller. In this country of Pentapolis the Emperor Justinian likewise very strongly fortified the city Teuchria,[116] and rebuilt from its foundations the wall[117] of Berenice,[118] where he also built a public bath for the use of 155 the citizens; moreover, on the southern frontier of Pentapolis he fortified two monasteries, named Agriolodes and Dinarthion, by which he restrained the barbarians in that quarter from making sudden and unexpected inroads on the Roman territory.

II. Most of Libya is desert,154 and it was pretty much ignored: but our Emperor, always vigilant, took steps to protect it from invaders coming from the neighboring Moors by building two forts and stationing troops in them. One fort is called Paratonium, and the other is Antipyrgum, which is located near Pentapolis. Pentapolis is about an eight-day journey from Alexandria for someone traveling light. In this area of Pentapolis, Emperor Justinian also heavily fortified the city of Teuchria,[116] and rebuilt the walls[117] of Berenice,[118] from the ground up, where he also constructed a public bath for the citizens. Additionally, on the southern border of Pentapolis, he strengthened two monasteries, named Agriolodes and Dinarthion, which helped prevent the barbarians in that region from launching sudden and unexpected attacks on Roman territory.

There is in this country a city, named Ptolemaïs,[119] which in former times was flourishing and populous, but in process of time became almost deserted through want of water; for the greater part of the inhabitants long ago suffered from drought so much that they left it and dispersed in various directions. Now, however, our Emperor has rebuilt the aqueduct which supplied the city with 156 water, and restored it to its former appearance of prosperity.[120] The furthest city of Pentapolis upon the western frontier is that of Borium,[121] where mountains, standing close together, seem to form a barrier which shuts out the enemy from invading the country. The Emperor, finding this city unwalled, enclosed it with a very strong rampart, thus rendering it and the whole of the country round it quite secure for the future.

There’s a city in this country called Ptolemaïs, which used to be thriving and full of life, but over time it became nearly abandoned due to a lack of water. Most of the residents suffered from drought and left, spreading out in different directions. However, our Emperor has rebuilt the aqueduct that supplied the city with water and has restored it to its previous state of prosperity. The furthest city of Pentapolis on the western border is called Borium, where closely grouped mountains seem to create a barrier that prevents the enemy from invading the land. The Emperor, noticing that this city was unprotected, enclosed it with a very strong rampart, making it and the surrounding area secure for the future.

There are two cities, both of which pass under the same name, being both called Augila.[122] They stand at a distance of about four days’ journey from Borium for a lightly equipped traveller, on the southern side of it. They are old cities, and the habits of their citizens are old-fashioned: for all of them, even in my own time, practised the rites of polytheism. Here in ancient times were temples dedicated to Ammon, and to Alexander of Macedon, to whom the inhabitants used to offer sacrifice down to the reign of Justinian, and there was in them a large number of persons called Slaves of the Temple: now, however, our Emperor, who not only provides for the security of the bodies of his subjects, but is also careful to save their souls, took all necessary measures for the benefit of those who dwelt here, making liberal provisions for them in all respects, and above all teaching them the true religion, so that he made them all Christians in a body, and turned them from their pagan ancestral customs. He also built 157 for them a temple of the Virgin, to serve as a fortress for the safety of the city and of the true religion. These were his works in this quarter.

There are two cities, both named Augila. They are about a four-day journey from Borium for a lightly equipped traveler, on its southern side. These cities are ancient, and the customs of their citizens are old-fashioned; everyone, even in my time, practiced polytheism. In ancient times, there were temples dedicated to Ammon and to Alexander of Macedon, where the locals offered sacrifices up until the reign of Justinian. There was also a large group of people known as Slaves of the Temple. However, our Emperor, who not only ensures the safety of his subjects' bodies but also cares for their souls, took all necessary measures for the benefit of those living here, providing for them in every way, especially by teaching them the true religion. He converted them all to Christianity and turned them away from their pagan traditions. He also built for them a temple of the Virgin, to serve as a stronghold for the safety of the city and the true faith. These were his contributions in this area.

The city of Borium, lying near the Moorish barbarians, has remained free from imposts down to this time, nor have any gatherers of tribute or taxes visited it since the creation. From ancient times Jews dwelt close to it, and had an ancient temple which they greatly respected and reverenced, as it had, according to tradition, been built by Solomon the King of the Hebrew nation. However, the Emperor Justinian compelled them all to desert their ancestral religion and become Christians, while he turned this temple into a church.

The city of Borium, located near the Moorish barbarians, has stayed free from taxes up to now, and no tax collectors have come here since its founding. Since ancient times, Jews have lived nearby and had an old temple that they deeply respected and honored, as it was believed to have been built by Solomon, the King of the Hebrew nation. However, Emperor Justinian forced all of them to abandon their ancestral religion and convert to Christianity, while he transformed this temple into a church.

III. Beyond this lie what are called the Great Syrtes. I will explain what their appearance is, and why they have received this name. The shore in this quarter, divided by the inroads of the sea, and washed away by the beating of the waves, seems to retire and to withdraw itself inland, so as to form an immense crescent-shaped gulf. The distance across the mouth of this gulf is forty stadia, while the perimeter of the crescent extends to a distance of six days’ journey. The sea forms this gulf by pressing against the mainland; and when a ship is once forced by the wind or the waves within the horns of the crescent, it is thenceforth impossible for it to retrace its course, but it seems dragged along, and always forced further forward. It was, I imagine, from this destruction of ships that the ancients called the place Syrtes. Nor can ships float as far as the shore, for the greater part of the gulf is full of sunken rocks, which make it impossible for ships to float there, so that they are wrecked in the shallows. The crews of these ships can only escape, if they escape at all, in small boats, and reach the land with very great danger. Here is the frontier of the region named Tripolis. 158 In it dwell Moorish barbarians of Phœnician origin. Here is also a city named Cidama, inhabited by Moors who have long been on terms of friendship with the Romans, and all of whom, by the persuasion of the Emperor Justinian, voluntarily adopted the Christian faith. These Moors are now called Pacati, because they always are at peace with the Romans; for the Romans in the Latin language call peace pacem. Tripolis is distant from Pentapolis a journey of twenty days’ journey for a lightly equipped traveller.

III. Beyond this are what are known as the Great Syrtes. I'll explain what they look like and why they got this name. The shore here, eroded by the sea and worn down by the waves, seems to recede and pull back inland, creating a huge crescent-shaped bay. The distance across the mouth of this bay is about forty stadia, while the perimeter of the crescent stretches for about a six-day journey. The sea shapes this bay by pushing against the mainland; once a ship is caught by the wind or waves inside the curves of the crescent, it’s impossible for it to go back. Instead, it gets pulled along and is continually pushed further in. I assume that's why the ancients named it Syrtes, due to the shipwrecks there. Ships can’t get too close to the shore either, because the majority of the bay is filled with submerged rocks, making it dangerous for boats, causing them to wreck in the shallow waters. The crews of these ships can only escape, if they manage to, in small boats, reaching land at great risk. Here is the border of the area called Tripolis. 158 Inhabitants here are Moorish tribes with Phoenician roots. There’s also a city called Cidama, home to Moors who have long been friendly with the Romans, and all of them, encouraged by Emperor Justinian, have voluntarily accepted Christianity. These Moors are now called Pacati because they are always at peace with the Romans; in Latin, the word for peace is pacem. Tripolis is about twenty days' journey away from Pentapolis for a traveler with light gear.

IV. Beyond this is the city of Leptis Magna,[123] which in ancient times was great and populous, but since has become almost entirely deserted, having through neglect been mostly buried with sand. Our Emperor rebuilt its walls from the foundation, not, however, enclosing so great an extent as formerly, but much less, in order that the city might not again be exposed to danger, either 159 from human enemies or from the sand, by its great size. He left the buried part of the city as it was, covered with heaps of sand, and fortified the rest in the strongest manner. Here he built an admirable church, dedicated to the Virgin, besides four others. In addition to this, he also rebuilt the ruinous palace which formerly existed here, the work of the Emperor Severus the elder, who was born in this place, and left this palace as a memorial of his good fortune.

IV. Beyond this is the city of Leptis Magna, [123] which in ancient times was large and bustling, but has since become nearly deserted, mostly buried under sand due to neglect. Our Emperor rebuilt its walls from the ground up, though not enclosing as much area as before, but much less, so that the city wouldn't be exposed to danger again, whether from human enemies or the shifting sands caused by its large size. He left the buried section of the city as it was, covered with sand, and fortified the remaining parts as strongly as possible. Here, he constructed an impressive church dedicated to the Virgin, along with four others. Additionally, he rebuilt the decaying palace that used to stand here, originally built by Emperor Severus the Elder, who was born in this place and left this palace as a testament to his good fortune.

Having arrived at this part of my narrative, I cannot pass over the great event which took place at Leptis Magna in our time. When Justinian had already come to the throne, and before he had begun the war against the Vandals, the Moorish barbarians called Leucathæ overpowered the Vandals, who were then masters of Libya, and reduced Leptis Magna to an utter desert. Being encamped with their generals upon some hilly ground not far from Leptis Magna, they suddenly beheld a flame of fire in the midst of the city. Supposing that the enemy had entered it, they rushed hurriedly to attack them; but finding no one there, they laid the matter before their prophets, who, interpreting what had taken place, foretold that at no distant time Leptis Magna would be inhabited. Not long afterwards the army of the Emperor arrived, conquered the Vandals and Moors in battle, and gained possession of Tripolis and the rest of Libya. I now return from this digression to my narrative.

Having reached this part of my story, I can't overlook the significant event that happened in Leptis Magna during our time. After Justinian had taken the throne and before he started the war against the Vandals, the Moorish barbarians known as the Leucathæ defeated the Vandals, who were in control of Libya, and turned Leptis Magna into a complete wasteland. While camped with their generals on some hilly land not far from Leptis Magna, they suddenly saw a fire in the middle of the city. Thinking the enemy had invaded, they hurried to attack, but when they found no one there, they reported the situation to their prophets. The prophets, interpreting the event, predicted that Leptis Magna would soon be inhabited again. Shortly after, the Emperor’s army arrived, defeated the Vandals and Moors in battle, and took control of Tripolis and the rest of Libya. Now, I return from this digression to my story.

In this city the Emperor Justinian built public baths, rebuilt the walls from their foundations, and gave both the baths and all other public buildings an appearance worthy of a city. Moreover, he induced the neighbouring barbarians, named Gadabitani, who up to this time were entirely given up to the Greek form of paganism, to become zealous Christians, as they are at this day. He 160 also fortified the city of Sabaratha, in which he built a most notable church.

In this city, Emperor Justinian constructed public baths, rebuilt the walls from the ground up, and made both the baths and all other public buildings look impressive and fitting for a city. Additionally, he convinced the neighboring barbarians known as the Gadabitani, who had previously been completely devoted to Greek paganism, to become enthusiastic Christians, as they still are today. He160 also strengthened the city of Sabaratha, where he built a remarkable church.

In the further part of this country there are two cities, named Tacapa[124] and Girgis, between which lies the lesser Syrtis. Here every day a wonderful phenomenon takes place. The sea, pent up in a narrow place, forms there a crescent-shaped gulf, such as I described in the other Syrtis. Here the sea flows into the mainland for a distance of more than eight days’ journey for a lightly equipped traveller, and towards evening retires again, leaving the shore there dry, like any other sea-beach. Sailors bound for this land, which at times becomes sea, sail in the ordinary manner as far as they are able in the day-time, but towards nightfall prepare to pass the night on dry land. They carry long poles on purpose, and as soon as they suspect that the waters are about to ebb, they take these poles in their hands, and without any hesitation leap out of the ship. At first they swim, but afterwards, when the water does not reach above their faces, they stand on their feet, and sticking the points of their poles into the ground, which by this time is, or shortly will be, dry, they fix them upright underneath their ship, supporting it on either side, that it may not be damaged by falling to one side or the other. Early on the following morning the land is again covered by the waves of the sea, which raises the ships and causes them to float; then the sailors take up their poles and sail on again. This proceeding never varies, but this interchange of the elements takes place every day.

In the far part of this country, there are two cities, called Tacapa[124] and Girgis, between which lies the smaller Syrtis. Every day, a fascinating phenomenon occurs here. The sea, confined in a narrow area, creates a crescent-shaped gulf, similar to what I described in the other Syrtis. The sea flows into the land for more than eight days’ journey for someone traveling lightly, and by evening, it recedes again, leaving the shore dry, just like any other beach. Sailors heading to this area, which sometimes turns into sea, navigate in the usual way during the day, but as night approaches, they get ready to spend the night on dry land. They carry long poles specifically for this purpose, and as soon as they think the water is about to go down, they grab these poles and jump out of the ship without hesitation. At first, they swim, but then, when the water no longer covers their faces, they stand up, inserting the tips of their poles into the ground, which by then is, or soon will be, dry. They then prop the poles upright under their ship, supporting it on both sides to prevent it from tipping over. Early the next morning, the land is once again submerged by the waves, which lifts the ships and allows them to float; then the sailors pick up their poles and set sail again. This process never changes, and this interaction between the elements happens every day.

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V. After Tripolis and the Syrtis, let us proceed to the rest of Libya. We must begin with Carthage, which is the largest and most important of the cities in this country, prefacing our description by observing that when Genseric and the Vandals possessed Africa, there occurred to them a destructive idea worthy of barbarians; for they imagined that they would be better off if all the towns in this country had no walls, so that the Romans might not occupy any of them to their disadvantage. They accordingly at once pulled down all the walls to their very foundation; for all barbarians, as a rule, most quickly devise and most promptly execute any plans which they form for the injury of the Romans. The walls of Carthage and some few other places alone were left, which they did not care to keep in repair, but allowed to be ruined by age. However, the Emperor Justinian, against the advice of all men, who shrank in terror from the enterprise, and only led on and assisted by God, sent Belisarius with an army to Libya, took Gelimer, and destroyed the power of the Vandals, killing many of them and making the rest prisoners of war, as I have recounted in my ‘History of the Wars.’ He rebuilt all the ruined fortifications in Libya, and himself built many new ones.

V. After Tripolis and the Syrtis, let's move on to the rest of Libya. We need to start with Carthage, which is the largest and most significant city in this region. It's worth noting that when Genseric and the Vandals took control of Africa, they came up with a destructive idea that was typical of barbarians; they thought it would be better if all the towns in the area had no walls, so the Romans couldn't take them over and use them against them. So, they immediately tore down all the walls to the very foundation. Generally, barbarians quickly come up with and carry out any plans they create to harm the Romans. Only the walls of Carthage and a few other places were left, which they didn’t bother to maintain and let fall into disrepair over time. However, Emperor Justinian, despite the fear and warnings from everyone around him, and aided only by God, sent Belisarius with an army to Libya, captured Gelimer, and crushed the Vandals’ power, killing many and taking the rest as prisoners of war, as I have detailed in my ‘History of the Wars.’ He rebuilt all the damaged fortifications in Libya and also constructed many new ones.

First of all, he gave his attention to Carthage,[125] which 162 now, as is right, is named Justiniana. He rebuilt the whole of its ruined walls, and dug a trench encircling it, which did not previously exist; he also built churches, one dedicated to the Virgin, which is in the palace, and one outside the palace dedicated to St. Prima, one of the local saints. He built porticos on both sides of what is called the Maritime market-place, and a noble public bath, which he named the Baths of Theodora, after the name of the Empress. He also built a monastery on the sea-shore within the walls, close to the harbour, named Mandracium, which he enclosed with a strong wall and formed into an impregnable fort.

First of all, he focused on Carthage,[125] which162 is now rightly called Justiniana. He rebuilt all of its fallen walls and dug a trench all around it that hadn’t existed before; he also constructed churches, one dedicated to the Virgin, located in the palace, and another outside the palace dedicated to St. Prima, one of the local saints. He built porticos on both sides of what is known as the Maritime market-place, and a grand public bath, which he named the Baths of Theodora, after the Empress. He also established a monastery on the seashore within the walls, near the harbor, called Mandracium, which he enclosed with a strong wall and turned into an impregnable fort.

These were the works of Justinian at New Carthage. In the country near it, which is called the Proconsulate, there was an unwalled city named Baga,[126] which was liable to be taken by barbarians, not only if they marched 163 especially to attack it, but even if they passed near it. This place the Emperor Justinian enclosed with a strong wall, thus raising it to the rank of a city, and one, too, which was capable of affording security to its citizens, who, having met with such favour, named the city Theodorias, in honour of the Empress. He also built a fort in this country, named Tucca.

These were the projects of Justinian at New Carthage. In the area nearby, known as the Proconsulate, there was an unprotected city called Baga, which was at risk of being invaded by barbarians, not just if they specifically aimed to attack it, but even if they merely passed close by. The Emperor Justinian constructed a strong wall around this location, elevating it to the status of a city, one that could provide safety for its residents, who, feeling grateful for such protection, named the city Theodorias in honor of the Empress. He also built a fort in this area called Tucca.

VI. In Byzacium is a city by the sea side, named Adrumetus,[127] which in ancient times was great and populous, so that it had the name and repute of being the chief city in this country, because it was the first in size and in prosperity. The Vandals demolished the walls of this city, that the Romans might not be able, to hold it against them, so that it was exposed to the attacks of the Moors, who ravage that country; however, the Libyan inhabitants provided for their own safety as far as they were able, by piling up the ruins of their walls and joining their houses to one another, by which means they were able to offer a precarious resistance to their assailants. Their safety, however, hung by a thread, and was very uncertain, as they were at war with the Moors and neglected by the Vandals. When, however, the Emperor Justinian, in the course of the war, became master of Libya, he built a wall of considerable size round this city, established in it a sufficient garrison of soldiers, and enabled the inhabitants to be confident of safety and to disregard all their foes. For this reason they call it Justiniana to the present day, thus repaying their debt of gratitude to the Emperor, 164 and showing their loyalty towards him by the adoption of his name, for they had no other means of repaying the kindness of the Emperor, as he wished for no other return than this. On the shore of Byzacium there is another place named Caputvada[128] by its inhabitants. It was at this place that the Emperor’s army first landed when it proceeded against Gelimer and the Vandals. Here, also, that marvellous and ineffable gift was bestowed by God upon the Emperor, which I have described in my ‘History of the Wars.’ The country being altogether waterless, the Roman army suffered greatly from thirst, whereupon the earth, which formerly had always been dry, sent forth a fountain at the place where the soldiers had formed their camp. For when they dug, the water burst forth, and the land, divesting itself of its natural barrenness, changed its nature and became moist with sweet water. Here, therefore, they encamped and passed the night, and marching forth in battle array the next day, to cut the matter short, gained possession of Libya. The Emperor Justinian therefore, in order to erect a perpetual memorial of this gift of God, who when He pleases can make the most difficult things easy, at once determined to form this place into a city, with a strong wall, and adorned with everything else worthy of a city. The Emperor’s wish was fulfilled. The wall and city were built, and the fortunes of this open field were suddenly altered. The rustics, throwing away the plough, dwell as citizens, and no longer live a country, but a town life; for they meet together 165 there daily, deliberate upon their own affairs, buy and sell in the market with one another, and perform all the other functions which distinguish the inhabitants of a city.

