This is a modern-English version of The Theory of Psychoanalysis, originally written by Jung, C. G. (Carl Gustav).
It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling,
and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If
you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.
Scroll to the bottom of this page and you will find a free ePUB download link for this book.

The Theory of Psychoanalysis
CONTENTS
Consideration of Early Hypotheses 4
Review of Initial Hypotheses 4
The Infantile Sexuality 17
The Child's Sexuality
The Conception of Libido 27
Understanding Libido 27
The Etiological Significance of the Infantile Sexuality 45
The Importance of Infant Sexuality 45
The Unconscious 55
The Unconscious 55
The Dream 60
The Dream 60
The Content of the Unconscious 67
The Content of the Unconscious
The Etiology of the Neuroses 72
The Causes of Neuroses 72
The Therapeutical Principles of Psychoanalysis 96
The Therapeutic Principles of Psychoanalysis 96
Some General Remarks on Psychoanalysis 111
General Thoughts on Psychoanalysis 111
INTRODUCTION
In these lectures I have attempted to reconcile my practical experiences in psychoanalysis with the existing theory, or rather, with the approaches to such a theory. Here is my attitude towards those principles which my honored teacher Sigmund Freud has evolved from the experience of many decades. Since I have long been closely connected with psychoanalysis, it will perhaps be asked with astonishment how it is that I am now for the first time defining my theoretical position. When, some ten years ago, it came home to me what a vast distance Freud had already travelled beyond the bounds of contemporary knowledge of psycho-pathological phenomena, especially the psychology of the complex mental processes, I no longer felt myself in a position to exercise any real criticism. I did not possess the sorry mandarin-courage of those people who—upon a basis of ignorance and incapacity—consider themselves justified in “critical” rejections. I thought one must first work modestly for years in such a field before one might dare to criticize. The evil results of premature and superficial criticism have certainly not been lacking. A preponderating number of critics have attacked with as much anger as ignorance. Psychoanalysis has flourished undisturbed and has not troubled itself one jot or tittle about the unscientific chatter that has buzzed around it. As everyone knows, this tree has waxed mightily, and not in one world only, but alike in Europe and in America. Official criticism participates in the pitiable fate of Proktophantasmist and his lamentation in the Walpurgis-night:
In these lectures, I've tried to combine my practical experience in psychoanalysis with existing theories, or rather, different approaches to those theories. This is my perspective on the principles that my esteemed teacher Sigmund Freud developed over many decades. Given my long involvement with psychoanalysis, it might be surprising that I'm defining my theoretical position for the first time now. About ten years ago, I realized how far ahead Freud had gone beyond the contemporary understanding of psycho-pathological phenomena, especially regarding the psychology of complex mental processes. This made me feel I wasn't in a position to offer any real criticism. I lacked the misguided bravado of those who think they can make "critical" dismissals based on ignorance and incompetence. I believed that one should spend years working diligently in this field before feeling justified in critiquing it. The negative consequences of hasty and shallow criticism are clear. Many critics have attacked with equal parts anger and ignorance. Psychoanalysis has thrived undisturbed and hasn't paid any attention to the unscientific noise surrounding it. As everyone knows, this tree has grown robustly, not just in one world, but in both Europe and America. Official criticism shares the unfortunate fate of the Proktophantasmist and his lament during Walpurgis Night:
Such criticism has omitted to take to heart the truth that all that exists has sufficient right to its existence: no less is it with psychoanalysis.
Such criticism has overlooked the fact that everything that exists has a rightful place in this world, including psychoanalysis.
We will not fall into the error of our opponents, nor ignore their existence nor deny their right to exist. But then this 2enjoins upon ourselves the duty of applying a proper criticism, grounded upon a practical knowledge of the facts. To me it seems that psychoanalysis stands in need of this weighing-up from the inside.
We will not make the mistake of our opponents, nor will we ignore their existence or deny their right to exist. However, this 2 places on us the responsibility to provide a fair critique based on a practical understanding of the facts. It seems to me that psychoanalysis needs this internal evaluation.
It has been wrongly assumed that my attitude denotes a “split” in the psychoanalytic movement. Such a schism can only exist where faith is concerned. But psychoanalysis deals with knowledge and its ever-changing formulations. I have taken William James’ pragmatic rule as a plumb-line: “You must bring out of each word its practical cash-value, set it at work within the stream of your experience. It appears less a solution, then, than as a program for more work and more particularly as an indication of the ways in which existing realities may be changed. Theories thus become instruments, not answers to enigmas, in which we can rest. We don’t lie back upon them, we move forward, and, on occasion, make nature over again by their aid.”
It’s been mistakenly thought that my attitude represents a “split” in the psychoanalytic movement. Such a divide can only happen when it comes to faith. But psychoanalysis focuses on knowledge and its constantly evolving ideas. I’ve adopted William James’ pragmatic approach as a guide: “You need to extract the practical value from each word and apply it to your experiences. It seems less like a solution and more like a plan for ongoing work, particularly as a way to show how current realities can be altered. Theories become tools, not answers to mysteries we can lean back on. We don’t just rely on them; we move ahead and, sometimes, reshape nature with their help.”
And so my criticism has not proceeded from academic arguments, but from experiences which have forced themselves on me during ten years earnest work in this sphere. I know that my experience in no wise approaches Freud’s quite extraordinary experience and insight, but none the less it seems to me that certain of my formulations do present the observed facts more adequately than is the case in Freud’s method of statement. At any rate I have found, in my teaching, that the conceptions put forward in these lectures have afforded peculiar aid in my endeavors to help my pupils to an understanding of psychoanalysis. With such experience I am naturally inclined to assent to the view of Mr. Dooley, that witty humorist of the New York Times, when he says, defining pragmatism: “Truth is truth ‘when it works.’” I am indeed very far from regarding a modest and moderate criticism as a “falling away” or a schism; on the contrary, through it I hope to help on the flowering and fructification of the psychoanalytic movement, and to open a path towards the scientific treasures of psychoanalysis for those who have hitherto been unable to possess themselves of psychoanalytic methods, whether through lack of practical experience or through distaste of the theoretical hypothesis.
And so my criticism hasn’t come from academic debates, but from experiences I’ve had over ten years of dedicated work in this field. I know that my experience doesn’t compare to Freud’s remarkable insights, but I still believe that some of my ideas express the observed facts more accurately than Freud’s way of presenting them. In my teaching, I’ve found that the concepts discussed in these lectures have been particularly helpful in guiding my students to understand psychoanalysis. With this experience, I naturally agree with Mr. Dooley, that witty humorist of the New York Times, when he defines pragmatism: “Truth is truth ‘when it works.’” I am certainly not seeing a modest and moderate critique as a “falling away” or a split; rather, I hope it contributes to the growth and development of the psychoanalytic movement, and paves the way for new insights into psychoanalysis for those who have not yet been able to engage with its methods, whether due to lack of practical experience or discomfort with the theoretical ideas.
For the opportunity to deliver these lectures I have to thank 3my friend Dr. Smith Ely Jelliffe, of New York, who kindly invited me to take part in the “Extension Course” at Fordham University. These lectures were given in September, 1912, in New York.
For the chance to give these lectures, I want to thank my friend Dr. Smith Ely Jelliffe from New York, who graciously invited me to participate in the “Extension Course” at Fordham University. These lectures took place in September 1912 in New York.
I must here also express my best thanks to Dr. Gregory, of Bellevue Hospital, for his ready support of my clinical demonstrations.
I want to sincerely thank Dr. Gregory from Bellevue Hospital for his quick support during my clinical demonstrations.
For the troublesome work of translation I am greatly indebted to my assistant, Miss M. Moltzer, and to Mrs. Edith Eder and Dr. Eder of London.
For the challenging task of translation, I am deeply grateful to my assistant, Miss M. Moltzer, and to Mrs. Edith Eder and Dr. Eder from London.
Only after the preparation of these lectures did Adler’s book, “Ueber den nervösen Character,” become known to me, in the summer of 1912. I recognize that he and I have reached similar conclusions on various points, but here is not the place to go into a more intimate discussion of the matter; that must take place elsewhere.
Only after preparing these lectures did Adler’s book, "About the nervous character," come to my attention in the summer of 1912. I see that he and I have arrived at similar conclusions on several points, but this isn’t the right time to discuss that in detail; that needs to happen elsewhere.
CHAPTER I
Consideration of Early Hypotheses
It is not an easy task to speak about psychoanalysis in these days. I am not thinking, when I say this, of the fact that psychoanalysis in general—it is my earnest conviction—is among the most difficult scientific problems of the day. But even when we put this cardinal fact aside, we find many serious difficulties which interfere with the clear interpretation of the matter. I am not capable of giving you a complete doctrine elaborated both from the theoretical and the empirical standpoint. Psychoanalysis has not yet reached such a point of development, although a great amount of labor has been expended upon it. Neither can I give you a description of its growth ab ovo, for you already have in your country, with its great regard for all the progress of civilization, a considerable literature on the subject. This literature has already spread a general knowledge of psychoanalysis among those who have a scientific interest in it.
It’s not easy to talk about psychoanalysis these days. I’m not just saying that because I believe it’s one of the toughest scientific challenges we face. Even if we set that key point aside, there are still serious challenges that make it hard to clearly explain the topic. I can’t provide you with a complete theory that combines both theoretical and empirical views. Psychoanalysis hasn't evolved to that level yet, despite a lot of hard work put into it. I also can’t give you a detailed history from the beginning, since there’s already a significant body of literature on the topic in your country, which values all aspects of civilization’s progress. This literature has given those with a scientific interest in it a general understanding of psychoanalysis.
You have had the opportunity of listening to Freud, the real explorer and founder of this method, who has spoken in your own country about this theory. As for myself, I have already had the honor of speaking about this work in America. I have discussed the experimental foundation of the theory of complexes and the application of psychoanalysis to pedagogy.
You’ve had the chance to hear from Freud, the true pioneer and founder of this method, who has talked about this theory in your own country. As for me, I’ve already had the privilege of discussing this work in America. I’ve gone over the experimental basis of the theory of complexes and how psychoanalysis can be applied to education.
It can be easily understood that under these circumstances I fear to repeat what has already been said, or published in many scientific journals in this country. A further difficulty lies in the fact that in very many quarters there are already prevailing quite extraordinary conceptions of our theory, conceptions which are often absolutely wrong, and unfortunately wrong just in that which touches the very essence of psychoanalysis. At times it seems nearly impossible to grasp even the meaning of these errors, and I am constantly astonished to find any one with a scientific education ever arriving at ideas so divorced from all foundations in fact. Obviously it would be of no importance to cite examples 5of these curiosities, and it will be more valuable to discuss here those questions and problems of psychoanalysis which really might provoke misunderstanding.
It’s easy to see that, given these circumstances, I’m hesitant to restate what’s already been said or published in many scientific journals in this country. Another issue is that there are many places where wildly inaccurate interpretations of our theory are already prevalent—interpretations that are often completely off-base and, unfortunately, miss the core of psychoanalysis. Sometimes, it feels almost impossible to grasp the meaning behind these mistakes, and I'm always shocked to find anyone with a scientific background coming up with ideas so disconnected from reality. Clearly, it wouldn't be useful to point out examples of these oddities, and it’s more valuable to discuss the questions and issues in psychoanalysis that could actually lead to misunderstandings. 5
A Change in the Theory of Psychoanalysis
Although it has very often been repeated, it seems to be still an unknown fact to many people, that in these last years the theory of psychoanalysis has changed considerably. Those, for instance, who have only read the first book, “Studies in Hysteria,” by Breuer and Freud, still believe that psychoanalysis essentially consists in the doctrine that hysteria, as well as other neuroses, has its root in the so-called “traumata,” or shocks, of earliest childhood. They continue to condemn this theory, and have no idea that it is fifteen years since this conception was abandoned and replaced by a totally different one. This change is of such great importance in the whole development of psychoanalysis, as well for its technique as for its theory, that I must give it in some detail. That I may not weary you with the complete recitation of cases already well known, I will only just refer to those in Breuer and Freud’s book, which I shall assume are known to you, for the book has been translated into English.[1] You will there have read that case of Breuer’s, to which Freud referred in his lectures at Clark University. You will have found that the hysterical symptom has not some unknown organic source, but is based on certain highly emotional psychic events, so-called injuries of the heart, traumata or shocks. I think that now-a-days every careful observer of hysteria will acknowledge from his own experience that, at the root of this disease, such painful events are to be found. This truth was already known to the physicians of former days.
Although it's been said many times, it still seems like many people don’t realize that in recent years, the theory of psychoanalysis has changed a lot. For example, those who have only read the first book, “Studies in Hysteria,” by Breuer and Freud, still think that psychoanalysis mainly holds that hysteria and other neuroses stem from what are called “traumata,” or shocks, from early childhood. They continue to reject this theory without knowing that it has been fifteen years since this idea was set aside for a completely different one. This shift is so significant to the overall development of psychoanalysis, both in its technique and theory, that I need to explain it in some detail. To avoid boring you with a complete recounting of cases that are already well known, I will just mention those in Breuer and Freud’s book, which I assume you are familiar with since it has been translated into English.[1] You will have read about Breuer’s case that Freud mentioned in his lectures at Clark University. You will have found that the hysterical symptom doesn't originate from some unknown physical cause, but rather is based on certain highly emotional psychological events, referred to as injuries of the heart, traumata or shocks. I believe that today, anyone who carefully observes hysteria will recognize from their own experience that such painful events are at the root of this illness. This truth was already acknowledged by physicians in the past.
The Traumatic Theory
So far as I know it was really Charcot who, probably under the influence of Page’s theory of nervous shock, made this observation of theoretical value. Charcot knew, by means of hypnotism, at that time not understood, that hysterical symptoms could be called forth by suggestion as well as made to disappear through 6suggestion. Charcot believed that he saw something like this in those cases of hysteria caused by accident, cases which became more and more frequent. The shock can be compared with hypnosis in Charcot’s sense. The emotion provoked by the shock causes a momentary complete paralysis of will-power, during which the remembrance of the trauma can be fixed as an auto-suggestion. This conception gives us the original theory of psychoanalysis. Etiological investigation had to prove whether this mechanism, or a similar one, was also to be found in those cases of hysteria which could not be called traumatic. This lack of knowledge of the etiology of hysteria was supplied by the discovery of Breuer and Freud. They proved that even in those ordinary cases of hysteria which cannot be said to be caused by shock the same trauma-element was to be found, and seemed to have an etiological value. It is natural that Freud, a pupil of Charcot, was inclined to suppose that this discovery in itself confirmed the ideas of Charcot. Accordingly the theory elaborated out of the experience of that period, mainly by Freud, received the imprint of a traumatic etiology. The name of trauma-theory is therefore justified; nevertheless this theory had also a new aspect. I am not here speaking of the truly admirable profoundness and precision of Freud’s analysis of symptoms, but of the relinquishing of the conception of auto-suggestion, which was the dynamic force in the original theory, and its substitution by a detailed exposure of the psychological and psycho-physical effects caused by the shock. The shock, the trauma, provokes a certain excitation which, under normal circumstances, finds a natural outlet (“abreagieren”). In hysteria it is only to a certain extent that the excitation does find a natural outlet; a partial retention takes place, the so-called blocking of the affect (“Affecteinklemmung”). This amount of excitation, which can be compared with an amount of potential energy, is transmuted by the mechanism of conversion into “physical” symptoms.
As far as I know, it was really Charcot who, likely influenced by Page’s theory of nervous shock, made this significant observation. Charcot understood, through the then-misunderstood technique of hypnotism, that hysterical symptoms could be triggered by suggestion and could also disappear through suggestion. Charcot believed he noticed something similar in cases of hysteria caused by accidents, which were becoming increasingly common. The shock can be likened to hypnosis in Charcot’s view. The emotion triggered by the shock leads to a temporary total paralysis of will, during which the memory of the trauma can be imprinted as auto-suggestion. This concept lays the groundwork for the original theory of psychoanalysis. Etiological research needed to verify whether this mechanism, or a comparable one, was also present in cases of hysteria that couldn’t be classified as traumatic. This gap in understanding the causes of hysteria was addressed by Breuer and Freud's discovery. They demonstrated that even in those typical cases of hysteria not linked to shock, the same trauma-element could be found, which seemed to hold etiological significance. Naturally, Freud, a student of Charcot, was inclined to believe that this discovery validated Charcot's ideas. Consequently, the theory developed from the experiences of that time, mainly by Freud, took on the hallmark of a traumatic etiology. The name trauma-theory is therefore justified; however, this theory also introduced a new perspective. I’m not discussing the genuinely admirable depth and precision of Freud’s symptom analysis here, but rather the shift away from the concept of auto-suggestion, which was the driving force in the original theory, and its replacement with a detailed examination of the psychological and psycho-physical effects caused by the shock. The shock, the trauma, causes a certain excitation that, under normal circumstances, finds a natural outlet. In hysteria, only to a degree does the excitation find a natural outlet; there is a partial retention, known as the blocking of the affect. This level of excitation, which can be compared to an amount of potential energy, is converted through a process of conversion into “physical” symptoms.
The Cathartic Method.—According to this conception, therapy had to find the means by which those retained emotions could be brought to a mode of expression, thereby setting free from the symptoms that amount of repressed and converted feeling. Hence this was called the cleansing, or cathartic method; its aim was to discharge the blocked emotions. From this it follows 7that analysis was then more or less closely concerned with the symptoms, that is to say, the symptoms were analyzed—the work of analysis began with the symptoms, a method abandoned to-day. The cathartic method, and the theory on which it is based, are, as you know, accepted by other colleagues, so far as they are interested at all in psychoanalysis, and you will find some appreciation and quotation of the theory, as well as of the method, in several text-books.
The Cathartic Method.—According to this idea, therapy needed to find ways to help people express their repressed emotions, which would free them from the symptoms caused by those pent-up feelings. That's why it was called the cleansing, or cathartic method; its goal was to release the trapped emotions. Consequently, analysis was more or less focused on the symptoms, meaning that the symptoms were analyzed—the analysis started with the symptoms, a method that has since been set aside. The cathartic method, along with the theory behind it, is, as you know, accepted by some colleagues who are interested in psychoanalysis, and you'll find some references and quotes about the theory and method in various textbooks.
The Traumatic Theory Criticized
Although, as a matter of fact, the discovery of Breuer and Freud is certainly true, as can easily be proved by every case of hysteria, several objections can be raised to the theory. It must be acknowledged that their method shows with wonderful clearness the connection between the actual symptoms and the shock, as well as the psychological consequences which necessarily follow from the traumatic event, but nevertheless, a doubt arises as to the etiological significance of the so-called trauma or shock.
Although the discovery by Breuer and Freud is indeed valid, as can be easily demonstrated by every case of hysteria, there are several objections to the theory. It's clear that their method shows the connection between the actual symptoms and the shock, as well as the psychological effects that follow from the traumatic event. However, doubts arise regarding the causal significance of what they call trauma or shock.
It is extremely difficult for any critical observer of hysteria to admit that a neurosis, with all its complications, can be based on events in the past, as it were on one emotional experience long past. It is more or less fashionable at present to consider all abnormal psychic conditions, in so far as they are of exogenic growth, as the consequences of hereditary degeneration, and not as essentially influenced by the psychology of the patient and the environment. This conception is too narrow, and not justified by the facts. To use an analogy, we know perfectly well how to find the right middle course in dealing with the etiology of tuberculosis. There are, of course, cases of tuberculosis where in earliest childhood the germ of the disease falls upon a soil predisposed by heredity, so that even in the most favorable conditions the patient cannot escape his fate. None the less, there are also cases where, under favorable conditions, illness can be prevented, despite a predisposition to the disease. Nor must we forget that there are still other cases without hereditary disposition or individual inclination, and, in spite of this, fatal infection occurs. All this holds equally true of the neuroses, where matters are not essentially different in their method of procedure than they are in general pathology. Neither a theory in which 8the predisposition is all-important, nor one in which the influence of the environment is all-important, will ever suffice. It is true the shock-theory can be said to give predominance to the predisposition, even insisting that some past trauma is the condition sine qua non of the neurosis. Yet Freud’s ingenious empiricism presented even in the “Studies in Hysteria” some views, insufficiently exploited at the time, which contained the elements of a theory that perhaps more accentuates the value of environment than inherited or traumatic predisposition.
It’s really tough for anyone critically observing hysteria to accept that a neurosis, with all its complexities, can stem from past events, based on an emotional experience from long ago. These days, it’s pretty trendy to view all abnormal psychological conditions, particularly those that arise externally, as results of hereditary degeneration, instead of considering how much the patient’s psychology and their environment play a role. This viewpoint is too narrow and not backed up by the facts. To draw a comparison, we know how to strike a proper balance when looking at the causes of tuberculosis. There are certainly cases where, in early childhood, the disease germ lands on a hereditary predisposition, meaning that even in the best conditions, the patient can’t escape their fate. However, there are also scenarios where, with the right conditions, the illness can be prevented, even with a predisposition. Moreover, we can’t overlook cases that have no hereditary predisposition or individual tendency, yet still experience serious infections. This is similarly true for neuroses, where the processes aren’t fundamentally different from general pathology. Neither a theory that emphasizes the predisposition nor one that focuses entirely on environmental influence will ever be adequate. Admittedly, the shock theory tends to highlight predisposition, even arguing that some past trauma is essential for the neurosis. Yet Freud’s clever empiricism presented in “Studies in Hysteria” offered some insights at the time that weren’t fully explored, which included elements of a theory that might emphasize the importance of environment over inherited or traumatic predisposition.
The Conception of “Repression”
Freud synthesized these observations in a form that was to extend far beyond the limits of the shock-theory. This conception is the hypothesis of repression (“Verdrängung”). As you know, by the word “repression” is understood the psychic mechanism of the re-transportation of a conscious thought into the unconscious sphere. We call this sphere the “unconscious” and define it as the psyche of which we are not conscious. The conception of repression was derived from the numerous observations made upon neurotic patients who seemed to have the capacity of forgetting important events or thoughts, and this to such an extent that one might easily believe nothing had ever happened. These observations can be constantly made by anyone who comes into close psychological relations with his patients. As a result of the Breuer and Freud studies, it was found that a very special method was needed to call again into consciousness those traumatic events long since forgotten. I wish to call attention to this fact, since it is decidedly astonishing for a priori we are not inclined to believe that valuable things can ever be forgotten. For this reason several critics object that the reminiscences which have been called into consciousness by certain hypnotic processes are only suggested ones, and do not correspond with reality. Even granting this, it would certainly not be justifiable to regard this in itself as a condemnation of “repression,” since there are and have been not a few cases where the fact of repressed reminiscences can be proved by objective demonstration. Even if we exclude this kind of proof, it is possible to test the phenomena by experiment. The association-tests provide us with the necessary experiences. Here we find 9the extraordinary fact that associations pertaining to complexes saturated with emotion emerge with much greater difficulty into consciousness, and are much more easily forgotten.
Freud combined these observations into a concept that would extend well beyond the boundaries of shock theory. This idea is the hypothesis of repression ("Repression"). As you know, "repression" refers to the mental process of pushing a conscious thought back into the unconscious mind. We refer to this realm as the "unconscious," defining it as the part of the psyche we are not aware of. The idea of repression came from numerous observations of neurotic patients who seemed able to forget significant events or thoughts to such an extent that it felt like nothing had ever happened. Anyone who closely interacts with their patients can regularly observe this phenomenon. Through the studies of Breuer and Freud, it was discovered that a very specific method was necessary to bring those long-forgotten traumatic events back into consciousness. I want to highlight this fact, as it is surprisingly unexpected; we usually don’t think valuable memories can be completely forgotten. Because of this, some critics argue that the memories brought back through certain hypnotic techniques are merely suggested and don't reflect reality. Even if that’s the case, it wouldn’t be fair to dismiss this as evidence against “repression,” since there have been numerous instances where repressed memories can be objectively demonstrated. Even if we set aside this kind of proof, we can still experimentally test these phenomena. The association tests give us the necessary insights. Here, we find the remarkable fact that emotionally charged associations related to complexes are much harder to bring into consciousness and can be forgotten more easily.
As my experiments on this subject were never reëxamined, the conclusions were never adopted, until just lately, when Wilhelm Peters, a disciple of Kraepelin, proved in general my previous observation, namely, that painful events are very rarely correctly reproduced (“die unlustbetonten Erlebnisse werden am seltensten richtig reproduciert”).
As my experiments on this subject were never revisited, the conclusions were never accepted until recently, when Wilhelm Peters, a student of Kraepelin, generally confirmed my earlier observation, namely, that painful events are very rarely accurately remembered (“Experiences that are not marked by pleasure are the least likely to be accurately reproduced.”).
As you see, the conception rests upon a firm empirical basis. There is still another side of the question worth looking at. We might ask if the repression has its root in a conscious determination of the individual, or do the reminiscences disappear rather passively without conscious knowledge on the part of the patient? In Freud’s works you will find a series of excellent proofs of the existence of a conscious tendency to repress what is painful. Every psychoanalyst will know more than a dozen cases showing clearly in their history one particular moment at least in which the patient knows more or less clearly that he will not allow himself to think of the repressed reminiscences. A patient once gave this significant answer: “Je l’ai mis de côté” (I have put it aside).
As you can see, the idea is based on solid evidence. There's also another aspect of the question that's worth examining. We might ask if the repression stems from a conscious choice by the individual, or do the memories fade away more passively without the patient being consciously aware of it? In Freud’s works, you’ll find a number of strong examples supporting the idea that there is a conscious tendency to suppress what is painful. Every psychoanalyst will know more than a dozen cases that clearly show at least one specific moment in the patient’s history where they are somewhat aware that they won't allow themselves to think about the repressed memories. One patient once said something telling: “I set it aside” (I have put it aside).
But, on the other hand, we must not forget that there are a number of cases where it is impossible for us to show, even with the most careful examination, the slightest trace of conscious repression; in these cases it seems as if the mechanism of repression were much more in the nature of a passive disappearance, or even as if the impressions were dragged beneath the surface by some force operating from below. From the first class of cases we get the impression of complete mental development, accompanied by a kind of cowardice in regard to their own feelings; but among the second class of cases you may find patients showing a more serious retardation of development. The mechanism of repression seems here to be much more an automatic one.
But, on the other hand, we must remember that there are many situations where it's impossible for us to find even the smallest sign of conscious repression, no matter how carefully we examine it; in these instances, it appears that the mechanism of repression is more like a passive disappearance, or even as if the impressions are being pulled below the surface by some force acting from underneath. From the first group of cases, we get the impression of complete mental development, accompanied by a kind of avoidance regarding their own feelings; but in the second group, you may find patients showing a more significant delay in development. The mechanism of repression seems to be much more automatic in these cases.
This difference is closely connected with the question I mentioned before—that is, the question of the relative importance of predisposition and environment. The first class of cases appears to be mainly influenced by environment and education; in 10the other, predisposition seems to play the chief part. It is pretty clear where treatment will have more effect. (As I have already said, the conception of repression contains an element which is in intrinsic contradiction with the shock-theory.) We find, for instance, in the case of Miss Lucy R.,[2] described by Freud, that the essential etiological moment is not to be found in the traumatic scenes, but in the insufficient readiness of the patient to set store upon the convictions passing through her mind. But if we think of the later views we find in the “Selected Papers on Hysteria,”[3] where Freud, forced through further experience, supposes certain traumatic sexual events in early childhood to be the source of the neurosis, then we get the impression of an incongruity between the conception of repression and that of shock. The conception of “repression” contains the elements of an etiological theory of environment, while the conception of “shock” is a theory of predisposition.
This difference is closely connected with the question I brought up earlier—that is, the question of how much predisposition versus environment matters. The first group of cases seems to be mostly influenced by environment and education; in the other, predisposition appears to take the lead. It's pretty clear where treatment will be more effective. (As I've mentioned before, the idea of repression has an element that's fundamentally at odds with the shock theory.) For example, in the case of Miss Lucy R., described by Freud, the key cause isn't found in the traumatic scenes but in the patient's lack of readiness to value the thoughts she's experiencing. However, if we consider the later views in the “Selected Papers on Hysteria,” where Freud, influenced by further experience, suggests that certain traumatic sexual events in early childhood are the source of the neurosis, we see a conflict between the idea of repression and that of shock. The idea of “repression” includes elements of a theory that centers on environment, while the idea of “shock” is more about predisposition.
But at first the theory of neurosis developed along the lines of the trauma conception. Pursuing Freud’s later investigations, we see him coming to the conclusion that no such positive value can be ascribed to the traumatic events of later life, as their effects could only be conceivable if the particular predisposition of the patient were taken into account. Evidently the enigma was to be resolved just at this point. As the analytical work progressed, the roots of hysterical symptoms were found in childhood; they reached back from the present far into the past. The further end of the chain threatened to get lost in the mists of early childhood. But it was just there that reminiscences appeared of certain scenes where sexual activities had been manifested in an active or passive way, and these were unmistakably connected with the events which provoked the neurosis. (For further details of these events you must consult the works of Freud, as well as the numerous analyses which have already been published.)
But initially, the theory of neurosis developed based on the trauma concept. Following Freud's later research, he concluded that traumatic events in later life couldn't be assigned any positive value because their effects could only be understood if we considered the patient's specific predispositions. Clearly, the mystery was to be unraveled at this point. As the analysis continued, the roots of hysterical symptoms were traced back to childhood; they extended from the present deep into the past. The further back we looked, the more difficult it became to see clearly into early childhood. However, this was precisely where memories surfaced of certain situations involving sexual activities, either active or passive, that were clearly linked to the events provoking the neurosis. (For more details on these events, you'll need to refer to Freud's works, as well as the many analyses that have already been published.)
The Theory of Sexual Trauma in Childhood
Hence arose the theory of sexual trauma in childhood which provoked bitter opposition, not from theoretical objections against the shock-theory in general, but against the element of sexuality 11in particular. In the first place, the idea that children might be sexual, and that sexual thoughts might play any part with them, aroused great antagonism. In the second place, the possibility that hysteria had a sexual basis was most unwelcome, for the sterile position that hysteria was either a reflex neurosis of the uterus or arose from lack of sexual satisfaction had just been given up. Naturally, therefore, the real value of Freud’s observations was disputed. If critics had limited themselves to that question, and had not adorned their opposition with moral indignation, a calm discussion would have been possible. In Germany, for instance, this method of attack made it impossible to get any credit for Freud’s theory. As soon as the question of sexuality was touched general resistance, as well as haughty contempt were awakened. But in truth there was but one question at issue: were Freud’s observations true or not? That alone could be of importance to a really scientific mind. It is possible that these observations do not seem very probable at first sight, but it is unjustifiable to condemn them a priori as false. Wherever really sincere and thorough investigations have been carried out it has been possible to corroborate his observations. The fact of a psychological chain of consequences has been absolutely confirmed, although Freud’s original conception, that real traumatic scenes were always to be found, has not been.
Thus, the theory of childhood sexual trauma emerged, provoking strong opposition, not just against the shock-theory in general, but specifically against the notion of sexuality. Firstly, the idea that children could be sexual and have sexual thoughts caused significant backlash. Secondly, the suggestion that hysteria might have a sexual basis was particularly unwelcome, as the previous belief that hysteria was either a reflex neurosis of the uterus or resulted from lack of sexual satisfaction had just been abandoned. Consequently, the true value of Freud’s observations was contested. If critics had focused solely on that issue and not layered their opposition with moral outrage, a calm debate could have occurred. In Germany, for example, this method of attack hindered any recognition of Freud’s theory. As soon as the topic of sexuality came up, there was widespread resistance and disdain. However, the real question remained: were Freud’s observations accurate or not? That alone was significant for a genuinely scientific perspective. These observations might not seem very plausible at first glance, but it’s unjustified to dismiss them outright as false. In instances where sincere and thorough research has been conducted, it has been possible to support his observations. The existence of a psychological chain of consequences has been fully confirmed, although Freud’s initial idea that actual traumatic events were always present has not been.
Theory of Sexual Trauma Abandoned
Freud himself abandoned his first presentation of the shock-theory after further and more thorough investigation. He could no longer retain his original view as to the reality of the sexual shock. Excessive sexuality, sexual abuse of children, or very early sexual activity in childhood, were later on seen to be of secondary importance. You will perhaps be inclined to share the suspicion of the critics that the results derived from analytic researches were based on suggestion. There might be some justification for this view if these assertions had been published broadcast by some charlatan or ill-qualified person. But anyone who has carefully read Freud’s works, and has himself similarly sought to penetrate into the psychology of his patients, will know that it is unjust to attribute to an intellect like Freud’s the crude 12mistakes of a journeyman. Such suggestions only redound to the discredit of those who make them. Ever since then patients have been examined by every possible means from which suggestion could be absolutely excluded. And still the associations described by Freud have been proved to be true in principle. We are thus obliged in the first place to regard many of these shocks of early childhood as phantoms, while other traumata have objective reality. With this knowledge, at first somewhat confusing, the etiological importance of the sexual trauma in childhood declines, as it seems now quite irrelevant whether the trauma really took place or not. Experience teaches us that phantasy can be, so to speak, of the same traumatic value as real shock. In the face of such facts, every physician who treats hysteria will recall cases where the neurosis has indeed been provoked by violent traumatic impressions. This observation is only in apparent contradiction with our knowledge, already referred to, of the unreality of traumatic events in childhood. We know perfectly well that many persons suffer shocks in childhood or in adult life who nevertheless get no neurosis. Therefore the trauma has, ceteris paribus, no absolute etiological importance, but owes its efficacy to the nature of the soil upon which it falls.
Freud himself moved away from his initial shock theory after conducting further and more detailed research. He could no longer hold onto his original belief about the reality of sexual shock. Excessive sexuality, sexual abuse of children, or very early sexual experiences in childhood later proved to be of lesser significance. You might be inclined to agree with the critics who suspect that the results from psychoanalytic research were influenced by suggestion. This viewpoint could be somewhat valid if these claims had been spread by a fraud or someone unqualified. But anyone who has carefully read Freud’s works and has tried to understand the psychology of their own patients knows it’s unfair to attribute the crude mistakes of a novice to someone as intelligent as Freud. Such accusations only reflect poorly on those who make them. Since then, patients have been examined using every possible method to completely eliminate the influence of suggestion. Still, the connections described by Freud have been proven to be fundamentally accurate. Therefore, we must initially consider many of these childhood shocks as illusions, while other traumas have actual, objective reality. With this understanding, which can be somewhat confusing at first, the significance of sexual trauma in childhood diminishes, as it now seems irrelevant whether the trauma actually occurred or not. Experience shows us that fantasy can have the same traumatic impact as real shock. In light of this, every doctor who treats hysteria will remember cases where the neurosis has indeed been triggered by intense traumatic experiences. This observation appears to contradict our earlier understanding of the unreality of traumatic events in childhood. We know very well that many people experience shocks in childhood or adulthood without developing a neurosis. Therefore, trauma does not hold absolute etiological significance, but its effect depends on the type of person it affects.