VI. In Byzacium, there is a seaside city called Adrumetus, which was once large and populated, earning the title of the main city in the region because it was the largest and most prosperous. The Vandals destroyed the city’s walls to prevent the Romans from defending it, leaving it vulnerable to attacks from the Moors, who ravage that area. However, the Libyan inhabitants did their best to protect themselves by stacking the ruins of their walls and linking their houses together, allowing them to put up a fragile defense against their attackers. Their safety was uncertain, as they were at war with the Moors and ignored by the Vandals. When Emperor Justinian gained control of Libya during the war, he built a sizable wall around the city, established a sufficient garrison of soldiers, and gave the inhabitants confidence in their safety, allowing them to disregard their enemies. For this reason, they still call it Justiniana today, expressing their gratitude to the Emperor and demonstrating their loyalty to him by adopting his name, as that was the only way they could repay his kindness, since he sought no other return than this. On the shore of Byzacium, there is another place called Caputvada by its locals. It was here that the Emperor's army first landed when they went after Gelimer and the Vandals. Here, too, the miraculous gift was granted to the Emperor by God, which I have detailed in my ‘History of the Wars.’ The region was completely waterless, and the Roman army suffered greatly from thirst; then, the previously dry earth produced a fountain where the soldiers had pitched their camp. When they dug, water burst forth, transforming the land from its natural barrenness to one rich with fresh water. Thus, they camped here and spent the night, and the next day, fully armed, they quickly conquered Libya. Therefore, to create a lasting memorial of this gift from God, who can make what seems impossible easy, Emperor Justinian decided to establish this site as a city, protected by a strong wall and adorned with all the qualities of a city. The Emperor's wish was fulfilled, the wall and city were built, and the fortunes of this open field changed dramatically. The locals, abandoning their plows, became citizens, living not in the countryside but in an urban environment; they gathered there daily to discuss their own matters, buying and selling in the market, and carrying out all the other activities that define city life.

These were his works on the seashore of Byzacium. In the interior, on the frontier which borders on the barbarian Moors, very strong fortresses are built to hold them in check, in consequence of which they are no longer able to overrun the empire, for he enclosed each of the cities upon that frontier, which are named Mamma, Telepta, and Cululius, with very strong walls, built a fort which the inhabitants name Aumetera, and established in them trustworthy garrisons of soldiers.

These were his projects along the coast of Byzacium. In the interior, on the border with the barbarian Moors, strong fortresses were constructed to keep them at bay, which prevented them from invading the empire. He fortified each of the cities along that border, which are called Mamma, Telepta, and Cululius, with sturdy walls, built a fort that the locals call Aumetera, and stationed reliable garrisons of soldiers in them.

VII. In the same manner he ensured the safety of the country of Numidia by fortifications and garrisons of soldiers. I shall now enumerate each of these in detail. There is a mountain in Numidia called Aurasius,[129] the like of which does not exist anywhere else in the world. In the first place, it is lofty and precipitous, and extends for a distance of about three days’ journey; it is also inaccessible, all the ascents to it being barred by precipices. When, however, one has reached the top, the ground is a rich soil, smooth, and with easy roads, fair pastures, parks planted with trees and all kinds of herbs. Fountains spring out from the crags; there are quiet pools, rushing rivers with 166 masses of broken water, and, what is strangest of all, the crops and fruit-trees on this mountain produce twice as much as any other part of Libya. Such is the mountain of Aurasium, which was originally held by the Vandals, whom the Moors dispossessed, and dwelt there until the Emperor Justinian drove them out and annexed it to the Roman Empire. To prevent the barbarians returning thither and doing mischief, he fortified the cities in the neighbourhood of this mountain, which he found deserted and without walls; and having, besides them, built two forts, and established there a sufficient garrison of soldiers, he left the barbarians of that country no hope of making a successful attack upon Aurasius. He also built impregnable fortifications in the remainder of Numidia. These were his works in this country.

VII. He ensured the safety of the country of Numidia by building fortifications and placing garrisons of soldiers. Now, I will detail each of these. There is a mountain in Numidia called Aurasius, unlike any other in the world. First of all, it is tall and steep, extending about three days' journey. It's also hard to access, as all the paths to it are blocked by cliffs. However, once you reach the top, the ground is rich, smooth, and has easy roads, good pastures, and parks with trees and all sorts of herbs. Fountains spring from the rocks; there are tranquil pools, rushing rivers with splashes of water, and, most surprisingly, the crops and fruit trees on this mountain yield twice as much as anywhere else in Libya. This is the mountain of Aurasius, which was originally occupied by the Vandals until the Moors took over, and they stayed there until Emperor Justinian drove them out and added it to the Roman Empire. To prevent the barbarians from returning and causing trouble, he fortified the cities near this mountain, which he found abandoned and wall-less; in addition, he built two forts and stationed a strong garrison of soldiers there, leaving the local barbarians no chance to successfully attack Aurasius. He also built strong fortifications throughout the rest of Numidia. These were his accomplishments in this region.

There is a city in the island of Sardo, which is now called Sardinia, which the Romans call the Fort of Trajan; this Justinian enclosed with a wall, which it did not formerly possess.

There’s a city on the island of Sardo, now known as Sardinia, that the Romans called the Fort of Trajan; Justinian surrounded it with a wall, which it didn’t have before.

Near Gades, by one of the pillars of Hercules, on the right hand, on the shore of Libya, was once a fort named Septon,[130] which had been built by the Romans in ancient times, but had been neglected by the Vandals and had perished through age. This place our Emperor Justinian made strong by a wall and a garrison. In it also he built a noble church dedicated to the Virgin, thus dedicating to her the beginning of the empire, and rendering this fort impregnable to all mankind in that quarter.

Near Gades, by one of the pillars of Hercules, on the right side, on the shore of Libya, there used to be a fort called Septon,[130] which was built by the Romans in ancient times but had been neglected by the Vandals and had fallen into ruin over the years. Our Emperor Justinian reinforced it with a wall and stationed a garrison there. He also built a grand church dedicated to the Virgin, marking the start of the empire and making this fort invulnerable to everyone in that area.

So much for this. No one can any longer doubt, but it is now clear to all mankind that the Emperor Justinian strengthened the empire, not only with fortifications, but also with garrisons, from the eastern frontier to the setting 167 sun, which are the limits of the Roman dominion. Such of the buildings of Justinian as I have been able to discover, either by having seen them myself, or by hearing them described by those who have seen them, I have as far as I am able described in this work; but I am well aware that I have omitted to speak of many others, which have either escaped my notice by their great number or remain altogether unknown to me; so that anyone who turns his attention to searching them all out and describing them in a book will have the advantage of having performed a useful work, and will gain for himself the reputation of a man of taste.

So much for this. No one can doubt anymore; it’s clear to everyone that Emperor Justinian strengthened the empire not just with fortifications, but also with garrisons, from the eastern frontier to the setting167 sun, which marks the limits of Roman territory. I’ve described the buildings of Justinian that I’ve been able to find, either by seeing them myself or by hearing others describe them. However, I know I’ve left out many others, either because there are so many or because I just don’t know about them; so, anyone who decides to search for all of them and describe them in a book will not only do a valuable service but will also earn a reputation for good taste.


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APPENDIX I.

Procopius’s description of Justinian’s work at Constantinople is so full and detailed that it would appear to be complete. But it omits one church built by the Emperor, viz., that of the Saviour, to which was attached the Monastery of the Chora, now known as the Mosque Kahireh, or Kahriyeh.

Procopius’s account of Justinian’s activities in Constantinople is so comprehensive and detailed that it seems finished. However, it leaves out one church constructed by the Emperor, namely, the Church of the Savior, which was linked to the Monastery of the Chora, now referred to as the Mosque Kahireh, or Kahriyeh.

The history of this church is thus given in Ducange:

The history of this church is provided in Ducange:

‘Chora seu Χώρα monasterium ita appellatum, condiderat Justinianus et cum præ vetustate concidisset aliud a fundamentis extruxit Alexii Imperatoris socrus Andronici Ducæ conjux.

‘Chora, your Χώρα monastery, was founded by Justinian, and when it fell into disrepair due to its age, another was built from the ground up by the mother-in-law of Emperor Alexios, the wife of Andronikos Ducas.

‘Denique cum ruinam rursum minaretur, illud reædificavit Theodorus Metochita Magnus Logotheta, imperante Andronico Palæologo Seniore.

‘Finally, when disaster threatened again, Theodoros Metochites, the Great Logothete, rebuilt it under the orders of Andronicus Palaiologos the Elder.

‘Hæc omnia sic narrat Nicephorus Gregoras, lib. ix.: “Divertit e regione et in vicinia (domus suæ) in sacro scilicet Choræ Monasterio, quod ipse magnis ante sumptibus vetustate ruinosum instauravat. Exstructum enim olim fuerat a Justiniano Imperatore forma oblonga: deinde cum vetustate usque ad ima concidisset, aliud a fundamentis templum, ea qua nunc forma cernitur, Alexii Comneni Imperatoris socrus condidit sed cum rursus ruinam minitaretur, hic medio templo excepto, omnia liberali manu pene instauravit. Metochitam hujus monasterii instauratorem rursus prædicat, lib. viii.”’—Ducange, iv., p. 126.

‘Hæc omnia sic narrat Nicephorus Gregoras, lib. ix.: “Diverted to the area nearby (his house) at the sacred Chora Monastery, which he restored with significant expenses due to its age and ruin. It had originally been built in an elongated shape by Emperor Justinian; then, as it fell into disrepair, a new temple, in its current form, was constructed by the mother-in-law of Emperor Alexius Comnenus. But when it again faced the threat of ruin, he almost completely restored everything except for the central part of the temple. He also praises the restorer of this monastery, lib. viii.”’—Ducange, iv., p. 126.

An inscription over the south door of the church states 169 that the monastery was outside the walls of Constantine; that the church was rebuilt by Justinian; again, from its foundations, in the time of Alexis Komnenos; and again rebuilt by Theodore the Metochite.

An inscription above the south door of the church says169 that the monastery was located outside the walls of Constantine; that the church was rebuilt by Justinian; once more from its foundations during the time of Alexis Komnenos; and then rebuilt again by Theodore the Metochite.

SKETCH PLAN

The well-known antiquary, Mons. Texier, describes it thus in a detailed MS. account of ‘Constantinople,’ fol. n. d., in the library of the R. Institute of Architects:

The famous antiquarian, Mons. Texier, describes it this way in a detailed manuscript account of ‘Constantinople,’ fol. n. d., in the library of the R. Institute of Architects:

‘Kahrije, corruption du Grec της χωρας.

‘Kahrije, corruption of the Greek of the country.

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170

‘Le premier fondateur de cette église fut Justinian; et Theodore Metochite, grand chancelier des Autels d’Andronice Paléologue n’en fut que le rénovateur. Le cloître est souvent cité dans les auteurs Byzantines comme lieu d’exil pour les religieux, et au dernier temps de l’empire on conserva dans l’église le portrait célèbre de la Madone qui avait été peint par St. Luke.’ A description of it is also given in Salzenberg’s ‘Alt-Christliche Baudenkmale von Constantinopel’ (Berlin, 1854), p. 36.

‘The first founder of this church was Justinian; and Theodore Metochite, the grand chancellor of the Altars of Andronicus Palaiologos, was just its renovator. The cloister is often mentioned in Byzantine writings as a place of exile for religious figures, and during the final days of the empire, the church held the famous portrait of the Madonna that had been painted by St. Luke.’ A description of it is also given in Salzenberg’s ‘Alt-Christian Architectural Monuments of Constantinople’ (Berlin, 1854), p. 36.

The latest account is given by the Rev. Charles G. Curtis, in the ‘Encyclopædia Britannica,’ 9th edition, s.v. ‘Constantinople:’

The most recent information is provided by Rev. Charles G. Curtis in the ‘Encyclopædia Britannica,’ 9th edition, s.v. ‘Constantinople:’

‘The monastery to which this church of the Saviour belonged was Μονὴ τῆς χώρας, or, as we say, “in the fields.” This was an ancient establishment, and its church, the oldest church in the city, dates from the third century.

‘The monastery that this church of the Savior belonged to was Μονὴ τῆς χώρας, or, as we say, “in the fields.” This was an ancient establishment, and its church, the oldest church in the city, dates back to the third century.

‘A gem of beauty still, even in its decay, rich with mosaic of the fourteenth century, of a style purer and more refined than that which is more often seen and admired at Ravenna and Palermo. In this church alternately with the Hodegetria was kept the Holy Robe of the Virgin, which was wont to be carried in procession when the walls were threatened.’ The sketch-plan engraved was made by T. H. L. in 1884. An elevation of the exterior is given in C. Daly’s ‘Revue’ (1840), p. 13. (L.)

‘A beautiful gem even in its decay, adorned with a mosaic from the fourteenth century, with a style that is purer and more refined than what is usually seen and admired in Ravenna and Palermo. In this church, alongside the Hodegetria, the Holy Robe of the Virgin was kept, which was carried in procession when the walls were in danger.’ The sketch-plan engraved was made by T. H. L. in 1884. An elevation of the exterior is given in C. Daly’s ‘Revue’ (1840), p. 13. (L.)


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APPENDIX II.

Church of the Virgin, Jerusalem:

Virgin Mary Church, Jerusalem:

The description by Procopius of this church is very detailed; but the great alterations and destruction of buildings throughout the Harem area since his time make it extremely difficult to arrive at a correct understanding of his account, or to identify any portion of the church with existing buildings. It is usually supposed to have occupied the site of the present Mosque El Aksa, the entrances to which the Duc de Vogüé believes to be remains of Justinian’s church.

The description of this church by Procopius is very detailed, but the significant changes and destruction of buildings in the Harem area since then make it really hard to accurately understand his account or to match any part of the church with existing structures. It is generally believed that it was located where the current Mosque El Aksa stands, and the Duc de Vogüé thinks that the entrances there are remnants of Justinian’s church.

The questions as to the church are involved, to a considerable extent, with those relating to the date and authorship of the Dome of the Rock, which has usually been assigned to the Caleph Abd-el-Melek; but the late Mr. Fergusson, whose great architectural knowledge is undisputed, maintained that it was no other than Constantine’s Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and that the church described by Procopius was not on the site of El Aksa, but at the eastern angle of the temple area, and now utterly destroyed.

The questions about the church are closely tied to those concerning the date and authorship of the Dome of the Rock, which is generally attributed to the Caliph Abd-el-Melek. However, the late Mr. Fergusson, who had exceptional architectural knowledge, argued that it was actually Constantine’s Church of the Holy Sepulchre and that the church mentioned by Procopius was not located at the site of El Aksa, but at the eastern corner of the temple area, which is now completely destroyed.

The subject, already sufficiently complicated, has been rendered still more so by a theory brought forward in 1882, by the well-known Professor Sepp, to the effect that the Dome of the Rock was not constructed by Constantine nor by Abd-el-Melek, but by Justinian.

The topic, already quite complex, has become even more so due to a theory proposed in 1882 by the famous Professor Sepp, which claims that the Dome of the Rock was built not by Constantine or Abd-el-Melek, but by Justinian.

The question is much more difficult to decide than may at first sight appear; and I confess that after having, for 172 some years past, carefully collected the various documents on the subject, including the valuable translations published by my friend the late Professor Palmer, of Arabic historians, and having subsequently visited Jerusalem and studied the subject on the spot, with the kind assistance of Dr. Chaplin and others, I find that there are so many points to be cleared up, that I should not like to offer a definite opinion on the several disputed points until after another visit, which I hope to make shortly, to Jerusalem. My present views, so far as I may venture to put them forward, are in accordance with those of De Vogüé, Sir C. Warren and Captain Conder, viz., that the Dome of the Rock was built by Abd-el-Melek. (L.)

The question is much harder to answer than it may seem at first. I admit that after spending several years gathering various documents on the topic, including valuable translations by my late friend, Professor Palmer, of Arabic historians, and after visiting Jerusalem and studying the matter on-site with the help of Dr. Chaplin and others, I find there are so many aspects that need clarification. I wouldn’t want to give a definitive opinion on the different disputed points until after another visit to Jerusalem, which I hope to make soon. My current views, as far as I can share them, align with those of De Vogüé, Sir C. Warren, and Captain Conder, namely that the Dome of the Rock was built by Abd-el-Melek. (L.)


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INDEX.