The Predisposition for the Trauma
No neurosis will grow on an unprepared soil where no germ of neurosis is already existing; the trauma will pass by without leaving any permanent and effective mark. From this simple consideration it is pretty clear that, to make it really effective, the patient must meet the shock with a certain internal predisposition. This internal predisposition is not to be understood as meaning that totally obscure hereditary predisposition of which we know so little, but as a psychological development which reaches its apogee and its manifestation at the moment, and even through, the trauma.
No neurosis will develop in a mind that's not ready, where there's no trace of it already present; the trauma will come and go without leaving any lasting impact. From this straightforward observation, it's clear that for it to truly have an effect, the patient needs to face the shock with a certain internal readiness. This internal readiness shouldn't be confused with that totally unclear hereditary tendency we know so little about, but rather as a psychological growth that peaks and shows itself at the moment of, and even through, the trauma.
I will show you first of all by a concrete case the nature of the trauma and its psychological predisposition. A young lady suffered from severe hysteria after a sudden fright. She had been attending a social gathering that evening and was on her way home at midnight, accompanied by several acquaintances, when 13a carriage came behind her at full speed. Everyone else drew aside, but she, paralyzed by fright, remained in the middle of the street and ran just in front of the horses. The coachman cracked his whip, cursed and swore without any result. She ran down the whole length of the street, which led to a bridge. There her strength failed her, and to escape the horses’ feet she thought, in her extreme despair, of jumping into the water, but was prevented in time by passers-by. This very same lady happened to be present a little later on that bloody day, the 22d of January, in St. Petersburg, when a street was cleared by soldiers’ volleys. Right and left of her she saw people dying or falling down badly wounded. Remaining perfectly calm and clear-minded, she caught sight of a gate that gave her escape into another street.
I will first demonstrate the nature of trauma and its psychological effects with a concrete case. A young woman experienced severe hysteria after a sudden shock. She had been at a social event that evening and was heading home at midnight, accompanied by a few friends, when a carriage came rushing up behind her. Everyone else moved to the side, but she, frozen in fear, stayed in the middle of the street and ran directly in front of the horses. The coachman cracked his whip, yelled, and cursed, but it had no effect. She sprinted down the entire length of the street, which led to a bridge. There, her strength gave out, and in her extreme panic, she thought about jumping into the water to escape the horses’ hooves, but passers-by stopped her just in time. This same woman was present a little later that bloody day, the 22nd of January, in St. Petersburg, when soldiers were clearing a street with gunfire. To her left and right, she saw people dying or collapsing from serious injuries. Remaining completely calm and clear-headed, she spotted a gate that led her to safety into another street.
These terrible moments did not agitate her, either at the time, or later on. Whence it must follow that the intensity of the trauma is of small pathogenic importance: the special conditions form the essential factors. Here, then, we have the key by which we are able to unlock at least one of the anterooms to the understanding of predisposition. We must next ask what were the special circumstances in this carriage-scene. The terror and apprehension began as soon as the lady heard the horses’ foot-steps. It seemed to her for a moment as if these betokened some terrible fate, portending her death or something dreadful. Then she lost consciousness. The real causation is somehow connected with the horses. The predisposition of the patient, who acts thus wildly at such a commonplace occurence, could perhaps be found in the fact that horses had a special significance for her. It might suffice, for instance, if she had been once concerned in some dangerous accident with horses. This assumption does hold good here. When she was seven years old, she was once out on a carriage-drive with the coachman; the horses shied and approached the steep river-bank at full speed. The coachman jumped off his seat, and shouted to her to do the same, which she was barely able to do, as she was frightened to death. Still, she sprang down at the right moment, whilst the horses and carriage were dashed down below.
These terrible moments didn’t upset her, either at the time or later on. This suggests that the intensity of the trauma isn’t very significant: the special circumstances are the key factors. Here, then, we find the key to understanding at least one aspect of predisposition. We should next consider what the specific conditions were in this carriage scene. The fear and anxiety started as soon as the lady heard the horses’ footsteps. For a moment, it seemed to her that these signaled some terrible fate, hinting at her death or something dreadful. Then she fainted. The real cause is somehow tied to the horses. The way the patient reacts so wildly to such a common occurrence could be rooted in the fact that horses had a particular significance for her. It might be enough, for example, that she had once been involved in some dangerous accident with horses. This assumption seems to fit. When she was seven years old, she went on a carriage ride with the coachman; the horses got spooked and charged toward the steep riverbank at full speed. The coachman jumped off his seat and yelled for her to do the same, which she could barely manage because she was terrified. Still, she jumped down at the right moment while the horses and carriage went crashing down below.
It is unnecessary to prove that such an event must leave a lasting impression behind. But still it does not offer any explanation for the exaggerated reaction to an inadequate stimulus. 14Up till now we only know that this later symptom had its prologue in childhood, but the pathological side remains obscure. To solve this enigma we require other experiences. The amnesia which I will set forth fully later on shows clearly the disproportion between the so-called shock and the part played by phantasy. In this case phantasy must predominate to an extraordinary extent to provoke such an effect. The shock in itself was too insignificant. We are at first inclined to explain this incident by the shock that took place in childhood, but it seems to me with little success. It is difficult to understand why the effect of this infantile trauma had remained latent so long, and why it only now came to the surface. The patient must surely have had opportunities enough during her lifetime of getting out of the way of a carriage going full speed. The reminiscence of the danger to her life seems to be quite insufficiently effective: the real danger in which she was at that one moment in St. Petersburg did not produce the slightest trace of neurosis, despite her being predisposed by an impressive event in her childhood. The whole of this traumatic event still lacks explanation; from the point of view of the shock-theory we are hopelessly in the dark.
It’s obvious that such an event has to leave a lasting impression. However, it doesn’t explain the exaggerated response to an inadequate stimulus. 14 So far, we only know that this later symptom originated in childhood, but the pathological aspect remains unclear. To unravel this mystery, we need different experiences. The amnesia I will fully explain later clearly demonstrates the imbalance between the so-called shock and the role of fantasy. In this case, fantasy must play an exceptionally large role to cause such an effect. The shock itself was too minor. Initially, we might think this incident can be explained by the shock from childhood, but that seems to fall short. It’s hard to understand why the impact of this childhood trauma stayed hidden for so long and why it only surfaced now. The patient must have had plenty of opportunities throughout her life to avoid a speeding carriage. The memory of the life-threatening situation doesn’t seem to have had much impact: the real danger she faced for that brief moment in St. Petersburg didn’t leave any noticeable signs of neurosis, even though she had already been affected by a significant event in her childhood. The entire traumatic event remains unexplained; from the perspective of shock theory, we’re completely in the dark.
You must excuse me if I return so persistently to the shock-theory. I consider this necessary, as now-a-days many people, even those who regard us seriously, still keep to this standpoint. Thus the opponents to psychoanalysis and those who never read psychoanalytic articles, or do so quite superficially, get the impression that in psychoanalysis the old shock-theory is still in force.
You have to forgive me for constantly bringing up the shock theory. I think it’s important because nowadays many people, even those who take us seriously, still hold on to this view. As a result, critics of psychoanalysis, and those who never really read psychoanalytic articles or do so only superficially, get the impression that psychoanalysis is still relying on the old shock theory.
The question arises: what are we to understand by this predisposition, through which an insignificant event produces such a pathological effect? This is the question of chief significance, and we shall find that the same question plays an important rôle in the theory of neurosis, for we have to understand why apparently irrelevant events of the past are still producing such effects that they are able to interfere in an impish and capricious way with the normal reactions of actual life.
The question comes up: what should we make of this tendency, where a minor event leads to such a harmful effect? This is the most important question, and we'll see that it also plays a crucial role in the theory of neurosis because we need to understand why seemingly unimportant events from the past continue to have effects that disrupt the normal responses to real life in a mischievous and unpredictable way.
The Sexual Element in the Trauma
The early school of psychoanalysis, and its later disciples, did all they could to find the origin of later effects in the special kind 15of early traumatic events. Freud’s research penetrated most deeply. He was the first, and it was he alone, who discovered that a certain sexual element was connected with the shock. It is just this sexual element which, speaking generally, we may consider as unconscious, and it is to this that the traumatic effect is generally due. The unconsciousness of sexuality in childhood seems to throw a light upon the problem of the persistent constellation of the primary traumatic event. The true emotional meaning of the accident was all along hidden from the patient, so that in consciousness this emotion was never brought into play, the emotion never wore itself out, it was never used up. We might perhaps explain the effect in the following way: this persistent constellation was a kind of “suggestion à échéance,” for it is unconscious and the action occurs only at the stipulated moment.
The early school of psychoanalysis and its later followers did everything they could to trace the roots of later impacts back to specific early traumatic experiences. Freud's research went the deepest. He was the first, and the only one, to uncover that a certain sexual element was linked to the trauma. This sexual element, which we can generally consider as unconscious, is typically what causes the traumatic effect. The unconsciousness of sexuality in childhood seems to shed light on the issue of the ongoing aftermath of the initial traumatic event. The true emotional significance of the incident was always hidden from the patient, meaning that this emotion never came into play in their conscious mind; it never dissipated or was fully utilized. We might explain the effect like this: this ongoing aftermath was a kind of "suggestion à échéance," because it is unconscious and the response only occurs at the designated moment.
It is hardly necessary to give detailed examples to prove that the true nature of sexual manifestations during infancy is not understood. Physicians know, for instance, how often a manifest masturbation persisting up to adult life, especially in women, is not understood as such. It is, therefore, easy to realize that to a child the true nature of certain actions would be far less conscious. And that is the reason why the real meaning of these events, even in adult life, is still hidden from our consciousness. In some cases, even, the traumatic events are themselves forgotten, either because their sexual meaning is quite unknown to the patient, or because their sexual character is inacceptable, being too painful. It is what we call “repressed.”
It’s hardly necessary to provide detailed examples to show that the true nature of sexual behaviors during infancy is not understood. Doctors know, for instance, how often persistent masturbation into adulthood, especially in women, is not recognized for what it is. Therefore, it’s easy to see that a child’s awareness of certain actions would be much less conscious. This is why the real meaning of these events often remains hidden from us, even in adulthood. In some cases, traumatic events are even forgotten, either because their sexual significance is completely unknown to the person, or because their sexual nature is too painful to accept. This is what we refer to as “repressed.”
As we have already mentioned, Freud’s observation, that the admixture of a sexual element with the shock is essential for any pathological effect, leads on to the theory of the infantile sexual trauma.
As we already noted, Freud’s observation that mixing a sexual component with the shock is crucial for any pathological effect leads to the theory of the infantile sexual trauma.
This hypothesis may be thus expressed: the pathogenic event is a sexual one. This conception forced its way with difficulty. The general opinion that children have no sexuality in early life made such an etiology inadmissible, and at first prevented its acceptance.
This hypothesis can be stated like this: the harmful event is a sexual one. This idea was hard to accept. The widespread belief that children have no sexuality in their early years made this explanation unacceptable and initially hindered its acceptance.
The Infantile Sexual Phantasy
The change in the shock-theory already referred to, namely, that in general the shock is not even real, but is essentially a 16phantasy, did not make things better. On the contrary, still worse, since we are forced to the conclusion that we find in the infantile phantasy at least one positive sexual manifestation. It is no longer some brutal accidental impression from the outside, but a positive sexual manifestation created by the child itself, and this very often with unmistakable clearness. Even real traumatic events of an outspoken sexual type do not always happen to a child quite without its coöperation, but are not infrequently apparently prepared and brought about by the child itself. Abraham stated this, proving his statement with evidence of the greatest interest, and this, in connection with many other experiences of the same kind, makes it very probable that even really sexual scenes are frequently called forth and supported by the peculiar psychological state of the child’s mind. Perfectly independently from psychoanalytic investigation, medical criminology has discovered striking parallels to this psychoanalytic statement.
The change in the shock theory mentioned earlier indicates that, in general, the shock isn’t even real but is essentially a fantasy. This doesn’t improve things; in fact, it makes them worse because we have to conclude that in infantile fantasy, there’s at least one positive sexual expression. It’s no longer just some brutal, random impression from the outside; it's a positive sexual expression created by the child itself, often with unmistakable clarity. Even actual traumatic events of a clearly sexual nature don’t always occur to a child completely without some level of involvement from the child, but are often seemingly prepared and initiated by the child itself. Abraham pointed this out, backing his claim with incredibly interesting evidence, and this, along with many other similar experiences, makes it very likely that even genuine sexual scenes are often triggered and supported by the unique psychological state of the child’s mind. Completely independently from psychoanalytic research, medical criminology has identified striking parallels to this psychoanalytic assertion.
CHAPTER II
The Infantile Sexuality
The precocious manifestations of sexual phantasy as cause of the shock now seemed to be the source of neurosis. This, logically, attributed to children a far more developed sexuality than had been hitherto admitted. Many cases of precocious sexuality had been recorded in literature long before the time of psychoanalysis. For instance, a girl of two years old with normal menstruation, or cases of boys of three and four and five years of age having normal erections, and so far ready for cohabitation. These were, however, curiosities. Great astonishment was caused when Freud began to attribute to the child, not only ordinary sexuality, but even polymorphic perverse sexuality; all this based upon the most exhaustive investigation. People inclined much too lightly to the superficial view, that all this was merely suggested to the patients, and was a highly disputable artificial product. Hence Freud’s[4] “Three Contributions to the Sexual Theory” not only provoked opposition, but even violent indignation. It is surely unnecessary to insist upon the fact that science is not furthered by indignation, and that arguments of moral resentment may perhaps please the moralist—that is his business—but not a scientific man, for whom truth must be the guide, and not moral indignation. If matters are really as Freud describes them, all indignation is absurd; if they are not so, again indignation will avail nothing. The conclusion as to what is the truth can only be arrived at on the field of observation and research, and nowhere else. The opponents of psychoanalysis with certain honorable exceptions, display rather ludicrously a somewhat pitifully inadequate realization of the situation. Although the psychoanalytic school could unfortunately learn nothing from their critics, as the criticism took no notice of its investigations, and although it could not get any useful hints, because the psychoanalytic 18method of investigation was, and still is unknown to these critics, it remains a serious duty for our school to explain thoroughly the contrast between the existing conceptions. It is not our endeavor to put forward a paradoxical theory contradicting all existing theories, but rather to introduce a certain category of new observations into science. Therefore we regard it as a duty to do whatever we can to promote agreement. It is true, we must renounce all hope of obtaining the approval of those who blindly oppose us, but we do hope to come to an understanding with scientific men. This will be my endeavor now in attempting to sketch the further intellectual development of the psychoanalytic conception, so far as the so-called sexual theory of the neuroses is concerned.
The early signs of sexual fantasies, which were thought to cause shock, now appeared to be the underlying reason for neurosis. This logically suggested that children had a much more developed sense of sexuality than previously acknowledged. Many cases of early sexuality were documented in literature long before psychoanalysis emerged. For example, there was a two-year-old girl who experienced normal menstruation, and boys aged three, four, and five who exhibited normal erections and were even ready for sexual activity. However, these were viewed as curiosities. A significant surprise arose when Freud began to suggest that children possessed not just typical sexuality but also polymorphous perverse sexuality, all based on thorough research. Many people too easily dismissed this as merely being suggested to patients and deemed it a highly debatable artificial concept. Consequently, Freud’s[4] “Three Contributions to the Sexual Theory” not only faced opposition but also elicited intense outrage. It seems unnecessary to stress that science is not advanced by outrage, and while moral indignation may satisfy moralists—that's their focus—it doesn't apply to a scientist, for whom truth should be the priority, not moral outrage. If Freud's descriptions are accurate, then all indignation is unreasonable; if they are not, once again, outrage changes nothing. The conclusion about the truth can only be reached through observation and research, and not elsewhere. The critics of psychoanalysis, with some honorable exceptions, hilariously demonstrate a rather pitifully inadequate understanding of the issue at hand. Although the psychoanalytic community could unfortunately learn nothing from their remarks because the criticism ignored the investigations, and despite not receiving any valuable insights since these critics remain unaware of the psychoanalytic method of investigation—our group has a serious responsibility to clearly explain the differences between the existing concepts. Our aim is not to present a contradictory theory that opposes all existing ideas but rather to introduce a certain category of new observations into the scientific dialogue. Therefore, we feel it's crucial to do everything we can to foster agreement. It's true that we must give up hope of winning over those who oppose us without question, but we do hope to reach an understanding with fellow scientists. This will be my focus now as I attempt to outline the further intellectual progression of the psychoanalytic idea, particularly concerning the so-called sexual theory of neuroses.
Objections to the Sexual Hypothesis
As I said, the finding of precocious sexual phantasies, which seemed the source of the neurosis, forced Freud to the view of a highly developed sexuality in infancy. As you know, the reality of this observation has been contested by many, who maintain that crude error, that narrow-minded delusion, misled Freud and his whole school, alike in Europe and in America, so that the Freudians saw things that never existed. They regarded them as people in the grip of an intellectual epidemic. I have to admit that I possess no way of defending myself against criticism of this kind. The only thing I can do is to refer to my own work, asking thoughtful persons if they discover there any clear indications of madness. Moreover, I must maintain that science has no right to start with the idea that certain facts do not exist. At the most one can say: “This seems very improbable—we want still more proofs and more research.” This is also our reply to the objection: “It is impossible to discover anything trustworthy by the psychoanalytic method, as this method is practically absurd.” No one believed in Galileo’s telescope, and Columbus discovered America on a false hypothesis. The psychoanalytic method may be full of errors, but this should not prevent its use. Many chronological and medical observations have been made with inadequate instruments. We must regard the objections to the method as pretexts until our opponents come to grip with the 19facts. It is there a decision must be reached—not by wordy warfare.
As I mentioned, the discovery of early sexual fantasies, which seemed to be the root of the neurosis, led Freud to believe in a highly developed sexuality in infancy. As you know, this observation has been challenged by many, who argue that Freud and his entire school, both in Europe and America, were misled by a serious error and a narrow-minded delusion, causing them to perceive things that never actually existed. They viewed them as individuals caught up in an intellectual epidemic. I have to admit that I have no way to defend myself against this kind of criticism. All I can do is point to my own work, asking thoughtful people if they find any clear signs of madness there. Furthermore, I must assert that science has no right to start with the assumption that certain facts don't exist. At most, one can say: "This seems very unlikely—we need more proof and further research." This is also our response to the claim: "It's impossible to find anything reliable using the psychoanalytic method, as this method is essentially absurd." No one believed in Galileo's telescope, and Columbus discovered America based on a mistaken hypothesis. The psychoanalytic method may have its flaws, but that shouldn't stop its use. Many chronological and medical observations have been made with insufficient tools. We must view the objections to the method as excuses until our critics confront the 19facts. That’s where a conclusion must be reached—not through endless arguments.
Our opponents also call hysteria a psychogenic disease. We believe that we have discovered the etiological determinants of this disease and we present, without fear, the results of our investigation to open criticism. Whoever cannot accept our results should publish his own analyses of cases. So far as I know, that has never been done, at least not in European literature. Under these circumstances, critics have no right to deny our conclusions a priori. Our opponents have likewise cases of hysteria, and those cases are surely as psychogenic as our own. There is nothing to prevent their pointing out the psychological determinants. The method is not the real question. Our opponents content themselves with disputing and reviling our researches, but they do not point out any better way.
Our opponents also refer to hysteria as a psychogenic illness. We believe we've identified the causes of this illness, and we openly share the findings of our research for public discussion. Anyone who disagrees with our results should present their own case analyses. As far as I know, this has never happened, at least not in European literature. Given this, critics have no right to dismiss our conclusions outright. Our opponents have their own cases of hysteria, which are definitely as psychogenic as ours. There's nothing stopping them from identifying the psychological factors involved. The method isn't the main issue. Our opponents are content to argue against and criticize our research, but they don't offer any better alternatives.
Many other critics are more careful and more just, and do admit that we have made many valuable observations, and that the associations of ideas given by the psychoanalytic method will very probably stand, but they maintain that our point of view is wrong. The alleged sexual phantasies of childhood, with which we are here chiefly concerned, must not be taken, they say, as real sexual functions, being obviously something quite different, since at the approach of puberty the characteristic peculiarities of sexuality are acquired.
Many other critics are more thoughtful and fair, and they acknowledge that we've made many valuable observations, and that the connections of ideas provided by the psychoanalytic method are likely to hold up, but they argue that our perspective is mistaken. They believe that the supposed sexual fantasies of childhood, which is our main focus here, shouldn't be seen as real sexual functions, as they are clearly something entirely different, since the distinct features of sexuality are developed around the time of puberty.
This objection, being calmly and reasonably made, deserves to be taken seriously. Such objections must also have occurred to every one who has taken up analytic work, and there is reason enough for deep reflection.
This objection, being made calmly and reasonably, deserves to be taken seriously. Such objections must have occurred to everyone who has engaged in analytic work, and there is plenty of reason for deep reflection.
The Conception of Sexuality
The first difficulty arises with the conception of sexuality. If we take sexuality as meaning the fully-developed function, we must confine this phenomenon to maturity, and then, of course, we have no right to speak of sexuality in childhood. If we so limit our conception, then we are confronted again with new and much greater difficulties. The question arises, how then must we denominate all those correlated biological phenomena pertaining to the sexual functions sensu strictiori, as, for instance, pregnancy, 20childbirth, natural selection, protection of the offspring, etc. It seems to me that all this belongs to the conception of sexuality as well, although a very distinguished colleague did once say, “Childbirth is not a sexual act.” But if these things do pertain to this concept of sexuality, then there must also belong innumerable psychological phenomena. For we know that an incredible number of the pure psychological functions are connected with this sphere. I shall only mention the extraordinary importance of phantasy in the preparation for the sexual function. Thus we arrive rather at a biological conception of sexuality, which includes both a series of psychological phenomena as well as a series of physiological functions. If we might be allowed to make use of an old but practical classification, we might identify sexuality with the so-called instinct of the preservation of the species, as opposed in some way to the instinct of self-preservation.
The first difficulty comes with how we understand sexuality. If we consider sexuality to mean the fully-developed function, we have to limit this phenomenon to maturity, and then, of course, we can't talk about sexuality in childhood. If we restrict our understanding this way, we face new and much bigger challenges. The question arises, how do we classify all those related biological phenomena connected to sexual functions in a strict sense, such as pregnancy, childbirth, natural selection, and protection of offspring? It seems to me that all of this also falls under the concept of sexuality, even though a well-respected colleague once stated, “Childbirth is not a sexual act.” But if these aspects do relate to sexuality, then many psychological phenomena must also be included. We know that a huge number of purely psychological functions are linked to this area. I’ll just mention the key role of fantasy in preparing for sexual function. Thus, we arrive at a more biological understanding of sexuality, which encompasses both a range of psychological phenomena and a range of physiological functions. If we can use an old but useful classification, we might identify sexuality with the so-called instinct for the preservation of the species, as opposed to the instinct for self-preservation.
Looking at sexuality from this point of view, we shall not be astonished to find that the root of the instinct of race-preservation, so extraordinarily important in nature, goes much deeper than the limited conception of sexuality would ever allow. Only the more or less grown-up cat actually catches mice, but the kitten plays at least as if it were catching mice. The young dog’s playful indications of attempts at cohabitation begin long before puberty. We have a right to suppose that mankind is no exception to this rule, although we do not notice similar things on the surface in our well brought-up children. Investigation of the children of the lower classes proves that they are no exceptions to the biological rule. It is of course infinitely more probable that this most important instinct, that of the preservation of the race, is already nascent in the earliest childhood, than that it falls at one swoop from heaven, full-fledged, at the age of puberty. The sexual organs also develop long before the slightest sign of their future function can be noticed. Where the psychoanalytic school speaks of sexuality, this wider conception of its function must be linked to it, and we do not mean simply that physical sensation and function generally designated by the term sexual. It might be said that, in order to avoid any misunderstanding on this point, the term sexuality should not be given to these preparatory phenomena in childhood. This demand is surely not justified, since the anatomical nomenclature is taken from the 21fully-developed system, and special names are not generally given to more or less rudimentary formations.
Looking at sexuality from this perspective, it's not surprising to find that the instinct for race preservation, which is incredibly important in nature, runs much deeper than a limited view of sexuality would suggest. Only the adult cat actually catches mice, but the kitten pretends to catch them. Similarly, a young dog's playful attempts at mating start long before puberty. We can assume that humans follow this pattern too, even though we don't notice it on the surface with our well-behaved children. Studies of children from lower socioeconomic backgrounds show that they also conform to this biological principle. It’s much more likely that this crucial instinct for preserving the race begins to develop in early childhood rather than suddenly appearing in full form at puberty. The sexual organs also mature long before there's any noticeable sign of their future function. When the psychoanalytic school discusses sexuality, this broader understanding of its role must be included. It's not merely referring to the physical sensations and functions typically called sexual. To avoid any confusion, we might argue that these preparatory phenomena in childhood shouldn't be labeled as sexuality. However, this argument isn't really justified since the anatomical terms come from the fully developed system, and specific names aren’t usually given to more or less primitive structures.
After all, the objections to the terminology do not spring so much from objective arguments, as from those tendencies which lie at the base of moral indignation. But then no objection can be made to the sex-terminology of Freud, as he rightly gives to the whole sexual development the general name of sexuality. But certain conclusions have been drawn which, so far as I can see, cannot be maintained.
After all, the objections to the terminology don’t come from objective arguments but from deeper issues connected to moral outrage. However, there’s no valid objection to Freud’s use of sex terminology, as he correctly refers to the entire sexual development as sexuality. Yet, some conclusions have been drawn that, as far as I can tell, can’t be supported.
The “Sexuality” of the Suckling
When we examine how far back in childhood the first traces of sexuality reach, we have to admit implicitly that sexuality already exists ab ovo, but only becomes manifest a long time after intrauterine life. Freud is inclined to see in the function of taking the mother’s breast already a kind of sexuality. Freud was bitterly reproached for this view, but it must be admitted that it is very ingenious, if we follow his hypothesis, that the instinct of the preservation of the race has existed separately from the instinct of self-preservation ab ovo and has undergone a separate development. This way of thinking is not, however, a biological one. It is not possible to separate the two ways of manifestation of the hypothetical vital process, and to credit each with a different order of development. If we limit ourselves to judging by what we can actually observe, we must reckon with the fact that everywhere in nature we see that the vital processes in an individual consist for a considerable space of time in the functions of nutrition and growth only. We see this very clearly in many animals; for instance, in butterflies, which as caterpillars pass an asexual existence of nutrition and growth. To this stage of life we may allot both the intrauterine life and the extrauterine time of suckling in man. This time is marked by the absence of all sexual function; hence to speak of manifest sexuality in the suckling would be a contradictio in adjecto.
When we look at how early in childhood the first signs of sexuality appear, we have to acknowledge that sexuality exists from the very beginning, but only becomes evident long after life in the womb. Freud tends to view the act of taking the mother’s breast as a form of sexuality. He faced harsh criticism for this idea, but it must be admitted that it’s quite clever if we consider his theory, which suggests that the instinct for preserving the species has developed separately from the instinct for self-preservation from the very beginning and has evolved on its own. However, this way of thinking isn’t biological. It’s not possible to separate the two expressions of this hypothetical life process and attribute each with a different developmental path. If we focus on what we can actually observe, we must acknowledge that throughout nature, vital processes in an individual primarily consist of nutrition and growth for a considerable period. We see this very clearly in many animals; for example, butterflies, which as caterpillars lead asexual lives focused on nutrition and growth. This stage of life applies to both the time spent in the womb and the period of breastfeeding in humans. This time is characterized by the absence of any sexual function; therefore, to refer to evident sexuality in a breastfeeding infant would be contradictory.
The most we can do is to ask if, among the life-functions of the suckling, there are any that have not the character of nutrition, or of growth, and hence could be termed sexual. Freud points out the unmistakable emotion and satisfaction of the child while suckling, and compares this process with that of the sexual 22act. This similarity leads him to assume the sexual quality in the act of suckling. This conclusion is only admissible if it can be proved that the tension of the need, and its gratification by a release, is a sexual process. That the act of suckling has this emotional mechanism proves, however, just the contrary. Therefore we can only say this emotional mechanism is found both in nutrition and in the sexual function. If Freud by analogy deduces the sexual quality of sucking from this emotional mechanism, then his biological empiricism would also justify the terminology qualifying the sexual act as a function of nutrition. This is unjustifiably exceeding the bounds in either case. It is evident that the act of sucking cannot be qualified as sexual.
The most we can do is ask if, among the functions of a baby suckling, there are any that aren't related to nutrition or growth, and could therefore be considered sexual. Freud notes the clear emotion and satisfaction the child experiences while suckling and compares this process to a sexual act. This similarity leads him to suggest that there’s a sexual aspect to suckling. However, this conclusion can only be accepted if it can be proven that the tension of need and its satisfaction through release is a sexual process. The fact that suckling involves this emotional mechanism actually suggests the opposite. Therefore, we can only say that this emotional mechanism exists in both nutrition and sexual functions. If Freud draws a parallel to suggest that sucking has a sexual quality based on this emotional mechanism, then his biological empiricism would also support describing sexual acts as a form of nutrition. This is unjustifiably extending the argument in either case. It's clear that suckling cannot be classified as sexual.
We are aware, however, of functions in the suckling stage which have apparently nothing to do with the function of nutrition, such as sucking the finger, and its many variations. This is perhaps the place to discuss whether these things belong to the sexual sphere. These acts do not subserve nutrition, but produce pleasure. Of that there is no doubt, but nevertheless it is disputable whether this pleasure which comes by sucking should be called by analogy a sexual satisfaction. It might be called equally pleasure by nutrition. This latter qualification has even the further justification that the form and kind of pleasure belong entirely to the function of nutrition. The hand which is used for sucking finds in this way preparation for future use in feeding one’s self. Under these circumstances nobody will be inclined by a petitio principii to characterize the first manifestation of human life as sexual. The statement which we make that the act of sucking is attended by a feeling of satisfaction leaves us in doubt whether the sucking does contain anything else but the character of nutrition. We notice that the so-called bad habits shown by a child as it grows up are closely linked with early infantile sucking, such for instance as putting the finger in the mouth, biting the nails, picking the nose, ears, etc. We see, too, how closely these habits are connected with later masturbation. By analogy, the conclusion that these infantile habits are the first step to onanism, or to actions similar to onanism, and are therefore of a well-marked sexual character cannot be denied: it is perfectly justified. I have seen many cases in which a correlation existed between these childish habits and later masturbation. If 23this masturbation takes place in later childhood, before puberty, it is nothing but an infantile bad habit. From the fact of the correlation between masturbation and the other childish bad habits, we conclude that these habits have a sexual character, in so far as they are used to obtain physical satisfaction from the child’s own body.
We know, however, that there are behaviors during the sucking stage that seemingly have nothing to do with nutrition, like sucking on a finger and its various forms. This might be a good point to debate whether these behaviors relate to sexuality. These actions don’t serve to nourish but instead provide pleasure. There’s no doubt about that, but it’s debatable whether this pleasure from sucking should be classified as sexual satisfaction by analogy. It could equally be termed pleasure derived from nutrition. This latter point is further supported by the fact that the type of pleasure is entirely connected to the function of nutrition. The hand used for sucking may be preparing for future use in self-feeding. Given these circumstances, no one is likely to make the faulty assumption that the first expression of human life is sexual. The fact that sucking brings about a feeling of satisfaction leaves us unsure whether it has any significance beyond nutrition. We notice that the so-called bad habits a child develops as they grow up, like putting fingers in their mouth, nail-biting, or picking their nose and ears, are closely related to early sucking behaviors. We can also see how these habits connect to later masturbation. By analogy, it’s reasonable to conclude that these childhood behaviors are the initial steps toward masturbation, or similar actions, and therefore have a distinctly sexual nature. I’ve seen many cases where there was a link between these childish habits and later masturbation. If this masturbation occurs in later childhood, before puberty, it’s just an infantile bad habit. The correlation between masturbation and other childish bad habits suggests that these habits have a sexual component since they are used for physical satisfaction related to the child’s own body.
This new standpoint is comprehensible and perhaps necessary. It is only a few steps from this point of view to regarding the infant’s act of sucking as of a sexual character. As you know, Freud took the few steps, but you have just heard me reject them. We have come to a difficulty which is very hard to solve. It would be relatively easy if we could accept two instincts side by side, each an entity in itself. Then the act of sucking the breast would be both an action of nutrition and a sexual act. This seems to be Freud’s conception. We find in adults the two instincts separated, yet existing side by side, or rather we find that there are two manifestations, in hunger, and in the sexual instinct. But at the sucking age, we find only the function of nutrition, rewarded by both pleasure and satisfaction. Its sexual character can only be argued by a petitio principii, for the facts show that the act of sucking is the first to give pleasure, not the sexual function. Obtaining pleasure is by no means identical with sexuality. We deceive ourselves if we think that in the suckling both instincts exist side by side, for then we project into the psyche of the child the facts taken from the psychology of adults. The existence of the two instincts side by side does not occur in suckling, for one of these instincts has no existence as yet, or, if existing, is quite rudimentary. If we are to regard the striving for pleasure as something sexual, we might as well say paradoxically that hunger is a sexual striving, for this instinct seeks pleasure by satisfaction. If this were true, we should have to give our opponents permission to apply the terminology of hunger to sexuality. It would facilitate matters, were it possible to maintain that both instincts existed side by side, but it contradicts the observed facts and would lead to untenable consequences.
This new perspective is understandable and maybe even necessary. It's only a small step from this viewpoint to see the infant’s sucking as having a sexual element. As you know, Freud made that leap, but you’ve just heard me reject it. We’ve hit a complex issue that’s really difficult to resolve. It would be relatively simple if we could consider both instincts as separate entities. In that case, sucking the breast would serve as both nourishment and a sexual act. This seems to align with Freud’s idea. In adults, we see these two instincts separate yet coexisting; we experience them as hunger and sexual desire. But during the sucking phase, we only see the function of nourishment, which is rewarded with both pleasure and satisfaction. We can only argue for its sexual nature through a circular reasoning, because the facts show that pleasure from sucking comes before any sexual function. Seeking pleasure is not the same as being sexual. We mislead ourselves if we think that both instincts coexist in the act of suckling; it’s like projecting adult psychology onto a child’s psyche. The two instincts don’t exist side by side during suckling, because one of them isn’t developed yet, or if it is, it’s very basic. If we’re going to consider the pursuit of pleasure as sexual, we might just as well say in a paradoxical way that hunger is a sexual drive, since that instinct seeks pleasure through satisfaction. If that were the case, we’d have to allow our opponents to apply hunger terminology to sexuality. It would simplify things if we could argue that both instincts coexist, but that contradicts what we observe and would lead to unreasonable conclusions.