  • A.
  • Abbot Romanus, Church of the, 147
  • Abbot Joannes, Church of the, 148
  • Abbot Zacharia, Monastery of, 148
  • Aborrhas, River, 54, 55, 57
  • Abydos, 121, 128
  • Acacius, Church of, 22
  • Acarnania, 93
  • Ad Aquas, 111
  • Adana, 137
  • Adina, 113
  • Adriatic Sea, 90
  • Adrianopolis, 93
  • Adrumetus, 163
  • Aëdabe, 112
  • Ægean Sea, 24
  • Ægistum, 114
  • Ænus, 121, 122
  • Ætolia, 93
  • Agriolodes, Monastery of, 155
  • El Aksa, 140
  • Alexandria, 128, 152, 153
  • Almus, 111
  • Almyris, 114
  • Albinum, 113
  • Alustus, 88
  • Amasea, 86
  • Amida, 40, 51, 53, 73, 75, 77, 78, 79, 82
  • Ammodius, 45
  • Anaplus, 24, 29, 30, 31
  • Anastasiopolis, 122
  • Anchialus, 89
  • Annucas, 57
  • Antiphorus, 59
  • Antipyrgum, 154
  • Antiochia, 68, 69, 70, 71, 136
  • Ant, the, 116
  • Antoninus, Baths of, 131, 132
  • Apadnæ, Monastery of, 151
  • Apadnæ, 53
  • Apamea, 151
  • Aphelius, Monastery of, 148
  • Apostles, Church of, 20
  • Artaleson, 80
  • Archangel, Temple of the, 33
  • Arcadius, 15
  • Arcadius, Baths of, 36
  • Arcon, 81
  • Argyronium, 33
  • Armenia, Lesser, 81
  • Armenia, 28, 73, 75, 77, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 89
  • Armenia, Greater, 74, 75, 79, 82
  • Armata, 111
  • Arxanes, 77
  • Asia, 25
  • Asthianene, 79
  • Atachæ, 53
  • Athyra, 116
  • Athens, 96, 98
  • Augusta, 112
  • Augila, 156
  • Augustæum, 13, 34
  • Aumetera, 165
  • Aurasius, Mount, 165
  • B.
  • Baga, 162
  • Baiberdon, 81
  • Baleæ, 96
  • Banasymeon, 53
  • Bara, 53
  • Barchon, 86
  • Barbalissus, 65
  • Batnæ, 61
  • Bederiana, 91, 92
  • Begadacum, Monastery of, 151
  • Belabitis, 76
  • Bellurus, 122
  • Bergonovore, 111
  • Bergus Altus, 111
  • Berenice, 154
  • Bethlehem, 148
  • Bidamas, 57
  • Bigrane, 111
  • Bismideon, 57
  • Bithynia, 129, 133, 134
  • Bizana, 81, 83, 84
  • Blachernæ, 16, 26
  • Black Gulf, 119
  • Bœotia, 96
  • Bononia, 111
  • Borium, 156, 157
  • Bosporus, 88
  • Bostra, in Phœnicia, 150
  • Brochi, 29
  • Byrthum, 53
  • Byzantium, 15, 16, 18, 20, 24, 26, 29, 31, 33, 38, 114, 117, 123, 129, 134, 145
  • Byzacium, 163, 164 174
  • C.
  • Cæsarea, 98, 135
  • Callipolis, 121
  • Callinicum, 57, 61, 64
  • Campses, 109
  • Candidiana, 113
  • Cantabazates, 109
  • Cappadocia, 135, 136
  • Caputvada, 164
  • Caput-bovis, 109
  • Carrhæ, 57, 61
  • Carthage, 161
  • Cassandria, 99
  • Castoria, Lake, 97
  • Castramartis, 112
  • Cebres, 111
  • Centauropolis, 98
  • Cena, 86
  • Ceras, Gulf of, 24
  • Chæreum, 152
  • Chalcis, 71, 72, 98
  • Chalce, The Palace of, 34, 35
  • Cherson, 88
  • Chora, Church of, 40
  • Chersonesus, 119, 120, 121
  • Ciberis, 121
  • Cidama, 158
  • Cilicia, 136, 138
  • Cimmerian Straits, 153
  • Ciphæ, Fort, 53
  • Circesium, 55, 57
  • Citharizon, 77, 79
  • Clisuræ, 79, 87, 96
  • Colonia, 81
  • Commagene, 61
  • Constantinople, 13, 34, 37, 40, 115, 118, 128
  • Constantina, 54
  • Corinth, 96
  • Coracii, 96
  • Corzane, 79
  • Corde, 45
  • Couriers’ Lodgings, 131
  • Cratiscara, 92
  • Crissæan Gulf, 93
  • Crispas, 111
  • Cucarizon, 81
  • Cululius, 165
  • Cupus, 109
  • Cydnus, River, 137, 138
  • Cyntodemus, 113
  • Cynton, 113
  • Cyprus, 151
  • Cyricum, 151
  • Cyrene, Monastery of, 151
  • Cyrus, 71, 72
  • Cyrene, City of, 153
  • D.
  • Dabanæ, 53
  • Dacia, 108, 109
  • Damascus, 110
  • Danube, River, 89, 91, 92, 108, 109, 110, 112, 113, 114
  • Daphne, 113, 151
  • Dardani, 92
  • Daras, a village, 40, 41, 42, 43, 47, 48, 49, 51, 52, 53, 83
  • Dausaron, 57
  • Demetrias, 97
  • Deuteron, 17
  • Dimarthion, Monastery of, 155
  • Diocletianopolis, 97
  • Ditch of Germanus, 81
  • Ditch of Longinus, 86
  • Dorostolus, 113
  • Doru, 88
  • Dorticum, 111
  • Draco, River, 130
  • Ducepratum, 109
  • E.
  • Echinæum, 97
  • Edessa, 57, 58, 59, 60, 145
  • Elæus, 119, 121
  • Ephesus, 127, 128
  • Epirus, 93
  • Epidamnus, 91
  • Episcopia, 116
  • Eryma, 112
  • Eubœa, Island, 98
  • Euphratesia, 65, 67
  • Euphrates, River, 53, 56, 61, 63, 64, 65, 75, 81, 82
  • Euripus, Strait of, 99
  • Europus, 65
  • Eurœa, 93
  • Eutropius, 39
  • Euxine Sea, 24, 29, 32, 86, 89, 153
  • F.
  • Forum of Constantine, 34, 35
  • Forty Martyrs, 81
  • Fort of the Emperors, 53
  • Fountain, The, 16
  • Forts, Lists of, 100-107, 123-126
  • G.
  • Gabula, 65
  • Gades, 166
  • Galatia, 134
  • Gerizim, 143, 144, 145, 146
  • Germana, 92
  • Girgis, 160
  • Golden Gate, 17, 33
  • Gomphi, 97 175
  • Gombes, 111
  • Greece, 93, 96, 98
  • Great Syrtes, 157
  • H.
  • Halicaniburgus, 111
  • Hebdomon, 23, 31
  • Hellespont, 119, 128, 133
  • Helena, 129
  • Hemerius, 65
  • Hera, Temple of, 17
  • Heraclea, 96, 118, 119
  • Hieriphthon, Fort, 53
  • Hieron, 33
  • Hiereum, 17
  •     or
  • Heræum, 38, 39
  • Hierapolis, 66
  • Horn, The, 29
  • Hormisdas, 18, 34
  • House of Ares, 35
  • Huns, Fort of the, 112
  • Hypata, 96
  • I.
  • Iatron, 113
  • Iberians, Church of, 147
  • Ibida, 114
  • Illyria, 96, 110, 112, 113
  • Illyrisis, 79
  • Ionian Gulf, 90
  • Irene, Church of, 14, 27
  • Isauria, 151
  • Iscum, 112
  • Isidorus, 15
  • Isthmus of Corinth, 93
  • Ister, River, 108, 114
  • Italy, 36, 67, 88
  • J.
  • Jecundiana, 38
  • Jerusalem, 147
  • Jericho, Hospice at, 147
  • Joannes, Monastery of, 151
  • Jordan, Desert of, 147
  • Judæus, 111
  • Julian, Port, 23
  • Juliopolis, 134
  • Justinopolis, 92, 93
  • Justiniana Prima, 91
  • Justiniana Secunda, 92
  • Justiniana (Carthage), 162, 163
  • K.
  • King’s Palace, 18
  • L.
  • Laccobergus, 111
  • Laodicea, 151
  • Lapidaria, 112
  • Larissa, 98
  • Lazi, Church of the, 147
  • Lazica, 87
  • Lebanon, 73
  • Lederata, 109
  • Leontarium, 96
  • Leptis Magna, 158, 159
  • Libya, 36, 67, 127, 152, 153, 159, 161, 166
  • Litorata, 109
  • Longiniana, 111
  • Losorium, 87
  • Lucernariaburgum, 112
  • Lutararizon, 81
  • Lurnes, 53
  • Lysiormum, 81
  • M.
  • Macedon, 74, 99, 102
  • Mæotic Lake, 87, 88
  • Magne Kahireh, Church of, 168, 169
  • Magdalathum, Fort, 57
  • Mamma, 165
  • Mandracium (Harbour), 162
  • Marathon, 98
  • Mareburgus, 111
  • Maria, Lake, 152
  • Martyr Anthimus, Church of, 27
  • Martyr Eugenius (Aqueduct), 86
  • Martyr Menas, Church of, 33
  • Martyr Menæus, Church of, 33
  • Martyr Mocius, Church of, 23
  • Martyropolis, 51, 77, 78, 79
  • Martyr St. Pantelëemon, Church, 32
  • Martyr Thecla, Church of, 23
  • Martyr Thyssus, Church of, 23
  • Maxentius, 113
  • Maximianopolis, 122
  • Melitene, 28, 82
  • Mesopotamia, 53, 57, 61, 76
  • Metropolis, 97
  • Mocesus, 135
  • Mochadius, 33
  • Mocatiana, 111
  • Mopsuestia, 136
  • Mount Hæmus, 123
  • Mount Pelion, 98
  • Myropole, 96
  • Mysia, 114
  • N.
  • Naïsopolis, 92
  • Neapolis, 143, 144
  • Neocæsarea, 65, 67
  • New Epirus, 93, 100 176
  • Nicæa in Bithynia, 130
  • Nicomedia, 131
  • Nicopolis, 81, 93
  • Nile, River, 152, 153
  • Novæ, 109
  • Novum, 111
  • Numidia, 165
  • Nymphius, River, 77
  • O.
  • Octavum, 108
  • Old Epirus, 23
  • Onopnictes, 70
  • Onos, 111
  • Orocassias, 69, 70
  • Oronon, 85
  • Orontes, River, 68, 69
  • Osrhoëne, 61, 80
  • P.
  • Palmyra, 127
  • Pallene, Peninsula of, 99
  • Palestine, 72, 143, 147
  • Palmatis, 113
  • Palatiolum, 112
  • Pamphylia, 152
  • Pantalia, 92
  • Paratonium, 154
  • Peloponnesus, 97
  • Pentacomia, 65
  • Pentapolis, 153, 154, 155, 156
  • Peneus, River, 98
  • Persian Armenia, 85
  • Perga, 152
  • Persia, 51, 52
  • Perinthus, 118
  • Petra, 87
  • Petrius, 81
  • Pharsalus, 97
  • Phœnice, 93
  • Phœnicia, 73
  • Phasis in Colchis, River, 153
  • Phison, 79
  • Phiale, 152
  • Philippopolis, 123
  • Philæ, 57
  • Photica, 93
  • Phrygia, 133
  • Phthia, 98
  • Picnus, 109
  • Pityous, 87
  • Platanon, 136
  • Platæa, 96
  • Plotinopolis, 123
  • Pontem, 110
  • Pontes, 109, 110
  • Ponteserium, 111
  • Potidæa, 99
  • Ptolemais, 155
  • Proochthus, 29
  • Propontis, 36
  • Putedin, 111
  • Pyramus, River, 136
  • Pyramids, the, 40
  • Pythia, 134
  • Q.
  • Quesoris, 113
  • Quimedaba, 92
  • R.
  • Ratiaria, 111
  • Rhabdium, 51, 52
  • Rhœdestus, 119
  • Rhasis, 53
  • Rhegium, 115
  • Rhesias, 23
  • Rhecius, River, 99, 100
  • Rhipalthæ, 53
  • Rhizeum, 87
  • Rhodope Mountains, 122, 123
  • Ripensis, 109
  • Roman Empire, 29, 43, 54, 56, 85, 88, 94, 117, 146, 152
  • Rumisiana, 92
  • S.
  • Sabaratha, 160
  • Saccus, 96
  • Sakhra, es (Dome of the Rock), 139
  • Saltopyrgus, Fort, 11
  • Sangaris, River, 133
  • Saphchæ, 79
  • Sarmathe, Monastery of, 151
  • Sardica, 92
  • Sardo, Island (Sardinia), 166
  • Sarus, River, 137
  • Satala, 80
  • Sauræ, 53
  • Schamalinichon, 85, 86
  • Scirtus, River, 58
  • Scythia, 114
  • Sebastia, 81
  • Sebastopolis, 87, 88
  • Securisca, 113
  • Selybria, 118
  • Semiramis at Babylon, 10
  • Sergius and Bacchus, SS., 14, 18, 19
  • Sergiopolis, 65
  • Sergius, 65
  • Sestos, 121, 128
  • Siberis, River, 134
  • Sicibida, 112
  • Siletheus, Church of, 147
  • Sinæ, 53
  • Singedon, 109
  • Sinai, Mount (close to Red Sea), 146
  • Siphris, 53 177
  • Sisilisson, 86
  • Sisauranum, Fort, 52
  • Smargdis, 53
  • Smornes, 109
  • Sophanene, 77, 78, 79
  • St. Agathonicus, Church of, 23
  • Stauris, 70
  • St. Anne, Church of, 17
  • Stadium, 40
  • St. Bartholomew, Church of, 45, 51
  • SS. Cosmas and Damianus in Pamphylia, House of, 151
  • SS. Cosmas and Damianus, Church of, 26
  • St. Conon, Poor-house of, 151
  • St. Cyrillus, 114
  • St. Elisæus, Church of the Well of, 147
  • St. George the Martyr, Church of, 81
  • St. Gregorius, 147
  • Stiliburgus, 111
  • St. John, Church of, 151
  • St. John, Monastery of, 149, 151
  • St. John the Baptist, Church of, 30
  • St. James, Church of, 33
  • St. John the Apostle, Church of, 127
  • St. Laurentius the Martyr, Church of, 26
  • St. Leontius, House of, 150
  • St. Marox, 151
  • St. Michael the Archangel, Church to (Antioch), 71
  • St. Michael, Poor-house of, 152
  • St. Michael the Archangel, at Byzantium, Church of, 17, 29, 31, 134
  • St. Mary, Church of, 147
  • Stork, the, 33
  • St. Phoca, Monastery of, 150
  • St. Plato the Martyr, Church of, 23
  • SS. Priscus and Nicolaus, Church of, 26
  • SS. Peter and Paul, 18
  • St. Pantelëemon, 147
  • St. Romanus, Poor-house of, 151
  • St. Sergius, Monastery of, 149
  • St. Samuel, Monastery of, 148
  • St. Sophia, Church of, 4, 11, 14, 15, 21, 34, 51
  • St. Theodorus, Church of, 23
  • St. Theodota, 23
  • St. Tryphon, Church of, 33
  • St. Thalelæus, 147
  • Suri, 64
  • Susanna, Monastery of, 148
  • Susiana, 111
  • Sycæ, 25, 134
  • Sycidaba, 113
  • Syria, 71, 72, 73
  • Syrtis the Lesser, 160, 161
  • T.
  • Tacapa, 160
  • Tanatas, 109
  • Tanaïs, River, 153
  • Taphosiris, 153
  • Tarsus, 137
  • Tauri, 88
  • Tauroscythi, 88
  • Tauresium, 91
  • Telepta, 165
  • Tenedos, Island of, 128, 129
  • Tetrapyrgia, or the Four Towers, 91
  • Teuchria, 154
  • Thannurium, 57
  • Theodotus, Monastery of, 151
  • Thelphrache, Monastery of, 151
  • Thescus, 121
  • Theopolis, 68, 136, 151
  • Theodosiopolis, 47, 79, 81, 82, 83
  • Thermopylæ, 94, 95, 96, 97
  • Thessalonica, 99
  • Thebes, 97
  • Theodosiopolis, 47, 54, 57
  • Themeres, 57
  • Theodora, 110
  • Theodora, Baths of, 162
  • Theodoropolis, City, 113
  • Theodoropolis, Fort, 111
  • Thiolla, 57
  • Thrace, 89, 112, 114, 117, 119, 120
  • Tigas, 113
  • Tigris, River, 74
  • Tilicion, 114
  • Timena, 111
  • Toperus, 123
  • Trajanopolis, 122
  • Transmarisca, 113
  • Trapezus, 86, 87
  • Tripolis, 157, 159, 161
  • Tricattus, 97
  • Tricesa, Fort, 111
  • Tucca, 163
  • Tzanzakon, 86
  • Tzumina, 84
  • U.
  • Ulmiton, 114
  • Ulpiana, 92
  • Unnum, 96
  • Utos, 112
  • V.
  • Valeriana, 112
  • Variana, 112
  • Vernes, 109
  • Viminacium, 109
  • Virgin, at Porphyreon, House of the, 150 178
  • Virgin, at Jericho, Church of the, 147
  • Virgin, Church of the, 143
  • Virgin Mary, Church of, 15, 16, 26, 31
  • W.
  • Watchtower, 44
  • Z.
  • Zamarthas, 57
  • Zanes, 109
  • Zebinus, Monastery of, 151
  • Zenobia, 62, 63, 64
  • Zetnocortum, 112
  • Zeugma, 67
  • Zeuxippus, Baths of, 34

THE END.

THE END.

BILLING & SONS, PRINTERS, GUILDFORD.

BILLING & SONS, PRINTERS, GUILDFORD.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] ‘A new era for Christian architecture commenced with his reign. The historian Procopius has simplified, in the different provinces of his Eastern empire, the task to those who would search for vestiges of buildings erected by this Prince. Anthemius was selected by him as his architect, and the Church of St. Sophia became the type of all the Greek churches from the sixth century. The basilica was, until his time, the type of the Christian church. Anthemius abandoned this form. The chief feature of the church was the dome, the form of the oblong nave being abandoned.’—Texier and Pullan, ‘Byzantine Architecture’ (fol., London, 1864), p. 20. (L.)

[1] 'A new era for Christian architecture began with his reign. The historian Procopius made it easier for those who wanted to find remnants of buildings built by this Prince in the various provinces of his Eastern empire. He chose Anthemius as his architect, and the Church of St. Sophia became the model for all Greek churches from the sixth century onward. The basilica was the standard form of the Christian church until then. Anthemius moved away from this design. The most important feature of the church was the dome, and the long rectangular nave was no longer used.'—Texier and Pullan, ‘Byzantine Architecture’ (fol., London, 1864), p. 20. (L.)

[2] There is a pun in the original upon παιδιά and παιδέια. Cf. Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[2] There is a play on words in the original with παιδιά and παιδέια. See Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[3] ‘Taken altogether, there is no building erected during the first thirteen centuries after the Christian era which, as an interior, is either so beautiful or so worthy of attentive study as this.’—Fergusson, ‘Handbook of Architecture’ (8vo., London, 1855), p. 951. (L.)

[3] "Overall, there isn't any building constructed in the first thirteen centuries after the Christian era that, in terms of its interior, is as beautiful or as deserving of serious study as this one."—Fergusson, ‘Handbook of Architecture’ (8vo., London, 1855), p. 951. (L.)

In addition to Procopius, the erection of St. Sophia has been described by Agathias, and at much greater length by Paulus Silentiarius, and the three descriptions have been compared and analyzed in the ‘Corpus Historiæ Byzantinæ,’ s.v. Paulus Silentiarius. (L.)

In addition to Procopius, the building of St. Sophia has been described by Agathias, and in much greater detail by Paulus Silentiarius, and the three accounts have been compared and analyzed in the ‘Corpus Historiæ Byzantinæ,’ s.v. Paulus Silentiarius. (L.)

A full description of St. Sophia with plans, sections, and detailed drawings of the mosaics, sculpture, etc., is given by Salzenburg in his splendid work ‘Alt Christliche von Constantinopel’ (Berlin, 1854). (L.)

A complete description of St. Sophia, along with plans, sections, and detailed drawings of the mosaics, sculptures, and more, is provided by Salzenburg in his impressive work ‘Alt Christliche von Constantinopel’ (Berlin, 1854). (L.)

[4] ‘The solid piles which sustained the cupola were composed of huge blocks of freestone, hewn into squares and triangles, fortified by circles of iron, and firmly cemented by the infusion of lead and quicklime.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[4] ‘The sturdy pillars supporting the dome were made of large blocks of freestone, shaped into squares and triangles, reinforced with iron bands, and securely bonded with a mixture of lead and quicklime.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[5] ‘Nine western doors open into the vestibule, and from thence into the narthex or exterior portico. That portico was the humble station of the penitents. The nave, or body of the church, was filled by the congregation of the faithful; but the two sexes were prudently distinguished, and the upper and lower galleries were allotted for the more private devotion of the women.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[5] ‘Nine western doors lead into the vestibule, and from there into the narthex or outer porch. That porch served as the modest area for the penitents. The nave, or main part of the church, was occupied by the congregation of the faithful; however, the two genders were thoughtfully separated, with the upper and lower galleries designated for the more private worship of the women.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[6] Λώρους. I am unacquainted with the precise meaning of this word. Ducange, in his ‘Glossary,’ describes ΛΩΡΟΣ as ‘Fornix,’ ‘arcus,’ Ἁψίς, quoting Procopius. But this gives no definite information; nor, after consulting with several well-known authorities on this subject, can I find that the application of the term is now known. It is not alluded to either in Britton’s ‘Dictionary,’ or Willis’s ‘Nomenclature of the Middle Ages.’ From the context and Ducange’s use of the word ἅψις, I presume that λῶρος is applied to the great arch forming the opening of an apse. (L.)

[6] Lloros. I'm not familiar with the exact meaning of this word. Ducange, in his ‘Glossary,’ explains ΛΩΡΟΣ as ‘Fornix,’ ‘arcus,’ Ἁψίς, citing Procopius. However, this doesn’t provide any clear information; and after consulting several well-known experts on the subject, I still can’t find any current understanding of the term's usage. It's not mentioned in Britton’s ‘Dictionary’ or Willis’s ‘Nomenclature of the Middle Ages.’ From the context and Ducange’s use of the word ἅψις, I assume that λῶρος refers to the large arch that forms the opening of an apse. (L.)

[7] Hom. Il., xxii. 27. (S.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Hom. Il., 22. 27. (S.)

[8] ‘St. Irene templum a Constantino M. extructum—tres sacras ædes. Deiparæ scilicet, St. Theodori et St. Irenes, eidem magnæ ecclesiæ unitas fuisse, neque proprium clerum habuisse, qui in iis sacra ministeria perageret.‘ ‘Unde cum Sophianæ ædis appendix fuerit, intra ejusdem septa ædificata dicitur.’ ‘Denique concussa est ipsa ædes eo terræ motu qui accidit Leone Isauro regnante. Hodie intra septum regium includi.’—Ducange, ‘Byzantinæ Historiæ Scriptoribus Constantinopolis Christiana’ (Venice, fol., 1729), lib. iv., p. 102.

[8] ‘The church of St. Irene was built by Emperor Constantine the Great—three holy temples. Specifically dedicated to the Mother of God, St. Theodore, and St. Irene, it was considered a unity within the grand church and did not have its own clergy to carry out sacred duties there.’ ‘Since it was an appendage to the church of Sophia, it is said to have been built within its walls.’ ‘Finally, the church itself was shaken by an earthquake that occurred during the reign of Leo the Isaurian. Today, it is included within the royal enclosure.’—Ducange, ‘Byzantine History of the Christian Writers of Constantinople’ (Venice, fol., 1729), book iv., p. 102.

Rebuilt, in part at all events, by Justinian late in his reign, but in a style entirely different from that of St. Sophia or SS. Sergius and Bacchus, being oblong on plan, with aisles and an apse at the east end. This apse was cleared in 1881. Mr. Edwin Freshfield, who visited the church at that time, states that he ‘found that it was filled with marble benches, or steps, somewhat similar to the Church of Torcello, near Venice. There is no doubt that they formed part of the original arrangement of the church, and that this was due to its being the Patriarchal church.’—Athenæum, 15th August, 1885. (L.)

Rebuilt, at least in part, by Justinian late in his reign, but in a style completely different from St. Sophia or SS. Sergius and Bacchus, it has an elongated plan with aisles and an apse at the east end. This apse was cleared in 1881. Mr. Edwin Freshfield, who visited the church at that time, noted that he 'found it filled with marble benches or steps, somewhat similar to the Church of Torcello, near Venice. There is no doubt that these were part of the original arrangement of the church, and that this was because it served as the Patriarchal church.'—Athenæum, 15th August, 1885. (L.)

[9] Ædes sacræ Deiparæ dicatæ. Deiparæ Blachernarum. Ædem vero Deiparæ Blachernianam a Pulcheria Augusta primum ædificatam scribunt passim scriptores Byzantini. Hanc postmodum de novo instauravit Justinus senior (V. Procopius de Ædifs., lib. i., c. iii.). Denique solo tenus incensum fuisse sub Romano Diogene, restauratum postmodum, novis ornamentis et nova ædificiorum accessione auxit mire Andronicus senior.—Ducange, lib. iv., pp, 55, 56. (L.)

[9] Dedicated to the Holy House of the Mother of God. Of the Mother of God of Blachernae. Writers from Byzantium commonly state that the Church of the Mother of God at Blachernae was first built by Empress Pulcheria. Later, it was completely restored by Senior Justin (See Procopius on Buildings, Book I, Chapter III). Finally, it is noted that it was burned down to the ground during the reign of Romanus Diogenes, and was subsequently restored, greatly enhanced with new ornaments and additions to the buildings by Senior Andronicus.—Ducange, Book IV, pages 55, 56. (L.)

[10] ‘Deuterum, Δεύτερον, locus et tractus urbis ita appellatus occurrit sæpe apud scriptores Byzantinos qui in eo ædes sacras Stæ. Annas, Sti. Georgii, St. Pauli et SS. Notariorum extitisse narrant.—Procopius scribens haud procul a St. Annæ æde in Deutero aliam ædificasse Justinianum Zoæ Martyri, ad ultimam urbis plateam.—Porro Deuterum dictum fuisse, quod secundo milliari a vetere Byzantio dissitum esset.’—Ducange, lib. ii., p. 133. (L.)

[10] 'Deuterum, Δεύτερον, is a name that frequently appears in Byzantine writings, referring to the area where sacred buildings like St. Anna's, St. George's, St. Paul's, and the SS. Notariorum were said to exist. Procopius mentions that not far from St. Anna's church, Justinian built another church dedicated to Zoas the Martyr, located at the end of the city's main street. Furthermore, it was called Deuterum because it was situated two miles away from the old Byzantium.'—Ducange, lib. ii., p. 133. (L.)

[11] ‘Templum quod Αρχαγγέδον et τὰ Στείρου appellatum fuit, id nominis sortitum eit, a Patricia quadam sterili, Leone M. Impr. Quum autem esset parvum oratorium ampliorem ædem ibi excitavit Judinianus M. quam terræ motu collapsam instauravit Basilius Macedo, qui insuper ablatam ex Strategio Phialam æream illuc transposuit. Observat porro Maltratus in margine Procopii περὶ τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ αὐτομάτου ἐν τῷ Σενατορίῳ—unde colligitur regionem in qua hæc ædes extructa fuit senatorii nomine donatam.’—Ducange, lib. iv., p. 66. (S.)

[11] 'The temple that was called Αρχαγγέδον and τὰ Στείρου received its name from a certain barren Patricia, Leo M. Impr. When it was a small chapel, Justinian M built a larger structure there after it collapsed from an earthquake, and Basil the Macedonian restored it, who also transferred the bronze basin taken from the Strategion there. Furthermore, Maltratus notes in the margin of Procopius's περὶ τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ αὐτομάτου ἐν τῷ Σενατορίῳ—hence it is derived that the region where this building was constructed was donated under the senator's name.'—Ducange, lib. iv., p. 66. (S.)

[12] ‘Assumptus ille in Hormisdas SS. Sergii et Bacchi Monasterio quod Palatio adjacet.’—Ducange, lib. iv., p. 93.

[12] ‘That assumption is in the Monastery of Saints Sergius and Bacchus which is next to the Palace.’—Ducange, book iv., p. 93.

[13] ‘Juxta Hormisdæ palatium, ubi priusquam imperium adeptus esset habitabat Justinianus. Hormisdæ monasterium nuncupatur. Quippe ad Hormisdæ palatium, quod Imperator factus magno Palatio adjunxit, bina excitavit templa, quæ a latere cohærebant, et vestibulorum porticus, atria et propylea communia habebant. Cumque pari invicem decore ac magnitudine essent, in hoc tamen differebant, quod hujus directa esset longitudo, illius vero columnæ in semicirculum dispositæ essent fere omnes, priorem ædem SS. Petro et SS. Paulo, alteram SS. Sergio et Baccho dicavit.’—Ducange, lib. iv., p. 93. (L.)

[13] “Near the palace of Hormisdas, where Justinian lived before he gained power, there is a monastery called Hormisdas. Justinian added two grand temples to Hormisdas' palace, which were connected on the side and shared porticos, atriums, and shared entrances. Though they were equal in splendor and size, they differed in that one had a straight length, while the columns of the other were arranged in a semicircle. He dedicated the first to Saints Peter and Paul, and the second to Saints Sergius and Bacchus.” —Ducange, lib. iv., p. 93. (L.)

One of the most interesting buildings in Constantinople. It is rightly called the Little Agia Sofia, as it was the first essay of Justinian, before he became Emperor, in the style of which the Great Church was to be the glory. I make no doubt that Anthemius of Tralles was the architect, and the building has in it many of the peculiarities of the Church Agia Sofia. It is further interesting as having furnished the model for the Church of St. Vitale at Ravenna, some of the details in the latter church being also copied from the Kutchuk Agia Sofia. This church was dedicated to SS. Sergius and Bacchus.—Mr. Edwin Freshfield, in Athenæum, August 15, 1885, p. 217. (L.)

One of the most interesting buildings in Constantinople is rightly called the Little Agia Sofia, as it was Justinian's first attempt at this style before he became Emperor, with the Great Church meant to be its crowning achievement. I have no doubt that Anthemius of Tralles was the architect, and the building shares many characteristics with the Church of Agia Sofia. It’s also noteworthy for having inspired the Church of St. Vitale in Ravenna, with some details in that church being copied from the Kutchuk Agia Sofia. This church was dedicated to Saints Sergius and Bacchus.—Mr. Edwin Freshfield, in Athenæum, August 15, 1885, p. 217. (L.)

[14] νἁρθηξ = a reed. (S.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ νἁρθηξ = a reed. (S.)

[15] ‘Sanctorum apostolorum templum, omnium quæ in urbe extiterunt, post Sophianum celeberrimum et pulcherrimum extruxit Constantinus Magnus, ut in eo Imperatores Christiani post obitum humarentur.’—V. Eusebius, lib. iv., de Vita Consti., c. 58; Ducange, lib. iv., p. 71.

[15] ‘The temple of the apostles, built by Constantine the Great, is the most renowned and beautiful structure in the city, following the magnificent Sophia, so that Christian emperors could be buried there after their death.’—V. Eusebius, book iv, on the Life of Constantine, chapter 58; Ducange, book iv, page 71.

Constantine erected it. The walls were covered with marble from pavement to roof; the nave was ceiled, and the dome, as well as the roof, was covered with plates of brass. Constantine caused his tomb to be erected in the centre of the church. It was damaged by an earthquake soon after its erection, but was repaired by Justinian.—Texier and Pullan, p. 12.

Constantine built it. The walls were covered with marble from the floor to the ceiling; the nave had a ceiling, and both the dome and the roof were covered with sheets of brass. Constantine had his tomb placed in the center of the church. It was damaged by an earthquake shortly after it was built, but Justinian had it repaired.—Texier and Pullan, p. 12.

In 1038 A.D., the Church of the Apostles suffered terribly in an earthquake, and was pulled down by Mohammed II.—Texier and Pullan, ‘Byzantine Architecture,’ fol. 1864, p. 161. (L.)

In 1038 CE, the Church of the Apostles was severely damaged in an earthquake and was destroyed by Mohammed II.—Texier and Pullan, ‘Byzantine Architecture,’ fol. 1864, p. 161. (L.)

[16] ‘S. Acacii qui martyrium passus est Byzantii sub Diocletiano, ædem ædificavit in Heptascalo Constantinus Magnus. Ædis situm eundem designant Menæa, ad 4 Junii. Ecclesiam S. Acacii conditam quidem a Constantino Magno, sed illius nomen ædi primum imposuisse Justinianum. Justinianus autem hanc a fundamentis instauravit, disjecta priore æde. Denique cum rursum ruinam minaretur de novo instauratum est a Basilio Macedone.’—Ducange, lib. iv., pp. 80, 81. (L.)

[16] ‘St. Acacius, who suffered martyrdom in Byzantium under Diocletian, had a church built in the Heptaskalon by Constantine the Great. The Menæa, on June 4th, indicate the location of this church. While the Church of St. Acacius was founded by Constantine the Great, it was Justinian who first gave it that name. Justinian, however, rebuilt it from the ground up, demolishing the previous structure. Finally, when it was again threatened by ruin, it was newly restored by Basil the Macedonian.’—Ducange, lib. iv., pp. 80, 81. (L.)

[17] ‘S. Platonis ædes ab Anastasio Dicoro primum ædificata est, qui in eam decem columnas sculptas ex Thessalonica intulit, quarum duæ in Chalceno a Lacapeno postea translatæ sunt. De novo instauratam a Justiniano. At cum postmodum illius tectum laboraret, novum confecit, murosque quibus incumbebat, firmiores reddidit Basilius Macedo.’—Ducange, lib. iv., p. 92.

[17] ‘The house of St. Plato was first built by Anastasius Dicorus, who brought in ten sculpted columns from Thessalonica, two of which were later moved to Chalcis by Lacapenus. It was newly restored by Justinian. However, when the roof later suffered damage, Basil the Macedonian completed a new one and made the walls it rested on stronger.’—Ducange, lib. iv., p. 92.

[18] ‘S. Mocii Martyris templum, a Constantino Magno ædificatum. Codinus ait non de novo ædificatam fuisse a Constantino sed cum fanum esset deorum, illud expurgasse, dejectes simulacris ac idolis.’—Ducange, lib. iv., p. 89.

[18] ‘The temple of St. Mocius the Martyr, built by Constantine the Great. Codinus states that it wasn’t newly built by Constantine but that he purified it, removing the statues and idols from the existing pagan temple.’—Ducange, lib. iv., p. 89.

[19] This church is on the same plan as that of Myra.—V. Fergusson, p. 966. (L.)

[19] This church follows the same design as the one in Myra.—V. Fergusson, p. 966. (L.)

[20] ‘S. Agathonici templum forma dromica ædificatum a Constantino Magno. Deinde in Angustiorem formam excitatum a Justiniano. Patriarches sedisse, coronatosque Imperatores quatuor, tandemque in Magno Palatio, cui adjacebat, inclusum sub Tiberio Mauricii socero.’—Ducange, lib. iv., p. 81. (L.)

[20] ‘The Temple of St. Agathon built in the style of a round building by Constantine the Great. Later, it was raised in a narrower form by Justinian. The Patriarchs sat there, alongside four crowned Emperors, and finally, it was enclosed within the Great Palace, which was adjacent to it, under Tiberius, the father-in-law of Mauricius.’—Ducange, lib. iv., p. 81. (L.)

[21] Κέρας = horn. (S.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Κέρας = horn. (S.)

[22] Συκαί = fig-trees. (S.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Fig trees. (S.)

[23] The very ancient church at Ratisbon, known as the ‘Alter Dom,’ or ‘Stephan’s Kirchlein,’ is believed to have been originally built without windows. (S.)

[23] The very old church in Regensburg, known as the ‘Alter Dom’ or ‘St. Stephen's Church,’ is thought to have originally been built without any windows. (S.)

[24] ‘St. Irene Martyris templum, ultra ædem S. Anthimi, ad ipsum Sinus Ostium ædificavit Justinianus. Verum S. Irenes ædis Sycænæ, seu Sycis proximæ, non fuit conditor Justinianus sed instaurator.’—Ducange, lib. iv., p. 103. (L.)

[24] ‘Justinian built the temple of St. Irene Martyr, beyond the church of St. Anthimus, at the entrance to the Gulf. However, Justinian was not the founder of the church of St. Irene in Sycæna, or nearby Sycis, but rather its restorer.’—Ducange, lib. iv., p. 103. (L.)

[25] Near the village of Kourou, Cheshmeh.—Murray’s ‘Guide to Turkey and Asia Minor,’ etc., 1878, p. 106. (L.)

[25] Near the village of Kourou, Cheshmeh.—Murray’s ‘Guide to Turkey and Asia Minor,’ etc., 1878, p. 106. (L.)

[26] ‘S. Michaelis templum in Anaplo ædificavit Constantinus Magnus. Cum vero Anaplus proprie dicatur littus Bospori Europæanum, ut alibi indicatum, locum distinctius designat Cedrenus, ἐν τῷ Ἀναπλῳ καὶ Σωσθενίῳ. Ædem S. Michaelis Sosthenianam de novo et a fundamentis instauravit Justinianus Magnus ut et alteram quam in opposito littore Asiatico ab eodem Constantino Magno ædificatam narrat Nicephorus.’—Ducange, lib. iv., pp. 130, 131. (L.)

[26] 'Constantine the Great built the church of St. Michael in Anaplo. Since Anaplo refers specifically to the European side of the Bosporus, as mentioned elsewhere, Cedrenus more clearly identifies the location as being "in Anaplo and Sosthenes." Justinian the Great reconstructed the church of St. Michael in Sosthenes from the ground up, as well as another church that Nicephorus states was built by the same Constantine the Great on the opposite Asian shore.'—Ducange, lib. iv., pp. 130, 131. (L.)

[27] ‘Joannis Baptistæ in Hebdomo templum excitavit Theodosius Magnus et in eo nuper inventum, et in urbem allatum caput sancti Præcursoris reposuit rotundo tecto Theodosius Magnus condidit. A Justiniano excitatam, seu potius instauratam prodit Procopius. Denique hanc rursum instauravit Basilius Macedo. Ea in latere ad solis ortum pertinente sita est, a Turcis maxima ex parte diruta, ubi aliquot columnæ marmoreæ extremam rapinam metuentes supersunt, sed paucæ ex multis ablatis. Quam, autem illa sumptuosa fuisset cum alia vestigia indicant, tum cisterna Boni paulò supra eam sita, longa 300 passus, columnis et concameratione spoliata, in qua nunc horti virent.’—Ducange, lib. iv., pp. 68, 69. Cisternam Boni. Cameris cylindricis tectam, extruxit Bonus Patricius et Magister cui Heraclius Imp., contra Persas profecturus, urbis custodiam commisit.’—Ducange, lib. i., p. 80. (L.)