Before I try to resolve this opposition, I must first say something more about Freud’s sexual theory, and its transformations.
Before I attempt to resolve this conflict, I need to say a bit more about Freud’s theory of sexuality and how it has evolved.
The Polymorphic Perverse Sexuality of Infancy
We have already reached the conclusion, setting out from the idea of the shock being apparently due to sexual phantasies, that the child must have, in contradiction to the views hitherto prevailing, a nearly fully formed sexuality, and even a polymorphic perverse sexuality. Its sexuality does not seem concentrated on the genital functions or on the other sex, but is occupied with its own body; whence it is said to be auto-erotic. If its sexual instinct is directed to another person, no distinction, or but the very slightest, is made as to sex. It can, therefore, be very easily homo-sexual. In place of non-existing local sexual function there exists a series of so-called bad habits, which from this standpoint look like a series of perversities, since they have the closest analogy with the later perversities. In consequence of this way of regarding the subject, sexuality, whose nature is ordinarily regarded as a unit, becomes decomposed into a multiplicity of isolated striving forces. Freud then arrived at the conception of the so-called “erogenous zones,” by which he understood mouth, skin, anus, etc. (It is, of course, a universal tacit presumption that sexuality has its origin in the sexual organs.)
We have already concluded that, based on the idea that the shock is apparently linked to sexual fantasies, the child must, contrary to previous beliefs, have a nearly fully developed sexuality, even a polymorphic perverse sexuality. This sexuality doesn’t seem focused on genital functions or the opposite sex, but rather on its own body; hence, it's referred to as auto-erotic. If its sexual instinct is directed toward another person, there’s little to no distinction made regarding sex. Therefore, it can easily be homosexual. Instead of a nonexistent local sexual function, there is a range of so-called bad habits that, from this perspective, appear as a series of perversities, since they closely resemble later perversities. Because of this viewpoint, sexuality, which is typically seen as a single entity, is broken down into many isolated driving forces. Freud then developed the concept of “erogenous zones,” which he understood to include the mouth, skin, anus, etc. (It is, of course, generally assumed that sexuality originates from the sexual organs.)
The term “erogenous zone” reminds us of “spasmo-genic zones,” and the underlying image is at all events the same; just as the spasmo-genic zone is the place whence the spasm arises, so the erogenous zone is the place whence arises an affluent to sexuality. Based upon the model of the genital organs as the anatomical origin of sexuality, the erogenous zones must be conceived as being so many genitals out of which the streams of sexuality flow together. This is the condition of the polymorphic perverse sexuality of childhood. The expression “perverse” seems to be justified by the close analogy with the later perversities which present, so to speak, but a new edition of certain early infantile perverse habits. They are very often connected with one or other of the different erogenous zones, and are the cause of those exchanges in sex, which are so characteristic for childhood.
The term “erogenous zone” brings to mind “spasmo-genic zones,” and the basic concept is fundamentally the same; just as the spasmo-genic zone is where the spasm originates, the erogenous zone is where sexual arousal begins. Based on the model of the genital organs as the anatomical source of sexuality, we should think of erogenous zones as various locations from which streams of sexuality flow together. This reflects the condition of the polymorphic perverse sexuality of childhood. The term “perverse” seems justified by the strong similarity to later adult perversities, which are essentially just a new version of certain early childhood habits. These habits are often linked to specific erogenous zones, and they lead to those sex-related exchanges that are characteristic of childhood.
According to this view, the later normal and monomorphic sexuality is built up out of several components. The first division is into homo- and hetero-sexual components, to which is linked an auto-erotic component, as also there are components of 25the different erogenous zones. This conception can be compared with the position of physics before Robert Mayer, when only isolated forces, having elementary qualities, were recognized, whose interchanges were little understood. The law of the conservation of energy brought order into the inter-relationship of the forces, at the same time abolishing the conception of those forces as absolute elements, but regarding them as interchangeable manifestations of one and the same energy.
According to this perspective, later normal and monomorphic sexuality is made up of several parts. The first distinction is between homo- and heterosexual components, which includes an auto-erotic aspect, as well as various components from different erogenous zones. This idea can be compared to the state of physics before Robert Mayer, when only isolated forces with basic qualities were recognized, and their interactions were not well understood. The law of conservation of energy organized the relationships among these forces, while also eliminating the notion of these forces as absolute elements, viewing them instead as interchangeable expressions of the same energy.
The Sexual Components as Energic Manifestations
Conceptions of great importance do not arise only in one brain, but are floating in the air and dip here and there, appearing even under other forms, and in other regions, where it is often very difficult to recognize the common fundamental idea. Thus it happened with the splitting up of sexuality into the polymorphic perverse sexuality of childhood.
Conceptions of great importance don't just come from one mind; they're in the air and surface here and there, often taking different forms in different places, making it hard to recognize the shared fundamental idea. This is what happened with the division of sexuality into the polymorphic perverse sexuality of childhood.
Experience forces us to accept a constant exchange of isolated components as we notice more and more that, for instance, perversities exist at the expense of normal sexuality, or that the increase of certain kinds of sex-manifestations causes corresponding deficiencies of another kind. To make the matter clearer, let me give you an instance: A young man had a homo-sexual phase lasting for some years, during which time women had no interest for him. This abnormal condition changed gradually toward his twentieth year and his erotic interest became more and more normal. He began to take great interest in girls, and soon the last traces of his homo-sexuality were conquered. This condition lasted several years, and he had some successful love-affairs. Then he wished to get married; he had here to suffer a great disappointment, as the girl to whom he proposed refused him. During the ensuing phase he absolutely abandoned the idea of marriage. After that he experienced a dislike of all women, and one day he discovered that he was again perfectly homo-sexual, that is, young men had an unusually irritating influence upon him. To regard sexuality as composed of a fixed hetero-sexual component, and a like homo-sexual element, will never suffice to explain this case, for the conception of the existence of fixed components excludes any kind of transformation.
Experience forces us to recognize that we’re constantly swapping isolated elements as we increasingly realize that, for example, deviations exist at the expense of typical sexuality, or that the rise of certain sexual expressions leads to corresponding deficits in others. To clarify, let me give you an example: A young man went through a homosexual phase that lasted a few years, during which he showed no interest in women. This unusual situation gradually shifted around his twentieth year, and his sexual interests became more conventional. He started to show a strong interest in girls, and soon the last remnants of his homosexuality disappeared. This state lasted several years, during which he had some successful romantic relationships. Then, when he wanted to get married, he faced a major disappointment when the girl he proposed to rejected him. Following this, he completely abandoned the idea of marriage. After that, he developed a dislike for all women, and one day he realized that he was again fully homosexual, meaning that young men had an unusually strong influence on him. To view sexuality as being made up of a fixed heterosexual component and a similar homosexual element will never be enough to explain this situation, because the idea of fixed components rules out any possibility of transformation.
26To understand the case, we have to admit a great mobility of the sexual components, which even goes so far that one of the components can practically disappear completely, whilst the other comes to the front. If only substitution took place, if for instance the homo-sexual component entered the unconscious, leaving the field of consciousness to the hetero-sexual component, modern scientific knowledge would lead us to conclude that equivalent effects arose from the unconscious sphere. Those effects would have to be conceived as resistances against the activity of the hetero-sexual component, as a repugnance towards women.
26To understand the case, we need to acknowledge a significant fluidity in sexual components, to the extent that one component can almost completely fade away while the other takes the spotlight. If there were merely a substitution, for instance, if the homosexual component was pushed into the unconscious, leaving the field of consciousness to the heterosexual component, modern scientific understanding would suggest that similar effects emerged from the unconscious realm. These effects would need to be seen as resistances against the activities of the heterosexual component, resulting in a reluctance toward women.
Experience tells us nothing about this. There have been some small traces of influences of this kind, but of such slight intensity that they cannot be compared with the intensity of the former homo-sexual component. On the conception that has been outlined, it is also incomprehensible how this homo-sexual component, regarded as so firmly fixed, can ever disappear without leaving active traces. To explain things, the process of development is called in, forgetting that this is only a word and explains nothing. You see, therefore, the urgent necessity of an adequate explanation of such a change of scene. For this we must have a dynamic hypothesis. Such commutations are only conceivable as dynamic or energic processes. I cannot conceive how manifestations of functions can disappear if I do not accept a change in the relation of one force to another. Freud’s theory did have regard to this necessity in the conception of components. The presumption of isolated functions existing side by side began to be somewhat weakened, more in practice than theoretically. It was replaced by an energic conception. The term chosen for this conception is “libido.”
Experience doesn’t tell us anything about this. There have been some minor signs of these influences, but they’re so weak that they can’t be compared to the strength of the earlier homosexual component. Based on the idea we’ve discussed, it’s also hard to understand how this homosexual component, thought to be so firmly established, can ever vanish without leaving some active traces behind. To make sense of it, they call on the process of development, forgetting that it’s just a term and explains nothing. Therefore, you can see the urgent need for a proper explanation of such a change. For this, we need a dynamic hypothesis. These changes can only be understood as dynamic or energetic processes. I can’t imagine how functions can just disappear unless I accept a shift in the relationship between different forces. Freud’s theory did acknowledge this need in the concept of components. The idea of isolated functions coexisting started to lose ground, more in practice than in theory. It was replaced by an energetic concept. The term chosen for this concept is “libido.”
CHAPTER III
The Conception of Libido
Freud had already introduced the idea of libido in his[5] “Three Contributions to the Sexual Theory” in the following words:
Freud had already introduced the idea of libido in his[5] “Three Contributions to the Sexual Theory” in the following words:
“In biology, the fact that both mankind and animals have a sexual want is expressed by the conception of the sexual desire. This is done by analogy with the want of nourishment, so-called hunger. Popular speech has no corresponding characterization for the word ‘hunger,’ and so science uses the word ‘libido.’”
“In biology, the idea that both humans and animals have a sexual urge is represented by the concept of sexual desire. This is compared to the need for food, known as hunger. Everyday language doesn't have a matching term for 'hunger' in this context, so science uses the word 'libido.'”
In Freud’s definition, the term “libido” appears as exclusively a sexual desire. “Libido” as a medical term is certainly used for sexual desire, and especially for sexual lust. But the classical definition of this word as found in Cicero, Sallust, and others, was not so exclusive. The word is there used in a more general sense for every passionate desire. I only just mention this definition here, as further on it plays an important part in our considerations, and as it is important to know that the term “libido” has really a much wider meaning than is associated with it through medical language.
In Freud's definition, the term "libido" is seen solely as a sexual desire. "Libido" as a medical term definitely refers to sexual desire, particularly sexual lust. However, the classical definition of this word, as found in Cicero, Sallust, and others, was not so limited. The word is used in a more general sense for any passionate desire. I only mention this definition here because it plays an important role in our later discussions, and it's crucial to understand that the term "libido" actually has a much broader meaning than what is linked to it through medical terminology.
The idea of libido (while maintaining its sexual meaning in the author’s sense as long as possible) offers us the dynamic value which we are seeking in order to explain the shifting of the psychological scenery. With this conception it is much simpler to formulate the phenomena in question, instead of by the incomprehensible substitution of the homo- by the hetero-sexual component. We may say now that the libido has gradually withdrawn from its homo-sexual manifestation and is transferred in the same measure into a hetero-sexual manifestation. Thus the homo-sexual component practically disappears. It remains only an empty possibility, signifying nothing in itself. Its very existence, therefore, is rightly denied by the laity, just as we doubt the possibility that any man selected at random would turn out to be a murderer. By the use of this conception of libido many relations 28between the isolated sexual functions are now easily explicable.
The concept of libido (while keeping its sexual meaning in the author’s sense for as long as possible) gives us the dynamic value we're looking for to explain the changing psychological landscape. This idea makes it much easier to articulate the phenomena in question, rather than relying on the confusing switch from homo- to hetero-sexual components. We can now say that libido has gradually shifted away from its homo-sexual expression and has been increasingly transferred to hetero-sexual expression. Thus, the homo-sexual component essentially vanishes. It remains just an empty possibility, signifying nothing in itself. Because of this, its very existence is rightfully dismissed by the layperson, similar to how we doubt the likelihood that a randomly chosen man would turn out to be a murderer. Using this concept of libido, many relationships between the isolated sexual functions are now easily explainable. 28
The early idea of the multiplicity of sexual components must be given up: it savors too much of the ancient philosophical notion of the faculties of the mind. Its place is taken by libido which is capable of manifold applications. The earlier components only represent possibilities of activities. With this conception of libido, the original idea of a divided sexuality with different roots is replaced by a dynamic unity, without which the formerly important components remain but empty possibilities of activities. This development in our conception is of great importance. We have here the same process which Robert Mayer introduced into dynamics. Just as the conception of the conservation of energy removed their character as elements from the forces, imparting to them the character of a manifestation of energy, so the libido theory similarly removes from the sexual components the idea of the mental “faculties” as elements (“Seelen Vermögen”), and ascribes to them merely phenomenal value. This conception represents the impression of reality far more than the theory of components. With a libido-theory we can easily explain the case of the young man. The disappointment he met with, just at the time he had definitely decided on a hetero-sexual life, drove his libido again from the hetero-sexual manifestation into a homo-sexual form, thus calling forth his entire homo-sexuality.
The early idea of multiple sexual components needs to be abandoned: it feels too much like the old philosophical ideas about the mind's faculties. Instead, we turn to libido, which can take on many forms. The earlier components only represent potential activities. With this understanding of libido, the original concept of a divided sexuality with various origins is replaced by a dynamic unity. Without this unity, the previously significant components become mere empty possibilities for action. This shift in our understanding is crucial. It mirrors the process that Robert Mayer introduced in dynamics. Just as the idea of energy conservation transformed forces from basic elements into expressions of energy, the libido theory similarly removes the concept of mental “faculties” as elements from sexual components, attributing to them only phenomenal value. This understanding reflects reality much more accurately than the component theory. With a libido theory in place, we can easily explain the case of the young man. The disappointment he faced, right when he had firmly decided on a heterosexual life, redirected his libido from heterosexual expression to a homosexual form, thereby activating his entire homosexuality.
The Energic Theory of Libido
I must point out here that the analogy with the law of the conservation of energy is very close. In both cases the question arises when an effect of energy disappears, where is this energy meanwhile, and where will it reemerge? Applying this point of view as a heuristic principle to the psychology of human conduct, we shall make some astonishing discoveries. Then we shall see how the most heterogeneous phases of individual psychological development are connected in an energic relationship. Every time we see a person who is splenetic or has a morbid conviction, or some exaggerated mental attitude, we know here is too much libido, and the excess must have been taken away from somewhere 29else where there is too little. From this standpoint, psychoanalysis is that method which discovers those places or functions where there is too little or too much libido, and restores the just proportions. Thus the symptoms of a neurosis must be considered as exaggerated and correspondingly disturbed functional manifestations overflowing with libido. The energy which has been used for this purpose has been taken away from somewhere else, and it is the task of the psychoanalyst, to restore it whence it was taken, or to bestow it where it was never before given. Those complexes of symptoms which are mainly characterized by lack of libido, for instance, the so-called apathetic conditions, force us to reverse the question. Here we have to ask, where did the libido go? The patient gives us the impression of having no libido, and there are occasionally physicians who believe exactly what the patients tell them. Such physicians have a primitive way of thinking, like the savage who believes, when he sees an eclipse of the sun, that the sun has been swallowed up and put to death. But the sun is only hidden, and so it is with these patients. Although the libido is there, it is not get-at-able, and is inaccessible to the patient himself. Superficially, we have here a lack of libido. It is the task of psychoanalysis to search for that hidden place where the libido dwells, and where it is as a rule inaccessible to the patient. The hidden place is the non-conscious, which may also be called the unconscious, without ascribing to it any mysterious significance.
I need to highlight that the analogy with the law of conservation of energy is very strong. In both situations, we wonder when an effect of energy disappears, where that energy goes in the meantime, and where it will show up again. By viewing this as a guiding principle in understanding human behavior, we can make some surprising discoveries. We will see how the various stages of individual psychological development are interconnected in an energetic way. Whenever we encounter someone who is irritable, has an unhealthy belief, or displays an extreme mental attitude, we recognize that there's too much libido, and that excess must have been taken from somewhere else where there's too little. From this perspective, psychoanalysis is the method that identifies those areas or functions where there's too much or too little libido and seeks to restore balance. Symptoms of a neurosis should be seen as exaggerated and disrupted expressions overflowing with libido. The energy used for these symptoms has been diverted from elsewhere, and it's the psychoanalyst's job to return it to where it came from or to allocate it to places it never reached before. Complexes of symptoms that mainly lack libido, such as the so-called apathetic conditions, prompt us to flip the question. Here, we need to ask, where did the libido go? The patient seems to lack libido, and occasionally some physicians believe exactly what the patients tell them. Such physicians think in a basic way, like a primitive person who thinks that when they see a solar eclipse, the sun has been swallowed and killed. But the sun is just obscured, and the same goes for these patients. Even though the libido is present, it is not accessible or attainable for the patient themselves. On the surface, there seems to be a lack of libido. It is the psychoanalyst's job to find that hidden place where the libido resides, which usually remains out of reach for the patient. That hidden place is the non-conscious, which can also be referred to as the unconscious, without attributing any mysterious significance to it. 29
The Conception of Unconscious Phantasy
Psychoanalytic experience has taught us that there are non-conscious systems which, by analogy with conscious phantasies, can be described as phantasy-systems of the unconscious. In cases of neurotic apathy these phantasy systems of the unconscious are the objects of the libido. We know well that, when we speak of unconscious phantasy systems, we only speak figuratively. We do not mean more by this than that we accept as an indispensable postulate the conception of psychic entities existing outside consciousness. Experience teaches us, we might say daily, that there are unconscious psychic processes which influence the disposition of the libido in a perceptible way. Those cases, 30known to every psychiatrist in which complicated symptoms of delusions emerge with relative great suddenness, show clearly that there must be unconscious psychic development and preparation, for we cannot regard them as having been just suddenly formed when they entered consciousness.
Psychoanalytic experience has shown us that there are unconscious systems that can be compared to conscious fantasies, which we can call fantasy systems of the unconscious. In cases of neurotic apathy, these unconscious fantasy systems are the focus of libido. We know that when we mention unconscious fantasy systems, we’re speaking figuratively. What we really mean is that we accept as a fundamental idea the existence of mental entities outside of consciousness. Daily experience teaches us that there are unconscious mental processes that noticeably affect the distribution of libido. Those cases, 30 familiar to every psychiatrist, where complex symptoms of delusions appear unexpectedly, clearly indicate that there must be unconscious mental development and preparation, as we can’t consider them to have just suddenly formed when they became conscious.
The Sexual Terminology
I feel myself justified in making this digression concerning the unconscious. I have done it to point out that, with regard to shifting of the manifestations of the libido, we have to deal not only with the conscious, but also with another factor, the unconscious, whither the libido sometimes disappears. We have not yet followed up the discussion of the further consequences which result from the adoption of the libido-theory.
I feel justified in making this aside about the unconscious. I've done this to highlight that, when it comes to changes in the expressions of the libido, we need to consider not only the conscious mind but also another aspect, the unconscious, where the libido sometimes goes. We haven't yet explored the further implications that arise from embracing the libido theory.
Freud has taught us, and we see it in the daily practice of psychoanalysis, that in earlier childhood, instead of the normal later sexuality, we find many tendencies which in later life are called perversions. We have to admit that Freud has the right to give to these tendencies a sexual terminology. Through the introduction of the conception of the libido, we see that in adults those elementary components which seemed to be the origin and the source of normal sexuality, lose their importance, and are reduced to mere potentialities. The effective power, their life force, is to be found in the libido. Without libido these components mean nothing. We saw that Freud gives to the conception of libido an undoubted sexual definition, somewhat in the sense of sexual desire. The general view is, that libido in this sense only comes into being at the age of puberty. How are we then to explain the fact that in Freud’s view a child has a polymorphic-perverse sexuality, and that therefore, in children, the libido brings into action not only one, but several possibilities? If the libido, in Freud’s sense, begins its existence at puberty, it could not be held accountable for earlier infantile perversions. In that case, we should have to regard these infantile perversions as “faculties of the mind,” in the sense of the theory of components. Apart from the hopeless theoretical confusion which would thus arise, we must not multiply explanatory principles in accordance with the philosophical axiom: “principia praeter necessitatem non sunt multiplicanda.”
Freud taught us, and we see it in the daily practice of psychoanalysis, that during early childhood, instead of the normal later sexuality, there are many tendencies that are later called perversions. We must acknowledge that Freud is justified in applying sexual terminology to these tendencies. With the introduction of the concept of libido, we see that in adults, the basic components that seemed to form the foundation of normal sexuality lose their significance and are reduced to mere potential. The real power, their life force, lies in the libido. Without libido, these components mean nothing. Freud provides an undeniable sexual definition of libido, somewhat akin to sexual desire. Generally, it is believed that libido in this sense only emerges at puberty. So, how do we explain that, according to Freud, a child has a polymorphic-perverse sexuality, which means that in children, libido activates not just one but several possibilities? If libido, in Freud's sense, begins at puberty, it couldn't be responsible for earlier infantile perversions. In that case, we would have to consider these infantile perversions as “faculties of the mind” in the sense of the theory of components. Beyond the hopeless theoretical confusion that would arise, we should avoid multiplying explanatory principles, in line with the philosophical principle: "Entities should not be multiplied beyond necessity."
31There is no other way but to agree that before and after puberty it is the same libido. Hence, the perversities of childhood have arisen exactly in the same way as those of adults. Common sense will object to this, as obviously the sexual needs of children cannot possibly be the same as those of adults. We might admit, with Freud, that the libido before and after puberty is the same, but is different in its intensity. Instead of the intense post-pubertal sexual desire, there would be first a slight sexual desire in childhood, with diminishing intensity until, as we reach back to the first year, it is but a trace. We might admit that we are biologically in agreement with this formulation. It would then have to be also agreed that everything that falls into the region of this enlarged conception of sexuality is already pre-existing but in miniature; for instance, all those emotional manifestations of psycho-sexuality: desire for affection, jealousy, and many others, and by no means least, the neuroses of childhood.
31There’s no other way to agree that before and after puberty, the libido remains the same. Therefore, the perversions of childhood emerge in the same way as those of adults. Common sense might argue against this, as it’s clear that the sexual needs of children can’t possibly match those of adults. We could accept, like Freud, that the libido is the same before and after puberty but differs in its intensity. Instead of the strong sexual desire seen after puberty, there is a slight sexual interest in childhood, which lessens in intensity until, when we look back to the first year, it’s merely a trace. We might agree that biologically, this view holds. It would also need to be accepted that everything in this broader understanding of sexuality already exists, just on a smaller scale; for instance, all those emotional expressions of psycho-sexuality: desire for affection, jealousy, and many others, and importantly, the neuroses of childhood.
It must, however, be admitted that these emotional manifestations of childhood by no means make the impression of being in miniature; their intensity can rival that of an affect among adults. Nor must it be forgotten that experience has shown that perverse manifestations of sexuality in childhood are often more glaring, and indeed seem to have a greater development, than in adults. If an adult under similar conditions had this apparently excessive form of sexuality, which is practically normal in children, we could rightly expect a total absence of normal sexuality, and of many other important biological adaptations. An adult is rightly called perverse when his libido is not used for normal functions, and the same could be said of a child: it is polymorphous perverse since it does not know normal sexual functions.
It must be acknowledged that these emotional expressions in childhood certainly don’t come across as miniature; their intensity can compete with that of adult emotions. It’s also important to remember that experience has shown that abnormal sexual behaviors in children often appear more pronounced and seem to develop more than in adults. If an adult displayed this apparently excessive form of sexuality, which is actually normal for children, we could reasonably expect a complete lack of normal sexual behavior and many other significant biological functions. An adult is rightly considered perverse when their sexual drive isn't directed towards normal functions, and the same can be said for a child: they are polymorphously perverse since they don’t yet understand normal sexual functions.
These considerations suggest the idea that perhaps the amount of libido is always the same, and that no increase first occur at puberty. This somewhat audacious conception accords with the example of the law of the conservation of energy, according to which the quantity of energy remains always the same. It is possible that the summit of maturity is reached when the infantile diffuse applications of libido discharge themselves into the one channel of definite sexuality, and thus lose themselves therein. For the moment we must content ourselves with these suggestions, 32for we must next pay attention to one point of criticism concerning the quality of the infantile libido.
These ideas suggest that the level of libido might always be constant and that it doesn’t really increase at puberty. This somewhat bold idea aligns with the law of conservation of energy, which states that the total amount of energy remains unchanged. It’s possible that we reach full maturity when the scattered expressions of libido from childhood focus into a single channel of definite sexuality, and thus become absorbed in that. For now, we have to settle for these ideas, 32as we need to address one critical point concerning the nature of infantile libido.
Many critics do not admit that the infantile libido is simply less intense or is essentially of the same kind as the libido of adults. The emotions among adults are correlated with the genital functions. This is not the case in children, or it is only so in miniature, or exceptionally, and this gives rise to an important distinction, which must not be undervalued.
Many critics do not recognize that the childish libido is just less intense or is fundamentally the same as an adult's libido. In adults, emotions are linked to genital functions. This is not true for children, or it only happens on a small scale or in rare cases, and this creates a significant distinction that should not be overlooked.
I believe such an objection is justified. There is really a considerable difference between immature and fully developed functions, as there is a difference between play and reality, between shooting with blank and with loaded cartridges. That the childish libido has the harmlessness demanded by common sense cannot be contested. But of course none can deny that blank shooting is shooting. We must get accustomed to the idea that sexuality really exists, even before puberty, right back in early childhood, and that we have no right to pretend that manifestations of this immature sexuality are not sexual. This does not indeed refute the objection, which, while recognizing the existence of infantile sexuality in the form already described, yet denies Freud’s claim to regard as sexual early infantile manifestations such as sucking. We have mentioned already the motives which induced Freud to enlarge the sexual terminology in such a way. We mentioned, too, how this very act of sucking, for instance, could be conceived from the standpoint of pleasure in the function of nutrition, and that, on biological grounds, there was more justification for this derivation than for Freud’s view. It might be objected that these and similar activities of the oral zones are found in later life in an undoubted sexual use. This only means that these activities can in later life be used for sexual purposes, but that does not tell us anything concerning the primitive sexual nature of these forms. I must, therefore, admit that I find no ground for regarding the activities of the suckling, which provoke pleasure and satisfaction, from the standpoint of sexuality. Indeed there are many objections against this conception. It seems to me, in so far as I am capable of judging these difficult problems, that from the standpoint of sexuality it is necessary to divide human life into three phases.
I believe such an objection is valid. There is a significant difference between immature and fully developed functions, just as there is a distinction between play and reality, and between using blank versus loaded cartridges. It's undeniable that childish desires have the harmlessness one would expect. However, no one can deny that shooting blanks is still shooting. We need to accept that sexuality truly exists even before puberty, starting from early childhood, and we should not pretend that expressions of this immature sexuality aren’t sexual. This doesn't negate the objection, which, while acknowledging the existence of infantile sexuality as previously described, denies Freud’s assertion that early infantile expressions such as sucking should be considered sexual. We have already discussed the reasons that led Freud to broaden the sexual terminology in this way. We've also noted how the act of sucking, for example, can be viewed from the perspective of pleasure related to nutrition, and that biologically, this interpretation is more justified than Freud’s. One might argue that these and similar activities of the oral zones are recognized later in life as undeniably sexual. This just shows that these activities can be used for sexual purposes later, but it doesn’t provide clarity about their primitive sexual nature. Therefore, I must admit that I find no basis for viewing the activities of suckling— which induce pleasure and satisfaction—through the lens of sexuality. In fact, there are many arguments against this view. Based on my understanding of these complex issues, I feel it’s necessary to divide human life into three phases from a sexual standpoint.
The Three Phases of Life
The first phase embraces the first years of life. I call this part of life the pre-sexual stage. These years correspond to the caterpillar-stage of butterflies, and are characterized almost exclusively by the functions of nutrition and growth.
The first phase encompasses the early years of life. I refer to this stage as the pre-sexual stage. These years are similar to the caterpillar stage of butterflies and are mainly focused on the functions of nutrition and growth.
The second phase embraces the later years of childhood up to puberty, and might be called the pre-pubertal stage.
The second phase covers the later years of childhood up until puberty and can be referred to as the pre-pubertal stage.
The third phase is that of riper years, proceeding only from puberty onwards, and could be called the time of maturity.
The third phase is that of adulthood, starting from puberty and can be referred to as the time of maturity.
You cannot have failed to notice that we become conscious of the greatest difficulty when we arrive at the question at what age we must put the limit of the pre-sexual stage. I am ready to confess my uncertainty with regard to this problem. If I survey the psychoanalytical experiences with children, as yet insufficiently numerous, at the same time keeping in mind the observations made by Freud, it seems to me that the limit of this phase lies between the third and fifth years. This, of course, with due consideration for the greatest individual diversities. From various aspects this is an important age. The child has emancipated itself already from the helplessness of the baby, and a series of important psychological functions have acquired a firm hold. From this period on, the obscurity of the early infantile “amnesia,” or the discontinuity of the early infantile consciousness, begins to clear up through the sporadic continuity of memory. It seems as if, at this age, a considerable step had been made towards emancipation and the formation of a new and independent personality. As far as we know, the first signs of interest and activity which may fairly be called sexual fall into this period, although these sexual indications have still the infantile characteristics of harmlessness and naiveté. I think I have sufficiently demonstrated why a sexual terminology cannot be given to the pre-sexual stage, and so we may now consider the other problems from the standpoint we have just reached. You will remember that we dropped the problem of the libido in childhood, because it seemed impossible to arrive at any clearness in that way. But now we are obliged to take up the question again, if only to see whether the energic conception harmonizes with the principles just advanced. We saw, following Freud’s conception, 34that the altered manifestations of the infantile sexuality, if compared with those of maturity, are to be explained by the diminution of sexuality in childhood.
You can’t help but notice that we encounter a significant challenge when we consider the age at which we should set the limit for the pre-sexual stage. I admit I'm uncertain about this issue. If I look over the still limited psychoanalytic experiences with children while keeping Freud’s observations in mind, it seems to me that this phase generally falls between the ages of three and five, though we must account for significant individual differences. This age is important from various perspectives. The child has already gained independence from infancy and several crucial psychological functions are firmly established. Starting from this time, the confusion of early childhood “amnesia,” or the discontinuity of early childhood consciousness, begins to resolve through sporadic continuity of memory. It seems that significant progress is made towards independence and the development of a new, independent personality at this age. As far as we know, the first signs of interest and activity that could reasonably be described as sexual occur during this period, although these sexual signs still carry the innocent and harmless traits of childhood. I believe I have shown enough reason why we shouldn't apply sexual terminology to the pre-sexual stage, so we can now examine the other issues from the perspective we just established. You’ll remember that we set aside the issue of libido in childhood because it seemed impossible to gain clarity that way. But now we need to revisit this question to see if the energetic concept aligns with the principles we’ve just discussed. Following Freud's ideas, we noted that the altered expressions of infantile sexuality, when compared with those of adulthood, can be explained by the reduction of sexuality during childhood. 34
The Sexual Definition of Libido Must be Abandoned
The intensity of the libido is said to be diminished relatively to the early age. But we advanced just now several considerations to show why it seems doubtful if we can regard the vital functions of a child, sexuality excepted, as of less intensity than those of adults. We can really say that, sexuality excepted, the emotional phenomena, and, if nervous symptoms are present, then these likewise are quite as intense as those of adults. On the energic conception of the libido all these things are but manifestations of the libido. But it becomes rather difficult to conceive that the intensity of the libido can ever constitute the difference between a mature and an immature sexuality. The explanation of this difference seems rather to postulate a change in the localization of the libido (if the expression be allowed). In contradistinction to the medical definition the libido in children is occupied far more with certain side-functions of a mental and physiological nature than with local sexual functions. One is here already tempted to remove from the term libido the predicate “sexualis,” and thus to have done with the sexual definition of the term given in Freud’s “Three Contributions.” This necessity becomes imperative, when we put it in the form of a question: The child in the first years of its life is intensely living—suffering and enjoying—the question is, whether his striving, his suffering, his enjoyment are by reason of his libido sexualis? Freud has pronounced himself in favor of this supposition. There is no need to repeat the reasons through which I am compelled to accept the pre-sexual stage. The larva stage possesses a libido of nutrition, if I may so express it, but not yet the libido sexualis. It is thus we must put it, if we wish to keep the energic conception which the libido theory offers us. I think there is nothing for it but to abandon the sexual definition of libido, or we shall lose what there is valuable in the libido theory, that is, the energic conception. For a long time past the desire to extend the meaning of libido, and to remove it from its narrow 35and sexual limitations, has forced itself upon Freud’s school. One was never weary of insisting that sexuality in the psychological sense was not to be taken too literally, but in a broader connotation; but exactly how, that remained obscure, and thus too, sincere criticism remained unsatisfied.
The intensity of libido is said to decrease compared to early childhood. Yet, we've just outlined several points suggesting it's doubtful we can consider a child's vital functions, aside from sexuality, to be less intense than those of adults. In fact, we can argue that, except for sexuality, emotional experiences and, if nervous symptoms are involved, are just as intense as those in adults. From the perspective of the energetic concept of libido, all these aspects are simply manifestations of libido. However, it becomes quite challenging to think that the intensity of libido can alone define the difference between mature and immature sexuality. The explanation for this difference seems to hinge on a change in how libido is focused (if that term makes sense). Unlike the medical definition, libido in children is much more concerned with certain mental and physiological side functions rather than local sexual functions. One is tempted to drop the “sexualis” from the term libido, thereby moving away from the sexual definition provided in Freud’s “Three Contributions.” This becomes essential when we pose the question: A child in its early years is intensely alive—experiencing suffering and joy—the question is whether their striving, suffering, and enjoyment are due to their libido sexualis. Freud has supported this idea. There’s no need to reiterate the reasons that led me to accept the pre-sexual stage. The larval stage has a nutritional libido, if you will, but not yet a sexual libido. We must frame it this way if we want to maintain the energetic approach that libido theory offers us. I believe we have no choice but to discard the sexual definition of libido, or we risk losing the valuable aspects of libido theory, particularly its energetic conception. For a long time, the desire to broaden the meaning of libido and move it beyond its narrow sexual confines has been a pressing concern for Freud’s followers. They consistently emphasized that sexuality, in a psychological sense, shouldn't be taken too literally but rather in a broader context; however, exactly how that works has remained unclear, leaving genuine criticism unsatisfied.