[27] ‘Theodosius the Great built the temple of St. John the Baptist in the Week, recently discovered and brought to the city, and he placed the head of the holy Precursor under a round roof that Theodosius the Great constructed. Procopius states it was created, or rather restored, by Justinian. Finally, Basil the Macedonian restored it once again. It’s situated on the eastern side, mainly destroyed by the Turks, where a few marble columns remain, fearing imminent plunder, but few out of many taken. However, its former splendor is indicated by other signs, like the Cistern of Boni located a little above it, 300 paces long, stripped of its columns and vaulting, in which gardens now flourish.’—Ducange, lib. iv., pp. 68, 69. The Cistern of Boni. It was built with cylindrical vaulted chambers by Boni, a Patrician and Master, to whom Emperor Heraclius entrusted the city's defense against the Persians.’—Ducange, lib. i., p. 80. (L.)

[28] ‘Some ruins of this still remain near Fort Yousha, on the Asiatic shore of the Bosphorus.’—Murray’s ‘Guide,’ p. 118. (L.)

[28] ‘Some ruins of this still exist near Fort Yousha, on the Asian side of the Bosphorus.’—Murray’s ‘Guide,’ p. 118. (L.)

[29] ‘SS. Menæ et Menæi Martyrum ædem excitavit in Hebdomo Justinianus.’—Ducange, lib. iv., p. 88. (S.)

[29] 'SS. Menæ and the Martyrs of Menæ were honored in the week of Justinian.'—Ducange, book iv., p. 88. (S.)

[30] ‘The finest marbles were taken from the Baths of Zeuxippus, and used by Mahomet II. for building his Mosque, etc.’—V. Texier and Pullan, p. 161. (L.)

[30] "The best marbles were sourced from the Baths of Zeuxippus and used by Mahomet II. to construct his Mosque, etc."—V. Texier and Pullan, p. 161. (L.)

[31] ‘The dome of a spacious quadrangle was supported on massy pillars; the pavement and walls encrusted with many coloured marbles—the emerald green of Laconia, the fiery red, and the white Phrygian stone, intersected with veins of a sea-green hue: the Mosaic paintings of the dome and sides represented the glories of the African and Italian triumphs.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[31] ‘The dome of a large courtyard was held up by thick pillars; the floor and walls were covered with colorful marbles—the emerald green from Laconia, the bright red, and the white Phrygian stone, mixed with veins of a sea-green color: the mosaic artwork on the dome and walls depicted the glories of African and Italian victories.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[32] ‘On the Asiatic shore of the Propontis, at a small distance to the east of Chalcedon, the costly palace and gardens of Heræum were prepared for the summer residence of Justinian, and more especially of Theodora.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[32] ‘On the Asian side of the Sea of Marmara, just to the east of Chalcedon, the luxurious palace and gardens of Heræum were set up as the summer home for Justinian, and especially for Theodora.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[33] Now Diarbekr, on the Tigris, about twelve miles from Nisebin.

[33] Now Diarbekr, on the Tigris, roughly twelve miles from Nisebin.

[34] ‘Military architecture had a special character during the reign of Justinian, and his successors departed but little from the principles laid down by the engineers of his time. The walls were flanked with towers, usually round. The most commanding part was occupied by a square redoubt defended at the angles by towers. The gates were protected by an advanced work. The fortifications of many towns in Mesopotamia, e.g. Edessa, date from the time of Justinian, and are constructed on the same principle.’—Abridged from Texier and Pullan, pp. 23, 24. (L.)

[34] “Military architecture had a unique character during Justinian's reign, and his successors hardly strayed from the principles set by the engineers of that era. The walls were supported by towers, typically round. The most strategic section featured a square redoubt, defended at the corners by towers. The gates were secured by an outpost. The fortifications of many towns in Mesopotamia, e.g. Edessa, date back to Justinian's time and are built on the same design.” —Abridged from Texier and Pullan, pp. 23, 24. (L.)

[35] ‘The fortifications of Dara were almost entirely rebuilt by the Emperor Anastasius, A.D. 503. Hastily constructed, they fell into ruins in a few years. Justinian rebuilt the town, A.D. 537. The line of its ramparts, which were built of large blocks of limestone, can be traced throughout, certain portions being still 30 feet high.’—Abridged from Texier and Pullan, p. 53. (L.)

[35] "The fortifications of Dara were almost completely rebuilt by Emperor Anastasius in A.D. 503. They were constructed quickly and fell into disrepair within a few years. Justinian rebuilt the town in A.D. 537. The outline of its walls, made from large limestone blocks, can still be seen, with some parts remaining 30 feet high." —Abridged from Texier and Pullan, p. 53. (L.)

[36] ‘The fortifications of Dara,’ says Gibbon, ‘may represent the military architecture of the age. The city was surrounded by two walls, and the interval between them, of fifty paces, afforded a retreat to the cattle of the besieged. The inner wall was a monument of strength and beauty: it measured sixty feet from the ground, and the height of the towers was one hundred feet; the loopholes, from whence an enemy might be annoyed with missile weapons, were small, but numerous; the soldiers were placed along the rampart, under the shelter of double galleries, and a third platform, spacious and secure, was raised on the summit of the towers. The exterior wall seems to have been less lofty, but more solid; and each tower was protected by a quadrangular bulwark. A hard rocky soil resisted the tools of the miners, and on the south-east, where the ground was more tractable, their approach was retarded by a new work, which advanced in the shape of a half-moon. The double and treble ditches were filled with a stream of water; and in the management of the river, the most skilful labour was employed to supply the inhabitants, to distress the besiegers, and to prevent the mischiefs of a natural or artificial inundation.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.) See Note, page 58.

[36] “The fortifications of Dara,” Gibbon writes, “may showcase the military architecture of the time. The city was surrounded by two walls, and the space between them, which was fifty paces wide, provided a refuge for the cattle of those inside during a siege. The inner wall was a symbol of strength and beauty: it stood sixty feet tall, and the towers reached a height of one hundred feet; the small but numerous loopholes allowed defenders to fire projectiles at attackers. Soldiers were stationed along the rampart under the protection of double galleries, and a spacious, secure third platform was built on top of the towers. The outer wall appeared to be shorter but sturdier, with each tower guarded by a rectangular bulwark. A hard, rocky ground resisted mining tools, and on the southeast, where the terrain was easier to work with, the attackers faced delays due to a new construction that formed a half-moon shape. The double and triple ditches were filled with water, and expert management of the river was crucial to supply the residents, hinder the besiegers, and prevent damage from natural or man-made flooding.” —Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.) See Note, page 58.

[37] ‘The Church of Dara is in a perfect state of preservation owing to the extreme solidity of its construction—a parallelogram 97·6 by 68·3. In the interior, the nave, with the adjoining chapels, forms a perfect square. A building adjoining, supposed to have been the baptistry, is ruined. Mr. Ainsworth says there are seven or eight churches in the town.’—Texier and Pullan, p. 52.

[37] ‘The Church of Dara is incredibly well-preserved thanks to its extremely solid construction, measuring 97.6 by 68.3. Inside, the nave and the connected chapels create a perfect square. There is a nearby structure, believed to have been the baptistry, which is in ruins. Mr. Ainsworth mentions that there are seven or eight churches in the town.’—Texier and Pullan, p. 52.

[38] Rabdium, near Jezireh-ibn-Omar. A fine old castle. ‘This appears to be the Rabdium of the Byzantines. The remains of an ancient bridge are seen crossing the Tigris at a short distance.’—Chesney’s ‘Euphrates.’ (L.)

[38] Rabdium, close to Jezireh-ibn-Omar. A beautiful old castle. ‘This seems to be the Rabdium mentioned by the Byzantines. You can see the remnants of an old bridge crossing the Tigris not far away.’—Chesney’s ‘Euphrates.’ (L.)

[39] Mejafarkîn, north-east of Diarbekr. (W.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mejafarkîn, northeast of Diyarbakır. (W.)

[40] Founded by Theodosius II. V. ‘De Bello Persico,’ i. 10.—Gibbon. (S.) Now probably Ras el ‘Ain on the Khabûr. (W.)

[40] Founded by Theodosius II. V. ‘De Bello Persico,’ i. 10.—Gibbon. (S.) Now likely Ras el ‘Ain on the Khabûr. (W.)

[41] River Aborrhas. The Chaboras at the juncture of the Khabûr and the Euphrates: the Chaboras of Ptolemy and Pliny and probably the Araxes of Xenophon; now the Khabûr. (W.)

[41] River Aborrhas. The Chaboras at the meeting point of the Khabûr and the Euphrates: the Chaboras mentioned by Ptolemy and Pliny and likely the Araxes of Xenophon; now the Khabûr. (W.)

[42] ‘Circesium, the last Roman station on the Euphrates.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.) Now Kirkisiah at the juncture of the Khabûr and the Euphrates. (W.)

[42] ‘Circesium, the last Roman stop on the Euphrates.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.) Now Kirkisiah at the meeting point of the Khabûr and the Euphrates. (W.)

[43] ‘La fortification byzantine se composait de plusieurs parties qui correspondent du vallum, agger, et mænium des fortifications Romaines. C’est le τεῖχος, le mur ou la courtine, sur la face de laquelle s’élèvent les tours; en avant de ce mur s’élève le mur du parapet, première defense de la courtine, προτείχισμα. Ce mur est espacé (du τεῖχος) de la courtine d’un quart environ de la hauteur totale. L’espace compris entre ces deux murs est le péribole (περίβολος), le chemin couvert. Ce mot est appliqué aussi au chemin interieur de l’agger qui longe le fossé (τάφρος). L’agger, qui se compose des terres du fossé, est soutenu par un mur, quelquefois flanqué de tours, qui est le ἀντιτείχισμα, mur de l’avant rempart. Les tours (πύργοι), sont appliquées a l’une et l’autre murailles. La courtine est surmontée d’un parapet. C’est la partie du remparts qui porte le nom de ἐπιτείχισμα, muraille supérieure: sur cette muraille sont placés les creneaux, ἐπάλζεις, qui sont quelquefois réunis par un mur dans la partie supérieure, et forment des espèces de barbacanes, θυρίδαι, pour lancer les traits. Le creneau etait quelquefois surmonté d’un pyramidion, d’autres fois il etait fendu par un encoche pour appuyer le trait.

[43] The Byzantine fortification consisted of several parts that correspond to the vallum, agger, and mænium of Roman fortifications. It includes the τεῖχος, the wall or curtain, on which towers rise; in front of this wall is the parapet wall, the first line of defense of the curtain, προτείχισμα. This wall is spaced (from the τεῖχος) from the curtain by about a quarter of the total height. The space between these two walls is the péribole (περίβολος), the covered path. This term is also applied to the interior path of the agger that runs along the ditch (τάφρος). The agger, composed of earth from the ditch, is supported by a wall, sometimes flanked by towers, known as the ἀντιτείχισμα, or outer wall. The towers (πύργοι) are attached to both walls. The curtain is topped with a parapet. This part of the rampart is called ἐπιτείχισμα, the upper wall: on this wall are placed the crenellations, ἐπάλζεις, which are sometimes connected by a wall at the top, forming types of barbicans, θυρίδαι, for launching projectiles. The crenellation was sometimes topped with a pyramid shape, and other times it was notched to support the projectile.

‘On ne saurait doubter que la ville d’Edesse n’eut été munie d’un double rempart; car ces deux parties, προτείχισμα et περίβολος, sont specialement mentionnées par Procope dans la relation du siège d’Edesse. C’est la muraille extérieure, ἑκτὸς τεῖχος, qui soutient l’agger, et par conséquent forme le chemin couvert, ὁ μέγας περίβολος.’—Texier, ‘Monographe sur l’Edesse.’ (S.) It is now Urfa. (W.)

‘There’s no doubt that the city of Edessa had a double wall; both parts, προτείχισμα and περίβολος, are specifically mentioned by Procopius in his account of the siege of Edessa. It’s the outer wall, ἑκτὸς τεῖχος, that supports the agger and thus forms the covered way, ὁ μέγας περίβολος.’—Texier, ‘Monograph on Edessa.’ (S.) It is now Urfa. (W.)

[44] ‘The text (Procopius) is so conformable to the topography of the town, that it would appear to have been written on the spot.

[44] ‘The text (Procopius) matches the layout of the town so well that it seems like it was written right there.’

‘We do not find, near the banks of the river, any vestige of the hippodrome mentioned by Procopius in “De Bello Persico,” book i., ch. xii. (L.) ‘A stranger is struck by the imposing aspect of the ancient castle; the same which was constructed by Justinian. Its form is that of a parallelogram, 400 by 200 yards, defended by several square and two large semi-octagonal towers. The capitals of the two Corinthian columns are surmounted by blocks of stone which show that they were intended to have some further decoration—probably the statues of Justinian and Theodora.—The diameter of each column is nearly two yards.’—Texier and Pullan, pp. 181-184.

‘We do not find, near the banks of the river, any trace of the hippodrome mentioned by Procopius in “De Bello Persico,” book i., ch. xii. (L.) ‘A visitor is impressed by the impressive appearance of the ancient castle; the same one built by Justinian. Its shape is a parallelogram, 400 by 200 yards, protected by several square towers and two large semi-octagonal towers. The capitals of the two Corinthian columns are topped with stone blocks that indicate they were meant to have additional decoration—likely statues of Justinian and Theodora. The diameter of each column is nearly two yards.’—Texier and Pullan, pp. 181-184.

‘In Smith’s “Dict. of Geog.,” it is stated that as late as 1184, there were fifteen large churches, which fell into the hands of the Saracens. It was deserted in 1285.

‘In Smith’s “Dict. of Geog.,” it is mentioned that as late as 1184, there were fifteen large churches, which were taken over by the Saracens. It was abandoned in 1285.

[45] Carrhæ (now Harran), a few miles south of Edessa.

[45] Carrhæ (now Harran), just a few miles south of Edessa.

[46] Callinicum, on the Euphrates, and marked on the map as ‘or Nicephorium,’ at the junction with the river Bilecha (Bilek). (L.)

[46] Callinicum, on the Euphrates, and marked on the map as ‘or Nicephorium,’ at the junction with the river Bilecha (Bilek). (L.)

[47] ‘On voit que l’historien Grec donne indistinctement à cette place les noms de Βάτνη au singulier, et Βάτναι au pluriel ... La table de Peutinger donne le nom Batna. Ce qui m’a surtout frappé dans cette localité, ce sont les vastes carrières qui ont dû fournir à une exploitation considerable. Une grande partie des materiaux qui ont servi aux constructions d’Edesse en à sans doubte été tirée.’—‘Edesse et ses Monuments,’ par Ch. Texier, Membre de l’Institut, Paris, 1859. (S.)

[47] “The Greek historian clearly uses the names Βάτνη in the singular and Βάτναι in the plural for this location... The Peutinger Table lists the name Batna. What struck me most about this area are the vast quarries that must have been extensively exploited. A large portion of the materials used in the constructions of Edessa must have come from here.”—“Edessa and Its Monuments,” by Ch. Texier, Member of the Institute, Paris, 1859. (S.)

[48] ‘The ruins present the form of an acute triangle, having its base resting on the river, whilst its sides climb the acclivity of a conical hill, and terminate at its summit in a small Acropolis. It was defended by walls flanked by strong towers, which, as well as the public and private buildings, were all constructed of fine gypsum (which abounds along the Euphrates), and are as sharp and fresh as if they had recently been built.’—‘Narrative of the Euphrates Expedition,’ p. 247, by F. R. Chesney, London, 1868. 8vo. (L.)

[48] “The ruins are shaped like an acute triangle, with its base along the river, while its sides rise up the slope of a conical hill and meet at the top in a small Acropolis. It was protected by walls with strong towers, and all the public and private buildings were made of fine gypsum (which is abundant along the Euphrates), looking as sharp and fresh as if they had just been built.” —‘Narrative of the Euphrates Expedition,’ p. 247, by F. R. Chesney, London, 1868. 8vo. (L.)

[49] Suri (now Surieh), a few miles west of Callinicum. (W.)

[49] Suri (now Surieh), a few miles west of Callinicum. (W.)

[50] Is this the same as Tetrapyrgia, where St. Sergius was buried? (W.)

[50] Is this the same as Tetrapyrgia, where St. Sergius was buried? (W.)

[51] Barbalissus (now Kala), at Balis, on the Euphrates. See Ant. Mart., ‘Itin.,’ xlvii. (W.)

[51] Barbalissus (now Kala), at Balis, on the Euphrates. See Ant. Mart., ‘Itin.,’ xlvii. (W.)

[52] On the Euphrates, now probably Jerablûs, supposed by some to be the site of Carchemish. (W.)

[52] On the Euphrates, likely present-day Jerablûs, thought by some to be the location of Carchemish. (W.)

[53] Hierapolis (Bambych), formerly the capital of Euphratesia, on west of Euphrates, between Antioch and Edessa. ‘Has no records of its ancient greatness but its walls, which may be traced all round; cannot be less than three miles in compass ... with towers of large square stone, extremely well built. A deep pit of about 100 yards diameter seemed to have had great buildings all round it, with the pillars and ruins of which it is now in part filled up, but not so much but that there was still water in it. Here are a multitude of subterraneous aqueducts brought to this city. You can ride nowhere about the city without seeing them.’—Maundrell’s ‘Journey from Aleppo to Euphrates,’ Bohn’s edition, 8vo., p. 507, 1848. (L.)

[53] Hierapolis (Bambych), once the capital of Euphratesia, is located to the west of the Euphrates, between Antioch and Edessa. There are no records of its ancient significance, except for the walls that can still be traced all around; they measure at least three miles in circumference and feature large square stone towers that are extremely well constructed. A deep pit, about 100 yards in diameter, appears to have had significant buildings surrounding it, with pillars and ruins that partially fill it, although there's still water in it. A network of underground aqueducts supplies the city, and you can't ride anywhere nearby without seeing them. —Maundrell’s ‘Journey from Aleppo to Euphrates,’ Bohn’s edition, 8vo., p. 507, 1848. (L.)

Hierapolis (Bambij, or Membij). The whole place is now a mass of ruin, but the outlines of a theatre and stadium can be traced. The lake is now represented by a deep circular pool, said to be always full of water. There are several springs in the ruins, and water was also supplied by ‘Kariz,’ or underground channels. Formerly a centre of great commercial importance; our word ‘bombazine’ comes from Bambya. (W. MS. notes, 1881.)

Hierapolis (Bambij, or Membij). The entire area is now in ruins, but you can still see the outlines of a theater and stadium. The lake is now just a deep circular pool, which is said to always be full of water. There are several springs in the ruins, and water was also supplied by underground channels known as ‘Kariz.’ It used to be a major commercial center; our word ‘bombazine’ comes from Bambya. (W. MS. notes, 1881.)

[54] Zeugma, on the right bank of the Euphrates, opposite Biredjik. (W.)