I do not think I am going astray if I see the real value of the libido theory in the energic conception, and not in its sexual definition. Thanks to the former, we are in possession of a most valuable heuristic principle. We owe to the energic conception the possibility of dynamic ideas and relationships, which are of inestimable value for us in the chaos of the psychic world. The Freudians would be wrong not to listen to the voice of criticism, which reproaches our conception of libido with mysticism and inaccessibility. We deceived ourselves in believing that we could ever make the libido sexualis the bearer of the energic conception of the psychical life, and if many of Freud’s school still believe they possess a well-defined and almost complete conception of libido, they are not aware that this conception has been put to use far beyond the bounds of its sexual definition. The critics are right when they object to our theory of libido as explaining things which cannot belong to its sphere. It must be admitted that Freud’s school makes use of a conception of libido which passes beyond the bounds of its primary definition. Indeed, this must produce the impression that one is working with a mystical principle.
I don't think I'm going off track when I see the true value of the libido theory in the energic concept, rather than its sexual definition. Thanks to the former, we have a very useful heuristic principle. We owe the energic concept the ability to create dynamic ideas and relationships, which are incredibly valuable in the chaos of the psychic world. The Freudians would be mistaken not to heed the criticisms that label our understanding of libido as mystical and hard to grasp. We were wrong to think we could ever make libido sexualis the core of the energic view of psychic life, and if many in Freud's school still believe they have a clear and nearly complete understanding of libido, they're not aware that this concept has been applied far beyond its sexual definition. The critics are correct when they say our theory of libido is trying to explain things that shouldn't fall under its umbrella. It must be acknowledged that Freud's school uses a concept of libido that extends beyond its initial definition. Indeed, this can create the impression that we're working with a mystical principle.
The Problem of Libido in Dementia Præcox
I have sought to show these infringements in a special work, “Wandlungen und Symbole der Libido,” and at the same time the necessity for creating a new conception of libido, which shall be in harmony with the energic conception. Freud himself was forced to a discussion of his original conception of libido when he tried to apply its energic point of view to a well-known case of dementia præcox—the so-called Schreber case. In this case, we had to deal, among other things, with that well-known problem in the psychology of dementia præcox, the loss of adaptation to reality, the peculiar phenomenon consisting in a special tendency of these patients to construct an inner world of phantasy of their own, surrendering for this purpose their adaptation 36to reality. As a part of the phenomenon, the lack of sociability or emotional rapport will be well known to you all, this representing a striking disturbance of the function of reality. Through considerable psychological study of these patients we discovered, that this lack of adaptation to reality is compensated by a progressive increase in the creation of phantasies. This goes so far that the dream-world is for the patient more real than external reality. The patient Schreber, described by Freud, found for this phenomenon an excellent figurative description in his delusion of the “end of the world.” His loss of reality is thus very concretely represented. The dynamic conception of this phenomenon is very clear. We say that the libido withdrew itself more and more from the external world, consequently entered the inner world, the world of phantasies, and had there to create, as a compensation for the lost external world, a so-called equivalent of reality. This compensation is built up piece by piece, and it is most interesting to observe the psychological materials of which this inner world is composed. This way of conceiving the transposition and displacement of the libido has been made by the every-day use of the term, its original pure sexual meaning being very rarely recalled. In general, the word “libido” is used practically in so harmless a sense that Claparède, in a conversation, once remarked that we could as well use the word “interest.”
I have aimed to highlight these violations in a specific work, “Transformations and Symbols of Libido,” and at the same time the need to develop a new understanding of libido that aligns with the energetic concept. Freud himself had to revisit his original idea of libido when he attempted to apply its energetic perspective to a famous case of dementia praecox—the so-called Schreber case. In this situation, we dealt with several issues, including the well-known problem in the psychology of dementia praecox: the loss of adaptation to reality. There's a peculiar tendency among these patients to create an inner world of fantasy, which they immerse themselves in, abandoning their adaptation to reality. As part of this phenomenon, the lack of sociability or emotional connection will be familiar to you all, representing a striking disruption of the function of reality. Through extensive psychological studies of these patients, we found that this inability to adapt to reality is compensated by an increasing creation of fantasies. It goes to the extent that the dream world becomes more real for the patient than external reality. The patient Schreber, as described by Freud, found an excellent figurative expression for this phenomenon in his delusion of the “end of the world.” His loss of reality is thus represented very concretely. The dynamic nature of this phenomenon is quite clear. We say that the libido gradually withdrew from the external world, thereby entering the inner world—the world of fantasies—and had to create, as a compensation for the lost external world, a so-called equivalent of reality. This compensation is built up piece by piece, and it is fascinating to observe the psychological elements that make up this inner world. This way of understanding the transposition and displacement of the libido has become commonplace, and its original pure sexual meaning is rarely recalled. Generally, the term “libido” is used in such a benign way that Claparède once remarked in conversation that we might as well use the word “interest.”
The manner in which this expression is generally used has given rise to a way of using the term that made it possible to explain Schreber’s “end of the world” by withdrawal of the libido. On this occasion, Freud recalled his original sexual definition of the libido, and tried to arrive at an understanding with the change which in the meantime had taken place. In his article on Schreber, he discusses the question, whether what the psychoanalytic school calls libido, and conceives of as “interest from erotic sources” coincides with interest generally speaking. You see that, putting the problem in this way, Freud asks the question which Claparède practically answered. Freud discusses the question here, whether the loss of reality noticed in dementia præcox, to which I drew attention in my book,[6] “The Psychology of Dementia Præcox,” is due entirely to the withdrawal of erotic 37interest, or if this coincides with the so-called objective interest in general. We can hardly agree that the normal “fonction du réel” [Janet] is only maintained through erotic interest. The fact is that, in many cases, reality vanishes altogether, and not a trace of psychological adaptation can be found in these cases. Reality is repressed, and replaced by phantasies created through complexes. We are forced to say that not only the erotic interests, but interests in general—that is, the whole adaptation to reality—are lost. I formerly tried, in my “Psychology of Dementia Præcox,” to get out of this difficulty by using the expression “psychic energy,” because I could not base the theory of dementia præcox on the theory of transference of the libido in its sexual definition. My experience—at that time chiefly psychiatric—did not permit me to understand this theory. Only later did I learn to understand the correctness of the theory as regards the neuroses by increased experience in hysteria and the compulsion neurosis. As a matter of fact, an abnormal displacement of libido, quite definitely sexual, does play a great part in the neuroses. But although very characteristic repressions of sexual libido do take place in certain neuroses, that loss of reality, so typical for dementia præcox, never occurs. In dementia præcox, so extreme is the loss of the function of reality that this loss must also entail a loss of motive power, to which any sexual nature must be absolutely denied, for it will not seem to anyone that reality is a sexual function. If this were so, the withdrawal of erotic interests in the neuroses would lead to a loss of reality—a loss of reality indeed that could be compared with that in dementia præcox. But, as I said before, this is not the case. These facts have made it impossible for me to transfer Freud’s libido theory to dementia præcox. Hence, my view is, that the attempt made by Abraham, in his article “The Psycho-Sexual Differences Between Hysteria and Dementia Præcox,” is from the standpoint of Freud’s conception of libido theoretically untenable. Abraham’s belief, that the paranoidal system, or the symptomatology of dementia præcox, arises by the libido withdrawing from the external world, cannot be justified if we take “libido” according to Freud’s definition. For, as Freud has clearly shown, a mere introversion or regression of the libido leads always to a neurosis, and not to dementia præcox. It is 38impossible to transfer the libido theory, with its sexual definition, directly to dementia præcox, as this disease shows a loss of reality not to be explained by the deficiency in erotic interests.
The way this expression is commonly used has led to an interpretation that allows for explaining Schreber’s “end of the world” through the withdrawal of libido. During this, Freud reflected on his original definition of libido in sexual terms and aimed to understand the changes that had taken place since then. In his article on Schreber, he explores whether what the psychoanalytic school refers to as libido, seen as “interest from erotic sources,” aligns with interest more broadly. By framing the issue like this, Freud is essentially posing the question that Claparède addressed. He examines whether the loss of reality observed in dementia præcox, which I highlighted in my book, [6] “The Psychology of Dementia Præcox,” is entirely due to the withdrawal of erotic interest or if it correlates with what is regarded as objective interest in general. It’s hard to accept that the normal "function of the real" [Janet] is maintained solely through erotic interest. In many cases, reality completely disappears, leaving no signs of psychological adaptation. Reality is suppressed and replaced by fantasies created from complexes. We must conclude that not only erotic interests but interests overall—that is, the entire adaptation to reality—are lost. I previously attempted to address this challenge using the term “psychic energy,” as I couldn’t base the theory of dementia præcox on the specific definition of libido. My earlier experiences, primarily in psychiatry, didn’t allow me to grasp this theory. It was only later that I understood the validity of this theory in relation to neuroses after gaining more experience with hysteria and compulsion neurosis. In fact, significant displacements of libido, clearly sexual in nature, do play a substantial role in neuroses. However, while distinct repressions of sexual libido occur in certain neuroses, the loss of reality, characteristic of dementia præcox, never manifests. In dementia præcox, the loss of reality is so severe that it must also involve a loss of driving force, which cannot be attributed to any sexual aspect, as it wouldn't be considered a sexual function. If that were the case, the withdrawal of erotic interests in neuroses would result in a loss of reality similar to what is seen in dementia præcox. But, as I mentioned, this is not the situation. These observations have made it impossible for me to apply Freud’s libido theory to dementia præcox. As such, I believe Abraham’s argument in his article “The Psycho-Sexual Differences Between Hysteria and Dementia Præcox” is theoretically untenable from Freud’s perspective on libido. Abraham’s view that the paranoidal system or the symptoms of dementia præcox arise from libido withdrawing from the external world cannot be supported if we adhere to Freud’s definition of “libido.” As Freud has clearly indicated, a mere introversion or regression of libido always leads to a neurosis, not dementia præcox. It’s 38 impossible to apply the libido theory, with its sexual definition, directly to dementia præcox, as this condition presents a loss of reality that cannot be explained by a deficiency in erotic interests.
It gives me particular satisfaction that our master also, when he placed his hand on the fragile material of paranoiac psychology, felt himself compelled to doubt the applicability of his conception of libido which had prevailed hitherto. My position of reserve towards the ubiquity of sexuality which I allowed myself to adopt in the preface to my “Psychology of Dementia Præcox”—although with a complete recognition of the psychological mechanism—was dictated by the conception of the libido theory of that time. Its sexual definition did not enable me to explain those disturbances of functions which affect the indefinite sphere of the instinct of hunger, just as much as they do those of sexuality. For a long time the libido theory seemed to me inapplicable to dementia præcox.
I'm particularly satisfied that our master, when he touched on the delicate topic of paranoid psychology, felt forced to question his previous ideas about libido. My cautious stance towards the pervasive nature of sexuality, which I expressed in the preface to my “Psychology of Dementia Praecox”—though I fully acknowledged the psychological mechanisms—was influenced by the libido theory of that time. Its sexual definition didn’t allow me to explain the functional disturbances affecting the broad area of hunger instinct, just as it did with sexuality. For a long time, the libido theory felt irrelevant to dementia praecox.
The Genetic Conception of Libido
With greater experience in my analytical work, I noticed that a slow change of my conception of libido had taken place. A genetic conception of libido gradually took the place of the descriptive definition of libido contained in Freud’s “Three Contributions.” Thus it became possible for me to replace, by the expression “psychic energy,” the term libido. The next step was that I asked myself if now-a-days the function of reality consists only to a very small extent of sexual libido, and to a very large extent of other impulses. It is still a very important question, considered from the phylogenetic standpoint, whether the function of reality is not, at least very largely, of sexual origin. It is impossible to answer this question directly, in so far as the function of reality is concerned. We shall try to come to some understanding by a side-path.
As I gained more experience in my analytical work, I realized that my understanding of libido had slowly evolved. A genetic view of libido gradually replaced the descriptive definition found in Freud’s “Three Contributions.” This allowed me to use the term “psychic energy” instead of libido. My next question was whether, in today's context, the function of reality is made up mostly of other impulses rather than sexual libido. From a phylogenetic perspective, it’s still a critical question whether the function of reality is primarily rooted in sexual origins. Directly answering this question regarding the function of reality is challenging, so we’ll try to explore it through a different approach.
A superficial glance at the history of evolution suffices to teach us that innumerable complicated functions, whose sexual character must be denied, are originally nothing but derivations from the instinct of propagation. As is well known, there has been an important displacement in the fundamentals of propagation during the ascent through the animal scale. The offspring has 39been reduced in number, and the primitive uncertainty of impregnation has been replaced by a quite assured impregnation, and a more effective protection of offspring. The energy required for the production of eggs and sperma has been transferred into the creation of mechanisms of attraction, and mechanisms for the protection of offspring. Here we find the first instincts of art in animals, used for the instinct of propagation, and limited to the rutting season. The original sexual character of these biological institutions became lost with their organic fixation, and their functional independence. None the less, there can be no doubt as to their sexual origin, as, for instance, there is no doubt about the original relation between sexuality and music, but it would be a generalization as futile, as unesthetic, to include music under the category of sexuality. Such a terminology would lead to the consideration of the Cathedral of Cologne under mineralogy, because it has been built with stones. Those quite ignorant of the problems of evolution are much astonished to find how few things there are in human life which cannot finally be reduced to the instinct of propagation. It embraces nearly everything, I think, that is dear and precious to us.
A quick look at the history of evolution shows us that many complex functions, which cannot be labeled as sexual, are essentially just variations of the drive to reproduce. It’s well-known that there has been a significant shift in the basics of reproduction as evolution has progressed through the animal kingdom. The number of offspring has decreased, and the original uncertainty surrounding fertilization has been replaced by a reliable process, along with better protection for the young. The energy that used to go into producing eggs and sperm has now shifted towards developing attraction mechanisms and ways to safeguard the offspring. Here, we observe the first signs of creativity in animals meant for reproduction, limited to their breeding seasons. The initial sexual nature of these biological traits faded as they became more fixed in structure and function. However, there's no denying their sexual origins, just as there's no doubt about the early connection between sexuality and music. Yet, it would be pointless and unartistic to categorize music as purely sexual. Such an approach would be like trying to classify the Cologne Cathedral under mineralogy because it’s made of stone. Those unfamiliar with evolutionary issues are often surprised to see how few aspects of human life can't ultimately be tied back to the drive to reproduce. It encompasses nearly everything we hold dear and valuable.
We have hitherto spoken of the libido as of the instinct of reproduction, or the instinct of the preservation of the species, and limited our conception to that libido which is opposed to hunger, just as the instinct of the preservation of the species is opposed to that of self-preservation. Of course in nature this artificial distinction does not exist. Here we find only a continuous instinct of life, a will to live, which tries to obtain the propagation of the whole race by the preservation of the individual. To this extent this conception coincides with that of Schopenhauer’s “will,” as objectively we can only conceive a movement as a manifestation of an internal desire. As we have already boldly concluded that the libido, which originally subserved the creation of eggs and seed, is now firmly organized in the function of nest-building, and can no longer be employed otherwise, we are similarly obliged to include in this conception every desire, hunger no less. We have no warrant whatever for differentiating essentially the desire to build nests from the desire to eat.
We have previously discussed the libido as the instinct for reproduction or the instinct for the survival of the species, focusing on the type of libido that opposes hunger, just as the instinct for preserving the species opposes the instinct for self-preservation. In nature, this artificial distinction doesn't exist. Instead, we find a continuous life instinct, a will to live, that aims to ensure the propagation of the entire species through the preservation of the individual. To this extent, this idea aligns with Schopenhauer’s concept of “will,” as we can only understand movement as a manifestation of an internal desire. As we have already confidently concluded that the libido, which originally supported the creation of eggs and sperm, is now firmly established in the function of nest-building and can no longer be used for anything else, we must also include every desire in this concept, hunger included. We have no basis for distinguishing the desire to build nests from the desire to eat.
I think you will already understand the position we have 40reached with these considerations. We are about to follow up the energic conception by putting the energic mode of action in place of the purely formal functioning. Just as reciprocal actions, well known in the old natural science, have been replaced by the law of the conservation of energy, so here too, in the sphere of psychology, we seek to replace the reciprocal activities of coordinated psychical faculties by energy, conceived as one and homogeneous. Thus we must bow to the criticism which reproaches the psychoanalytic school for working with a mystical conception of libido. I have to dispel this illusion that the whole psychoanalytic school possesses a clearly conceived and obvious conception of libido. I maintain that the conception of libido with which we are working is not only not concrete or known, but is an unknown X, a conceptual image, a token, and no more real than the energy in the conceptual world of the physicist. In this wise only can we escape those arbitrary transgressions of the proper boundaries, which are always made when we want to reduce coördinated forces to one another. Certain analogies of the action of heat with the action of light are not to be explained by saying that this tertium comparationis proves that the undulations of heat are the same as the undulations of light; the conceptual image of energy is the real point of comparison. If we regard libido in this way we endeavor to simulate the progress which has already been made in physics. The economy of thought which physics has already obtained we strive after in our libido theory. We conceive libido now simply as energy, so that we are in the position to figure the manifold processes as forms of energy. Thus, we replace the old reciprocal action by relations of absolute equivalence. We shall not be astonished if we are met with the cry of vitalism. But we are as far removed from any belief in a specific vital power, as from any other metaphysical assertion. We term libido that energy which manifests itself by vital processes, which is subjectively perceived as aspiration, longing and striving. We see in the diversity of natural phenomena the desire, the libido, in the most diverse applications and forms. In early childhood we find libido at first wholly in the form of the instinct of nutrition, providing for the development of the body. As the body develops, there open up, successively, new spheres of influence for the 41libido. The last, and, from its functional significance, most overpowering sphere of influence, is sexuality, which at first seems very closely connected with the function of nutrition. With that you may compare the well-known influence on propagation of the conditions of nutrition in the lower animals and plants.
I think you already understand the position we've reached with these considerations. We're about to move forward with the energetic concept by implementing the energetic mode of action instead of just the formal functioning. Just as reciprocal actions, which were well known in earlier natural science, have been replaced by the law of conservation of energy, we also aim to replace the reciprocal activities of coordinated psychological faculties with energy, seen as one and homogeneous. Therefore, we must acknowledge the criticism that the psychoanalytic school is working with a mystical notion of libido. I need to clarify that the entire psychoanalytic school does not have a clearly defined and obvious idea of libido. I argue that the concept of libido we're using is not concrete or well understood; it's an unknown X, a conceptual image, a symbol, and no more real than the energy in a physicist's conceptual framework. Only in this way can we avoid those arbitrary violations of proper boundaries that arise when we try to reduce coordinated forces to one another. Certain similarities between the actions of heat and light cannot be explained by claiming that this common comparison shows that the vibrations of heat are the same as those of light; the conceptual image of energy is the real point of comparison. If we view libido this way, we attempt to emulate the progress that has already been made in physics. We strive for the same economy of thought that physics has achieved in our theory of libido. We now consider libido simply as energy, allowing us to understand various processes as forms of energy. In this way, we replace the old reciprocal action with relationships of absolute equivalence. We shouldn't be surprised if we encounter claims of vitalism. However, we are just as distant from believing in a specific vital force as we are from any other metaphysical assertion. We name libido that energy which expresses itself through vital processes and is subjectively felt as aspiration, longing, and striving. We see the diversity of natural phenomena as embodying desire, or libido, in many different applications and forms. In early childhood, we find libido initially entirely in the form of the instinct for nutrition, which fosters the development of the body. As the body develops, new realms of influence for the libido gradually emerge. The last, and most significant in terms of function, is sexuality, which at first seems very closely linked to the process of nutrition. You can compare this to the well-known influence of nutritional conditions on reproduction in lower animals and plants.
In the sphere of sexuality, libido does take that form whose enormous importance justifies us in the choice of the term “libido,” in its strict sexual sense. Here for the first time libido appears in the form of an undifferentiated sexual primitive power, as an energy of growth, clearly forcing the individual towards division, budding, etc. The clearest separation of the two forms of libido is found among those animals where the stage of nutrition is separated by the pupa stage from the stage of sexuality. Out of this sexual primitive power, through which one small creature produces millions of eggs and sperm, derivatives have been developed by extraordinary restriction of fecundity, the functions of which are maintained by a special differentiated libido. This differentiated libido is henceforth desexualized, for it is dissociated from its original function of producing eggs and sperm, nor is there any possibility of restoring it to its original function. The whole process of development consists in the increasing absorption of the libido which only created, originally, products of generation in the secondary functions of attraction, and protection of offspring. This development presupposes a quite different and much more complicated relationship to reality, a true function of reality which is functionally inseparable from the needs of reproduction. Thus the altered mode of reproduction involves a correspondingly increased adaptation to reality. This, of course, does not imply that the function of reality is exclusively due to differentiation in reproduction. I am aware that a large part of the instinct of nutrition is connected with it. Thus we arrive at an insight into certain primitive conditions of the function of reality. It would be fundamentally wrong to pretend that the compelling source is still a sexual one. It was largely a sexual one originally. The process of absorption of the primitive libido into secondary functions certainly always took place in the form of so-called affluxes of sexual libido (“libidinöse Zuschüsse”).
In the realm of sexuality, libido manifests in a way that highlights its significant importance, justifying our use of the term "libido" in its specific sexual context. Here, for the first time, libido shows up as a raw, undifferentiated sexual energy, acting as a force for growth that clearly pushes individuals toward division, budding, and other processes. The most distinct separation of the two forms of libido can be seen in animals where the nutritional stage is divided from the sexual stage by a pupal stage. This raw sexual energy allows one small creature to produce millions of eggs and sperm, while derivatives emerge from a strict limitation on fecundity, maintaining their functions through a specially differentiated libido. This differentiated libido is now desexualized, as it is separated from its original role of producing eggs and sperm, with no chance of reverting to that original function. The entire development process involves an increasing absorption of libido, which initially created generative products, but now fulfills secondary roles like attraction and protection of offspring. This development implies a more complex relationship with reality, where the true function of reality cannot be separated from reproductive needs. Therefore, the changed method of reproduction requires a corresponding adaptation to reality. It’s important to note that the function of reality isn't solely due to changes in reproduction; a significant part of the nutritional instinct is related as well. This leads us to understand some primitive conditions of the function of reality. It would be fundamentally incorrect to claim that the driving force is still primarily sexual. It was mainly sexual in the beginning. The absorption of primitive libido into secondary functions has consistently occurred in the form of what are called influxes of sexual libido (“libidinous grants”).
That is to say, sexuality was diverted from its original destination, 42a definite quantity was used up in the mechanisms of mutual attraction and of protection of offspring. This transference of sexual libido from the sexual sphere to associated functions is still taking place (e. g., modern neo-Malthusianism is the artificial continuation of the natural tendency). We call this process sublimation, when this operation occurs without injury to the adaptation of the individual; we call it repression—when the attempt fails. From the descriptive standpoint psychoanalysis accepts the multiplicity of instincts, and, among them, the instinct of sexuality as a special phenomenon, moreover, it recognizes certain affluxes of the libido to asexual instincts.
That is to say, sexuality was redirected from its original purpose, 42 a definite amount was consumed in the processes of mutual attraction and the protection of offspring. This shifting of sexual energy from the sexual realm to related functions is still happening (e.g., modern neo-Malthusianism is the artificial extension of the natural trend). We refer to this process as sublimation when it happens without harming the individual's adaptation; we call it repression when the attempt fails. From a descriptive perspective, psychoanalysis acknowledges the variety of instincts, including the sexual instinct as a distinct phenomenon, and it also recognizes certain transfers of libido to asexual instincts.
From the genetic standpoint it is otherwise. It regards the multiplicity of instincts as issuing out of relative unity, the primitive libido. It recognizes that definite quantities of the primitive libido are split off, associated with the recently created functions, and finally merged in them. From this standpoint we can say, without any difficulty, that patients with dementia præcox withdraw their “libido” from the external world and in consequence suffer a loss of reality, which is compensated by an increase of the phantasy-building activities.
From a genetic perspective, it’s different. It views the variety of instincts as coming from a basic unity, the primitive libido. It acknowledges that specific amounts of the primitive libido are separated, linked with newly developed functions, and ultimately integrated into them. From this perspective, we can easily say that patients with dementia præcox withdraw their “libido” from the outside world and therefore experience a loss of reality, which is compensated by an increase in their fantasy-building activities.
We must now fit the new conception of libido into that theory of sexuality in childhood which is of such great importance in the theory of neurosis. Generally speaking, we first find the libido as the energy of vital activities acting in the zone of the function of nutrition. Through the rhythmical movements in the act of sucking, nourishment is taken with all signs of satisfaction. As the individual grows and his organs develop, the libido creates new ways of desire, new activities and satisfactions. Now the original model—rhythmic activity, creating pleasure and satisfaction—must be transferred to other functions which have their final goal in sexuality.
We need to integrate the new understanding of libido into the theory of childhood sexuality, which is very important for understanding neurosis. Generally, we first see libido as the energy behind vital activities that relate to nutrition. Through the rhythmic movements of sucking, nourishment is taken in with clear signs of satisfaction. As a person grows and their organs develop, libido generates new desires, activities, and sources of satisfaction. Now, the original model—rhythmic activity that brings pleasure and satisfaction—should be applied to other functions that ultimately lead to sexuality.
This transition is not made suddenly at puberty, but it takes place gradually throughout the course of the greater part of childhood. The libido can only very slowly and with great difficulty detach itself from the characteristics of the function of nutrition, in order to pass over into the characteristics of sexual function. As far as I can see, we have two epochs during this transition, the epoch of sucking and the epoch of the displaced rhythmic activity. Considered solely from the point of view of its mode 43of action, sucking clings entirely to the domain of the function of nutrition, but it presents also a far wider aspect, it is no mere function of nutrition, it is a rhythmical activity, with its goal in a pleasure and satisfaction of its own, distinct from the obtaining of nourishment. The hand comes into play as an accessory organ. In the epoch of the displaced rhythmical activity it stands out still more as an accessory organ, when the oral zone ceases to give pleasure, which must now be obtained in other directions. The possibilities are many. As a rule the other openings of the body become the first objects of interest of the libido; then follow the skin in general and certain places of predilection upon it.
This transition doesn’t happen suddenly at puberty; instead, it occurs gradually throughout most of childhood. The libido can only slowly and with great difficulty separate itself from the functions of nutrition to shift towards the characteristics of sexual function. From what I can see, we have two stages during this transition: the stage of sucking and the stage of displaced rhythmic activity. Looking at it solely from its mode of action, sucking is entirely linked to nutrition, but it also presents a broader perspective. It’s not just a nutritional function; it’s a rhythmic activity aimed at pleasure and satisfaction, separate from simply getting nourishment. The hand plays a role as an additional tool. In the stage of displaced rhythmic activity, it becomes even more prominent as an accessory tool when pleasure from the mouth no longer suffices, and must now be sought elsewhere. There are many possibilities. Generally, the other openings of the body become the first objects of the libido's interest, followed by the skin as a whole and certain favored areas on it.
The actions carried out at these places generally take the form of rubbing, piercing, tugging, etc., accompanied by a certain rhythm, and serve to produce pleasure. After a halt of greater or less duration at these stations, the libido proceeds until it arrives at the sexual zone, where it may next provoke the first onanistic attempts. During its “march,” the libido carries over not a little from the function of nutrition into the sexual zone; this readily explains the numerous close associations between the function of nutrition and the sexual function.
The actions performed in these areas typically involve rubbing, piercing, tugging, and so on, all done with a specific rhythm, and are meant to create pleasure. After a break that varies in length at these points, the libido moves on until it reaches the sexual area, where it can lead to the first attempts at self-pleasure. As it moves along, the libido also transfers some aspects of nutrition into the sexual zone, which easily explains the many close connections between the functions of nutrition and sexuality.
This “march” of the libido takes place at the time of the pre-sexual stage, which is characterized by the fact that the libido gradually relinquishes the special character of the instinct of nutrition, and by degrees acquires the character of the sexual instinct. At this stage we cannot yet speak of a true sexual libido. Therefore we are obliged to qualify the polymorphous perverse sexuality of early infancy differently. The polymorphism of the tendencies of the libido at this time is to be explained as the gradual movement of the libido away from the sphere of the function of nutrition towards the sexual function.
This "march" of the libido occurs during the pre-sexual stage, which is marked by the gradual shift of libido from the specific nature of the instinct for nourishment to the development of the sexual instinct. At this point, we can't really refer to it as a true sexual libido. So, we need to describe the polymorphous perverse sexuality of early infancy in another way. The variety of libido tendencies at this time can be understood as the gradual transition of libido from the function of nourishment to the sexual function.
The Infantile “Perversity.”—Thus rightly vanishes the term “perverse”—so strongly contested by our opponents—for it provokes a false idea.
The Infantile “Perversity.”—So the term “perverse” disappears rightly—strongly challenged by our opponents—because it creates a misleading impression.
When a chemical body breaks up into its elements, these elements are the products of its disintegration, but it is not permissible on that account to describe elements as entirely products of disintegration. Perversities are disorders of fully-developed sexuality, but are never precursors of sexuality, although there is undoubtedly an analogy between the precursors and the products of 44disintegration. The childish rudiments, no longer to be conceived as perverse, but to be regarded as stages of development, change gradually into normal sexuality, as the normal sexuality develops.
When a chemical substance breaks down into its elements, these elements are the result of its breakdown, but that doesn’t mean we can completely label them as products of disintegration. Perversities are problems that arise from fully-developed sexuality, but they are never the starting point of sexuality. However, there is definitely a similarity between the starting points and the results of 44disintegration. The childish beginnings, which are no longer to be seen as perverse but as stages of development, gradually change into normal sexuality as that normal sexuality evolves.
The more smoothly the libido withdraws from its provisional positions, the more completely and the more quickly does the formation of normal sexuality take place. It is proper to the conception of normal sexuality that all those early infantile inclinations which are not yet sexual should be given up. The less this is the case, the more is sexuality threatened with perverse development. The expression “perverse” is here used in its right place. The fundamental condition of a perversity is an infantile, imperfectly developed state of sexuality.
The smoother the libido pulls back from its temporary positions, the more completely and quickly normal sexuality develops. It's essential for the understanding of normal sexuality that all those early childhood urges that aren't sexual yet be relinquished. The less this happens, the more likely it is for sexuality to face perverse development. The term “perverse” is used correctly here. The basic condition for perversity is an immature, underdeveloped state of sexuality.
CHAPTER IV
The Etiological Significance of the Infantile Sexuality
Now that we have decided what is to be understood as infantile sexuality, we can follow up the discussion of the theory of the neuroses, which we began in the first lecture and then dropped. We followed the theory of the neuroses up to the point where we ran against Freud’s statement, that the tendency which brings a traumatic event to a pathological activity, is a sexual one. From our foregoing considerations we understand what is meant by a sexual tendency. It is a standing still, a retardation in that process whereby the libido frees itself from the manifestations of the pre-sexual stage.
Now that we've defined what we mean by infantile sexuality, we can continue the discussion on the theory of neuroses that we started in the first lecture but then set aside. We followed the theory of neuroses until we encountered Freud's statement that the tendency leading a traumatic event to become a pathological condition is a sexual one. From our previous discussions, we understand what a sexual tendency refers to. It is a pause, a delay in the process where the libido separates itself from the expressions of the pre-sexual stage.
First of all, we must regard this disturbance as a fixation. The libido, in its transition from the function of nutrition to the sexual function, lingers unduly at certain stages. A disharmony is created, since provisional and, as it were, worn-out activities, persist at a period when they should have been overcome. This formula is applicable to all those infantile characteristics so prevalent among neurotic people that no attentive observer can have overlooked them. In dementia præcox it is so obtrusive that a symptom complex, hebephrenia, derives its name therefrom.
First of all, we need to see this disturbance as a fixation. The libido, while shifting from its role in nutrition to its sexual function, gets stuck at certain stages for too long. This creates a mismatch, as temporary and somewhat outdated activities continue when they should have been left behind. This idea applies to all the childish traits that are common among neurotic individuals—no observant person could miss them. In dementia præcox, it's so obvious that a symptom complex, hebephrenia, gets its name from it.
The matter is not ended, however, by saying that the libido lingers in the preliminary stages, for while the libido thus lingers, time does not stand still, and the development of the individual is always proceeding apace. The physical maturation increases the contrast and the disharmony between the persistent infantile manifestations, and the demands of the later age, with its changed conditions of life. In this way the foundation is laid for the dissociation of the personality, and thereby to that conflict which is the real basis of the neuroses. The more the libido is in arrears in practice, the more intense will be the conflict. The traumatic or pathogenic moment is the one which serves best to make this conflict manifest. As Freud showed in his earlier works, one can easily imagine a neurosis arising in this way.
The issue isn't resolved just by saying that libido lingers in the early stages, because while it hangs around, time keeps moving forward, and individual development is always progressing. Physical maturity heightens the differences and conflicts between lingering childish behaviors and the expectations of adulthood, which comes with new life circumstances. This creates a foundation for the dissociation of personality, leading to the conflict that underlies neuroses. The more out of sync libido is with reality, the more intense the conflict will be. The traumatic or harmful event is often what makes this conflict more apparent. As Freud demonstrated in his earlier work, it's easy to see how a neurosis could develop this way.
46This conception fitted in rather well with the views of Janet, who ascribed neurosis to a certain defect. From this point of view the neurosis could be regarded as a product of retardation in the development of affectivity; and I can easily imagine that this conception must seem selfevident to every one who is inclined to derive the neuroses more or less directly from heredity or congenital degeneration.
46This idea aligned quite nicely with Janet's perspective, which attributed neurosis to a specific deficiency. From this standpoint, neurosis could be seen as a result of a delay in the development of emotional capacity; and I can easily imagine that this notion would seem obvious to anyone who tends to link neuroses directly to heredity or congenital issues.
The Infantile Sexual Etiology Criticized
Unfortunately the reality is much more complicated. Let me facilitate an insight into these complications by an example of a case of hysteria. It will, I hope, enable me to demonstrate the characteristic complication, so important for the theory of neurosis. You will probably remember the case of the young lady with hysteria, whom I mentioned at the beginning of my lectures. We noticed the remarkable fact that this patient was unaffected by situations which one might have expected to make a profound impression and yet showed an unexpected extreme pathological reaction to a quite everyday event. We took this occasion to express our doubt as to the etiological significance of the shock, and to investigate the so-called predisposition which rendered the trauma effective. The result of that investigation led us to what has just been mentioned, that it is by no means improbable that the origin of the neurosis is due to a retardation of the affective development.
Unfortunately, the reality is much more complicated. Let me help clarify these complications with an example of a case of hysteria. I hope it will allow me to show the characteristic complication, which is crucial for the theory of neurosis. You probably remember the case of the young woman with hysteria that I mentioned at the beginning of my lectures. We observed the striking fact that this patient was unaffected by situations that might have seemed profoundly impactful, yet she exhibited an unexpectedly extreme pathological reaction to a completely ordinary event. We used this opportunity to express our doubts about the causal significance of the shock and to examine the so-called predisposition that made the trauma effective. The results of that investigation led us to what has just been mentioned: it is quite likely that the origin of the neurosis is due to a delay in emotional development.
You will now ask me what is to be understood by the retardation of the affectivity of this hysteric. The patient lives in a world of phantasy, which can only be regarded as infantile. It is unnecessary to give a description of these phantasies, for you, as neurologists or psychiatrists, have the opportunity daily to listen to the childish prejudices, illusions and emotional pretensions to which neurotic people give way. The disinclination to face stern reality is the distinguishing trait of these phantasies—some lack of earnestness, some trifling, which sometimes hides real difficulties in a light-hearted manner, at others exaggerates trifles into great troubles. We recognize at once that inadequate psychic attitude towards reality which characterizes the child, its wavering opinions and its deficient orientation in matters of the external world. With such an infantile mental disposition all kinds of desires, 47phantasies and illusions can grow luxuriantly, and this we have to regard as the critical causation. Through such phantasies people slip into an unreal attitude, preeminently ill-adapted to the world, which is bound some day to lead to a catastrophe. When we trace back the infantile phantasy of the patient to her earliest childhood we find, it is true, many distinct, outstanding scenes which might well serve to provide fresh food for this or that variation in phantasy, but it would be vain to search for the so-called traumatic motive, whence something abnormal might have sprung, such an abnormal activity, let us say, as day-dreaming itself. There are certainly to be found traumatic scenes, although not in earliest childhood; the few scenes of earliest childhood which were remembered seem not to be traumatic, being rather accidental events, which passed by without leaving any effect on her phantasy worth mentioning. The earliest phantasies arose out of all sorts of vague and only partly understood impressions received from her parents. Many peculiar feelings centered around her father, vacillating between anxiety, horror, aversion, disgust, love and enthusiasm. The case was like so many other cases of hysteria, where no traumatic etiology can be found, but which grows from the roots of a peculiar and premature activity of phantasy which maintains permanently the character of infantilism.
You might be wondering what is meant by the slowed emotional responses in this hysterical patient. The patient exists in a world of fantasy that can only be described as childlike. It's unnecessary to detail these fantasies, as you, being neurologists or psychiatrists, hear daily about the childish biases, illusions, and emotional claims that neurotic individuals succumb to. The reluctance to confront harsh reality is the defining feature of these fantasies—some lack of seriousness, some triviality, which sometimes conceals real issues in a carefree way, while at other times, it blows minor concerns into major problems. We immediately recognize this inadequate mental approach to reality, which is characteristic of children: their fluctuating opinions and lack of understanding of the external world. With such a childlike mindset, various desires, fantasies, and illusions can thrive, and we must consider this as a key factor. Through these fantasies, individuals adopt an unrealistic mindset, poorly suited to the real world, which is bound to lead to a crisis eventually. When we look back at the patient’s childhood fantasies, we find many distinct, memorable events that could have inspired this or that fantasy variation. However, it would be futile to search for a specific traumatic cause that might have triggered an abnormal behavior like daydreaming. Traumatic events can indeed be found, but not from the earliest childhood; the few memories from early childhood don’t seem traumatic, as they are more like random moments that passed without impacting her fantasies significantly. The early fantasies emerged from various vague and only partially understood impressions she received from her parents. Many odd feelings were focused on her father, swinging between anxiety, dread, disgust, affection, and excitement. This case resembles many other hysteria instances, where there’s no identifiable traumatic cause, but which stems from an unusual and premature activity of fantasy that continually retains a childlike quality.
You will object that in this case the scene with the shying horses represents the trauma. It is clearly the model of that night-scene which happened nineteen years later, where the patient was incapable of avoiding the trotting horses. That she wanted to plunge into the river has an analogy in the model scene, where the horses and carriage fell into the river.
You might argue that in this case, the scene with the startled horses symbolizes the trauma. It clearly reflects the nighttime event that took place nineteen years later, where the patient couldn't escape the trotting horses. Her desire to jump into the river parallels the model scene, where the horses and carriage plunged into the river.
Since the latter traumatic moment she suffered from hysterical fits. As I tried to show you, we do not find any trace of this apparent etiology developed in the course of her phantasy life. It seems as if the danger of losing her life, that first time, when the horses shied, passed without leaving any emotional trace. None of the events that occurred in the following years showed any trace of that fright. In parenthesis let me add, that perhaps it never happened at all. It may have even been a mere phantasy, for I have only the assertions of the patient. All of a sudden, some eighteen years later, this event becomes of importance and 48is, so to say, reproduced and carried out in all its details. This assumption is extremely unlikely, and becomes still more inconceivable if we also bear in mind that the story of the shying horses may not even be true. Be that as it may, it is and remains almost unthinkable that an affect should remain buried for years and then suddenly explode. In other cases there is exactly the same state of affairs. I know, for instance, of a case in which the shock of an earthquake, long recovered from, suddenly came back as a lively fear of earthquakes, although this reminiscence could not be explained by the external circumstances.
Since that traumatic moment, she has been experiencing hysterical fits. As I tried to show you, we don’t find any evidence of this supposed cause developing in her fantasy life. It appears that the danger of losing her life that first time, when the horses spooked, passed without leaving any emotional impact. None of the events that happened in the following years indicated any trace of that fear. Let me also add in parentheses that perhaps it never actually happened. It might have just been a fantasy, since I only have the patient’s accounts. Suddenly, about eighteen years later, this event becomes significant and is, so to speak, reproduced and elaborated in all its details. This assumption is highly unlikely and becomes even more implausible if we consider that the story of the spooking horses might not even be true. Regardless, it is almost unimaginable that an emotion could remain buried for years and then suddenly erupt. The same situation occurs in other cases as well. For example, I know of a case where the shock of an earthquake, which was long forgotten, suddenly returned as an intense fear of earthquakes, even though this memory couldn’t be explained by external circumstances.
The Traumatic Theory—A False Way
It is a very suspicious circumstance that these patients frequently show a pronounced tendency to account for their illnesses by some long-past event, ingeniously withdrawing the attention of the physician from the present moment towards some false track in the past. This false track was the first one pursued by the psychoanalytic theory. To this false hypothesis we owe an insight into the understanding of the neurotic symptoms never before reached, an insight we should not have gained if the investigation had not chosen this path, really guided thither, however, by the misleading tendencies of the patient.
It’s quite suspicious that these patients often have a strong tendency to explain their illnesses by pointing to some event from long ago, cleverly diverting the doctor’s focus away from the present and onto some misleading path in the past. This misleading path was the first one explored by psychoanalytic theory. Because of this incorrect assumption, we gained an understanding of neurotic symptoms that we hadn’t reached before, an understanding we wouldn’t have achieved if the investigation hadn’t taken this route, which was actually steered there by the patient’s misleading tendencies.
I think that only a man who regards world-happenings as a chain of more or less fortuitous contingencies, and therefore believes that the guiding hand of the reason-endowed pedagogue is permanently wanted, can ever imagine that this path, upon which the patient leads the physician, has been a wrong one, from which one ought to have warned men off with a sign-board. Besides the deeper insight into psychological determination, we owe to the so-called error the discovery of questions of immeasurable importance regarding the basis of psychic processes. It is for us to rejoice and be thankful that Freud had the courage to let himself be guided along this path. Not thus is the progress of science hindered, but rather through blind adherence to a provisional formulation, through the typical conservatism of authority, the vanity of learned men, their fear of making mistakes. This lack of the martyr’s courage is far more injurious to the credit and greatness of scientific knowledge than an honest error.
I believe that only someone who sees world events as a series of random coincidences, and thus thinks that the steady guidance of a knowledgeable teacher is always necessary, can truly think that this journey, where the patient guides the doctor, has been a wrong one, and that we should have warned people away with a sign. Besides gaining a deeper understanding of psychological factors, we owe it to what is called an error to raise critical questions about the foundations of mental processes. We should be grateful and happy that Freud had the bravery to be led down this path. Science isn’t held back by such exploration, but rather by blindly sticking to a temporary definition, the typical conservatism of authority, the arrogance of scholars, and their fear of making mistakes. This lack of boldness is far more damaging to the value and greatness of scientific knowledge than a sincere mistake.
Retardation of the Emotional Development
But let us return to our own case. The following question arises: If the old trauma is not of etiological significance, then the cause of the manifest neurosis is probably to be found in the retardation of the emotional development. We must therefore disregard the patient’s assertion that her hysterical crises date from the fright from the shying horses, although this fright was in fact the beginning of her evident illness. This event only seems to be important, although it is not so in reality. This same formula is valid for all the so-called shocks. They only seem to be important because they are the starting-point of the external expression of an abnormal condition. As explained in detail, this abnormal condition is an anachronistic continuation of an infantile stage of libido-development. These patients still retain forms of the libido which they ought to have renounced long ago. It is impossible to give a list, as it were, of these forms, for they are of an extraordinary variety. The most common, which is scarcely ever absent, is the excessive activity of phantasies, characterized by an unconcerned exaggeration of subjective wishes. This exaggerated activity is always a sign of want of proper employment of the libido. The libido sticks fast to its use in phantasies, instead of being employed in a more rigorous adaptation to the real conditions of life.
But let's get back to our situation. The following question comes up: If the old trauma isn’t really significant, then the cause of the visible neurosis is likely found in the delay of emotional development. We need to ignore the patient’s claim that her hysterical episodes started after the scare from the skittish horses, even though that scare was actually the start of her obvious illness. This event only seems significant, but it isn’t. The same applies to all so-called shocks. They only appear important because they mark the beginning of the outward expression of an abnormal condition. As explained in detail, this abnormal condition is an outdated continuation of an early stage of libido development. These patients still hold onto aspects of libido that they should have given up long ago. It’s impossible to create a definitive list of these aspects, as they vary greatly. The most common one, which is almost always present, is the excessive activity of fantasies, marked by an indifferent exaggeration of personal desires. This exaggerated activity is always a sign that the libido isn't being used properly. The libido gets stuck in fantasies instead of being applied more appropriately to the realities of life.
Introversion
This state is called the state of introversion, the libido is used for the psychical inner world instead of being applied to the external world. A regular attendant symptom of this retardation in the emotional development is the so-called parent-complex. If the libido is not used entirely for the adaptation to reality, it is always more or less introverted. The material content of the psychic world is composed of reminiscences, giving it a vividness of activity which in reality long since ceased to pertain thereto. The consequence is, that these patients still live more or less in a world which in truth belongs to the past. They fight with difficulties which once played a part in their life, but which ought to have been obliterated long ago. They still grieve over matters, or rather they are still concerned with matters, which should have 50long ago lost their importance for them. They divert themselves, or distress themselves, with images which were once normally of importance for them but are of no significance at their later age.
This state is called the state of introversion; the libido is focused on the inner psychological world instead of being directed toward the outside world. A common symptom of this delay in emotional development is the so-called parent complex. If the libido isn't fully used for adapting to reality, it tends to be more or less introverted. The material of the psychic world is made up of memories, giving it a vividness of activity that, in reality, is no longer relevant. As a result, these patients continue to live in a world that truly belongs to the past. They struggle with issues that once mattered in their lives but should have been forgotten long ago. They still mourn things, or rather remain preoccupied with things, that should have long since lost their significance. They entertain or upset themselves with images that were once meaningful to them but are no longer relevant at this stage in their lives.
The Complex of the Parents
Amongst those influences most important during childhood, the personalities of the parents play the most potent part. Even if the parents have long been dead, and might and should have lost all real importance, since the life-conditions of the patients are perhaps totally changed, yet these parents are still somehow present and as important as if they were still alive. Love and admiration, resistance, repugnance, hate and revolt, still cling to their figures, transfigured by affection and very often bearing little resemblance to the past reality. It was this fact which forced me to talk no longer of father and mother directly, but to employ instead the term “image” (imago) of mother or of father for these phantasies no longer deal with the real father and the real mother, but with the subjective, and very often completely altered creations of the imagination which prolong an existence only in the patient’s mind.
Among the most significant influences during childhood, the personalities of parents have the strongest impact. Even if the parents have been gone for a long time and should have lost their real importance, especially since the life circumstances of the patients may have completely changed, these parents still somehow exist and remain as significant as if they were still alive. Feelings of love and admiration, resistance, dislike, hate, and rebellion still surround their figures, transformed by affection and often bearing little resemblance to the reality of the past. This realization led me to stop speaking directly about father and mother, and instead use the term “image” (imago) of mother or father because these fantasies no longer deal with the real parents, but with the subjective, often completely altered creations of the imagination that continue to exist only in the patient’s mind.
The complex of the parents’ images, that is to say, the sum of ideas connected with the parents, provides an important field of employment for the introverted libido. I must mention in passing that the complex has in itself but a shadowy existence in so far as it is not invested with libido. Following the usage that we arrived at in the “Diagnostische Associationsstudien,” the word “complex” is used for a system of ideas already invested with, and actuated by, libido. This system exists as a mere possibility, ready for application, if not invested with libido either temporarily or permanently.
The collection of images associated with parents, meaning the total of ideas linked to them, creates a significant area for the introverted libido to engage. I should point out that the complex has only a vague existence if it isn't fueled by libido. According to the terminology we used in the "Diagnostic Association Studies," the term “complex” refers to a set of ideas that are already invested in and energized by libido. This set exists as just a potential, ready to be activated, unless it is either temporarily or permanently supported by libido.
The “Nucleus”-Complex.—At the time when the psychoanalytic theory was still under the dominance of the trauma conception and, in conformity with that view, inclined to look for the causa efficiens of the neurosis in the past, the parent-complex seemed to us to be the so-called root-complex—to employ Freud’s term—or nucleus-complex (“Kerncomplex”).
The “Nucleus”-Complex.—When psychoanalytic theory was still heavily influenced by the trauma concept and, consistent with that perspective, tended to search for the cause of neurosis in the past, the parent complex appeared to us to be the so-called root complex—using Freud’s term—or nucleus complex ("Kerncomplex").
The part which the parents played seemed to be so highly determining that we were inclined to attribute to them all later complications in the life of the patient. Some years ago I discussed 51this view in my article[7] “Die Bedeutung des Vaters für das Schicksal des Einzelnen.” (The importance of the father for the fate of the individual.)
The role the parents played seemed so crucial that we were inclined to blame them for all the later issues in the patient's life. A few years ago, I talked about this perspective in my article 51this view in my article[7] "The significance of the father for an individual's destiny." (The importance of the father for the fate of the individual.)
Here also we were guided by the patient’s tendency to revert to the past, in accordance with the direction of his introverted libido. Now indeed it was no longer the external, accidental event which caused the pathogenic effect, but a psychological effect which seemed to arise out of the individual’s difficulties in adapting himself to the conditions of his familiar surroundings. It was especially the disharmony between the parents on the one hand and between the child and the parents on the other which seemed favorable for creating currents in the child little compatible with his individual course of life. In the article just alluded to I have described some instances, taken from a wealth of material, which show these characteristics very distinctly. The influence of the parents does not come to an end, alas, with their neurotic descendants’ blame of the family circumstances, or their false education, as the basis of their illness, but it extends even to certain actual events in the life and actions of the patient, where such a determining influence could not have been expected. The lively imitativeness which we find in savages as well as in children can produce in certain rather sensitive children a peculiar inner and unconscious identification with the parents; that is to say, such a similar mental attitude that effects in real life are sometimes produced which, even in detail, resemble the personal experiences of the parents. For the empirical material here, I must refer you to the literature. I should like to remind you that one of my pupils, Dr. Emma Fürst, produced valuable experimental proofs for the solution of this problem, to which I referred in my lecture at Clark University.[8] In applying association experiments to whole families, Dr. Fürst established the great resemblance of reaction-type among all the members of one family.
Here too, we followed the patient’s tendency to look back to the past, in line with his inward focus. It was no longer just an external, random event that caused the psychological issues, but rather a psychological effect stemming from the person's struggles to adapt to their familiar environment. The disharmony between the parents on one side and the child and parents on the other seemed to foster feelings in the child that were not in sync with their own life path. In the previously mentioned article, I provided examples from a wealth of material that clearly demonstrate these traits. Unfortunately, the influence of parents doesn’t stop when their neurotic children blame family circumstances or poor upbringing for their problems; it even influences specific events in the patient’s life and actions where one wouldn’t expect such a significant effect. The strong tendency to imitate found in both children and primitivist cultures can lead certain sensitive children to unconsciously identify with their parents—essentially adopting a similar mindset that sometimes results in real-life effects mirroring their parents' personal experiences. For empirical evidence, I direct you to the literature. I want to highlight that one of my students, Dr. Emma Fürst, provided valuable experimental evidence for solving this issue, which I mentioned in my lecture at Clark University.[8] By applying association experiments to entire families, Dr. Fürst revealed a strong similarity in reaction types among all family members.
These experiments show that there very often exists an unconscious parallelism of association between parents and children, to be explained as an intense imitation or identification.
These experiments show that there is often an unconscious parallelism of association between parents and children, which can be explained as strong imitation or identification.
52The results of these investigations show far-reaching psychological tendencies in parallel directions, which readily explain at times the astonishing conformity in their destinies. Our destinies are as a rule the result of our psychological tendencies. These facts allow us to understand why, not only the patient, but even the theory which has been built on such investigations, expresses the view, that the neurosis is the result of the characteristic influence of the parents upon their children. This view, moreover, is supported by the experiences which lie at the basis of pedagogy: namely the assumption of the plasticity of the child’s mind, which is freely compared with soft wax.
52The results of these investigations reveal significant psychological trends that often explain the remarkable similarities in their outcomes. Generally, our destinies result from our psychological tendencies. These facts help us understand why both the patient and the theory built on these investigations suggest that neurosis results from the specific influence parents have on their children. This perspective is also backed by experiences foundational to education: specifically, the belief in the malleability of a child’s mind, which is often likened to soft wax.
We know that the first impressions of childhood accompany us throughout life, and that certain educational influences may restrain people undisturbed all their lives within certain limits. It is no miracle, indeed it is rather a frequent experience, that under these circumstances a conflict has to break out between the personality which is formed by the educational and other influences of the infantile milieu and that one which can be described as the real individual line of life. With this conflict all people must meet, who are called upon to live an independent and productive life.
We know that the first impressions of childhood stay with us for life, and that certain educational influences can keep people confined within certain boundaries throughout their lives. It’s not surprising, and it actually happens quite often, that a conflict arises between the personality shaped by the educational and other influences of early life and the one that represents the true individual path of life. Everyone who is expected to lead an independent and productive life will face this conflict.
Owing to the enormous influence of childhood on the later development of character, you can perfectly understand why we are inclined to ascribe the cause of a neurosis directly to the influences of the infantile environment. I have to confess that I have known cases in which any other explanation seemed to be less reasonable. There are indeed parents whose own contradictory neurotic behavior causes them to treat their children in such an unreasonable way that the latter’s deterioration and illness would seem to be unavoidable. Hence it is almost a rule among nerve-specialists to remove neurotic children, whenever possible, from the dangerous family atmosphere, and to send them among more healthy influences, where, without any medical treatment, they thrive much better than at home. There are many neurotic patients who were clearly neurotic as children, and who have never been free from illness. For such cases, the conception which has been sketched holds generally good.
Due to the significant impact of childhood on later character development, it's easy to see why we tend to attribute the cause of neurosis directly to early environmental influences. I must admit that I've encountered cases where any other explanation seemed less plausible. Some parents exhibit such contradictory neurotic behaviors that they treat their children in ways that might make deterioration and illness seem inevitable. Therefore, it’s almost a standard practice among specialists to remove neurotic children from harmful family environments whenever possible and place them in healthier surroundings, where, without any medical intervention, they often thrive much better than at home. Many neurotic patients were clearly neurotic as children and have never been free from illness. This understanding generally holds true for such cases.
This knowledge, which seems to be provisionally definitive, has been extended by the studies of Freud and the psychoanalytic 53school. The relations between the patients and their parents have been studied in detail in as much as these relations were regarded as of etiological significance.
This knowledge, which seems to be temporarily conclusive, has been expanded by the research of Freud and the psychoanalytic 53 school. The relationships between patients and their parents have been examined in detail because these relationships are seen as important for understanding the origins of their issues.
Infantile Mental Attitude
It was soon noticed that such patients lived still partly or wholly in their childhood-world, although quite unconscious themselves of this fact. It is a difficult task for psychoanalysis so exactly to investigate the psychological mode of adaptation of the patients as to be capable of putting its finger on the infantile misunderstanding. We find among neurotics many who have been spoiled as children. These cases give the best and clearest example of the infantilism of their psychological mode of adaptation. They start out in life expecting the same friendly reception, tenderness and easy success, obtained with no trouble, to which they have been accustomed by their parents in their youth. Even very intelligent patients are not capable of seeing at once that they owe the complications of their life and their neurosis to the trail of their infantile emotional attitude. The small world of the child, the familiar surroundings—these form the model of the big world. The more intensely the family has stamped the child, the more will it be inclined, as an adult, instinctively to see again in the great world its former small world. Of course this must not be taken as a conscious intellectual process. On the contrary, the patient feels and sees the difference between now and then, and tries to adapt himself as well as he can. Perhaps he will even believe himself perfectly adapted, for he grasps the situation intellectually, but that does not prevent the emotional from being far behind the intellectual standpoint.
It was soon noticed that these patients lived either partially or entirely in their childhood world, even though they were completely unaware of this fact. Psychoanalysis finds it challenging to thoroughly investigate the psychological way in which these patients adapt, to pinpoint the childhood misunderstandings. Among neurotics, we see many who were spoiled as children. These cases provide the clearest examples of the childishness in their psychological adaptation. They begin their lives expecting the same warm welcome, affection, and effortless success that they received from their parents in their youth. Even very intelligent patients often fail to realize that the complexities of their lives and their neurosis stem from their childish emotional attitudes. The small world of a child, with its familiar surroundings, shapes their perception of the larger world. The more deeply the family has influenced the child, the more likely that adult will instinctively see the larger world as a reflection of their former small world. Of course, this shouldn't be viewed as a conscious intellectual process. On the contrary, the patient recognizes the differences between then and now, and they try to adapt as best as they can. They might even think they are perfectly adapted since they can understand the situation on an intellectual level, but that doesn't change the fact that their emotional development lags significantly behind their intellectual understanding.
Unconscious Phantasy
It is unnecessary to trouble you with instances of this phenomenon. It is an every-day experience that our emotions are never at the level of our reasoning. It is exactly the same with such a patient, only with greater intensity. He may perhaps believe that, save for his neurosis, he is a normal person, and hence adapted to the conditions of life. He does not suspect that he has not relinquished certain childish pretensions, that he still 54carries with him, in the background, expectations and illusions which he has never rendered conscious to himself. He cultivates all sorts of favorite phantasies, which seldom become conscious, or at any rate, not very often, so that he himself does not know that he has them. They very often exist only as emotional expectations, hopes, prejudices, etc. We call these phantasies, unconscious phantasies. Sometimes they dip into the peripheral consciousness as quite fugitive thoughts, which disappear again a moment later, so that the patient is unable to say whether he had such phantasies or not. It is only during the psychoanalytic treatment that most patients learn to observe and retain these fleeting thoughts. Although most of the phantasies, once at least, have been conscious in the form of fleeting thoughts and only afterwards became unconscious, we have no right to call them on that account “conscious,” as they are practically most of the time unconscious. It is therefore right to designate them “unconscious phantasies.” Of course there are also infantile phantasies, which are perfectly conscious and which can be reproduced at any time.
It’s unnecessary to bother you with examples of this phenomenon. It’s an everyday experience that our emotions never align with our reasoning. This is exactly the case for such a patient, but with more intensity. They might believe that aside from their neurosis, they are a normal person and therefore suited to life’s conditions. They don’t realize that they haven’t given up certain childish notions; they still hold onto expectations and illusions that they’ve never made conscious. They nurture all kinds of favorite fantasies that rarely come to conscious awareness, or at least not very often, so the patient themselves often doesn’t even know they have them. These fantasies frequently exist only as emotional expectations, hopes, biases, etc. We refer to these as unconscious fantasies. Sometimes they briefly surface in peripheral consciousness as fleeting thoughts, which vanish again moments later, leaving the patient unsure whether they had such fantasies at all. It’s only during psychoanalytic treatment that most patients learn to notice and remember these fleeting thoughts. Although most of the fantasies have been conscious at least once in the form of brief thoughts before becoming unconscious, we can’t label them as “conscious” since they are mostly unconscious most of the time. Therefore, it’s appropriate to call them “unconscious fantasies.” Of course, there are also infantile fantasies that are fully conscious and can be recalled at any time.
CHAPTER V
The Unconscious
The sphere of the unconscious infantile phantasies has become the real object of psychoanalytic investigation. As we have previously pointed out, this domain seems to retain the key to the etiology of neurosis. In contradistinction with the trauma theory, we are forced by the reasons already adduced to seek in the family history for the basis of our present psychoanalytic attitude. Those phantasy-systems which patients exhibit on mere questioning are for the most part composed and elaborated like a novel or a drama. Although they are greatly elaborated, they are relatively of little value for the investigation of the unconscious. Just because they are conscious, they have already deferred over-much to the claims of etiquette and social morality. Hence they have been purged of all personally painful and ugly details, and are presentable to society, revealing very little. The valuable, and much more important phantasies are not conscious in the sense already defined, but are to be discovered through the technique of psychoanalysis.
The realm of unconscious childhood fantasies has become the central focus of psychoanalytic research. As we've mentioned before, this area seems to hold the key to understanding the causes of neurosis. Unlike trauma theory, we are compelled by earlier arguments to look into family history for the foundation of our current psychoanalytic perspective. The fantasy systems that patients reveal during questioning are mostly constructed and developed like a novel or a play. While they can be quite detailed, they are relatively unhelpful for exploring the unconscious. Because they are conscious, they mostly conform to social decorum and morality. As a result, they have been stripped of all personally painful and unattractive aspects, making them presentable to society and revealing very little. The more valuable and significant fantasies are not conscious in the way we've defined, but can be uncovered through psychoanalytic techniques.
Without wishing to enter fully into the question of technique, I must here meet an objection that is constantly heard. It is that the so-called unconscious phantasies are only suggested to the patient and only exist in the minds of psychoanalysts. This objection belongs to that common class which ascribes to them the crude mistakes of beginners. I think only those without psychological experience and without historical psychological knowledge are capable of making such criticisms. With a mere glimmering of mythological knowledge, one cannot fail to notice the striking parallels between the unconscious phantasies discovered by the psychoanalytic school and mythological images. The objection that our knowledge of mythology has been suggested to the patient is groundless, for the psychoanalytic school first discovered the unconscious phantasies, and only then became acquainted with mythology. Mythology itself is obviously something outside the path of the medical man. In so far as these phantasies are unconscious, 56the patient of course knows nothing about their existence, and it would be absurd to make direct inquiries about them. Nevertheless it is often said, both by patients and by so-called normal persons: “But if I had such phantasies, surely I would know something about them.” But what is unconscious is, in fact, something which one does not know. The opposition too is perfectly convinced that such things as unconscious phantasies could not exist. This a priori judgment is scholasticism, and has no sensible grounds. We cannot possibly rest on the dogma that consciousness only is mind, when we can convince ourselves daily that our consciousness is only the stage. When the contents of our consciousness appear they are already in a highly complex form; the grouping of our thoughts from the elements supplied by our memory is almost entirely unconscious. Therefore we are obliged, whether we like it or not, to accept for the moment the conception of an unconscious psychic sphere, even if only as a mere negative, border-conception, just as Kant’s “thing in itself.” As we perceive things which do not have their origin in consciousness, we are obliged to give hypothetic contents to the sphere of the non-conscious. We must suppose that the origin of certain effects lies in the unconscious, just because they are not conscious. The reproach of mysticism can scarcely be made against this conception of the unconscious. We do not pretend that we know anything positive, or can affirm anything, about the psychic condition of the unconscious. Instead, we have substituted symbols by following the way of designation and abstraction we apply in consciousness.
Without getting too deep into the technical aspects, I need to address a persistent objection. People often say that the so-called unconscious fantasies are just suggested to the patient and exist only in the minds of psychoanalysts. This criticism falls into a common category that mistakes the simplistic errors of beginners for legitimate arguments. Only those lacking psychological experience and historical knowledge in psychology make such claims. With even a basic understanding of mythology, one can’t miss the striking parallels between the unconscious fantasies identified by the psychoanalytic school and mythological images. The claim that our knowledge of mythology is merely fed to the patient is baseless since the psychoanalytic school first uncovered these unconscious fantasies and only then encountered mythology. Mythology itself is obviously outside the realm of the medical professional. Since these fantasies are unconscious, the patient is, of course, unaware of their existence, making it absurd to ask directly about them. Still, it's often said by both patients and so-called normal individuals: “But if I had such fantasies, surely I would know something about them.” However, what is unconscious is indeed something one does not know. The opposing viewpoint is equally convinced that things like unconscious fantasies cannot exist. This a priori judgment is rooted in scholasticism and lacks reasonable foundation. We cannot rely on the dogma that only consciousness constitutes the mind when we can easily see that our consciousness is merely the surface. When the content of our consciousness emerges, it is already in a highly complex state; the arrangement of our thoughts from the elements provided by our memory is mostly unconscious. Thus, we are forced, whether we like it or not, to accept the idea of an unconscious mental sphere, even if just as a negative boundary concept, similar to Kant’s “thing in itself.” As we observe things that do not originate from conscious thought, we have to hypothesize about the contents of the non-conscious realm. We must assume that the source of certain effects lies in the unconscious simply because they are not conscious. The accusation of mysticism can hardly be leveled at this understanding of the unconscious. We do not claim to know anything definitive or affirm anything about the unconscious mental condition. Instead, we use symbols guided by the methods of designation and abstraction that we apply in consciousness.
On the axiom: Principia præter necessitatem non sunt multiplicanda, this kind of ideation is the only possible one. Hence we speak about the effects of the unconscious, just as we do about the phenomena of the conscious. Many people have been shocked by Freud’s statement: “The unconscious can only wish,” and this is regarded as an unheard of metaphysical assertion, something like the principle of Hartman’s “Philosophy of the Unconscious,” which apparently administers a rebuff to the theory of cognition. This indignation only arises from the fact that the critics, unknown to themselves, evidently start from a metaphysical conception of the unconscious as being an “end per se,” and naïvely project on to us their inadequate conception of 57the unconscious. For us, the unconscious is no entity, but a term, about whose metaphysical entity we do not permit ourselves to form any idea. Here we contrast with those psychologists, who, sitting at their desks, are as exactly informed about the localization of the mind in the brain as they are informed about the psychological correlation of the mental processes. Whence they are able to declare positively that beyond the consciousness there are but physiological processes of the cortex. Such naiveté must not be imputed to the psychoanalyst. When Freud says: “We can only wish,” he describes in symbolic terms effects of which the origin is not known. From the standpoint of our conscious thinking, these effects can only be considered as analogous to wishes. The psychoanalytic school is, moreover, aware that the discussion as to whether “wishing” is a sound analogy can be re-opened at any time. Anyone who has more information is welcome. Instead, the opponents content themselves with denial of the phenomena, or if certain phenomena are admitted, they abstain from all theoretical speculation. This last point is readily to be understood, for it is not everyone’s business to think theoretically. Even the man who has succeeded in freeing himself from the dogma of the identity of the conscious self and the psyche, thus admitting the possible existence of psychic processes outside the conscious, is not justified in disputing or maintaining psychic possibilities in the unconscious. The objection is raised that the psychoanalytic school maintains certain views without sufficient grounds, as if the literature did not contain abundant, perhaps too abundant, discussion of cases, and more than enough arguments. But they seem not to be sufficient for the opponents. There must be a good deal of difference as to the meaning of the term “sufficient” in respect to the validity of the arguments. The question is: “Why does the psychoanalytic school apparently set less store on the proof of their formulas than the critics?” The reason is very simple. An engineer who has built a bridge, and has worked out its bearing capacity, wants no other proof for the success of its bearing power. But the ordinary man, who has no notion how a bridge is built, or what is the strength of the material used, will demand quite different proofs as to the bearing capacity of the bridge, for he has no confidence in the business. In the first place, it is 58the critics’ complete ignorance of what is being done which provokes their demand. In the second place, there are the unanswerable theoretical misunderstandings: impossible for us to know them all and understand them all. Just as we find, again and again, in our patients new and astonishing misunderstandings about the ways and the aim of the psychoanalytic method, so are the critics inexhaustible in devising misunderstandings. You can see in the discussion of our conception of the unconscious what kind of false philosophical assumptions can prevent the understanding of our terminology. It is comprehensible that those who attribute to the unconscious involuntarily an absolute entity, require quite different arguments, beyond our power to give. Had we to prove immortality, we should have to collect many more important arguments, than if we had merely to demonstrate the existence of plasmodia in a malaria patient. The metaphysical expectation still disturbs the scientific way of thinking, so that problems of psychoanalysis cannot be considered in a simple way. But I do not wish to be unjust to the critics, and I will admit that the psychoanalytic school itself very often gives rise to misunderstandings, although innocently enough. One of the principal sources of these mistakes is the confusion in the theoretical sphere. It is a pity, but we have no presentable theory. But you would understand this, if you could see, in a concrete case, with what difficulties we have to deal. In contradiction to the opinion of nearly all critics, Freud is by no means a theorist. He is an empiricist, of which fact anyone can easily convince himself, if he is willing to busy himself somewhat more deeply with Freud’s works, and if he tries to go into the cases as Freud has done. Unfortunately, the critics are not willing. As we have very often heard, it is too disgusting and too repulsive, to observe cases in the same way as Freud has done. But who will learn the nature of Freud’s method, if he allows himself to be hindered by repulsion and disgust? Because they neglect to apply themselves to the point of view adopted by Freud, perhaps as a necessary working hypothesis, they come to the absurd supposition that Freud is a theorist. They then readily agree that Freud’s “Three Contributions to the Sexual Theory” is a priori invented by a merely speculative brain which afterwards suggests everything into the patient. That is putting things upside down. 59This gives the critics an easy task, and this is just what they want to have. They pay no attention to the observations of the psychoanalysts, conscientiously set forth in their histories of diseases, but only to the theory, and to the formulation of technique. The weak spot of psychoanalysis, however, is not found here, as psychoanalysis is only empirical. Here you find but a large and insufficiently cultivated field, in which the critics can exercise themselves to their full satisfaction. There are many uncertainties, and as many contradictions, in the sphere of this theory. We were conscious of this long before the first critic began to pay attention to our work.