[54] Zeugma, located on the right side of the Euphrates River, across from Biredjik. (W.)

[55] Antiochia, now Antâkieh, founded by Seleucus Nicator. Having been nearly ruined by an earthquake it was almost rebuilt by Justinian, and called by him Theodopolis. In A.D. 1163, it is described by Benjamin of Tudela as a large city very strongly fortified, ‘overlooked by a very high mountain; a wall surrounds this height, on the summit of which is situated a well. The inspector of the well distributes the water by subterranean aqueducts, and thus provides the houses of the principal inhabitants of the city. The other side of the city is surrounded by the river.’ A plan of the city is given under ‘Antioch’ in Smith’s ‘Dict. of Antiquities.’

[55] Antiochia, now known as Antâkieh, was founded by Seleucus Nicator. After being nearly destroyed by an earthquake, it was almost rebuilt by Justinian, who renamed it Theodopolis. In CE 1163, Benjamin of Tudela described it as a large city that was very strongly fortified, ‘overlooked by a very high mountain; a wall surrounds this height, on the summit of which there is a well. The inspector of the well distributes the water through underground aqueducts, providing water to the houses of the city’s prominent residents. The other side of the city is bordered by the river.’ A layout of the city can be found under ‘Antioch’ in Smith’s ‘Dict. of Antiquities.’

‘The city (the modern Antakieh) covers but a small part of the ground occupied by the ancient city, though it still contains fourteen mosques.

‘The city (the modern Antakieh) occupies only a small section of the area once covered by the ancient city, but it still has fourteen mosques.’

‘The population in 1836 was under 6,000.

‘The population in 1836 was less than 6,000.

‘The walls of the ancient city are comparatively perfect.

‘The walls of the old city are relatively intact.

‘From the Acropolis the wall has been carried down the almost vertical face of the cliff, and after crossing the valley, is made to ascend the opposite steep hill in a zigzag and extraordinary manner.

‘From the Acropolis, the wall has been extended down the nearly vertical cliff face, and after crossing the valley, it is designed to climb the opposite steep hill in a zigzag and remarkable way.

‘At the steepest part of the hills these walls necessarily become a succession of gigantic steps between the towers, which, at some places, are close to one another.’—‘Narrative of the Euphrates Expedition,’ p. 189, by J. R. Chesney, London, 1868. (L.)

‘At the steepest part of the hills, these walls become a series of enormous steps between the towers, which in some places are quite close to each other.’—‘Narrative of the Euphrates Expedition,’ p. 189, by J. R. Chesney, London, 1868. (L.)

[56] ‘Cyrus, dans la Syrie. Procope rapporte que celle ville fut fondée par les Juifs. C’est la ville Cyrrhus de Ptolemée dont il fait la capitale de la Cyrrhestique. Elle était à 2 journées d’Antioche. Ou la nomine aussi Cyrrhus.’—‘Encyclopédie Méthodique,’ ‘Géographie Ancienne,’ Paris, 1787. (L.) It is now Chorres, north-west of Aleppo. (W.)

[56] ‘Cyrus, in Syria. Procopius reports that this city was founded by the Jews. It is the city Cyrrhus mentioned by Ptolemy as the capital of Cyrrhestica. It was two days' journey from Antioch. It is also referred to as Cyrrhus.’—‘Encyclopédie Méthodique,’ ‘Géographie Ancienne,’ Paris, 1787. (L.) It is now Chorres, north-west of Aleppo. (W.)

[57] ‘Chalcis, between Beyrout and Damascus, where there are ruins of the old city, surrounded by a prostrate wall. Two or three miserable hovels are now the only representatives of a royal city.’—Porter’s (Murray’s) ‘Syria and Palestine,’ 1875, p. 515. (L.) Is not the Northern Chalcis (now Kinnesrin), south-west of Aleppo, intended? It is mentioned in ‘Itin.,’ Ant., also in Ant. Mart., ‘Itin.’ (W.)

[57] ‘Chalcis, located between Beirut and Damascus, has ruins of the old city, surrounded by a fallen wall. Only two or three shabby huts remain to represent a once-royal city.’—Porter’s (Murray’s) ‘Syria and Palestine,’ 1875, p. 515. (L.) Is this referring to Northern Chalcis (now Kinnesrin), south-west of Aleppo? It’s mentioned in ‘Itin.,’ Ant., and also in Ant. Mart., ‘Itin.’ (W.)

[58] ‘Martyropolis, near the River Nymphæus. Tradition says that it was founded towards the end of the fifth century by Bishop Maroutha, who there collected the relics of all the martyrs which could be found in Armenia, Persia and Syria. It was the capital of Roman Armenia, now Miafarékyn.’—Smith’s ‘Dict. of Geography.’ (L.)

[58] ‘Martyropolis, close to the River Nymphæus. According to tradition, it was established around the late fifth century by Bishop Maroutha, who gathered the relics of all the martyrs he could find in Armenia, Persia, and Syria. It served as the capital of Roman Armenia, now known as Miafarékyn.’—Smith’s ‘Dict. of Geography.’ (L.)

[59] Citharizon, now probably Pâlû on the Murad Chai. (W.)

[59] Citharizon, now likely Pâlû on the Murad Chai. (W.)

[60] Q.y. Autararizon.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Q.y. Autararizon.

[61] ‘Sebastia (Sivas) regarded by Pliny as not belonging to Pontus, but to Cappadocia. Its ancient name is unknown. Pompey increased it, and called it Megalopolis. Its walls were restored by Justinian: (Procopius). There are ruins of two castles of different epochs. One appears to have belonged to the kings of Pontus, strengthened by Romans and rebuilt by Mohammedans.’—Ainsworth’s ‘Journey’ in Chesney, p. 529. (L.)

[61] ‘Sebastia (Sivas) was considered by Pliny to be part of Cappadocia, not Pontus. Its original name is unknown. Pompey expanded it and named it Megalopolis. Justinian restored its walls: (Procopius). There are ruins of two castles from different periods. One seems to have belonged to the kings of Pontus, fortified by the Romans and rebuilt by Muslims.’—Ainsworth’s ‘Journey’ in Chesney, p. 529. (L.)

[62] Nicopolis now Shabhin Kara Hissar. (W.)

[62] Nicopolis now Shabhin Kara Hissar. (W.)

[63] Melitene now Malatia. (W.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Melitene is now Malatia. (W.)

[64] Trapezus now Trebizond. (W.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Trapezus is now Trebizond. (W.)

[65] Amasea (Amasia). ‘Hamilton found two Hellenic towers of beautiful construction on the heights. But the greater part of the walls now standing are Byzantine or Turkish. (See “Researches in Assyria,” vol. ii., p. 16.) Hamilton explored a passage cut in the rock, about 300 feet, to a small pool of clear cold water.’—Chesney, p. 535. The tombs described by Strabo remain. They are supposed to have been built by Mithridates.

[65] Amasea (Amasia). ‘Hamilton discovered two Greek towers with stunning architecture on the heights. However, most of the walls still standing are Byzantine or Turkish. (See “Researches in Assyria,” vol. ii., p. 16.) Hamilton explored a rock-cut passage, around 300 feet long, leading to a small pool of clear, cold water.’—Chesney, p. 535. The tombs mentioned by Strabo are still there. They are believed to have been built by Mithridates.

[66] Rhizeum now Rizeh, to the east of Trebizond. (W.)

[66] Rhizeum now Rizeh, east of Trebizond. (W.)

[67] This country was known to the Greeks and Romans as Colchis.

[67] This country was recognized by the Greeks and Romans as Colchis.

[68] A town of the Lazi or Colchis, founded by a general of Justinian to keep the Lazi in subjection. Taken by Chosroes, 541; retaken, 551, by Romans and destroyed. See Procopius, B. Per. and Bel. Got., and Gibbon. Its ruins are now called Oudjenar. (L.)

[68] A town of the Lazi or Colchis, established by a general of Justinian to keep the Lazi under control. Captured by Chosroes in 541; recaptured in 551 by the Romans and destroyed. See Procopius, B. Per. and Bel. Got., and Gibbon. Its ruins are now known as Oudjenar. (L.)

‘The sole vestige of Petra subsists in the writings of Procopius and Agathias.’—Gibbon, ch. xiii. (S.)

‘The only remaining trace of Petra exists in the writings of Procopius and Agathias.’—Gibbon, ch. xiii. (S.)

[69] Sea of Azof. (W.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Sea of Azov. (W.)

[70] Formerly Dioscurias, on eastern shore of Black Sea. (W.)

[70] Formerly known as Dioscurias, located on the eastern shore of the Black Sea. (W.)

[71] Now Anchialo in Eastern Roumelia. (W.)

[71] Now Anchialo in Eastern Roumelia. (W.)

[72] ‘Under the name of Justiniana Prima, the obscure village of Tauresium became the seat of an archbishop and a præfect, whose jurisdiction extended over seven warlike provinces of Illyricum; and the corrupt appellation of Giustendil still indicates, about twenty miles south of Sophia, the residence of a Turkish sanjak.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[72] ‘Known as Justiniana Prima, the little-known village of Tauresium became the home of an archbishop and a præfect, whose authority stretched over seven military provinces of Illyricum; and the distorted name Giustendil still marks, about twenty miles south of Sofia, the location of a Turkish sanjak.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[73] ‘From the edge of the seashore, through the forests and valleys, and as far as the summit of the Thessalian Mountains, a strong wall was continued, which occupied every practical entrance. Instead of a hasty crowd of peasants, a garrison of 2,000 soldiers was stationed along the rampart; granaries of corn and reservoirs of water were provided for their use; and by a precaution that inspired the cowardice which it foresaw, convenient fortresses were erected for their retreat.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[73] ‘From the edge of the shoreline, through the forests and valleys, and all the way to the top of the Thessalian Mountains, a strong wall was built that covered every practical entrance. Instead of a hasty crowd of farmers, a garrison of 2,000 soldiers was stationed along the rampart; granaries full of grain and water reservoirs were made available for their use; and as a precaution that encouraged the cowardice it anticipated, convenient fortresses were built for their retreat.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[74] ‘Six hundred of these forts were built or repaired by the Emperor; but it seems reasonable to believe, that the far greater part of them consisted only of a brick or stone tower, in the midst of a square or circular area, which was surrounded by a wall and ditch, and afforded in a moment of danger some protection to the peasants and cattle of its neighbouring villages.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[74] 'Emperor built or repaired six hundred of these forts; however, it seems plausible that most of them were simply a brick or stone tower in the center of a square or circular area, surrounded by a wall and ditch, providing some protection for the peasants and livestock of nearby villages in times of danger.'—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[75] Singidonum, now Belgrade. (W.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Singidonum, now Belgrade. (W.)

[76] ‘Strabo speaks of the “Iron Gate” as the place where the Danube ends and the Ister begins. Trajan’s bridge, of twenty or twenty-two stone piers with wooden arches, was built, A.D. 103, just below the rapids of the “Iron Gate,” which grind to powder the ice-blocks of winter, and save the piers from the shock which might otherwise destroy them.’—Murray’s ‘Handbook of Southern Germany.’ (S.)

[76] 'Strabo mentions the "Iron Gate" as the spot where the Danube ends and the Ister starts. Trajan's bridge, which has twenty or twenty-two stone piers and wooden arches, was constructed in A.D. 103, right below the rapids of the "Iron Gate." These rapids crush the winter ice into powder and protect the piers from the impacts that could otherwise damage them.'—Murray’s ‘Handbook of Southern Germany.’ (S.)

[77] Procopius here confounds the Mœsians of Europe with the Mysians of Asia Minor. The passage alluded to is in Homer’s ‘Iliad,’ ii. 604. (S.)

[77] Procopius here mixes up the Mœsians of Europe with the Mysians of Asia Minor. The reference is from Homer’s ‘Iliad,’ ii. 604. (S.)

[78] Mœsia.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Moesia.

[79] ‘The “long wall,” as it was emphatically styled, was a work as disgraceful in the object, as it was respectable in the execution.... At the distance of only forty miles from the capital, Anastasius was constrained to establish a last frontier; his long wall of sixty miles, from the Propontis to the Euxine, proclaimed the impotence of his arms; and as the danger became more imminent, new fortifications were added by the indefatigable prudence of Justinian.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[79] ‘The “long wall,” as it was emphatically called, was a project as disgraceful in purpose as it was commendable in its execution.... Just forty miles from the capital, Anastasius had to set a final boundary; his lengthy wall of sixty miles, stretching from the Propontis to the Euxine, highlighted the weakness of his forces; and as the threat grew more urgent, new defenses were constructed through the tireless caution of Justinian.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[80] Selybria, now Silibri, on Sea of Marmora. (W.)

[80] Selybria, now Silibri, on the Sea of Marmara. (W.)

[81] Heraclea, now Eregli, on Sea of Marmora. (W.)

[81] Heraclea, now known as Eregli, on the Sea of Marmara. (W.)

[82] Rhædestus, now Rodosto, on Sea of Marmora. (W.)

[82] Rhædestus, now Rodosto, on the Sea of Marmara. (W.)

[83] Elæus, near the south-east extremity of the Gallipoli promontory, opposite the plain of Troy. (W.)

[83] Elæus, located near the southeast tip of the Gallipoli peninsula, across from the plain of Troy. (W.)

[84] Callipolis, now Gallipoli. The wall was about on the line of the Gallipoli lines so well known during the Crimean War. (W.)

[84] Callipolis, now Gallipoli. The wall roughly followed the same path as the Gallipoli lines that became famous during the Crimean War. (W.)

[85] ‘In an age of freedom and valour, the slightest rampart may prevent a surprise; and Procopius appears insensible of the superiority of ancient times, while he praises the solid construction and double parapet of a wall, whose long arms stretched on either side into the sea; but whose strength was deemed insufficient to guard the Chersonesus, if each city, and particularly Gallipoli and Sestus, had not been secured by their peculiar fortifications.’—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[85] "In a time of freedom and courage, even the smallest barrier can stop a surprise; and Procopius seems unaware of how much stronger ancient times were, while he praises the sturdy design and double parapet of a wall that stretches out into the sea on both sides; yet its strength was considered inadequate to protect the Chersonesus, unless each city, especially Gallipoli and Sestus, had its own specific defenses."—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[86] Ænus, now Enos, at the mouth of the Maritza. (W.)

[86] Enos, formerly Ænus, at the mouth of the Maritza. (W.)

[87] ‘Considerable remains of a church were found on the hill at Ayasalouk. This was perhaps St. John’s Church, and was in existence when the Council was held in 431. The Greeks have built for themselves a small church over the site of an ancient Greek church, which was possibly the Church of St. John, as that was known to have been built on a hill.’—‘Ephesus,’ by J. T. Wood, and Society of Biblical Archæology (London, 1878), p. 332 and ‘Discoveries,’ p. 164.

[87] “Significant remnants of a church were discovered on the hill at Ayasalouk. This may have been St. John’s Church, which existed during the Council in 431. The Greeks constructed a small church over the site of an ancient Greek church, which was possibly the Church of St. John, known to have been built on a hill.” —“Ephesus,” by J. T. Wood, and Society of Biblical Archæology (London, 1878), p. 332 and “Discoveries,” p. 164.

‘St. John’s, at Ephesus, has been destroyed to its foundation. It was in the form of a cross, with a dome at the intersection.’—Texier and Pullan, p. 22. (L.)

‘St. John’s in Ephesus has been destroyed down to its foundation. It was shaped like a cross, with a dome where the arms met.’—Texier and Pullan, p. 22. (L.)

[88] Leake, ‘Tour in Asia Minor,’ p. 10.

[88] Leake, ‘Tour in Asia Minor,’ p. 10.

[89] See Leake’s ‘Tour in Asia Minor,’ p. 10.

[89] Check out Leake’s ‘Tour in Asia Minor,’ p. 10.

[90] See Leake’s ‘Tour in Asia Minor,’ pp. 8, 10. (S.)

[90] See Leake’s ‘Tour in Asia Minor,’ pp. 8, 10. (S.)

At the south end of the lake (Arcania), beautifully situated, stood the ruined towers of the famous Nicæa. Seldom have I had a harder day’s work than in attempting to see and comprehend this ruin of ruins.

At the south end of the lake (Arcania), beautifully located, stood the crumbling towers of the famous Nicæa. I can’t remember a day when I had to work harder than trying to see and understand this incredible ruin.

‘The grandeur and peculiar beauty of the arts amongst the earlier Greeks cannot be concealed even in the broken materials.

‘The grandeur and unique beauty of the arts among the earlier Greeks can’t be hidden, even in the fragmented remains.

‘Some parts of the walls are entirely Roman; in others the Cross, etc., give the date of the earlier Christians. On three of the towers in the walls of the city are three similar inscriptions. The sign of the Cross is prefixed to all three: “The Tower of Michael, the Great King, Emperor in Christ.”’—‘Travels in Asia Minor,’ by Sir C. Fellows (London, 1852), pp. 83, 85.

‘Some sections of the walls are completely Roman; in other areas, the Cross, etc., indicates the time of the early Christians. On three of the towers in the city walls, there are three matching inscriptions. The sign of the Cross is at the beginning of all three: “The Tower of Michael, the Great King, Emperor in Christ.”’—‘Travels in Asia Minor,’ by Sir C. Fellows (London, 1852), pp. 83, 85.

‘A very small church still stands within the present town, which, from its mosaic floor and ceiling, may probably be of the date of St. Mark’s at Venice, or rather of the Byzantine age.

‘A very small church still stands in the current town, which, due to its mosaic floor and ceiling, might be from the time of St. Mark’s in Venice, or more likely from the Byzantine era.

‘Without the walls is a Roman aqueduct, which still supplies the town with water from the neighbouring mountain.’—Ibid., p. 87. (L.)

‘Outside the walls is a Roman aqueduct, which still provides the town with water from the nearby mountain.’—Ibid., p. 87. (L.)

[91] Nicomedia, now Ismid. (W.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Nicomedia, now Izmit. (W.)

[92] Sangaris, now Sakarieh River. The bridge is now some distance from the river, which has changed its course. (W.)

[92] Sangaris, now Sakarieh River. The bridge is now quite far from the river, which has changed its path. (W.)

[93] Leake’s ‘Tour in Asia Minor,’ pp. 79, 80. (S.)

[93] Leake’s ‘Tour in Asia Minor,’ pp. 79, 80. (S.)

[94] Leake’s, ‘Tour in Asia Minor,’ pp. 180, 217. (S.)

[94] Leake’s, ‘Tour in Asia Minor,’ pp. 180, 217. (S.)

[95] Leake, p. 215. (S.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Leake, p. 215. (S.)

[96] Ibid., p. 214.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Same source, p. 214.