On the principle: Entities should not be multiplied beyond necessity., this kind of thinking is the only possible approach. So, we discuss the effects of the unconscious just like we talk about the phenomena of the conscious mind. Many people were taken aback by Freud's statement: “The unconscious can only wish,” and this is seen as an unprecedented metaphysical claim, similar to Hartman's idea of a “Philosophy of the Unconscious,” which supposedly challenges the theory of cognition. This outrage stems from the fact that the critics, perhaps unknowingly, start with a metaphysical view of the unconscious as something that exists in its own right, and they naively project their limited understanding onto us. For us, the unconscious isn’t an entity; it's a term for which we don’t allow ourselves to form any metaphysical concept. Here, we differ from those psychologists who, from their desks, have a precise understanding of where the mind is located in the brain and how mental processes are psychologically connected. They then claim that beyond consciousness, there are only physiological processes in the cortex. Such naïveté shouldn't be attributed to the psychoanalyst. When Freud says: “We can only wish,” he is symbolically describing effects whose origins are unknown. From our conscious thinking perspective, these effects can only be seen as similar to wishes. Additionally, the psychoanalytic school knows that the debate over whether “wishing” is a valid analogy can always be revisited. Anyone with more information is welcome to contribute. Instead, opponents usually deny the phenomena or, if they acknowledge certain phenomena, they avoid any theoretical speculation. This is understandable because not everyone is inclined to think theoretically. Even someone who has managed to free themselves from the belief that the conscious self equals the psyche, thus accepting the possible existence of psychic processes outside the conscious, cannot justifiably argue or assert psychic possibilities in the unconscious. The objection is made that the psychoanalytic school holds certain views without sufficient evidence, as if the literature didn't contain ample, maybe too much, case discussions and arguments. Yet, these seem insufficient to the critics. There must be a significant difference in how "sufficient" is interpreted regarding the validity of arguments. The question remains: “Why does the psychoanalytic school seemingly pay less attention to proving their concepts than the critics do?” The answer is quite straightforward. An engineer who builds a bridge and calculates its load capacity doesn’t seek further proof of its strength. However, a layperson, who doesn't understand how bridges are constructed or the strength of the materials used, will ask for completely different proofs regarding the bridge’s load capacity, as they lack confidence in the process. Firstly, it’s the critics’ complete lack of understanding of what we are doing that leads to their insistence. Secondly, there are unresolvable theoretical misunderstandings—we can’t know or understand them all. Just as we repeatedly deal with our patients' new and surprising misunderstandings about the psychoanalytic method's goals and processes, critics are also endless in creating misunderstandings. You can see in the discussion surrounding our understanding of the unconscious how certain false philosophical assumptions can block the comprehension of our terminology. It's understandable that those who inadvertently regard the unconscious as an absolute entity require entirely different arguments, which we are not able to provide. If we had to prove the immortality of the soul, we'd need to gather much stronger evidence than if we simply had to demonstrate the presence of plasmodia in a malaria patient. The metaphysical expectation continues to cloud the scientific mindset, making it hard to approach psychoanalysis in a straightforward manner. However, I don't want to be unfair to the critics, and I acknowledge that the psychoanalytic school often causes misunderstandings, albeit inadvertently. One main source of these misconceptions is confusion in the theoretical domain. It's unfortunate, but we don't have a clear theory. You would understand this if you could see, in a specific case, the kind of difficulties we face. Contrary to what almost all critics believe, Freud was not a theorist. He was an empiricist, a fact anyone could easily verify if they took the time to delve deeper into Freud’s writings and engage with the cases as he did. Unfortunately, critics are not inclined to do so. As we have often heard, examining cases as Freud did is too off-putting and distasteful. But who can grasp the nature of Freud’s method if they allow discomfort to hold them back? Because they fail to adopt Freud’s perspective as a necessary working hypothesis, critics arrive at the ridiculous conclusion that Freud is a theorist. They quickly assert that Freud’s “Three Contributions to the Sexual Theory” is merely the product of a speculative mind that subsequently imposes everything onto the patient. That perspective is completely reversed. 59 This gives critics an easy task, which is exactly what they want. They disregard the observations made by psychoanalysts in their detailed case histories, focusing only on the theories and techniques. However, the weak point of psychoanalysis isn’t located here, as psychoanalysis is entirely empirical. What we have is a vast and insufficiently explored area where critics can fully exercise their critiques. There are many uncertainties and contradictions within this theoretical space. We were aware of this long before the first critic ever turned their attention to our work.
CHAPTER VI
The Dream
After this digression we will return to the question of the unconscious phantasies which occupied us before. As we have seen, nobody can dispute their existence, just as nobody can assert their existence and their qualities forthwith. The question, however, is just this: Can effects be observed in the consciousness of unconscious origin, which can be described in conscious symbolic signs or expressions? Can there be found, in the conscious, effects which correspond with this expectation? The psychoanalytic school believes it has discovered such effects. Let me mention at once the principal phenomenon, the dream. Of this it may be said that it appears in the consciousness as a complex factor unconsciously constructed out of its elements. The origin of the images in certain reminiscences of the earlier or of the later past can be proved through the associations belonging to the single images of the dream. We ask: “Where did you see this?” or “Where did you hear that?” And through the usual way of association come the reminiscences that certain parts of the dream have been consciously experienced, some the day before, some on former occasions. So far there will be general agreement, for these things are well known. In so far, the dream represents in general an incomprehensible composition of certain elements not at first conscious, which are only recognized later on by their associations. It is not that all parts of the dream are recognizable, whence its conscious character could be deduced; on the contrary, they are often, and indeed mostly, unrecognizable at first. Only subsequently does it occur to us that we have experienced in consciousness this or that part of the dream. From this standpoint alone, we might regard the dream as an effect of unconscious origin.
After this detour, let’s get back to the question of the unconscious fantasies we were discussing earlier. As we've seen, no one can deny their existence, just like no one can immediately claim to fully understand their existence and characteristics. The real question is: Can we observe effects in consciousness that have their roots in the unconscious, and can these be expressed through conscious symbolic signs or expressions? Are there conscious effects that align with this idea? The psychoanalytic school believes it has found such effects. The main phenomenon to mention here is the dream. It seems to show up in consciousness as a complex factor that has been unconsciously constructed from its elements. The origin of the images can be traced back to certain memories from the past, both recent and distant, through the associations connected to each image in the dream. We might ask, “Where did you see this?” or “Where did you hear that?” And through the usual associative process, we recall that certain parts of the dream were consciously experienced—some just the day before, some on earlier occasions. Up to this point, there will likely be general agreement because these facts are well known. The dream generally represents a confusing mix of elements that are not initially conscious and are only recognized later through their associations. Not all parts of the dream are immediately identifiable, which means its conscious aspect can’t easily be determined; instead, they are often unrecognizable at first. Only later do we realize that we have consciously experienced some part of the dream. From this perspective, we could consider the dream as an effect of unconscious origin.
The Method of Dream Analysis
The technique for the exploration of the unconscious origin is the one I mentioned before, used before Freud by every scientific 61man who attempted to arrive at a psychological understanding of dreams. We try simply to remember where the parts of the dream arose. The psychoanalytic technique for the interpretation of dreams is based on this very simple principle. It is a fact that certain parts of the dream originate in daily life, that is, in events which, on account of their slighter importance, would have fallen into oblivion, and indeed were on the way to become definitely unconscious. It is these parts of the dream that are the effect of unconscious images and representations. People have been shocked by this expression also. But we do not conceive these things so concretely, not to say crudely, as do the critics. Certainly this expression is nothing but a symbolism taken from conscious psychology—we were never in any doubt as to that. The expression is quite clear and answers very well as a symbol of an unknown psychic fact.
The method for exploring the unconscious origin is the one I mentioned earlier, used before Freud by every researcher who sought a psychological understanding of dreams. We simply try to remember where the parts of the dream came from. The psychoanalytic technique for interpreting dreams is based on this straightforward principle. It's a fact that certain parts of the dream come from our daily lives, specifically from events that, because they are less significant, would have been forgotten and were actually on the verge of becoming entirely unconscious. These parts of the dream result from unconscious images and representations. People have been taken aback by this phrase, too. However, we don’t view these concepts as literally, or as bluntly, as the critics do. This phrase is merely a symbol derived from conscious psychology—we have never questioned that. The expression is quite clear and serves well as a symbol for an unknown psychological fact.
As we mentioned before, we can conceive the unconscious only by analogy with the conscious. We do not imagine that we understand a thing when we have discovered a beautiful and rather incomprehensible name. The principle of the psychoanalytic technique is, as you see, extraordinarily simple. The further procedure follows on in the same way. If we occupy ourselves long with a dream, a thing which, apart from psychoanalysis, naturally never happens, we are apt to find still more reminiscences to the various different parts of the dream. We are not however always successful in finding reminiscences to certain portions. We have to put aside these dreams, or parts of dreams, whether we will or no.
As we mentioned earlier, we can only think of the unconscious by comparing it to the conscious. We don’t really believe we understand something just because we’ve found a nice but somewhat confusing name for it. The basic idea behind psychoanalytic technique is, as you can see, incredibly simple. The next steps follow the same logic. If we spend a long time thinking about a dream—which, naturally, we don’t usually do outside of psychoanalysis—we’re likely to uncover even more memories related to different parts of the dream. However, we’re not always able to connect memories to certain portions of it. We have to set aside these dreams or parts of dreams, whether we want to or not.
The collected reminiscences are called the “dream material.” We treat this material by a universally valid scientific method. If you ever have to work up experimental material, you compare the individual units and classify them according to similarities. You proceed exactly in the same way with dream-material; you look for the common traits either of a formal or a substantial nature.
The gathered memories are referred to as the “dream material.” We analyze this material using a scientific method that applies universally. When you need to process experimental material, you compare individual pieces and categorize them based on similarities. You do the same with dream material; you look for shared characteristics, whether they are formal or essential.
Certain extremely common prejudices must be got rid of. I have always noticed that the beginner is looking for one trait or another and tries to make his material conform to his expectation. This condition I noticed especially among those colleagues who were formerly more or less passionate opponents of psychoanalysis, 62their opposition being based on well-known prejudices and misunderstandings. When I had the chance of analyzing them, whereby they obtained at last a real insight into the method, the first mistake generally made in their own psychoanalytic work was that they did violence to the material by their own preconceived opinion. They gave vent to their former prejudice against psychoanalysis in their attitude towards the material, which they could not estimate objectively, but only according to their subjective phantasies.
Certain very common prejudices need to be eliminated. I've always noticed that beginners look for specific traits and try to force their material to fit their expectations. I especially saw this among colleagues who used to be fairly passionate critics of psychoanalysis, their opposition stemming from well-known biases and misunderstandings. When I had the opportunity to analyze them, allowing them to finally gain a genuine understanding of the method, the first mistake they typically made in their own psychoanalytic work was distorting the material based on their preconceived notions. They expressed their former bias against psychoanalysis in their approach to the material, which they could only evaluate subjectively, based on their own fantasies.
If one would have the courage to sift dream material, one must not recoil from any parallel. The dream material generally consists of very heterogeneous associations, out of which it is sometimes very difficult to deduce the tertium comparationis. I refrain from giving detailed examples, as it is quite impossible to handle in a lecture the voluminous material of a dream. I might call your attention to Rank’s[9] article in the Jahrbuch, “Ein Traum der sich selber deutet” (A dream interpreted by itself). There you will see what an extensive material must be taken into consideration for comparison.
If someone has the courage to analyze dream content, they shouldn’t shy away from any comparisons. Dream content typically consists of a wide range of associations, which can make it very challenging to identify a common thread. I won’t provide detailed examples, as it’s impossible to cover the vast material of a dream in a lecture. I’d like to draw your attention to Rank’s[9] article in the Jahrbuch, "A dream that interprets itself" (A dream interpreted by itself). There, you’ll see the extensive material that must be considered for comparison.
Hence, for the interpretation of the unconscious we proceed in the same way as is universal when a conclusion is to be drawn by classifying material. The objection is very often heard: Why does the dream have an unconscious content at all? In my view, this objection is as unscientific as possible. Every actual psychological moment has its special history. Every sentence I pronounce has, beside the intended meaning known to me another historical meaning, and it is possible that its second meaning is entirely different from its conscious meaning. I express myself on purpose somewhat paradoxically. I do not mean that I could explain every individual sentence in its historical meaning. This is a thing easier to do in larger and more detailed contributions. It will be clear to everyone, that a poem is, apart from its manifest content, especially characteristic of the poet in regard to its form, its content, and its manner of origin. Although the poet, in his poem, gave expression to the mood of a moment, the literary historian will find things in it and behind it which the poet never foresaw. The analysis which the literary historian draws from the poet’s material is exactly the method of psychoanalysis.
So, when it comes to understanding the unconscious, we approach it just like we do whenever we need to draw conclusions by categorizing information. It's a common question: Why does a dream even have an unconscious part? I think this question is completely unscientific. Every psychological moment has its own unique backstory. Every statement I make carries not just the obvious meaning I know, but also another historical meaning that could be totally different from what I consciously mean. I'm deliberately putting this in a somewhat paradoxical way. I’m not saying that I can explain every single statement in its historical context—doing that is easier with more extensive and detailed works. It's clear to everyone that a poem, in addition to its clear content, reveals a lot about the poet in terms of its form, substance, and how it came about. Even though the poet expresses a specific feeling in the poem, a literary historian will uncover aspects of it and beyond that the poet never anticipated. The analysis that the literary historian derives from the poet’s work mirrors the method used in psychoanalysis.
63The psychoanalytic method, generally speaking, can be compared with historical analysis and synthesis. Suppose, for instance, we did not understand the meaning of baptism as practised in our churches to-day. The priest tells us the baptism means the admission of the child into the Christian community. But this does not satisfy us. Why is the child sprinkled with water? To understand this ceremony, we must choose out of the history of rites, those human traditions which pertain to this subject, and thus we get material for comparison, to be considered from different standpoints.
63The psychoanalytic method, in general, can be likened to historical analysis and synthesis. For example, if we didn't grasp the significance of baptism as it's practiced in our churches today, the priest might explain that baptism signifies the child's entrance into the Christian community. However, this explanation leaves us wanting. Why is the child sprinkled with water? To fully understand this ceremony, we need to examine the history of rituals, selecting the human traditions related to this topic, and in doing so, we gather material for comparison that can be analyzed from various perspectives.
I. The baptism means obviously an initiation ceremony, a consecration; therefore all the traditions containing initiation rites have to be consulted.
I. The baptism clearly signifies an initiation ceremony, a holy dedication; therefore, all the traditions that include initiation rites need to be reviewed.
II. The baptism takes place with water. This special form requires another series of traditions, namely, those rites where water is used.
II. The baptism happens with water. This specific type requires a different set of traditions, specifically, those rituals where water is involved.
III. The person to be baptized is sprinkled with water. Here are to be consulted all those rites where the initiated is sprinkled or submerged, etc.
III. The person being baptized is sprinkled with water. All the rites where the person being initiated is sprinkled or submerged, etc., should be referenced here.
IV. All the reminiscences of folklore, the superstitious practices must be remembered, which in any way run parallel with the symbolism of the baptismal act.
IV. All the memories of folklore and superstitious practices should be kept in mind, as they relate in some way to the symbolism of the baptismal act.
In this way, we get a comparative scientific study of religion as regards baptism. We accordingly discover the different elements out of which the act of baptism has arisen. We ascertain further its original meaning, and we become at the same time acquainted with the rich world of myths that have contributed to the foundations of religions, and thus we are enabled to understand the manifold and profound meanings of baptism. The analyst proceeds in the same way with the dream. He collects the historical parallels to every part of the dream, even the remotest, and he tries to reconstruct the psychological history of the dream, with its fundamental meaning, exactly as in the analysis of the act of baptism. Thus, through the monographic treatment of the dream, we get a profound and beautiful insight into that mysterious, fine and ingenious network of unconscious determination. We get an insight, which as I said before, can only be compared with the historical understanding of any act which we had hitherto regarded in a superficial and one-sided way.
In this way, we develop a comparative scientific study of religion regarding baptism. We discover the various elements that led to the act of baptism. We also determine its original meaning and become familiar with the rich world of myths that have shaped the foundations of religions, allowing us to understand the many profound meanings of baptism. The analyst follows the same approach with dreams. They gather historical parallels for every part of the dream, even the most distant, and attempt to reconstruct the psychological history of the dream along with its fundamental meaning, just as in the analysis of baptism. Thus, through the in-depth examination of dreams, we gain a deep and beautiful insight into that intricate, subtle, and creative network of unconscious influences. This insight, as I mentioned earlier, can only be compared to the historical understanding of any action we previously viewed in a superficial and one-sided manner.
64This digression on the psychoanalytic method has seemed to me to be unavoidable. I was obliged to give you an account of the method and its position in methodology, by reason of all the extensive misunderstandings which are constantly attempting to discredit it. I do not doubt that there are superficial and improper interpretations of the method. But an intelligent critic ought never to allow this to be a reproach to the method itself, any more than a bad surgeon should be urged as an objection to the common validity of surgery. I do not doubt that some inaccurate descriptions and conceptions of the psychoanalytic method have arisen on the part of the psychoanalytic school itself. But this is due to the fact that, because of their education in natural science it is difficult for medical men to attain a full grasp of historical or philological method, although they instinctively handle it rightly.
64This discussion about the psychoanalytic method seems unavoidable to me. I had to explain the method and its place in methodology because of the many misunderstandings that are constantly trying to undermine it. I’m sure there are shallow and incorrect interpretations of the method. However, a thoughtful critic should never let this reflect poorly on the method itself, just as a bad surgeon shouldn’t be used as an argument against the overall validity of surgery. I also acknowledge that some inaccurate descriptions and ideas about the psychoanalytic method have come from the psychoanalytic community itself. This happens because, due to their training in natural science, it can be challenging for medical professionals to fully understand historical or philological methods, even though they instinctively handle them well.
The method I have described to you, in this general way, is the method that I adopt and for which I assume the scientific responsibility.
The method I've outlined for you in this general way is the approach I use and for which I take scientific responsibility.
In my opinion it is absolutely reprehensible and unscientific to question about dreams, or to try to interpret them directly. This is not a methodological, but an arbitrary proceeding, which is its own punishment, for it is as unproductive as every false method.
In my opinion, it's completely unacceptable and unscientific to question dreams or try to interpret them directly. This isn’t a methodical approach, but rather an arbitrary one, which is its own punishment, as it is just as unproductive as any flawed method.
If I have made the attempt to demonstrate to you the principle of the psychoanalytic school by dream-analysis, it is because the dream is one of the clearest instances of those contents of the conscious, whose basis eludes any plain and direct understanding. When anyone knocks in a nail with a hammer, to hang something up, we can understand every detail of the action. But it is otherwise with the act of baptism, where every phase is problematic. We call these actions, of which the meaning and the aim is not directly evident, symbolic actions or symbols. On the basis of this reasoning, we call a dream symbolic, as a dream is a psychological formation, of which the origin, meaning and aim are obscure, inasmuch as it represents one of the purest products of unconscious constellation. As Freud strikingly says: “The dream is the via regia to the unconscious.” Besides the dream, we can note many effects of unconscious constellation. We have in the association-experiments a means for establishing exactly the influence 65of the unconscious. We find those effects in the disturbances of the experiment which I have called the “indicators of the complex.” The task which the association-experiment gives to the person experimented upon is so extraordinarily easy and simple that even children can accomplish it without difficulty. It is, therefore, very remarkable that so many disturbances of an intentional action should be noted in this experiment. The only reasons or causes of these disturbances which can usually be shown, are the partly conscious, partly not-conscious constellations, caused by the so-called complexes. In the greater number of these disturbances, we can without difficulty establish the relation to images of emotional complexes. We often need the psychoanalytic method to explain these relations, that is, we have to ask the person experimented upon or the patient, what associations he can give to the disturbed reactions. We thus gain the historical matter which serves as a basis for our judgment. The intelligent objection has already been made that the person experimented upon could say what he liked, in other words, any nonsense. This objection is made, I believe, in the unconscious supposition that the historian who collects the matter for his monograph is an idiot, incapable of distinguishing real parallels from apparent ones and true documents from crude falsifications. The professional man has means at his disposal by which clumsy mistakes can be avoided with certainty, and the slighter ones very probably. The mistrust of our opponents is here really delightful. For anyone who understands psychoanalytic work it is a well-known fact that it is not so very difficult to see where there is coherence, and where there is none. Moreover, in the first place these fraudulent declarations are very significant of the person experimented upon, and secondly, in general rather easily to be recognized as fraudulent.
If I've tried to show you the principles of the psychoanalytic school through dream analysis, it's because dreams are one of the clearest examples of those conscious contents that are hard to understand directly. When someone hammers in a nail to hang something up, we can grasp every detail of that action. But baptism is different; every stage is problematic. We label these actions, where the meaning and purpose aren't immediately clear, as symbolic actions or symbols. Based on this reasoning, we call a dream symbolic, as it’s a psychological formation with an origin, meaning, and purpose that are obscure, representing one of the purest products of the unconscious mind. As Freud famously said: “The dream is the royal road to the unconscious.” Besides dreams, we can identify many effects of the unconscious mind. The association experiments provide a way to accurately determine the unconscious's influence. We see these effects in disturbances during the experiment, which I’ve called “indicators of the complex.” The task assigned in the association experiment is so straightforward that even children can do it with ease. It's therefore quite surprising that so many interruptions in intentional actions occur during this experiment. The only reasons or causes for these disruptions that can usually be identified are the partly conscious and partly unconscious constellations caused by so-called complexes. For most of these disturbances, we can easily establish links to images of emotional complexes. We often need the psychoanalytic method to clarify these links, meaning we have to ask the subjected individual or patient about the associations they can provide regarding the disturbed reactions. This way, we gather the historical context that forms the basis for our judgment. An intelligent objection has been raised that the individual could say whatever they wanted, essentially any nonsense. This objection is made under the unspoken assumption that the historian collecting information for their monograph is incompetent, unable to differentiate between real parallels and false ones or genuine documents and blatant forgeries. Professionals have methods at their disposal to avoid significant mistakes for sure, and minor ones likely. The skepticism of our critics is actually quite amusing. For those familiar with psychoanalytic work, it’s a well-known fact that it’s not too difficult to spot where coherence exists and where it doesn’t. Additionally, these deceptive claims are very revealing of the individual being studied, and they’re generally quite easy to recognize as fraudulent.
In association-experiments, we are able to recognize the very intense effects produced by the unconscious in what are called complex-interventions. These mistakes made in the association-experiment are nothing but the prototypes of the mistakes made in everyday life, which are for the greater part to be considered as interventions. Freud brought together such material in his book, “The Psychopathology of Everyday Life.”
In association experiments, we can see the strong effects that the unconscious has in what are known as complex interventions. The errors made in the association experiment are just examples of the mistakes we make in daily life, which mostly should be seen as interventions. Freud compiled this kind of material in his book, "The Psychopathology of Everyday Life."
These include the so-called symptomatic actions, which from 66another point of view might equally as well be called “symbolic actions,” and the real failures to carry out actions, such as forgetting, slips of the tongue, etc. All these phenomena are the effect of unconscious constellations and therefore so many entrance-gates into the domain of the unconscious. When such errors are cumulative, they are designated as neurosis, which, from this aspect, looks like a defective action and therefore the effect of unconscious constellations or complex-interventions.
These include what's called symptomatic actions, which could also be referred to as “symbolic actions” from another perspective, as well as actual failures to perform actions, like forgetting or making slips of the tongue. All these occurrences are the result of unconscious patterns, making them gateways into the unconscious mind. When these errors build up, they are classified as neurosis, which, in this context, appears to be a flawed action and is thus influenced by unconscious patterns or complex interactions.
The association-experiment is thus not directly a means to unlock the unconscious, but rather a technique for obtaining a good selection of defective reactions, which can then be used by psychoanalysis. At least, this is its most reliable form of application at the present time. I may, however, mention that it is possible that it may furnish other especially valuable facts which would grant us some direct glimpses, but I do not consider this problem sufficiently ripe to speak about. Investigations in this direction are going on.
The association experiment isn't directly a way to access the unconscious; instead, it's a technique for getting a decent range of faulty responses that can then be utilized by psychoanalysis. At least, that's its most dependable application right now. However, I should note that it could provide other particularly valuable insights that might give us some direct glimpses, but I don't think this issue is ready enough to discuss. Research in this area is ongoing.
I hope that, through my explanation of our method, you may have gained somewhat more confidence in its scientific character, so that you will be by this time more inclined to agree that the phantasies which have been hitherto discovered by means of psychoanalytic work are not merely arbitrary suppositions and illusions of psychoanalysts. Perhaps you are even inclined to listen patiently to what those products of unconscious phantasies can tell us.
I hope that by explaining our method, you’ve gained some confidence in its scientific basis, making you more willing to agree that the fantasies discovered through psychoanalytic work aren’t just random guesses or illusions created by psychoanalysts. Maybe you’re even open to patiently considering what these unconscious fantasies can reveal to us.
CHAPTER VII
The Content of the Unconscious
The phantasies of adults are, in so far as they are conscious, of great diversity and strongly individual. It is therefore nearly impossible to give a general description of them. But it is very different when we enter by means of analysis into the world of his unconscious phantasies. The diversities of the phantasies are indeed very great, but we do not find those individual peculiarities which we find in the conscious self. We meet here with more typical material which is not infrequently repeated in a similar form in different people. Constantly recurring, for instance, are ideas which are variations of the thoughts we encounter in religion and mythology. This fact is so convincing that we say we have discovered in these phantasies the same mechanisms which once created mythological and religious ideas. I should have to enter very much into detail in order to give you adequate examples. I must refer you for these problems to my work, “Wandlungen und Symbole der Libido.” I will only mention that, for instance, the central symbol of Christianity—self-sacrifice—plays an important part in the phantasies of the unconscious. The Viennese School describes this phenomenon by the ambiguous term castration-complex. This paradoxical use of the term follows from the particular attitude of this school toward the question of unconscious sexuality. I have given special attention to the problem in the book I have just mentioned; I must here restrict myself to this incidental reference and hasten to say something about the origin of the unconscious phantasy.
The fantasies of adults, when they are aware of them, are very diverse and highly individual. Therefore, it’s almost impossible to provide a general overview. However, when we analyze the realm of unconscious fantasies, the differences still exist, but we don’t see the same unique characteristics found in the conscious self. Here, we encounter more typical themes that often appear in similar forms across different individuals. For example, ideas that are variations of those seen in religion and mythology frequently recur. This observation is so compelling that we can say we’ve found the same mechanisms in these fantasies that once gave rise to mythological and religious concepts. To give you proper examples, I would need to delve into much more detail. I must direct you to my work, "Transformations and Symbols of Libido." I will only point out that, for instance, the central symbol of Christianity—self-sacrifice—plays a significant role in unconscious fantasies. The Viennese School refers to this phenomenon with the ambiguous term castration-complex. This paradoxical terminology arises from the school’s specific viewpoint on unconscious sexuality. I have focused extensively on this issue in the book I just mentioned; for now, I will limit myself to this brief reference and move on to discuss the origin of unconscious fantasy.
In the child’s unconsciousness, the phantasies are considerably simplified, in relation to the proportions of the infantile surroundings. Thanks to the united efforts of the psychoanalytic school, we discovered that the most frequent phantasy of childhood is the so-called Œdipus-complex. This designation also seems as paradoxical as possible. We know that the tragic fate of Œdipus consisted in his loving his mother and slaying his father. This conflict of later life seems to be far remote from 68the child’s mind. To the uninitiated it seems inconceivable that the child should have this conflict. After careful reflection it will become clear that the tertium comparationis consists just in this narrow limitation of the fate of Œdipus within the bounds of the family. These limitations are very typical for the child, for parents are never the boundary for the adult person to the same extent. The Œdipus-complex represents an infantile conflict, but with the exaggeration of the adult. The term Œdipus-complex does not mean, naturally, that this conflict is considered as occurring in the adult form, but in a corresponding form suitable to childhood. The little son would like to have the mother all to himself and to be rid of the father. As you know, little children can sometimes force themselves between the parents in the most jealous way. The wishes and aims get, in the unconscious, a more concrete and a more drastic form. Children are small primitive people and are therefore quickly ready to kill. But as a child is, in general, harmless, so his apparently dangerous wishes are, as a rule, also harmless. I say “as a rule,” as you know that children, too, sometimes give way to their impulses to murder, and this not always in any indirect fashion. But just as the child, in general, is incapable of making systematic projects, as little dangerous are his intentions to murder. The same holds good of an Œdipus-view toward the mother. The small traces of this phantasy in the conscious can easily be overlooked; therefore nearly all parents are convinced that their children have no Œdipus-complex. Parents as well as lovers are generally blind. If I now say that the Œdipus-complex is in the first place only a formula for the childish desire towards parents, and for the conflict which this craving evokes, this statement of the situation will be more readily accepted. The history of the Œdipus-phantasy is of special interest, as it teaches us very much about the development of the unconscious phantasies. Naturally, people think that the problem of Œdipus is the problem of the son. But this is, astonishingly enough, only an illusion. Under some circumstances the libido-sexualis reaches that definite differentiation of puberty corresponding to the sex of the individual relatively late. The libido sexualis has before this time an undifferentiated sexual character, which can be also termed bisexual. Therefore it is not astonishing if little girls possess the Œdipus-complex 69too. As far as I can see, the first love of the child belongs to the mother, no matter which its sex. If the love for the mother at this stage is intense, the father is jealously kept away as a rival. Of course, for the child itself, the mother has in this early stage of childhood no sexual significance of any importance. The term “Œdipus-complex” is in so far not really suitable. At this stage the mother has still the significance of a protecting, enveloping, food-providing being, who, on this account, is a source of delight. I do not identify, as I explained before, the feeling of delight eo ipso with sexuality. In earliest childhood but a slight amount of sexuality is connected with this feeling of delight. But, nevertheless, jealousy can play a great part in it, as jealousy does not belong entirely to the sphere of sexuality. The desire for food has much to do with the first impulses of jealousy. Certainly, a relatively germinating eroticism is also connected with it. This element gradually increases as the years go on, so that the Œdipus-complex soon assumes its classical form. In the case of the son, the conflict develops in a more masculine and therefore more typical form, whilst in the daughter, the typical affection for the father develops, with a correspondingly jealous attitude toward the mother. We call this complex, the Electra-complex. As everybody knows, Electra took revenge on her mother for the murder of her husband, because that mother had robbed her of her father.
In a child's subconscious, fantasies are significantly simplified compared to their surroundings. Thanks to the collective work of the psychoanalytic community, we've identified that the most common childhood fantasy is the so-called Oedipus complex. This term sounds quite paradoxical. We know that Oedipus's tragic fate involved loving his mother and killing his father. This later-life conflict seems very distant from a child's mind. To those unfamiliar, it’s hard to believe a child would have such a conflict. Upon closer inspection, it becomes clear that the key comparison lies in the limited scope of Oedipus's fate within the family. These limitations are very typical for children, as parents are not the same kind of boundary for adults. The Oedipus complex represents a childhood conflict but exaggerated in an adult way. The term Oedipus complex doesn’t imply that this conflict manifests in its adult form, but rather in a way that's appropriate for children. The young son desires to have his mother all to himself and wants to eliminate the father. As you may be aware, little kids can sometimes intrude between their parents in an extremely jealous manner. In the unconscious, their wishes and goals take on a more concrete and intense form. Children are like small, primitive beings, and so they can quickly express violent thoughts. However, since children are generally harmless, their seemingly dangerous desires are usually also harmless. I say "usually," as we know that children can sometimes act on their more violent impulses, and not always indirectly. Just as a child typically lacks the ability to make systematic plans, their murderous intentions are also not particularly threatening. The same applies to a child’s Oedipal feelings toward the mother. The subtle signs of this fantasy in their consciousness can easily go unnoticed; hence, most parents believe their children have no Oedipus complex. Parents and lovers tend to be quite blind to these things. If I say that the Oedipus complex primarily represents a child’s desire for their parents and the conflict this craving creates, it should be easier to accept that perspective. The story of the Oedipus fantasy is particularly interesting because it reveals much about the development of unconscious fantasies. People often assume that the issue of Oedipus primarily concerns the son. Yet, this is surprisingly just an illusion. In certain cases, sexual desire doesn't achieve the specific differentiation of puberty that corresponds to an individual's sex until relatively late. Before this time, sexual desire has an undifferentiated character, which can also be described as bisexual. Thus, it's not surprising that little girls can experience the Oedipus complex, too. As far as I can tell, a child's first love is directed toward the mother, regardless of their sex. If a child’s love for the mother is intense, they often view the father as a rival to be kept away. Of course, at this early stage of childhood, the mother doesn’t hold significant sexual importance for the child. The term "Oedipus complex" is not entirely fitting at this stage. In this period, the mother represents a nurturing, protective figure who provides food and care, making her a source of joy. I don’t equate the feeling of joy with sexuality, as I mentioned earlier. In early childhood, there’s very little sexuality associated with this feeling of joy. Nonetheless, jealousy can play a significant role, since jealousy isn’t exclusively linked to the realm of sexuality. The desire for food is closely connected to the first feelings of jealousy. Certainly, a budding eroticism is also tied to this. This element gradually increases over the years, leading the Oedipus complex to eventually take on its classic form. In the case of the son, the conflict develops in a more masculine and thus more typical manner, while in the daughter, a typical affection for the father develops, accompanied by jealousy toward the mother. We refer to this as the Electra complex. As everyone knows, Electra avenged her father’s murder by her mother, who had taken her father away from her.
Both phantasy-complexes develop with growing age, and reach a new stage after puberty, when the emancipation from the parents is more or less attained. The symbol of this time is the one already previously mentioned; it is the symbol of self-sacrifice. The more the sexuality develops the more the individual is forced to leave his family and to acquire independence and autonomy. By its history, the child is closely connected with its family and specially with its parents. In consequence, it is often with the greatest difficulty that the child is able to free itself from its infantile surroundings. The Œdipus- and Electra-complex give rise to a conflict, if adults cannot succeed in spiritually freeing themselves; hence arises the possibility of neurotic disturbance. The libido, which is already sexually developed, takes possession of the form given by the complex and produces feelings and phantasies which unmistakably show 70the effective existence of the complex, till then perfectly unconscious. The next consequence is the formation of intense resistances against the immoral inner impulses which are derived from the now active complexes. The conscious attitude arising out of this can be of different kinds. Either the consequences are direct, and then we notice in the son strong resistances against the father and a typical affectionate and dependent attitude toward the mother; or the consequences are indirect, that is to say, compensated, and we notice, instead of the resistances toward the father, a typical submissiveness here, and an irritated antagonistic attitude toward the mother. It is possible that direct and compensated consequences take place alternately. The same thing is to be said of the Electra-complex. If the libido-sexualis were to cleave fast to these particular forms of the conflict, murder and incest would be the consequence of the Œdipus and Electra conflicts. These consequences are naturally not found among normal people, and not even among amoral (“moral” here implying the possession of a rationalized and codified moral system) primitive persons, or humanity would have become extinct long ago. On the contrary, it is in the natural order of things that what surrounds us daily and has surrounded us, loses its compelling charm and thus forces the libido to search for new objects, an important rule which prevents parricide and inbreeding.
Both fantasy complexes develop as we get older and reach a new stage after puberty when gaining independence from our parents becomes more or less accomplished. The symbol of this time is the previously mentioned symbol of self-sacrifice. As sexuality develops, individuals are increasingly compelled to leave their families and seek autonomy. Throughout their early life, children are closely connected to their families, particularly their parents. As a result, it can be very difficult for a child to break free from their early environment. The Oedipus and Electra complexes create conflict if adults fail to spiritually free themselves; this can lead to neurotic disturbances. The libido, which is already sexually developed, takes on the shape given by the complex and generates feelings and fantasies that clearly indicate the effective existence of the complex, which was previously unconscious. The next consequence is the development of strong resistances against the immoral inner impulses stemming from the now active complexes. The conscious response to this can vary. In some cases, it manifests directly, resulting in strong resistance from the son against the father and a typically affectionate and dependent attitude toward the mother. In other cases, it is indirect or compensatory, leading to submissiveness toward the father and irritation or antagonism toward the mother. It's possible for direct and compensatory consequences to alternate. The same applies to the Electra complex. If sexual libido were to become firmly attached to these specific forms of conflict, murder and incest would result from the Oedipus and Electra conflicts. Of course, these outcomes are not present among normal individuals, nor even among amoral (“moral” here implying the possession of a rationalized and codified moral system) primitive individuals; otherwise, humanity would have ceased to exist long ago. On the contrary, it is a natural process that what surrounds us often loses its compelling allure, prompting the libido to seek new objects—a crucial rule that prevents parricide and inbreeding.
The further development of the libido toward objects outside the family is the absolutely normal and right way of proceeding, and it is an abnormal and morbid phenomenon if the libido remains, as it were, glued to the family. Some indications of this phenomenon are nevertheless to be noticed in normal people. A direct outcome of the infantile-complex is the unconscious phantasy of self-sacrifice, which occurs after puberty, in the succeeding stage of development. Of this I gave a detailed example in my work, “Wandlungen und Symbole der Libido.” The phantasy of self-sacrifice means sacrificing infantile wishes. I have shown this in the work just mentioned and in the same place I have referred to the parallels in the history of religions.
The further development of the libido towards objects outside the family is the completely normal and appropriate way to progress, and it is considered abnormal and unhealthy if the libido stays fixated on the family. Some signs of this phenomenon can still be seen in normal individuals. A direct result of the childhood complex is the unconscious fantasy of self-sacrifice, which appears after puberty in the next stage of development. I provided a detailed example of this in my work, "Transformations and Symbols of Libido." The fantasy of self-sacrifice involves giving up childish desires. I have illustrated this in the aforementioned work, and I referenced the parallels in religious history there as well.
The Problems of the Incest-Complex
Freud has a special conception of the incest-complex which has given rise to heated controversy. He starts from the fact 71that the Œdipus-complex is generally unconscious, and conceives this as the result of a repression of a moral kind. It is possible that I am not expressing myself quite correctly, when I give you Freud’s view in these words. At any rate, according to him the Œdipus-complex seems to be repressed, that is, seems to be removed into the unconscious by a reaction from the conscious tendencies. It almost looks as if the Œdipus-complex would develop into consciousness if the development of the child were to go on without restraint and if no cultural tendencies influenced it. Freud calls this barrier, which prevents the Œdipus-complex from ripening, the incest-barrier. He seems to believe, so far as one can gather from his work, that the incest-barrier is the result of experience, of the selective influence of reality, inasmuch as the unconscious strives without restraint, and in an immediate way, for its own satisfaction, without any consideration for others. This conception is in harmony with the conception of Schopenhauer, who says of the blind world-will that it is so egoistic that a man could slay his brother merely to grease his boots with his brother’s fat. Freud considers that the psychological incest-barrier, as postulated by him, can be compared with the incest-taboo which we find among inferior races. He further believes that these prohibitions are a proof of the fact that men really desired incest, for which reason laws were framed against it even in very primitive cultural stages. He takes the tendency towards incest to be an absolute concrete sexual wish, lacking only the quality of consciousness. He calls this complex the root-complex, or nucleus, of the neuroses, and is inclined, viewing this as the original one, to reduce nearly the whole psychology of the neuroses, as well as many other phenomena in the world of mind, to this complex.
Freud has a unique take on the incest complex that has sparked intense debate. He starts with the idea that the Oedipus complex is mostly unconscious and sees this as a result of moral repression. I might not be explaining his viewpoint perfectly, but according to him, the Oedipus complex appears to be repressed, meaning it gets pushed into the unconscious due to a reaction from conscious desires. It seems like the Oedipus complex could surface into consciousness if a child's development were to continue without restrictions and without the influence of cultural factors. Freud refers to the barrier that stops the Oedipus complex from maturing as the incest-barrier. From what one can gather from his writings, he believes that this incest barrier is shaped by experience and the selective influence of reality, as the unconscious seeks its own satisfaction without considering others. This idea aligns with Schopenhauer's concept of the blind will, which he describes as so selfish that a person could kill their brother just to use his fat to polish his boots. Freud thinks that the psychological incest barrier he proposes can be compared to the incest taboo observed in less advanced societies. He further believes that these prohibitions indicate that people genuinely desire incest, which is why laws were created against it even in very primitive cultures. He views the inclination towards incest as a basic sexual desire, missing only the element of consciousness. He calls this complex the root complex, or nucleus, of neuroses and tends to reduce much of the psychology of neuroses, along with various other mental phenomena, to this complex.
CHAPTER VIII
The Etiology of the Neuroses
With this conception of Freud’s we have to return to the question of the etiology of the neuroses. We have seen that the psychoanalytic theory began with a traumatic event in childhood, which was only later on found to be a phantasy, at least in many cases. In consequence, the theory became modified, and tried to find in the development of abnormal phantasy the main etiological significance. The investigation of the unconscious, made by the collaboration of many workers, carried on over a space of ten years, provided an extensive empirical material, which demonstrated that the incest-complex was the beginning of the morbid phantasies. But it was no longer thought that the incest-complex was a special complex of neurotic people. It was demonstrated to be a constituent of a normal infantile psyche too. We cannot tell, by its mere existence, if this complex will give rise to a neurosis or not. To become pathogenic, it must give rise to a conflict; that is, the complex, which in itself is harmless, has to become dynamic, and thus give rise to a conflict.
With Freud’s ideas in mind, we need to revisit the question of what causes neuroses. We’ve seen that psychoanalytic theory initially started with a traumatic childhood event, which was later understood to be a fantasy, at least in many cases. As a result, the theory evolved and sought to identify the development of abnormal fantasies as the main cause. The exploration of the unconscious, conducted by many researchers over ten years, provided a wealth of empirical evidence showing that the incest complex was the origin of these unhealthy fantasies. However, it was no longer believed that the incest complex was unique to neurotic individuals; it was found to be part of a normal childhood psyche as well. We can't determine, just by its existence, whether this complex will lead to neurosis. For it to be harmful, it has to create a conflict. In other words, the complex, which is harmless in itself, must become active and lead to a conflict.
Herewith, we come to a new and important question. The whole etiological problem is altered, if the infantile “root-complex” is only a general form, which is not pathogenic in itself, and requires, as we saw in our previous exposition, to be subsequently set in action. Under these circumstances, we dig in vain among the reminiscences of earliest childhood, as they give us only the general forms of the later conflicts, but not the conflict itself.
Here, we arrive at a new and important question. The entire cause-and-effect issue changes if the infantile “root-complex” is just a general framework that isn’t harmful on its own and needs to be activated later, as we discussed in our previous presentation. In this situation, we search in vain through the memories of early childhood since they only provide us with the general outlines of the later conflicts, not the conflicts themselves.
I believe the best thing I can do is to describe the further development of the theory by demonstrating the case of that young lady whose story you have heard in part in one of the former lectures. You will probably remember that the shying of the horses, by means of the anamnestic explanation, brought back the reminiscence of a comparable scene in childhood. We here discussed the trauma theory. We found that we had to 73look for the real pathological element in the exaggerated phantasy, which took its origin in a certain retardation of the psychic sexual development. We have now to apply our theoretical standpoint to the origin of this particular type of illness, so that we may understand how, just at that moment, this event of her childhood, which seemed to be of such potency, could come to constellation.
I think the best thing I can do is explain the further development of the theory by showing you the case of that young woman whose story you've heard in part in one of the earlier lectures. You probably remember that the horses acting up, explained through memory recall, brought back a similar scene from her childhood. We discussed the trauma theory here. We found that we needed to look for the real pathological element in the exaggerated fantasy, which stemmed from a delay in her sexual development. Now we need to apply our theoretical viewpoint to the origin of this particular type of illness, so we can understand how, at that moment, this childhood event, which seemed so significant, could come into play.
The simplest way to come to an understanding of this important event would be by making an exact inquiry into the circumstances of the moment. The first thing I did was to question the patient about the society in which she had been at that time, and as to what was the farewell gathering to which she had been just before. She had been at a farewell supper, given in honor of her best friend, who was going to a foreign health-resort for a nervous illness. We hear that this friend is happily married, and is the mother of one child. We have some right to doubt this assertion of her happiness. If she were really happily married, she probably would not be nervous and would not need a cure. When I put my question differently, I learned that my patient had been brought back into the host’s house as soon as she was overtaken by her friends, as this house was the nearest place to bring her to in safety. In her exhausted condition she received his hospitality. As the patient came to this part of her history she suddenly broke off, was embarrassed, fidgetted and tried to turn to another subject. Evidently we had now come upon some disagreeable reminiscences, which suddenly presented themselves. After the patient had overcome obstinate resistances, it was admitted that something very remarkable had happened that night. The host made her a passionate declaration of love, thus giving rise to a situation that might well be considered difficult and painful, considering the absence of the hostess. Ostensibly this declaration came like a flash of lightning from a clear sky. A small dose of criticism applied to this assertion will teach us that these things never drop from the clouds, but have always their previous history. It was the work of the following weeks to dig out piecemeal a whole, long love-story.
The easiest way to understand this important event would be to closely examine the circumstances of the moment. The first thing I did was ask the patient about the social setting she was in at that time, and what the farewell gathering she had just attended was all about. She had been at a farewell dinner for her best friend, who was going to a health resort abroad for a nervous condition. We learn that this friend is happily married and has one child. We have some reason to doubt her happiness. If she were genuinely happy in her marriage, she probably wouldn’t be dealing with nervous issues or need treatment. When I asked the question differently, I found out that the patient had been taken back to the host’s house as soon as her friends caught up with her, as it was the safest place to go. In her exhausted state, she accepted his hospitality. As she recounted this part of her story, she suddenly cut off, became embarrassed, fidgeted, and tried to change the subject. Clearly, we had stumbled upon some unpleasant memories that had surfaced unexpectedly. After she worked through her initial resistance, she finally admitted that something very significant had happened that night. The host made a passionate confession of love, creating a situation that could easily be seen as difficult and painful, especially with the hostess absent. At first glance, this confession appeared to come out of nowhere. A bit of critical thinking shows us that such things don’t just happen without context; they have their own backstory. The following weeks were spent uncovering piece by piece a long, complicated love story.
I can thus roughly describe the picture I got at finally. As a child the patient was thoroughly boyish, loved only turbulent games for boys, laughed at her own sex, and flung aside all 74feminine ways and occupations. After puberty, the time when the sex-question should have come nearer to her, she began to shun all society; she hated and despised, as it were, everything which could remind her even remotely of the biological destination of mankind, and lived in a world of phantasies which had nothing in common with the rude reality. So she escaped, up to her twenty-fourth year, all the little adventures, hopes and expectations which ordinarily move a woman of this age. (In this respect women are very often remarkably insincere towards themselves and towards the physician.) But she became acquainted with two men who were destined to destroy the thorny hedge which had grown all around her. Mr. A. was the husband of her best friend at the time; Mr. B. was the bachelor-friend of this family. Both were to her taste. It seemed to her pretty soon that Mr. B. was much more sympathetic to her, and from this resulted a more intimate relationship between herself and him, and the possibility of an engagement was discussed. Through her relations with Mr. B., and through her friend, she met Mr. A. frequently. In an inexplicable way his presence very often excited her and made her nervous. Just at this time our friend went to a big party. All her friends were there. She became lost in thought, and played as in a dream with her ring, which suddenly slipped from her hand and rolled under the table. Both men tried to find it, and Mr. B. managed to get it. With an expressive smile he put the ring back on her finger and said: “You know what this means?” At that moment a strange and irresistible feeling came over her, she tore the ring from her finger and threw it out of the open window. Evidently a painful moment ensued, and she soon left the company, feeling deeply depressed. A short time later she found herself, for her holidays, accidentally in the same health-resort where Mr. A. and his wife were staying. Mrs. A. now became more and more nervous, and, as she felt ill, had to stay frequently at home. The patient often went out with Mr. A. alone. One day they were out in a small boat. She was boisterously merry, and suddenly fell overboard. Mr. A. saved her with great difficulty, and lifted her, half unconscious, into the boat. He then kissed her. With this romantic event the bonds were woven fast. To defend herself, our patient tried energetically to get herself engaged to Mr. B., 75and to imagine that she loved him. Of course this queer play did not escape the sharp eye of feminine jealousy. Mrs. A., her friend, felt the secret, was worried by it, and her nervousness grew proportionately. It became more and more necessary for her to go to a foreign health-resort. The farewell-party was a dangerous opportunity. The patient knew that her friend and rival was going off the same evening, so Mr. A. would be alone. Certainly she did not see this opportunity clearly, as women have the notable capacity “to think” purely emotionally, and not intellectually. For this reason, it seems to them as if they never thought about certain matters at all, but as a matter of fact she had a queer feeling all the evening. She felt extremely nervous, and when Mrs. A. had been accompanied to the station and had gone, the hysterical attack occurred on her way back. I asked her of what she had been thinking, or what she felt at the actual moment when the trotting horses came along. Her answer was, she had only a frightful feeling, the feeling that something dreadful was very near to her, which she could not escape. As you know, the consequence was that the exhausted patient was brought back into the house of the host, Mr. A. A simple human mind would understand the situation without difficulty. An uninitiated person would say: “Well, that is clear enough, she only intended to return by one way or another to Mr. A.’s house,” but the psychologist would reproach this layman for his incorrect way of expressing himself, and would tell him that the patient was not conscious of the motives of her behavior, and that it was, therefore, not permissible to speak of the patient’s intention to return to Mr. A.’s house.
I can roughly describe the picture I finally got. As a child, the patient was very boyish, enjoyed only rough-and-tumble games, laughed at her own gender, and rejected all feminine behaviors and activities. After puberty, a time when the question of gender should have become more relevant to her, she began to avoid all social interactions; she hated and scorned, in a way, everything that could remind her, even slightly, of the biological purpose of humanity, and lived in a fantasy world that had nothing to do with the harsh reality. Thus, she avoided, until her twenty-fourth year, the little adventures, hopes, and expectations that generally occupy women her age. (In this regard, women are often very insincere toward themselves and their doctors.) However, she met two men who were meant to break through the thorny hedges she had built around herself. Mr. A. was her best friend's husband, and Mr. B. was the family's bachelor friend. Both of them appealed to her. It soon seemed to her that Mr. B. was much more in tune with her, which led to a more intimate relationship between the two of them, and they discussed the possibility of an engagement. Through her connection with Mr. B. and her friend, she often encountered Mr. A.. For reasons she couldn't explain, his presence often excited her and made her anxious. At that point, our friend attended a big party where all her friends were present. She became lost in thought and absentmindedly played with her ring, which suddenly slipped off her hand and rolled under the table. Both men tried to retrieve it, and Mr. B. managed to find it. With a meaningful smile, he placed the ring back on her finger and said, “You know what this means?” At that moment, an overwhelming and strange feeling surged through her, and she yanked the ring off her finger and threw it out the open window. A painful moment followed, and she soon left the gathering, feeling deeply upset. Shortly after, she unexpectedly found herself at the same health resort where Mr. A. and his wife were staying. Mrs. A. became increasingly anxious and often had to stay home because she felt unwell. The patient often went out alone with Mr. A.. One day, they took a small boat out. She was extremely merry but suddenly fell overboard. Mr. A. rescued her with great difficulty and lifted her, half-conscious, into the boat. He then kissed her. This romantic event tightened their bond. To protect herself, the patient vigorously tried to get engaged to Mr. B. and convinced herself that she loved him. Naturally, this odd behavior did not escape the perceptive gaze of feminine jealousy. Mrs. A., her friend, sensed the secret, became anxious about it, and her nervousness increased accordingly. It became essential for her to go to a foreign health resort. The farewell party presented a risky opportunity. The patient knew that her friend and rival would leave the same evening, leaving Mr. A. alone. Certainly, she didn’t see this opportunity clearly, as women often have the unique ability to “think” purely emotionally rather than logically. For this reason, it seems to them as though they never think about certain matters at all, but in reality, she had a strange feeling throughout the evening. She felt very uneasy, and after accompanying Mrs. A. to the station and seeing her off, she experienced a hysterical attack on her way back. I asked her what she had been thinking, or how she felt at the moment when the horses were trotting by. Her answer was that she only felt an overwhelming sense of dread, the feeling that something terrible was very close and that she couldn’t escape it. As you know, this resulted in the exhausted patient being brought back to the host’s, Mr. A.’s house. A straightforward person would easily understand the situation. An uninformed person might say, “Well, it’s pretty clear; she just wanted to return one way or another to Mr. A.’s house,” but a psychologist would scold this layperson for expressing it incorrectly, explaining that the patient was not aware of the motives behind her actions and that it, therefore, wasn't correct to claim she intended to return to Mr. A.’s house.
There are, of course, learned psychologists who are capable of furnishing many theoretical reasons for disputing the meaning of this behavior. They base their reasons on the dogma of the identity of consciousness and psyche. The psychology inaugurated by Freud recognized long ago that it is impossible to estimate psychological actions as to their final meaning by conscious motives, but that the objective standard of their psychological results has to be applied for their right evaluation. Now-a-days it cannot be contested any longer that there are unconscious tendencies too, which have a great influence on our modes of reaction, and on the effects to which these in turn give rise. 76What happened in Mr. A.’s house bears out this observation; our patient made a sentimental scene, and Mr. A. was induced to answer it with a declaration of love. Looked at in the light of this last event, the whole previous history seems to be very ingeniously directed towards just this end, but throughout the conscience of the patient struggled consciously against it. Our theoretical profit from this story is the clear perception that an unconscious purpose or tendency has brought on to the stage the scene of the fright from the horses, utilizing thus very possibly that infantile reminiscence, where the shying horses galloped towards the catastrophe. Reviewing the whole material, the scene with the horses—the starting point of the illness—seems now to be the keystone of a planned edifice. The fright, and the apparent traumatic effect of the event in childhood, are only brought on the stage in the peculiar way characteristic of hysteria. But what is thus put on the stage has become almost a reality. We know from hundreds of experiences that certain hysterical pains are only put on the stage in order to reap certain advantages from the sufferer’s surroundings. The patients not only believe that they suffer, but their sufferings are, from a psychological standpoint, as real as those due to organic causes; nevertheless, they are but stage-effects.
There are definitely knowledgeable psychologists who can offer many theoretical reasons to question the meaning of this behavior. They base their arguments on the belief that consciousness and psyche are the same. Freud's psychology acknowledged long ago that it's impossible to assess psychological actions based solely on conscious motives; instead, we have to use the objective standard of their psychological outcomes for proper evaluation. Nowadays, it’s impossible to deny that there are also unconscious tendencies that significantly influence how we react and the resulting effects. 76What occurred in Mr. A.’s home supports this observation; our patient created a sentimental scene, prompting Mr. A. to respond with a declaration of love. Viewed through the lens of this last event, the entire history leading up to it seems cleverly orchestrated for this very purpose, even though the patient’s conscience actively resisted it. Our theoretical takeaway from this story is the realization that an unconscious goal or drive brought forth the scene of fright caused by the horses, possibly tapping into the childhood memory of the startled horses galloping toward disaster. Considering everything, the scene with the horses—the starting point of the illness—now appears to be the cornerstone of a carefully constructed narrative. The scare and the seemingly traumatic effect of the childhood incident are presented in a way typical of hysteria. Yet, what is depicted has almost become a reality. We know from numerous experiences that certain hysterical pains are dramatized to gain specific advantages from the sufferer’s environment. Patients not only believe they are in pain, but from a psychological perspective, their suffering is as real as that caused by physical conditions; still, they are merely theatrical effects.
The Regression of Libido
This utilization of reminiscences to put on the stage any illness, or an apparent etiology, is called a regression of the libido. The libido goes back to reminiscences, and makes them actual, so that an apparent etiology is produced. In this case, by the old theory, the fright from the horses would seem to be based on a former shock. The resemblance between the two scenes is unmistakable, and in both cases the patient’s fright is absolutely real. At any rate, we have no reason to doubt her assertions in this respect, as they are in full harmony with all other experiences. The nervous asthma, the hysterical anxiety, the psychogenic depressions and exaltations, the pains, the convulsions—they are all very real, and that physician who has himself suffered from a psychogenic symptom knows that it feels absolutely real. Regressively re-lived reminiscences, even if they were but phantasies, 77are as real as remembrances of events that have once been real.
This use of memories to bring any illness or an apparent cause to the forefront is called a regression of the libido. The libido revisits these memories, making them vivid again, which creates an apparent cause. According to the old theory, the fear of the horses seems to stem from a past trauma. The similarity between the two situations is clear, and in both instances, the patient’s fear is completely genuine. In any case, we have no reason to question her claims because they align perfectly with all other experiences. The nervous asthma, the hysterical anxiety, the psychogenic depressions and highs, the pains, the convulsions—they are all very real, and any doctor who has experienced a psychogenic symptom knows it feels utterly real. Re-experienced memories, even if they were just fantasies, 77 are as real as memories of events that actually happened.
As the term “regression of libido” shows, we understand by this retrograde mode of application of the libido, a retreat of the libido to former stages. In our example, we are able to recognize clearly the way the process of regression is carried on. At that farewell party, which proved a good opportunity to be alone with the host, the patient shrank from the idea of turning this opportunity to her advantage, and yet was overpowered by her desires, which she had never consciously realized up to that moment. The libido was not used consciously for that definite purpose, nor was this purpose ever acknowledged. The libido had to carry it out through the unconscious, and through the pretext of the fright caused by an apparently terrible danger. Her feeling at the moment when the horses approached illustrates our formula most clearly; she felt as if something inevitable had now to happen.
As the term "regression of libido" suggests, we understand this as a backward shift in the application of libido, a retreat to earlier stages. In our example, we can clearly see how the regression process unfolds. At that farewell party, which was a perfect chance to be alone with the host, the patient hesitated to take advantage of the situation, yet she was overwhelmed by desires she had never consciously acknowledged until then. The libido wasn't consciously directed toward a specific goal, nor was this goal ever recognized. Instead, the libido had to navigate through the unconscious, using the excuse of fear from what seemed like a serious threat. Her feelings when the horses approached illustrate our point clearly; she felt as if something unavoidable was about to happen.
The process of regression is beautifully demonstrated in an illustration already used by Freud. The libido can be compared with a stream which is dammed up as soon as its course meets any impediment, whence arises an inundation. If this stream has previously, in its upper reaches, excavated other channels, then these channels will be filled up again by reason of the damming below. To a certain extent they would appear to be real river beds, filled with water as before, but at the same time, they only have a temporary existence. It is not that the stream has permanently chosen the old channels, but only for as long as the impediment endures in the main stream. The affluents do not always carry water, because they were from the first, as it were, not independent streams, but only former stages of development of the main river, or passing possibilities, to which an inundation has given the opportunity for fresh existence. This illustration can directly be transferred to the development of the application of the libido. The definite direction, the main river, is not yet found during the childish development of sexuality. The libido goes instead into all possible by-paths, and only gradually does the definite form develop. But the more the stream follows out its main channel, the more the affluents will dry up and lose their importance, leaving only traces of former activity. Similarly, 78the importance of the childish precursors of sexuality disappears completely as a rule, only leaving behind certain traces.
The process of regression is clearly illustrated in an example used by Freud. The libido can be likened to a stream that gets blocked whenever it encounters an obstacle, which leads to flooding. If this stream has previously carved out other paths higher up, those paths will fill up because of the blockage downstream. To some extent, they may seem like actual riverbeds, filled with water once again, but they only exist temporarily. It’s not that the stream has permanently chosen the old paths; it’s just that for as long as the obstacle exists in the main stream, it will flow through those alternative channels. The tributaries don’t always carry water because they were never independent streams; they were just earlier stages of development of the main river or potential paths that a flood has allowed to flow again. This example can be applied directly to the development of the libido's expression. The definite direction, the main river, isn’t established during the early development of sexuality. The libido wanders into various side paths, and only gradually does a clear direction form. However, the more the stream follows its main channel, the more the tributaries will dry up and lose significance, leaving just faint traces of past activity. In the same way, the significance of childlike precursors of sexuality usually fades completely, leaving behind only faint traces. 78
If in later life an impediment arises, so that the damming of the libido reanimates the old by-paths, the condition thus excited is properly a new one, and something abnormal.
If, later in life, a problem comes up that blocks the libido and brings back old habits, this situation is actually a new one and is considered abnormal.
The former condition of the child is normal usage of the libido, whilst the return of the libido towards the childish past is something abnormal. Therefore, in my opinion, it is an erroneous terminology to call the infantile sexual manifestations “perversions,” for it is not permissible to give normal manifestations pathological terms. This erroneous usage seems to be responsible for the confusion of the scientific public. The terms employed in neurotic psychology have been misapplied here, under the assumption that the abnormal by-paths of the libido discovered in neurotic people are the same phenomena as are to be found in children.
The child's typical condition is a normal use of desire, while the regression of that desire toward childish behavior is abnormal. Therefore, I believe it's incorrect to label infantile sexual behaviors as "perversions," since it isn't right to refer to normal behaviors with pathological terms. This misuse seems to be causing confusion within the scientific community. The terms used in neurotic psychology have been wrongly applied here, based on the assumption that the unconventional paths of desire seen in neurotic individuals are the same as the behaviors found in children.
The Infantile Amnesia Criticized
The so-called amnesia of childhood, which plays an important part in the “Three Contributions,” is a similar illegitimate retrograde application from pathology. Amnesia is a pathological condition, consisting in the repression of certain contents of the conscious. This condition cannot possibly be the same as the antegrade amnesia of children, which consists in an incapacity for intentional reproduction, a condition we find also among savages. This incapacity for reproduction dates from birth, and can be understood on obvious anatomical and biological grounds. It would be a strange hypothesis were we willing to regard this totally different quality of early infantile consciousness as one to be attributed to repression, in analogy with the condition in neurosis. The amnesia of neurosis is punched out, as it were, from the continuity of memory, but the remembrances of earlier childhood exist in separate islands in the continuity of the non-memory. This condition is the opposite in every sense of the condition of neurosis, so that the expression “amnesia,” generally used for this condition, is incorrect. The “amnesia of childhood” is a conclusion a posteriori from the psychology of neurosis, just as is the “polymorphic perverse” disposition of the child.
The so-called amnesia of childhood, which is important in the “Three Contributions,” is a similar inappropriate backward application from pathology. Amnesia is a pathological condition that involves the repression of certain thoughts in consciousness. This condition can't possibly be the same as the anterograde amnesia seen in children, which is characterized by an inability for intentional recall, a condition we also observe in primitive cultures. This inability for recall starts at birth and can be understood based on clear anatomical and biological reasons. It would be a strange theory to think of this completely different aspect of early childhood consciousness as something caused by repression, similar to the condition seen in neurosis. In neurosis, the amnesia is, so to speak, cut out of the continuity of memory, but the memories of early childhood exist as separate islands within the continuity of non-memory. This condition is completely opposite to the neurosis condition, so using the term “amnesia” for this state is inaccurate. The “amnesia of childhood” is an assumption a posteriori based on the psychology of neurosis, just like the “polymorphic perverse” nature of the child.
The Latent Sexual Period Criticized
This error in the theoretical conception is shown clearly in the so-called latent sexual period of childhood. Freud has remarked that the early infantile so-called sexual manifestations, which I now call the phenomena of the pre-sexual stage, vanish after a while, and only reappear much later. Everything that Freud has termed the “suckling’s masturbation,” that is to say, all those sexual-like actions of which we spoke before, are said to return later as real onanism. Such a process of development would be biologically unique. In conformity with this theory one would have to say, for instance, that when a plant forms a bud, from which a blossom begins to unfold, the blossom is taken back again before it is fully developed, and is again hidden within the bud, to reappear later on in the same form. This impossible supposition is a consequence of the assertion that the early infantile activities of the pre-sexual stage are sexual phenomena, and that those manifestations, which resemble masturbation, are genuinely acts of masturbation. In this way Freud had to assert that there is a disappearance of sexuality, or, as he calls it, a latent sexual period. What he calls a disappearance of sexuality is nothing but the real beginning of sexuality, everything preceding was but the fore-stage to which no real sexual character can be imputed. In this way, the impossible phenomenon of the latent period is very simply explained. This theory of the latent sexual period is a striking instance of the incorrectness of the conception of the early infantile sexuality. But there has been no error of observation. On the contrary, the hypothesis of the latent sexual period proves how exactly Freud noticed the apparent recommencement of sexuality. The error lies in the conception. As we saw before, the first mistake consists in a somewhat old-fashioned conception of the multiplicity of instincts. If we accept the idea of two or more instincts existing side by side, we must naturally conclude that, if one instinct has not yet become manifest, it is present in nuce in accordance with the theory of pre-formation. In the physical sphere we should perhaps have to say that, when a piece of iron passes from the condition of heat to the condition of light, the light was already existent in nuce (latent) in the heat. Such assumptions are arbitrary projections 80of human ideas into transcendental regions, contravening the prescription of the theory of cognition.
This mistake in the theoretical understanding is clearly shown in the so-called latent sexual period of childhood. Freud pointed out that the early infantile so-called sexual expressions, which I now refer to as the phenomena of the pre-sexual stage, disappear for a time and only come back much later. Everything Freud called “suckling’s masturbation,” meaning all those sexual-like behaviors we discussed earlier, are said to return later as actual masturbation. Such a developmental process would be biologically unique. According to this theory, one might argue that when a plant forms a bud from which a blossom starts to emerge, the blossom is pulled back before it fully blossoms and is hidden again within the bud, only to appear later in the same form. This impossible assumption results from claiming that the early infantile activities of the pre-sexual stage are sexual phenomena, and that those behaviors resembling masturbation are indeed acts of masturbation. Thus, Freud had to assert that there is a disappearance of sexuality, or as he puts it, a latent sexual period. What he refers to as the disappearance of sexuality is merely the real beginning of sexuality; everything that came before was just a preliminary stage to which no true sexual nature can be attributed. In this way, the impossible phenomenon of the latent period is easily explained. This theory of the latent sexual period is a striking example of the flaws in understanding early infantile sexuality. However, there has been no observational error. On the contrary, the hypothesis of the latent sexual period illustrates how accurately Freud observed the apparent resurgence of sexuality. The error lies in the interpretation. As we discussed earlier, the first mistake arises from a somewhat outdated view of the multitude of instincts. If we accept the idea that two or more instincts coexist, we must naturally conclude that if one instinct hasn't yet manifested, it's present in a latent form, according to the theory of pre-formation. In the physical realm, we might have to say that when a piece of iron transitions from heat to light, the light was already present in a latent form within the heat. Such assumptions are arbitrary projections of human thoughts into transcendental areas, violating the principles of cognitive theory. 80
We have thus no right to speak of a sexual instinct existing in nuce, as we then give an arbitrary explanation of phenomena which can be explained otherwise, and in a more adequate manner. We can speak of the manifestations of a nutrition instinct, of the manifestations of a sexual instinct, etc., but we have only the right to do so when the function has quite clearly reached the surface. We only speak of light when the iron is visibly luminous, but not when the iron is merely hot. Freud, as an observer, sees clearly that the sexuality of neurotic people is not entirely comparable with infantile sexuality, for there is a great difference, for instance, between the uncleanliness of a child of two years old and the uncleanliness of a katatonic patient of forty. The former is a psychological and normal phenomenon; the latter is extraordinarily pathological. Freud inserted a short passage in his “Three Contributions” saying that the infantile form of neurotic sexuality is either wholly, or at any rate partly, due to a regression. That is, even in those cases where we might say, these are still the same by-paths, we find that the function of the by-paths is still increased by regression. Freud thus recognizes that the infantile sexuality of neurotic people is for the greater part a regressive phenomenon. That this must be so is also shown through the further insight obtained from the investigations of recent years, that the observations concerning the psychology of the childhood of neurotic people hold equally good for normal people. At any rate we can say that the history of the development of infantile sexuality in persons with neurosis differs but by a hair’s breadth from that of normal beings who have escaped the attention of the expert appraiser. Striking differences are exceptional.