[97] ‘The Virgin of Jerusalem might exult in the temple erected by her imperial votary on a most ungrateful spot, which afforded neither ground nor materials to the architect,’ etc., etc.—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[97] ‘The Virgin of Jerusalem might take pride in the temple built by her devoted follower in a very ungrateful location, which provided neither enough land nor materials for the architect,’ etc., etc.—Gibbon, ch. xl. (S.)

[98] See Appendix II.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Check Appendix II.

[99] The church is octagonal. On the east side is an apse; on the north the main entrance. On five sides there are small chapels, and on the eighth probably a sixth. There is an inner octagon, which gives the place some resemblance to that of the Dome of the Rock. The only capital uncovered was of a debased Corinthian order. The church is believed to have been built by Justinian circa 533.

[99] The church has an octagonal shape. The apse is on the east side, while the main entrance is on the north. There are small chapels on five sides, and probably a sixth on the eighth side. Inside, there’s another octagon, which makes it somewhat similar to the Dome of the Rock. The only uncovered capital was of a simplified Corinthian style. It's thought that Justinian built the church around 533.

Plans by Sir C. W. Wilson are given in the Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, 1873, p. 68.

Plans by Sir C. W. Wilson are included in the Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, 1873, p. 68.

The church is 70·0 inside east and west (inscribed circle of internal octagon). East apse, 15·0 diameter; side chapels, 27·0 long inside, with apses 9·0 diameter.

The church is 70.0 feet wide inside from east to west (the inscribed circle of the internal octagon). The east apse has a diameter of 15.0 feet; the side chapels are 27.0 feet long inside, with apses measuring 9.0 feet in diameter.

Said by Procopius to have been erected by the Emperor Zeno, not earlier than 474, to the Blessed Virgin. He says also that Justinian, after 529, built the external wall (9·0 thick) of the court, forming a fortress 180 by 230, with chambers built against the wall inside. One is 11·9 by 14·4 internally (vide Plan).—‘Palestine Exploration Memoirs,’ vol. ii., p. 189, 190. (L.)

Said by Procopius to have been built by Emperor Zeno, no earlier than 474, in honor of the Blessed Virgin. He also mentions that Justinian, after 529, constructed the external wall (9.0 thick) of the courtyard, creating a fortress that measures 180 by 230, with rooms built against the inner wall. One of these rooms is 11.9 by 14.4 internally (see Plan).—‘Palestine Exploration Memoirs,’ vol. ii., p. 189, 190. (L.)

[100] ‘The Vale of Palms by the shore of the Red Sea,’ Gibbon, ch. xlii.; Stanley, ‘Sinai and Palestine,’ ed. 12, pp. 20, 85, 519. (S.)

[100] 'The Vale of Palms along the Red Sea,' Gibbon, ch. xlii.; Stanley, 'Sinai and Palestine,' 12th ed., pp. 20, 85, 519. (S.)

[101] Full plans, details and descriptions of the fort and church built by Justinian at the foot of J. Mûsa are given in the Ordnance Survey of Sinai. (W.)

[101] Complete plans, details, and descriptions of the fort and church built by Justinian at the base of J. Mûsa are provided in the Ordnance Survey of Sinai. (W.)

[102] Tell es Sultân and Tellûl Abu el ‘Aleik (Roman). Many traces of ruins. The buildings do not appear to have been large or of fine masonry. A pillar-shaft nine inches in diameter, of marble, and fragments of cornices were found; also a capital of the rude Ionic style common in Byzantine buildings, cut in limestone and much weathered.

[102] Tell es Sultân and Tellûl Abu el ‘Aleik (Roman). There are many signs of ruins. The structures don’t seem to have been very large or well-built. A marble pillar with a diameter of nine inches and some pieces of cornices were discovered; there was also a capital in the rough Ionic style typical of Byzantine architecture, carved from limestone and heavily eroded.

East and south-east there are extensive ruins on the way to Erîha—mounds, small foundations, and portions of an aqueduct. They do not appear to be of any great antiquity.

East and southeast, there are large ruins on the way to Erîha—mounds, small foundations, and parts of an aqueduct. They don't seem to be very old.

Jericho was inhabited in the fourth and fifth centuries, to which date the buildings near the Tell are most probably to be ascribed.—See ‘Memoirs, Survey of Western Palestine,’ vol. iii., pp. 173, 223. (L.)

Jericho was settled in the fourth and fifth centuries, and the buildings near the Tell are probably from that time. —See ‘Memoirs, Survey of Western Palestine,’ vol. iii., pp. 173, 223. (L.)

[103] Well of St. Elisæus. May this be Elisha’s spring at ‘Ain es Sultan? (W.)

[103] Well of St. Elisæus. Could this be Elisha’s spring at ‘Ain es Sultan? (W.)

[104] The church is interesting as being the only basilica of Constantine left standing in Palestine.

[104] The church is notable as the only basilica of Constantine still standing in Palestine.

The atrium is destroyed, but the basilica, consisting of a nave and four aisles, is almost intact, the original columns and the clerestory walls, with fragments of glass mosaic (of twelfth century), remaining. The basilica measures 87 feet east and west by 75 feet north and south.

The atrium is ruined, but the basilica, which has a main hall and four side aisles, is almost untouched, with the original columns and the upper walls still standing, along with pieces of twelfth-century glass mosaics. The basilica is 87 feet long from east to west and 75 feet wide from north to south.

At the east end is a transept with north and south apses and an east apse of equal size. The floor of the transept is raised for a width equal to that of the basilica nave (35 feet). The basilica is separated by a wall, erected by the Greeks in 1842, from the transept.—‘Palestine Exploration Memoirs,’ vol. iii., pp. 83-85.

At the east end is a transept with north and south apses and an east apse of equal size. The floor of the transept is raised to match the width of the basilica nave (35 feet). The basilica is separated by a wall, built by the Greeks in 1842, from the transept.—‘Palestine Exploration Memoirs,’ vol. iii., pp. 83-85.

Notwithstanding the slight notice of this city taken by Procopius, the part taken by Justinian in its adornment is otherwise spoken of in a very striking manner, and its celebrated basilica, usually stated, as above, to have been the work of Constantine, has been assigned in part to Justinian. The eastern part is almost certainly later than Constantine.

Despite Procopius's brief mention of this city, Justinian's role in its beautification is described in a very impressive way. Its famous basilica, which is often attributed to Constantine as mentioned above, is partially credited to Justinian. The eastern section is almost certainly from a later period than Constantine.

‘The choir, with its three apses, does not seem to be part of the original arrangement, but to have been added by Justinian when he renovated—Eutychius says rebuilt—the church.’—Fergusson’s ‘History’ (1867), vol. ii., p. 290.

‘The choir, with its three apses, doesn’t appear to be part of the original layout, but seems to have been added by Justinian when he renovated—Eutychius says rebuilt—the church.’—Fergusson’s ‘History’ (1867), vol. ii., p. 290.

Eutychius’ account is thus:

Eutychius’ account is as follows:

‘Jussit etiam Imperator legatum Ecclesiam Bethleemiticam quæ parva fuit diruere, aliamq, amplam, magnam et pulchram fabricare, adeo ut non esset Hierosolymis templum ipsâ pulchrius.

‘The Emperor also ordered that the representative demolish the small church in Bethlehem and build a new, large, magnificent one, so that it would be more beautiful than any temple in Jerusalem.

‘Perveniens ergo Legatus Hierosolyma, Nosocomium peregrinis condidit, et Ecclesiam Elenæ perfecit, templaque quæ incenderant Samaritani instauravit, nec non Monasteria quam plurima extruxit, dirutâque Ecclesiâ Bethleemiticâ eaudem eo quo jam se habet modo ædificavit.

‘Perveniens therefore the Legate came to Jerusalem, established a hospital for pilgrims, completed the Church of Elena, restored the temples that the Samaritans had burned down, and built many monasteries, and having destroyed the Church at Bethlehem, rebuilt it to the state it is in now.

‘Cumque his omnibus absolutis ad Imperatorem reversus esset, ille, describe mihi (inquit) quomodo Ecclesiam Bethleemiticam extruxisti. Quam cum ipsi descripsisset, haud probavit Imperator descriptionem estam nec ullatinus ipsi placuit, quaré valde ipsi iratus. Acceptos (inquit) nummos tibi ipsi congessisti, ædificium autem extruxisti male compactum et Ecclesiam tenebrosam confecisti nullatenus ex mente mea fabricatam, nec consilium meum secutus es. Capiteque ipsum plecti jussit.’

‘After all this was completed and he returned to the Emperor, the Emperor said, “Tell me how you built the Church of Bethlehem.” When he described it, the Emperor did not approve of the description at all and was very angry. He said, “You took the funds for yourself, and yet you built a poorly constructed building and created a dark church that was not at all made according to my design, nor did you follow my plans.” And he ordered him to be punished.’

Eutychius adds after Omar’s conquest:

Eutychius adds after Omar’s takeover:

‘Deinde Bethleem ad eam visendam prefectus cum adesset orationis tempus intra Ecclesiam oravit ad arcum Australem.

‘Then the prefect came to Bethlehem to visit her, and when the time for prayer arrived, he prayed towards the southern arch inside the Church.

‘Erat autem arcus totus opere tessellate variegatus. Scripsitque Omar Patriarchæ syngrapham;—neque mutaretur in eo quiequam.’—Eutychius, ‘Pocock’s Translation’ (Oxford, 1658), vol. ii., pp. 159, 288.

‘The entire arch was beautifully crafted with mosaic work. Omar wrote to the patriarch to ensure that nothing was changed in it.’—Eutychius, ‘Pocock’s Translation’ (Oxford, 1658), vol. ii., pp. 159, 288.

[105] The splendid cistern of St. John on Jordan, mentioned by Procopius as the work of Justinian, is still visible in an almost perfect condition. It is 30 feet deep, supported on rows of piers.—‘Memoirs,’ vol. iii., p. 177.

[105] The impressive cistern of St. John on the Jordan, noted by Procopius as constructed by Justinian, is still visible in nearly perfect condition. It is 30 feet deep, supported by rows of piers.—‘Memoirs,’ vol. iii., p. 177.

[106] Tŭbariya (Tiberias). ‘There are the remains of a sea-wall, and of some portions of a city-wall 12·0 thick; many traces of old buildings—at one place foundations which appear to belong to a church.

[106] Tŭbariya (Tiberias). 'There are the remnants of a seawall and sections of a city wall that are 12.0 thick; numerous signs of ancient buildings—at one spot, foundations that seem to belong to a church.

‘Epiphanius, in the fourth century, says that it had long been inhabited, exclusively by Jews. The Sanhedrim came to Tiberias in the middle of the second century. Thence it became the central point of Jewish learning for several centuries. (L.)

‘Epiphanius, in the fourth century, states that it had long been inhabited solely by Jews. The Sanhedrin moved to Tiberias in the middle of the second century. From there, it became the central hub of Jewish learning for several centuries. (L.)

‘Justinian rebuilt the walls. These were thrown down by an earthquake in 1837.’—‘Palestine Exploration Memoirs,’ vol. i., p. 419.

‘Justinian rebuilt the walls. These were destroyed by an earthquake in 1837.’—‘Palestine Exploration Memoirs,’ vol. i., p. 419.

‘The ruins of the ancient town of Tiberias. A great number of fine granite columns are lying about; also remains of the sea-wall, with towers. Behind the ruins the cliffs rise steeply, with traces of fortifications upon them.’—Palestine Exploration Quarterly Statement, 1877, p. 121.

‘The ruins of the ancient town of Tiberias. A large number of beautiful granite columns are scattered around; there are also remnants of the sea-wall, complete with towers. Behind the ruins, the cliffs rise steeply, showcasing traces of fortifications on them.’—Palestine Exploration Quarterly Statement, 1877, p. 121.

[107] ‘Le Khan dit de Nebi-Younés a été depuis longtemps identifié avec Porphyreon.

[107] ‘The Khan of Nebi-Younés has long been identified with Porphyreon.

‘Les dunes paraissent cacher des constructions antiques.

‘The dunes seem to hide ancient structures.

‘Quand je passai à Neby-Younés on venait d’ouvrir une de ces dunes, pour en tirer des pierres de construction. On voyait éventrées de jolies chambres, peintes présentant des animaux, des paons affrontés, sous de petits arceaux peints très ornés rappelant la disposition des canons qu’on trouve en tête des beaux évangeliaires Byzantins.

‘When I passed by Neby-Younés, they had just started digging one of those dunes to extract building stones. You could see beautiful chambers exposed, painted with animals, facing peacocks, under small, elaborately painted arches reminiscent of the arrangements of the canons found at the beginning of beautiful Byzantine gospels.

‘Il est évident qu’il y eut vers cet endroit une ville assez importante dont la floraison paraît avoir eu lieu surtout à l’époque Chrétienne.’—‘Mission de Phénicie dirigée,’ par M. Ernest Renan (Paris, Imprimerie Impériale, 1854), p. 510.

‘It is clear that there was a fairly significant city in this area, whose peak seems to have occurred mainly during the Christian era.’—‘Mission de Phénicie dirigée,’ by M. Ernest Renan (Paris, Imprimerie Impériale, 1854), p. 510.

Khaifa, a small town at the foot of Mount Carmel. ‘Some have held Khaifa to be Sycaminos, and others Porphyreon. There seems to be some grounds for its identity with Sycaminos, but none for its being Porphyreon, nor Gath Hefer (Josh. xix. 13), as Benjamin of Tudela has tried to prove.’—‘Journey in Syria and Palestine in 1851-2,’ by C. W. M. Van de Velde (8vo., 1854), vol. i., p. 289.

Khaifa, a small town at the base of Mount Carmel. 'Some have identified Khaifa as Sycaminos, while others say it's Porphyreon. There seems to be some support for its connection to Sycaminos, but none for it being Porphyreon or Gath Hefer (Josh. xix. 13), as Benjamin of Tudela has attempted to argue.'—'Journey in Syria and Palestine in 1851-2,' by C. W. M. Van de Velde (8vo., 1854), vol. i., p. 289.

‘All that is left of the ancient town of Porphyreon is a single granite column, with a sarcophagus. A Phœnician site has been replaced by a few tamarisks beside a Moslem well.’—Palestine Exploration Quarterly Statement, 1874, p. 199.

‘All that remains of the ancient town of Porphyreon is a single granite column and a sarcophagus. A Phoenician site has been taken over by a few tamarisks next to a Muslim well.’—Palestine Exploration Quarterly Statement, 1874, p. 199.

‘The Crusaders called Haifa (at the foot of Carmel) Porphyreon. The real town of this name, which was derived from the purple of the Murex there caught, was eight Roman miles from Sidon towards the north, and just south of the river Tamyras (Nahr Damûr).’—Palestine Exploration Quarterly Statement, 1876, p. 188.

‘The Crusaders called Haifa (at the foot of Carmel) Porphyreon. The actual town with this name, which came from the purple dye produced from the Murex shells found there, was eight Roman miles north of Sidon and just south of the river Tamyras (Nahr Damûr).’—Palestine Exploration Quarterly Statement, 1876, p. 188.

[108] Acre (Ptolemais). ‘There are many fragments of Crusading masonry in the town. A small chapel near the sea, of this nature, has been identified with the Church of St. Andrew. There are also remains of the Hospital of the Knights of St. John and Church of St. John. Apian (given p. 163 of the ‘Memoirs’) dated 1291 contains notes of many churches and monasteries, but nothing referring to St. Sergius’ house.’—‘Palestine Exploration Memoirs,’ vol. i., pp. 160-167.

[108] Acre (Ptolemais). ‘The town has many remnants of Crusader buildings. A small chapel by the sea, associated with this, has been identified as the Church of St. Andrew. There are also ruins of the Hospital of the Knights of St. John and the Church of St. John. Apian (see p. 163 of the ‘Memoirs’) dated 1291 includes notes on several churches and monasteries, but says nothing about St. Sergius’ house.’—‘Palestine Exploration Memoirs,’ vol. i., pp. 160-167.

[109] ‘A large city of Syria, on the Orontes, called Pella by Seleucus Nicator, who fortified and enlarged it. In the Crusading times it bore the name of Tamieh—now Kŭlat el Medîk. There are large remains of ancient ruins.’—Smith’s ‘Dictionary of Geography.’ (L.)

[109] ‘A major city in Syria, located on the Orontes River, called Pella by Seleucus Nicator, who fortified and expanded it. During the Crusades, it was known as Tamieh—now Kŭlat el Medîk. There are significant remains of ancient ruins.’—Smith’s ‘Dictionary of Geography.’ (L.)

[110] This is the celebrated Daphne (now Beit El Ma), near Antioch (Theopolia). (W.)

[110] This is the famous Daphne (now Beit El Ma), close to Antioch (Theopolia). (W.)

[111] ‘Dr. Robinson identifies the site of Tell Neby Mendeh with the Laodicea of Lebanon (also called Laodicea Cabiosa, Καβιώσα), mentioned by Ptolemy and Polybius—one of six towns founded circa 300 B.C. by Seleucus Nicator, in honour of his mother Laodice. It was eighteen M. P. from Emesa (Homs) on the road to Heliopolis (Baalbeck). (W.)

[111] ‘Dr. Robinson links the location of Tell Neby Mendeh to the Laodicea of Lebanon (also known as Laodicea Cabiosa, Καβιώσα), as mentioned by Ptolemy and Polybius—one of six towns founded around 300 BCE by Seleucus Nicator in honor of his mother Laodice. It was eighteen M. P. from Emesa (Homs) on the way to Heliopolis (Baalbeck). (W.)

‘It is a great mound.

"It’s a huge mound."

‘The principal ruins are on the flat ground east of the mill—the foundations of a building called El Kamû’a, about 50 by 50 feet, with remains of a doorway in the south-east corner. Some broken pillar-shafts lie near, and the walls appear to have been ornamented with pilasters in low relief. The details appear to belong to a late period of classic art.

‘The main ruins are on the flat ground east of the mill—the foundations of a building called El Kamû’a, about 50 by 50 feet, with the remains of a doorway in the southeast corner. Some broken pillar shafts are nearby, and the walls seem to have been decorated with low-relief pilasters. The details seem to be from a late period of classic art.

‘These probably are the remains of the Laodicea of later times. This city was the see of a bishop.’—Palestine Exploration Quarterly Statement, 1881, pp. 162, 167. (L.)

‘These are likely the remains of the later Laodicea. This city was the seat of a bishop.’—Palestine Exploration Quarterly Statement, 1881, pp. 162, 167. (L.)

[112] Isauria. A district in Asia Minor to the south of Iconium. (W.)

[112] Isauria. A region in Asia Minor located south of Iconium. (W.)

[113] Now probably Karioon, about 15 miles from Alexandria. (L.)

[113] Now likely Karioon, around 15 miles from Alexandria. (L.)

[114] ‘Discoveries at Cyrene,’ by Capt. R. M. Smith, R.E., and Commander E. A. Porcher, R.N. (fol., London, 1864). At page 6 a map of the coast is given, and also a plan, to a small scale, of Ptolemeta, Apollonia, Teuchira and Ben Ghazi (Berenice). The five cities (Pentapolis) of Cyrenaica were Apollonia, Barca, Berenice or Hesperis, Cyrene and Teuchira.

[114] ‘Discoveries at Cyrene,’ by Capt. R. M. Smith, R.E., and Commander E. A. Porcher, R.N. (fol., London, 1864). On page 6, there is a map of the coast along with a small-scale plan of Ptolemeta, Apollonia, Teuchira, and Ben Ghazi (Berenice). The five cities (Pentapolis) of Cyrenaica were Apollonia, Barca, Berenice or Hesperis, Cyrene, and Teuchira.

[115] ‘A town in the Libyan Nome, west of the Delta, and about 25 miles from Alexandria. There were probably several places of this name in Egypt, but this appears to have been the most considerable, inasmuch as it was the place where the prefect of Alexandria held the periodical census of the Libyan Nome.’—Smith’s ‘Dictionary of Geography,’ 1857. (L.)

[115] ‘A town in the Libyan Nome, west of the Delta, and about 25 miles from Alexandria. There were likely several places with this name in Egypt, but this one seems to have been the most significant, as it was where the prefect of Alexandria conducted the regular census of the Libyan Nome.’—Smith’s ‘Dictionary of Geography,’ 1857. (L.)

[116] ‘Tocra, the ancient Teuchria, afterwards called Arsinöe, which, although totally deserted, is still completely enclosed, except on the sea or north side, by walls of uncommon solidity and thickness, strengthened at intervals by quadrangular towers, twenty-six in number, and is entered by two strong-built gateways.... The walls were repaired by Justinian, in doing which blocks of stone and marble have been introduced, many bearing Greek inscriptions, which evidently formed part of much older buildings.’—Eng. Cycl., s.v. ‘Cyrene.’ (S.)

[116] ‘Tocra, the ancient Teuchria, later known as Arsinöe, which, although completely abandoned, remains fully enclosed—except on the seaside or north side—by exceptionally sturdy and thick walls, reinforced at intervals by twenty-six square towers, and accessed through two well-constructed gateways.... The walls were repaired by Justinian, during which blocks of stone and marble were incorporated, many of which bear Greek inscriptions that clearly belonged to much older structures.’—Eng. Cycl., s.v. ‘Cyrene.’ (S.)

A plan of the remains of Taucra or Teuchira is given in Capt. Beechey’s ‘North Coast of Africa,’ p. 388 (4to., 1828). He states, p. 353, that the walls repaired under the Emperor Justinian still remain in a state of perfection which sufficiently proves the solidity of the work. A long account of the city and its walls is given at p. 375, etc. Also in Smith and Porcher’s ‘Discoveries at Cyrene’ (1864), p. 64, where Justinian’s walls are particularly mentioned.

A plan of the remains of Taucra or Teuchira can be found in Capt. Beechey’s ‘North Coast of Africa,’ p. 388 (4to., 1828). He notes, on p. 353, that the walls restored under Emperor Justinian are still in excellent condition, which clearly demonstrates the durability of the construction. A detailed description of the city and its walls is provided on p. 375, among other pages. Additionally, in Smith and Porcher’s ‘Discoveries at Cyrene’ (1864), p. 64, Justinian’s walls are specifically mentioned.

[117] ‘Scarcely a vestige of the wall remains.’—Eng. Cycl. s.v. ‘Bengazi.’

[117] 'Hardly any trace of the wall is left.'—Eng. Cycl. s.v. 'Bengazi.'

[118] Berenice, about 40 miles to south-west of Barca. Here the ancients placed the gardens of the Hesperides—now Ben Ghazi. (Beechey, p. 314.) Bengazi may be considered as occupying the site of the Berenice of the Ptolemies and of the Hesperis of earlier times; but very few remains now appear above ground to interest the sculptor, the architect or the antiquary.—J. Pennell’s ‘Herodotus’ (4to., London, 1800), p. 154.

[118] Berenice, about 40 miles southwest of Barca. This is where ancient sources placed the gardens of the Hesperides—now known as Ben Ghazi. (Beechey, p. 314.) Bengazi can be viewed as the site of the Berenice of the Ptolemies and the Hesperis from earlier times; however, there are very few remains visible above ground that would attract the interest of sculptors, architects, or historians.—J. Pennell’s ‘Herodotus’ (4to., London, 1800), p. 154.

Of the ancient city very few remains are now visible. ‘At the back of the castle, some foundations may be seen cropping out, but the tomb of a saint prevents any excavations being made.’—Smith and Porcher’s ‘Discoveries at Cyrene’ (1864), p. 13.

Of the ancient city, very few remnants are now visible. “Behind the castle, some foundations can be seen protruding, but the tomb of a saint prevents any excavations from being done.” —Smith and Porcher’s ‘Discoveries at Cyrene’ (1864), p. 13.

‘Bengazi, the ancient Berenice, built by Ptolemy Philadelphus.

‘Bengazi, the old Berenice, built by Ptolemy Philadelphus.

Nothing now remains but its port, which is certainly the best on the coast of Tripoli.’ ‘On the north there are still to be seen, beyond seamark, the foundations of several large buildings, of stones 8 or 10 feet long and 3 broad, which, by their own weight and being bound by strong cement, have preserved their places.’—Lieut.-Col. Playfair, ‘Travels in the Footsteps of Bruce’ (4to., London, 1877.)

Nothing remains now except its port, which is definitely the best on the coast of Tripoli. On the north side, you can still see, beyond the landmarks, the foundations of several large buildings made of stones that are 8 to 10 feet long and 3 feet wide. These stones have managed to stay in place due to their own weight and being held together by strong cement. —Lieut.-Col. Playfair, ‘Travels in the Footsteps of Bruce’ (4to., London, 1877.)

[119] Ptolemaïs (Ptolemeta), now Dolmeita. V. Beechey, p. 376. He gives, at p. 338, etc., a plan of the city and environs, and also drawings of some of the ruins. The city was something less than a mile in length from north to south, and its breadth from east to west something more than three-quarters. Captain Beechey describes the remains of the walls to the city and harbour, of two theatres, an amphitheatre, and various buildings of more than ordinary consequence. ‘Some of the shafts of small columns are spiral and formed of coloured marbles, and may probably be attributed to the time of Justinian, when the city revived under his politic munificence.’

[119] Ptolemaïs (Ptolemeta), now Dolmeita. V. Beechey, p. 376. He provides, at p. 338, etc., a layout of the city and surrounding area, along with drawings of some of the ruins. The city was just under a mile long from north to south, and its width from east to west was just over three-quarters of a mile. Captain Beechey describes the remains of the city and harbor walls, two theaters, an amphitheater, and several significant buildings. ‘Some of the shafts of smaller columns are spiral and made of colored marbles, likely dating back to the time of Justinian, when the city thrived thanks to his generous leadership.’

Lieut.-Col. Playfair, ‘Footsteps of Bruce’ (1877), pp. 288, 289, gives a good account also.

Lieut.-Col. Playfair, ‘Footsteps of Bruce’ (1877), pp. 288, 289, provides a solid overview as well.

Smith and Porcher, pp. 64, 66, give drawings of ruins. ‘At a point nearly opposite the centre of the east wall, the ravine is spanned by the arch of a bridge still standing, which appears to have been built for an aqueduct which we could trace distinctly for some distance from the city. Within the walls the aqueduct led in the direction of enormous reservoirs near the centre of the city.’ Messrs. Smith and Porcher describe them as consisting of six chambers, each chamber too feet long and 20 broad, arched over. The repairs to the aqueduct and cisterns are ascribed by Procopius to Justinian. (L.)

Smith and Porcher, pp. 64, 66, provide drawings of the ruins. “Almost directly across from the center of the east wall, there's an arch of a bridge that still stands, which seems to have been built for an aqueduct that we can clearly trace for quite a distance from the city. Inside the walls, the aqueduct directed water toward massive reservoirs located near the center of the city.” Messrs. Smith and Porcher describe these reservoirs as having six chambers, each chamber measuring 2 feet long and 20 feet wide, arched above. Procopius attributes the repairs to the aqueduct and cisterns to Justinian. (L.)

[120] ‘Several of the buildings are partly standing, such as a lofty gateway, an amphitheatre, two theatres, a palace or large building, the inner court of which still retains its tesselated pavement.’—Eng. Cycl. s.v. ‘Cyrene.’ (S.)

[120] ‘Several of the buildings are partially intact, including a tall gateway, an amphitheater, two theaters, a palace or large structure, and the inner courtyard, which still has its tiled floor.’—Eng. Cycl. s.v. ‘Cyrene.’ (S.)

[121] ‘The exact position of this S. Borium it is difficult to determine.’—Smith’s ‘Dictionary of Geography.’

[121] ‘It’s hard to pinpoint the exact location of this S. Borium.’—Smith’s ‘Dictionary of Geography.’

[122] Augila (now Aujilah). ‘Its historical importance is considerable, and it is one of those few places whose name has not undergone change since Herodotus wrote.’—Rennell’s ‘Herodotus,’ pp. 568-613 (4to., 1800). (L.)

[122] Augila (now Aujilah). ‘Its historical significance is substantial, and it is one of the few places whose name has remained the same since Herodotus wrote about it.’—Rennell’s ‘Herodotus,’ pp. 568-613 (4to., 1800). (L.)

[123] Leptis Magna. ‘The city appears to have been comprehended within little more than a square half-mile of ground. The actual remains are still sufficient to be somewhat imposing; but they are for the most part so deeply buried under the sand which ten centuries of neglect have allowed to accumulate over them, that plans of them could not be obtained without very extensive excavations. The style of the buildings is universally Roman.’ The walls and fortifications, probably restored by Justinian, were finally demolished by the Saracens. From that time the city appears to have been wholly abandoned and its remains employed in the construction of Modern Tripoli.—‘North Coast of Africa,’ by Beechey (4to., London, 1828), pp. 52, 54.

[123] Leptis Magna. “The city seems to have covered just about a square half-mile of land. The remains are still impressive to some extent; however, they are mostly buried deep under the sand that has built up over ten centuries of neglect, making it impossible to obtain plans without extensive excavation. The architecture is distinctly Roman.” The walls and fortifications, likely restored by Justinian, were ultimately torn down by the Saracens. Since then, the city appears to have been completely deserted, and its ruins were used in the construction of Modern Tripoli.—‘North Coast of Africa,’ by Beechey (4to., London, 1828), pp. 52, 54.

Lieut.-Col. Playfair, p. 283, describes the remains thus: ‘Libidah, the ancient town of Leptis Magna, three days’ journey from Tripoli where there are a great extent of ruins, but all in bad taste—chiefly done in the lime of Aurelian—indeed very bad. It is said that in the time of Louis XIV. seven monstrous columns of granite or marble were carried from this place into France.’ Bruce also states that he saw several statues of good taste which had been deprived of their heads. (L.)

Lieut.-Col. Playfair, p. 283, describes the ruins like this: ‘Libidah, the ancient town of Leptis Magna, is a three-day journey from Tripoli, where there are extensive ruins, but they’re all pretty unattractive—mostly made from Aurelian limestone—honestly, quite bad. It's said that during the time of Louis XIV, seven massive columns of granite or marble were taken from here to France.’ Bruce also mentions that he saw several well-crafted statues that had been decapitated. (L.)

[124] Tacape. ‘Gabes: this was the Epichus of Sylax and the Tacape of other ancient geographers; where we have a heap of ruins with some beautiful granite pillars still standing. These are all square and about 12 feet long, and such as I have not met with in any other part of Africa.’—Shaw’s ‘Travels in Barbary,’ p. 113. (L.)

[124] Tacape. ‘Gabes: this was the Epichus of Sylax and the Tacape of other ancient geographers; where we have a pile of ruins with some beautiful granite columns still standing. These are all square and about 12 feet long, and I haven't seen anything like them in any other part of Africa.’—Shaw’s ‘Travels in Barbary,’ p. 113. (L.)

[125] Carthage. Shaw, p. 81, etc., of his ‘Travels in Barbary,’ describes the remains of Carthage existing in his time (circa 1750), in particular the great cistern (of which he gives a plan at p. 75), ‘which had very little suffered,’ and ‘the famous aqueduct, a great part whereof is still standing:’—‘We see—a long range of its arches, all of them intact, 70 feet high, supported by columns 16 feet square ... the channel being high and broad enough for an ordinary person to walk in.’

[125] Carthage. Shaw, p. 81, etc., from his ‘Travels in Barbary,’ describes the remnants of Carthage that existed in his time (around 1750), particularly the large cistern (which he provides a plan for on p. 75), ‘which had suffered very little,’ and ‘the famous aqueduct, much of which is still standing:’—‘We see—a long line of its arches, all intact, 70 feet high, supported by columns 16 feet square ... the channel being high and wide enough for an ordinary person to walk in.’

Bruce says, ‘We passed ancient Carthage, of which little remains but the cisterns, the aqueduct, and a magnificent flight of steps leading up to the Temple of Esculapius.’ He gives (p. 130) a drawing of the aqueduct, which Col. Playfair describes ‘as one of the greatest works the Romans ever executed in North Africa.’ ‘It was destroyed by the Vandals, restored by Belisarius, the general of Justinian. On the expulsion of the Byzantines it was once more cut off, restored by the Arabs, again destroyed by the Spaniards, and finally restored by the present Bey, Sidi Saduk, at a cost of 13,000,000 francs.’—Lieut.-Col. Playfair in ‘Footsteps of Bruce,’ p. 128.

Bruce says, ‘We passed the ancient city of Carthage, which has little left except the cisterns, the aqueduct, and an impressive set of steps leading up to the Temple of Esculapius.’ He provides (p. 130) a drawing of the aqueduct, which Col. Playfair refers to as ‘one of the greatest works the Romans ever built in North Africa.’ ‘It was destroyed by the Vandals, restored by Belisarius, the general of Justinian. After the Byzantines were expelled, it was once again damaged, restored by the Arabs, destroyed again by the Spaniards, and ultimately restored by the current Bey, Sidi Saduk, at a cost of 13,000,000 francs.’—Lieut.-Col. Playfair in ‘Footsteps of Bruce,’ p. 128.

[126] Baga. ‘The city of Beja or Bay-jah, which by the name and situation should be the Vacca of Sallust, the Oppidum Vagense of Pliny, the ΒΑΓΑ of Plutarch, and the Vaccensium ordo Splendissimus, as the title runs in an imperfect inscription.’ ‘Bay-jah keeps up the character that Sallust gives his Vacca of being a town of great trade.’ ‘The walls are raised out of the ancient materials.’—Shaw’s ‘Travels in Barbary,’ p. 92.

[126] Baga. ‘The city of Beja or Bay-jah, which by its name and location should be the Vacca of Sallust, the Oppidum Vagense of Pliny, the ΒΑΓΑ of Plutarch, and the Vaccensium ordo Splendissimus, according to an incomplete inscription.’ ‘Bay-jah maintains the reputation that Sallust attributes to his Vacca as a significant trading town.’ ‘The walls are built from ancient materials.’—Shaw’s ‘Travels in Barbary,’ p. 92.

‘The ancient city was surrounded by a wall, flanked by square towers—no doubt this was originally constructed by the Byzantines—but were allowed by the Arabs to fall into decay. The only part in a relative state of preservation is the Kasba, a great part of which seems to me the original construction of Belisarius or Solomon.’ It contains ‘a large and lofty hall, about 15 paces long and 10 wide, with a vaulted roof supported on two square pillars.’—Lieut.-Col. Playfair, p. 234. (L.)

‘The ancient city was enclosed by a wall, with square towers on each side—this was likely built by the Byzantines—but was neglected by the Arabs. The only section still in decent shape is the Kasba, much of which appears to be from the original construction by Belisarius or Solomon.’ It features ‘a large, lofty hall, around 15 paces long and 10 paces wide, with a vaulted ceiling supported by two square pillars.’—Lieut.-Col. Playfair, p. 234. (L.)

[127] Adrumetus. ‘Herkla—the Heraclea of the lower empire, the Justiniana of the middle, and the Adrumetum of the earlier ages.‘ ‘It appears to have been little more than a mile in circuit.’ ‘That part of the promontory which formed the port seems to have been walled in quite down to the seashore; but the rest of it, to a distance of a furlong from thence, does not discover the least traces of ruins.’—Shaw’s ‘Travels in Barbary,’ pp. 105, 106. (L.)

[127] Adrumetus. ‘Herkla—the Heraclea of the lower empire, the Justiniana of the middle period, and the Adrumetum of earlier times.‘ ‘It seems to have been just over a mile around.’ ‘The part of the promontory that made up the port appears to have been surrounded by a wall all the way down to the shore; however, the rest of it, extending about a furlong from there, shows no signs of ruins at all.’—Shaw’s ‘Travels in Barbary,’ pp. 105, 106. (L.)

[128] Ca-poudia, the Caput Veda of Procopius, the Ammonis Promontorium of Strabo, and the Promontorium Brachodes of Ptolemy—a low narrow strip of land which stretches itself a great way into the sea. Upon the very point of it we have the ruins of the city that was built there by Justinian, where there is likewise a high round watch-tower.’—Shaw’s ‘Travels in Barbary,’ p. 111. (L.)

[128] Ca-poudia, the Caput Veda of Procopius, the Ammonis Promontorium of Strabo, and the Promontorium Brachodes of Ptolemy—it's a low, narrow strip of land that extends far into the sea. At the very tip of it, we find the ruins of the city built by Justinian, where there's also a tall, round watchtower.’—Shaw’s ‘Travels in Barbary,’ p. 111. (L.)

[129] ‘Of the Vandals chosen by Belisarius, the far greater part, in the honours of the Eastern service, forgot their country and religion. But a generous band of four hundred obliged the mariners, when they were within sight of the Isle of Lesbos, to alter their course: they touched at Peloponnesus, ran ashore on a desert coast of Africa, and boldly erected on mount Aurasius the standard of independence and revolt.’—Gibbon, ch. xliii. (S.)

[129] "Of the Vandals selected by Belisarius, most of them, enjoying the perks of service in the East, forgot their homeland and faith. However, a brave group of four hundred compelled the sailors, when they were close to the Isle of Lesbos, to change their route: they stopped at Peloponnesus, landed on a deserted coast of Africa, and boldly raised the banner of independence and rebellion on Mount Aurasius." —Gibbon, ch. xliii. (S.)

Aurasius. The Auris Mountains. The inhabitants still retain some marked peculiarities which distinguish them from the surrounding people. (W.)

Aurasius. The Auris Mountains. The locals still have some distinct traits that set them apart from the people around them. (W.)

[130] Septem or Ceuta.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Septem or Ceuta.


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