We have no right to claim that a sexual instinct exists in its basic form, as that leads us to give arbitrary explanations for phenomena that can be understood in a more accurate way. We can talk about the signs of a nutrition instinct, the signs of a sexual instinct, and so on, but we can only do so when the function has clearly come to the surface. We only refer to light when iron glows visibly, not when it’s simply hot. Freud, as an observer, clearly sees that the sexuality of neurotic individuals isn’t fully comparable to that of children, since there’s a significant difference between the uncleanliness of a two-year-old and that of a forty-year-old with catatonia. The former represents a normal psychological phenomenon; the latter is highly pathological. Freud included a brief section in his “Three Contributions” stating that the childhood form of neurotic sexuality is either completely or at least partially due to regression. This means that even in cases where we might say these are similar by-paths, we find that the function of those paths is still amplified by regression. Freud thus acknowledges that the childhood sexuality of neurotic individuals is mostly a regressive phenomenon. This is further supported by recent research showing that observations about the childhood psychology of neurotic individuals apply equally to normal individuals. Overall, we can say that the development of childhood sexuality in people with neuroses differs only slightly from that of normal individuals who haven’t attracted the expert’s scrutiny. Notable differences are rare.
Further Remarks on the Etiology of Neurosis
The more we penetrate into the heart of infantile development, the more we receive the impression that as little can be found there of etiological significance, as in the infantile shock. Even with the acutest ferreting into history, we shall never discover why people living on German soil had just such a fate, and 81why the Gauls another. The further we get away, in analytical investigations from the epoch of the manifest neurosis, the less can we expect to find the real motive of the neurosis, since the dynamic disproportions grow fainter and fainter the further we go back into the past. In constructing our theory so as to deduce the neurosis from causes in the distant past, we are first and foremost obeying the impulse of our patients to withdraw themselves as far as possible from the critical present. The pathogenic conflict exists only in the present moment. It is just as if a nation wanted to regard its miserable political conditions at the actual moment as due to the past; as if the Germany of the 19th century had attributed its political dismemberment and incapacity to its suppression by the Romans, instead of having sought the actual sources of her difficulties in the present. Only in the actual present are the effective causes, and only here are the possibilities of removing them.
The deeper we dive into early development, the more we realize that there's very little of importance regarding causes, similar to the infantile shock. Even with the most thorough historical research, we won’t find out why people living in Germany experienced a certain fate, while the Gauls faced a different one. As we move further back in analytical studies from the time of clear neurosis, the less we can hope to find the true reason for the neurosis, since the dynamic imbalances fade the further we go into the past. When we shape our theory to trace the neurosis back to distant causes, we are primarily responding to our patients' desire to escape the challenging present. The unhealthy conflict exists only in the present moment. It's like a nation trying to blame its current terrible political situation on past events; for instance, if 19th-century Germany had said its political fragmentation and inability were due to oppression by the Romans, rather than looking for the root of its troubles in the present. Only in the actual present can we find the real causes, and only here can we explore ways to resolve them.
The Etiological Significance of the Actual Present
A greater part of the psychoanalytic school is under the spell of the conception that the conflicts of childhood are conditio sine qua non for the neuroses. It is not only the theorist, who studies the psychology of childhood from scientific interest, but the practical man also, who believes that he has to turn the history of infancy inside out to find there the dynamic source of the actual neurosis—it were a fruitless enterprise if done under this presumption. In the meantime, the most important factor escapes the analyst, namely, the conflict and the claims of the present time. In the case before us, we should not understand any of the motives which produced the hysterical attacks if we looked for them in earliest childhood. It is the form alone which those reminiscences determine to a large extent, but the dynamic originates from the present time. The insight into the actual meaning of these motives is real understanding.
A large part of the psychoanalytic community is captivated by the idea that childhood conflicts are absolutely necessary for understanding neuroses. It's not just theorists, who explore childhood psychology out of scientific curiosity, but also practitioners, who feel they need to dissect early childhood experiences to uncover the driving forces behind current neuroses—this approach is largely misguided. Meanwhile, the analyst often overlooks the most crucial factor: the conflicts and demands of the present. In our case, we wouldn’t be able to grasp the motives behind the hysterical attacks if we only searched for them in early childhood. Those memories primarily shape the form of the issues, but the real driving force comes from present circumstances. Gaining insight into the true significance of these motives is what constitutes real understanding.
We can now understand why that moment was pathogenic, as well as why it chose those particular symbols. Through the conception of regression, the theory is freed from the narrow formula of the importance of the events in childhood, and the actual conflict thus gets that significance which, from an empirical standpoint, belongs to it implicitly. Freud himself introduced 82the conception of regression in his “Three Contributions,” acknowledging rightly that our observations do not permit us to seek the cause of neurosis exclusively in the past. If it is true, then, that reminiscent matter becomes active again as a rule by regression, we have to consider the following question: Have, perhaps, the apparent effective results of reminiscences to be referred in general to a regression of the libido? As I said before, Freud suggested in his “Three Contributions,” that the infantilism of neurotic sexuality was, for the greater part, due to the regression of the libido. This statement deserves greater prominence than it there received. Freud did give it this prominence in his later works to a somewhat greater extent.
We can now see why that moment was significant, as well as why it used those specific symbols. By introducing the idea of regression, the theory moves beyond the limited view that only childhood events matter, allowing the actual conflict to gain the importance it inherently has from an empirical perspective. Freud himself introduced the concept of regression in his “Three Contributions,” correctly acknowledging that our observations don’t allow us to pinpoint the cause of neurosis solely in the past. If it’s true that nostalgic memories usually become active again through regression, we need to ask: Could the apparent effective results of these memories generally be tied to a regression of the libido? As I mentioned before, Freud proposed in his “Three Contributions” that the childishness in neurotic sexuality was, for the most part, due to the regression of the libido. This point deserves more emphasis than it received there. Freud later highlighted it more in his subsequent works.
The recognition of the regression of the libido very largely reduces the etiological significance of the events of childhood. It has already seemed to us rather astonishing that the Œdipus- or the Electra-complex should have a determining value in regard to the onset of a neurosis, since these complexes exist in everyone. They exist even with those persons who have never known their own father and mother, but have been educated by their step-parents. I have analyzed cases of this kind, and found that the incest-complex was as well developed as in other patients. It seems to us that this is good proof that the incest-complex is much more a purely regressive production of phantasies than a reality. From this standpoint, the events in childhood are only significant for the neuroses in so far as they are revived later through a regression of the libido. That this must be true to a great extent is also shown by the fact that the infantile sexual shock never causes hysteria, nor does the incest-complex, which is common to everyone. The neurosis only begins as soon as the incest-complex becomes actuated by regression.
The recognition of the decline of libido significantly downplays the importance of childhood events as causes. It has already struck us as quite surprising that the Oedipus or Electra complex could play a key role in the development of a neurosis, since these complexes are present in everyone. They exist even in those individuals who have never met their biological parents but have been raised by their step-parents. I have analyzed cases like this and found that the incest complex was just as developed as in other patients. This seems to suggest that the incest complex is much more a product of regressive fantasies than of reality. From this perspective, childhood events are only relevant to neuroses to the extent that they are recalled later through a regression of libido. The fact that this is largely true is also illustrated by the observation that infantile sexual trauma never leads to hysteria, nor does the incest complex, which is universal. The neurosis only begins when the incest complex is triggered by regression.
So we come to the question, why does the libido make a regression? To answer it we must study carefully under what circumstances regression arises. In treating this problem with my patients, I generally give the following example: While a mountain climber is attempting the ascent of a certain peak, he happens to meet with an insurmountable obstacle, let us say, some precipitous rocky wall which cannot be surmounted. After having vainly sought for another path, he will have to return and regretfully abandon the climbing of that peak. He will say to 83himself: “It is not in my power to surmount this difficulty, so I will climb another easier mountain.” In this case, we find there is a normal utilization of the libido. The man returns, when he finds an insurmountable difficulty, and uses his libido, which could not attain its original aim, for the ascent of another mountain. Now let us imagine that this rocky wall was not really unclimbable so far as his physique was concerned, but that from mere nervousness he withdrew from this somewhat difficult enterprise. In this case, there are two possibilities: I. The man will be annoyed by his own cowardice, and will wish to prove himself less timid on another occasion, or perhaps will even admit that with his timidity he ought never to undertake such a difficult ascent. At any rate, he will acknowledge that he has not sufficient moral capacity for these difficulties. He therefore uses that libido, which did not attain its original aim, for a useful self-criticism, and for sketching a plan by which he may be able, with due regard to his moral capacity, to realize his wish to climb. II. The possibility is, that the man does not realize his own cowardice, and declares off-hand that this mountain is physically unattainable, although he is quite able to see that, with sufficient courage, the obstacle could have been overcome. But he prefers to deceive himself. Thus the psychological situation which is of importance for our problem is created.
So we come to the question: why does the libido experience regression? To answer this, we need to look closely at the situations in which regression occurs. When I discuss this issue with my patients, I usually give the following example: while a mountain climber is trying to reach a specific peak, he encounters an insurmountable obstacle, let’s say a steep rocky wall that he can't climb. After futilely searching for another route, he has to turn back and sadly give up on climbing that peak. He will think to himself, “I can't overcome this challenge, so I’ll climb an easier mountain instead.” In this case, we see a normal use of the libido. The man retreats when he faces an insurmountable challenge and directs his libido, which couldn’t achieve its original goal, toward climbing another mountain. Now let’s imagine that this rocky wall wasn't genuinely unclimbable for him physically, but that he withdrew from this somewhat challenging endeavor out of mere nervousness. In this case, there are two possibilities: I. The man will be frustrated with his own cowardice and will want to prove he’s less timid next time, or he might even acknowledge that, given his timidity, he should never attempt such a difficult climb. In any case, he will recognize that he lacks the moral strength to tackle these challenges. He will then use that libido, which didn’t achieve its original goal, for some constructive self-criticism and to create a plan that allows him, considering his moral capacity, to fulfill his desire to climb. II. The other possibility is that the man doesn’t recognize his cowardice and hastily claims that this mountain is physically unattainable, even though he can see that, with enough courage, he could have overcome the obstacle. But he chooses to fool himself. Thus, the psychological situation that matters for our problem is established.
The Etiological Significance of Failure of Adaptation
Probably this man knows very well that it would have been physically possible to overcome the difficulty, that he was only morally incapable of doing so. He rejects this idea on account of its painful nature. He is so conceited that he cannot admit to himself his cowardice. He brags of his courage and prefers to declare things impossible rather than his own courage inadequate. But through this behavior he comes into opposition with his own self: on the one hand he has a right view of the situation, on the other he hides this knowledge from himself, behind the illusion of his infallible courage. He represses the proper view, and forcibly tries to impress his subjective, illusive opinion upon reality. The result of this contradiction is that the libido is divided, and that the two parts are directed against one another. He opposes his wish to climb a mountain by his artificial self-created 84opinion, that its ascent is impossible. He does not turn to the real impossibility, but to an artificial one, to a self-given limitation; thus he is in disharmony with himself, and from this moment has an internal conflict. Now insight into his cowardice will get the upper hand; now obstinacy and pride. In either case the libido is engaged in a useless civil war. Thus the man becomes incapable of any enterprise. He will never realize his wish to climb a mountain, and he goes perfectly astray as to his moral qualities. He is therefore less capable of performing his work, he is not fully adapted, he can be compared to a neurotic patient. The libido which withdrew from before this difficulty has neither led to honest self-criticism, nor to a desperate struggle to overcome the obstacle; it has only been used to maintain his cheap pretence that the ascent was really impossible, even heroic courage could have availed nothing. Such a reaction is called an infantile reaction. It is very characteristic of children, and of naïve minds, not to find the fault in their own shortcomings, but in external circumstances, and to impute to these their own subjective judgment. This man solves his problem in an infantile way, that is, he replaces the suitable mode of adaptation of our former case by a mode of adaptation belonging to the infantile mind. This is regression. His libido withdraws from an obstacle which cannot be surmounted, and replaces a real action by an infantile illusion. These cases are very commonly met with in practice among neurotics. I will remind you here of those well-known cases in which young girls become hysterical with curious suddenness just when they are called upon to decide about their engagements. As an instance, I should like to describe to you the case of two sisters, separated only by one year in age. They were similar in capacities and characters; their education was the same; they grew up in the same surroundings, and under the influence of their parents. Both were healthy; neither the one nor the other showed any nervous symptoms. An attentive observer might have discovered that the elder daughter was the more beloved by the parents. This affection depended on a certain sensitiveness which this daughter showed. She asked for more affection than the younger one, was also somewhat precocious and more serious. Besides, she showed some charming childish traits, just those things which, through 85their slightly capricious and unbalanced character, make a personality especially charming. No wonder that father and mother had a great joy in their elder daughter. As both sisters became of marriageable age, almost at the same time they became intimately acquainted with two young men, and the possibility of their marriages soon approached. As is generally the case, certain difficulties existed. Both girls were young and had very little experience of the world. Both men were relatively young too, and in positions which might have been better; they were only at the beginning of a career, but nevertheless, both were capable young men. Both girls lived in a social atmosphere which gave them the right to certain social expectations. It was a situation in which a certain doubt as to the suitability of either marriage was permissible. Moreover, both girls were insufficiently acquainted with their prospective husbands, and were therefore not quite sure of their love. There were many hesitations and doubts. Here it was noticed that the elder girl always showed greater waverings in her decisions. From these hesitations some painful moments arose between the girls and the young men, who naturally longed for more certainty. At such moments the elder sister was much more excited than the younger one. Several times she went weeping to her mother, complaining of her own hesitation. The younger one was somewhat more decided, and put an end to the unsettled situation by accepting her suitor. She thus got over her difficulty and the further events ran smoothly. As soon as the admirer of the elder sister became aware that the younger one had put matters on a surer footing, he rushed to his lady and begged in a somewhat passionate way for her acceptance. His passion irritated and frightened her a little, although she was really inclined to follow her sister’s example. She answered in a somewhat haughty and offhand way. He replied with sharp reproaches, causing her to get still more excited. The end was a scene with tears, and he went away in an angry mood. At home, he told the story to his mother, who expressed the opinion that this girl was really unsuitable for him, and that it would be perhaps better to choose some one else. The girl, for her part, doubted very much if she really loved this man. It suddenly seemed to her impossible to follow him to an unknown destiny, and to be obliged to leave her beloved parents. From 86that moment, she was depressed; she showed unmistakable signs of the greatest jealousy towards her sister, but would neither see nor admit that she was jealous. The former affectionate relations with her parents changed also. Instead of her earlier childlike affection, she betrayed a lamentable state of mind, which increased sometimes to pronounced irritability; weeks of depression ensued. Whilst the younger sister celebrated her wedding, the elder went to a distant health-resort for a nervous intestinal trouble. I shall not continue the history of the disease; it ended in an ordinary hysteria.
Probably this man knows very well that it would have been physically possible to overcome the difficulty, but he is only morally unable to do so. He rejects this idea because it’s too painful. He’s so full of himself that he can’t admit to his own cowardice. He boasts about his courage and prefers to say that things are impossible rather than acknowledge that his courage isn't enough. But by behaving this way, he clashes with himself: on one hand, he has a clear understanding of the situation, while on the other, he hides this knowledge from himself behind the illusion of his flawless courage. He represses the right perspective and tries to impose his own subjective, misleading opinion on reality. The result of this contradiction is that his desires become divided and turn against one another. He counters his wish to climb a mountain with his false, self-created belief that it’s impossible. He doesn't face the real impossibility but rather an artificial one, a self-imposed limitation; thus, he is out of alignment with himself, leading to an internal conflict. Now, insight into his cowardice will battle with his stubbornness and pride. In either case, his desires are caught up in a pointless internal struggle. As a result, he becomes incapable of any endeavor. He will never fulfill his wish to climb a mountain and completely misjudges his moral qualities. Consequently, he is less able to do his work, he is not fully adapted, and he can be compared to a neurotic patient. The desire that withdrew in the face of this challenge has neither led to honest self-reflection nor to a desperate effort to overcome the obstacle; it has only served to maintain his flimsy pretense that the ascent was truly impossible, that even brave courage would have made no difference. Such a reaction is called an infantile reaction. It’s very typical for children and naive minds to blame external circumstances for their own shortcomings and to project their subjective judgment onto them. This man deals with his problem in an infantile way,meaning he replaces a more effective approach with one fit for a child’s mindset. This is regression. His desire withdraws from an obstacle that cannot be overcome, replacing real action with a childish illusion. These situations are commonly observed among neurotics. I’d like to remind you of those well-known cases where young girls suddenly become hysterical when they have to decide about their engagements. For instance, let me describe two sisters, just a year apart in age. They were similar in abilities and personalities; their upbringing was the same; they grew up in the same environment, influenced by their parents. Both were healthy; neither showed any nervous symptoms. A careful observer might have noticed that the older daughter was the more favored by the parents. This affection stemmed from a certain sensitivity that this daughter demonstrated. She sought more affection than the younger one, tended to be a bit precocious, and was more serious. Additionally, she exhibited some charming childish traits, just the qualities that, through their slightly whimsical and unsteady nature, make a personality especially appealing. No wonder father and mother took great joy in their older daughter. As both sisters reached marriageable age, they soon became close with two young men, and the possibility of marriage began to loom. As is typically the case, certain challenges arose. Both girls were young and had very little life experience. Both men were relatively young as well and in positions that could have been better; they were only at the beginning of their careers, but nonetheless, both were capable young men. Both girls lived in a social environment that entitled them to certain social expectations. It was a situation where doubt about the appropriateness of either marriage was justified. Moreover, both girls were insufficiently familiar with their potential husbands, making them uncertain about their affections. There were many hesitations and uncertainties. During this time, it was noted that the older girl consistently showed more hesitation in her decisions. This indecision led to some painful moments between the girls and the young men, who naturally sought more clarity. In such moments, the older sister was far more agitated than the younger one. Several times, she went to her mother in tears, lamenting her own indecision. The younger one was somewhat more resolute and resolved the uncertain situation by accepting her suitor. She thus overcame her challenge, and everything progressed smoothly afterward. As soon as the older sister’s admirer realized that the younger one had established a clearer direction, he rushed to her and passionately begged for her acceptance. His intensity unsettled and frightened her a bit, although she was inclined to follow her sister's lead. She responded somewhat arrogantly and dismissively. He then retorted with sharp accusations, making her even more unsettled. The outcome was a tearful scene, and he left in an angry state. At home, he recounted the incident to his mother, who suggested that this girl was genuinely unsuitable for him, and that he might be better off seeking someone else. The girl, in turn, seriously questioned whether she truly loved this man. Suddenly, it seemed impossible for her to follow him into an uncertain future and leave behind her beloved parents. From that moment on, she fell into a deep depression; she exhibited unmistakable signs of intense jealousy toward her sister, but neither acknowledged nor accepted that she was jealous. Her previously affectionate relationship with her parents also shifted. Instead of her earlier childlike warmth, she displayed a troubling state of mind, which sometimes escalated into noticeable irritability; weeks of depression followed. While the younger sister celebrated her wedding, the older one went to a distant health resort for a nervous intestinal issue. I won’t continue the story of her illness; it eventually led to typical hysteria.
In analyzing this case, great resistance to the sexual problem was found. The resistance depended on many perverse phantasies, the existence of which would not be admitted by the patient. The question, whence arose such perverse phantasies, so unexpected in a young girl, brought us to the discovery that once as a child, eight years old, she had found herself suddenly confronted in the street by an exhibitionist. She was rooted to the spot by fright, and even much later ugly images persecuted her in her dreams. Her younger sister was with her at the time. The night after the patient told me this, she dreamed of a man in a gray suit, who seemed about to do in front of her what the exhibitionist had done. She awoke with a cry of terror. The first association to the gray suit was a suit of her father’s, which he had been wearing on an excursion which she made with him when she was about six years old. This dream connects the father, without any doubt, with the exhibitionist. This must be done for some reason. Did something happen with the father, which could possibly call forth this association? This problem met with great resistance from the patient. But she could not get rid of it. At the next sitting she reproduced some early reminiscences, when she had noticed her father undressing himself. Again, she came one day excited and terribly shaken, and told me that she had had an abominable vision, absolutely distinct. In bed at night, she felt herself again a child of two or three years old, and she saw her father standing by her bed in an obscene attitude. The story was gasped out piece by piece, obviously with the greatest internal struggle. This was followed by violent reproaches, of how dreadful it is that a father should ever behave to his child in such a terrible manner.
In analyzing this case, there was significant resistance to the sexual issue. This resistance stemmed from various perverse fantasies, which the patient wouldn’t acknowledge. The question of where these unexpected perverse fantasies came from, especially in a young girl, led us to discover that, as a child of eight, she had encountered an exhibitionist in the street. She was frozen in fear, and even years later, disturbing images haunted her in her dreams. Her younger sister was with her at the time. The night after the patient shared this, she dreamed of a man in a gray suit who seemed ready to do what the exhibitionist had done right in front of her. She woke up screaming in fright. The first association she made with the gray suit was her father's, which he had worn during an outing with her when she was about six years old. This dream clearly linked her father to the exhibitionist. There must be a reason for this connection. Did something happen with her father that could explain this association? The patient showed a strong resistance to this problem, but she couldn’t shake it off. In the next session, she recalled some early memories of seeing her father undress. One day, she arrived visibly upset and trembling, telling me she had experienced a horrible vision, completely clear. In bed at night, she felt like a child of two or three years old, and she saw her father standing by her bed in a lewd position. She recounted the story in fragments, clearly struggling internally. This was followed by intense self-recrimination about how awful it is for a father to behave toward his child in such a terrible way.
87Nothing is less probable than that the father really did this. It is only a phantasy, probably first constructed in the course of the analysis from that same need of discovering a cause which once induced the physician to form the theory that hysteria was only caused by such impressions. This case seemed to me suitable to demonstrate the meaning of the theory of regression, and to show at the same time the source of the theoretical mistakes so far. We saw that both sisters were originally only slightly different. From the moment of the engagement their ways were totally separated. They seemed now to have quite different characters. The one, vigorous in health, and enjoying life, was a good and courageous woman, willing to undertake the natural demands of life; the other was sad, ill-tempered, full of bitterness and malice, disinclined to make any effort towards a reasonable life, egotistical, quibbling, and a nuisance to all about her. This striking difference was only brought out when the one sister happily passed through the difficulties of her engagement, whilst the other did not. For both, it hung to a certain extent only on a hair, whether the affair would be broken off or not. The younger one, somewhat calmer, was therefore more deliberate, and able to find the right word at the right moment. The elder one was more spoiled and more sensitive, consequently more influenced by her emotions, and could not find the right word, nor had she the courage to sacrifice her pride to put things straight afterwards. This little circumstance had a very important effect. Originally the conditions were much the same for both sisters. The greater sensitiveness of the elder produced the difference. The question now is: Whence arose this sensitiveness with its unfortunate results? The analysis demonstrated the existence of an extraordinarily developed sexuality of infantile phantastic character; in addition, an incestuous phantasy towards the father. We have a quick and easy solution of the problem of this sensitiveness, if we admit that these phantasies had a lively, and therefore effective existence. We might thus readily understand why this girl was so sensitive. She was shut up in her own phantasies and strongly attached to her father. Under these circumstances, it would have been really a wonder had she been willing to love and marry another man. The more we pursue our need for a causation, and pursue the development of these phantasies back 88to their beginning, the greater grow the difficulties of the analysis, that is to say, the resistances as we call them. At the end we should find that impressive scene, that obscene act, whose improbability has already been established. This scene has exactly the character of a subsequent phantastic formation. Therefore, we have to conceive these difficulties, which we called “resistances,” at least in this part of the analysis, as an opposition of the patient against the formation of such phantasies, and not as a resistance against the conscious admittance of a painful remembrance.
87Nothing is more unlikely than that the father actually did this. It's just a fantasy, likely created during the analysis due to the same urge to find a cause that once led the doctor to theorize that hysteria was only triggered by such impressions. This case seemed fitting to illustrate the concept of regression theory and to highlight the origins of the theoretical mistakes we've encountered so far. We observed that both sisters were originally quite similar. Once the engagement happened, their paths diverged completely. They appeared to develop very different personalities. One sister, healthy and enjoying life, was a kind and brave woman, willing to meet the natural challenges of life; the other was gloomy, ill-tempered, full of bitterness and spite, unwilling to make any efforts for a reasonable life, selfish, petty, and a burden to everyone around her. This stark contrast only emerged as one sister navigated the challenges of her engagement successfully, while the other did not. For both, the potential for the relationship to end was a delicate matter. The younger sister, somewhat calmer, was also more thoughtful and capable of finding the right words at the right time. The older sister was more spoiled and sensitive, making her more swayed by her feelings, unable to articulate her thoughts or have the courage to let go of her pride to resolve things afterward. This small detail had a significant impact. Initially, the circumstances were quite similar for both sisters. The elder sister’s heightened sensitivity led to the differences that followed. The pressing question is: where did this sensitivity, with its unfortunate outcomes, originate? Analysis revealed an exceptionally developed infantile sexuality of a fantastical nature, along with an incestuous fantasy directed towards the father. We can easily address the issue of this sensitivity by accepting that these fantasies had a vivid and thus impactful existence. This helps explain why this girl was so sensitive. She was trapped in her own fantasies and strongly bonded to her father. Given these conditions, it would have been surprising if she had been open to loving and marrying another man. The more we seek reasons and trace the development of these fantasies back to their origins, the more challenging the analysis becomes—in other words, the more resistances we encounter. Ultimately, we would arrive at that striking scene, that sordid act, whose improbability has already been noted. This scene has all the characteristics of a later fantasy formation. Therefore, we should think of these challenges, which we've labeled as "resistances," at least in this part of the analysis, as the patient's opposition to the creation of such fantasies, rather than as a resistance to consciously accepting a painful memory. 88
You will ask with astonishment, to what aim the patient contrives such a phantasy? You will even be inclined to suggest that the physician forced the patient to invent it, otherwise she would probably never have produced such an absurd idea. I do not venture to doubt that there have been cases in which, by dint of the physician’s desire to find a cause, especially under the influence of the shock-theory, the patient has been brought to contrive such phantasies. But the physician would never have come to this theory, had he not followed the patient’s line of thought, thus taking part in this retrograde movement of the libido which we call regression. The physician, consequently, only carried right through to its consequence what the patient was afraid to carry out, namely, a regression, a falling back of the libido to its former desires. The analysis, in following the libido-regression, does not always follow the exact way marked by its historical development, but very often rather a later phantasy, which only partly depends on former realities. In our case, only some of the circumstances are real, and it is but much later that they get their great importance, namely, at the moment when the libido regresses. Wherever the libido takes hold of a reminiscence, we may expect that this reminiscence will be elaborated and altered, as everything that is touched by the libido revives, takes on dramatic form, and becomes systematized. We have to admit that, in our case, almost the greater part of these phantasies became significant subsequently, after the libido had made a regression, after it had taken hold of everything that could be suitable, and had made out of all this a phantasy. Then that phantasy, keeping pace with the retrograde movement of the libido, came back at last to the father and put upon him all the infantile 89sexual desires. Even so it was thought in ancient times that the golden age of Paradise lay in the past! In the case before us we know that all the phantasies brought out by analysis did become subsequently of importance. From this standpoint only, we are not able to explain the beginning of the neurosis; we should constantly move in a circle. The critical moment for this neurosis was that in which the girl and man were inclined to love one another, but in which an inopportune sensitiveness on the part of the patient caused the opportunity to slip by.
You might wonder why the patient created such a fantasy. You may even think that the doctor pushed the patient to come up with it, as she likely wouldn’t have thought of such a ridiculous idea on her own. I don't doubt that there have been instances where, driven by the doctor’s need to find a cause—especially influenced by shock-theory—the patient ends up creating such fantasies. However, the doctor wouldn’t have reached this theory if they hadn’t followed the patient’s thought process, thus participating in this backward movement of desire, which we call regression. The doctor essentially pushed to its logical end what the patient was too afraid to face: a regression, a retreat of desire to its earlier wants. The analysis, while tracing this regression of desire, does not always follow the exact path of its historical development, but often rather a later fantasy that only partially relates to earlier realities. In our case, only some aspects are real, and they gain significant importance much later, specifically when the desire regresses. Wherever desire connects with a memory, we can expect that memory to be developed and transformed, as everything the desire touches revives, takes on a dramatic shape, and becomes organized. We have to recognize that, in our case, most of these fantasies became meaningful only after the desire regressed, after it grasped everything that could fit and turned it all into a fantasy. Then that fantasy, aligned with the backward movement of desire, ultimately returned to the father and imposed on him all the childish sexual wants. It was similarly believed in ancient times that the golden age of Paradise was in the past! In this situation, we know that all the fantasies revealed through analysis did eventually become important. From this perspective alone, we can't explain how the neurosis began; we would keep going in circles. The critical moment for this neurosis was when the girl and the man were inclined to love each other, but the patient’s unnecessary sensitivity caused the opportunity to slip away.
The Conception of Sensitiveness.—We might say, and the psychoanalytical conception inclines in this direction, that this critical sensitiveness arises from some peculiar psychological personal history, which determined this end. We know that such sensitiveness in a psychogenic neurosis is always a symptom of a discord within the subject’s self, a symptom of a struggle between two divergent tendencies. Both tendencies have their own previous psychological story. In this case, we are able to show that this special resistance, the content of that critical sensitiveness, is, as a matter of fact, connected in the patient’s previous history, with certain infantile sexual manifestations, and also with that so-called traumatic event—all things which are capable of casting a shadow on sexuality. This would be so far plausible if the sister of the patient had not lived more or less the same life, without experiencing all these consequences. I mean, she did not develop a neurosis. So we have to agree that the patient experienced these things in a special way, perhaps more intensely than the younger one. Perhaps also, the events of her earlier childhood were to her of a disproportionate importance. But if it had been the case to such a marked extent, something of it would surely have been noticed earlier. In later youth, the earlier events of childhood were as much forgotten by the patient as by her sister. Another supposition is therefore possible. This critical sensitiveness is not the consequence of the special previous past history, but springs from something that had existed all along. A careful observer of small children can notice, even in early infancy, any unusual sensitiveness. I once analyzed a hysterical patient who showed me a letter written by her mother when this patient was two and a half years old. Her mother wrote about her and her sister. The elder was always good-tempered 90and enterprising, but the other was always in difficulties with both people and things. The first one became in later life hysterical, the other one katatonic. These far-reaching differences, which go back into earliest childhood, cannot depend on the more or less accidental events of life, but have to be considered as being innate differences. From this point of view, we cannot any longer pretend that her special previous psychological history caused this sensitiveness at that critical moment; it would be more correct to say: This innate sensitiveness is manifested most distinctly in uncommon situations.
The Conception of Sensitiveness.—We could say, and the psychoanalytical view supports this idea, that this critical sensitiveness comes from a unique psychological personal history that led to this outcome. We understand that such sensitiveness in a psychogenic neurosis is always a sign of inner conflict within the individual, reflecting a struggle between two opposing tendencies. Each tendency has its own backstory. In this case, we can show that this specific resistance, the basis of that critical sensitiveness, is linked in the patient’s past to certain early sexual behaviors and also to a so-called traumatic event—elements that can negatively impact sexuality. This would seem plausible were it not for the fact that the patient's sister had a similar life experience but did not face these consequences. She did not develop a neurosis. Therefore, we must conclude that the patient experienced these things in a distinct manner, likely more intensely than her younger sister. It's possible that her early childhood events held disproportionate significance for her. However, if this were the case to such a significant degree, we would have noticed signs of it earlier. In their later youth, both the patient and her sister had largely forgotten the earlier childhood incidents. Another possibility arises. This critical sensitiveness may not stem from her specific past history but may originate from something that has always been there. A keen observer of young children can detect unusual sensitiveness even in early infancy. I once analyzed a hysterical patient who showed me a letter her mother wrote when she was two and a half years old. Her mother described her and her sister, noting that the older one was always cheerful and proactive, while the other consistently struggled with people and things. The first one became hysterical in later life, while the latter became katatonic. These significant differences, rooted in early childhood, cannot be attributed to the random events of life; they should be regarded as innate differences. From this perspective, we can no longer claim that her specific psychological history caused this sensitiveness at that critical moment; it would be more accurate to state that this innate sensitiveness is most clearly expressed in unusual situations.
This surplus of sensitiveness is found very often as an enrichment of a personality contributing even more to the charm of the character than to its detriment. But in difficult and uncommon situations the advantage very often turns into a disadvantage, as the inopportunely excited emotion renders calm consideration impossible. Nothing could be more incorrect than to consider this sensitiveness as eo ipso a morbid constituent of a character. If it really were so, we should have to regard at least one third of humanity as pathological. Only if the consequences of this sensitiveness are destructive to the individual have we a right to consider this quality as abnormal.
This excessive sensitivity often enhances a person's character, adding to their charm rather than detracting from it. However, in challenging and unusual situations, this advantage can quickly become a disadvantage, as heightened emotions make it impossible to think clearly. It's completely inaccurate to view this sensitivity as inherently unhealthy. If it were, we'd have to consider at least a third of humanity to be pathological. We can only label this trait as abnormal if the effects of this sensitivity are harmful to the individual.
Primary Sensitiveness and Regression.—We come to this difficulty when we crudely oppose the two conceptions as to the significance of the previous psychological history as we have done here; in reality, the two are not mutually exclusive. A certain innate sensitiveness leads to a special psychological history, to special reactions to infantile events, which are not without their own influence on the development of the childish conception of life. Events bound up with powerful impressions can never pass without leaving some trace on sensitive people. Some of these often remain effective throughout life, and such events can exert an apparently determining influence on the whole mental development. Dirty and disillusional experiences in the domain of sexuality are specially apt to frighten a sensitive person for years and years. Under these conditions, the mere thought of sexuality raises the greatest resistances. As the creation of the shock-theory proved, we are too much inclined, in consequence of our knowledge of such cases, to attribute the emotional development of a person more or less to accidents. The earlier shock-theory 91went too far in this respect. We must never forget that the world is, in the first place, a subjective phenomenon. The impressions we receive from these happenings are also our own doing. It is not the case that the impressions are forced on us unconditionally, but our disposition gives the value to the impressions. A man with stored-up libido will as a rule have quite different impressions, much more vivid impressions, than one who organizes his libido into a rich activity. Such a sensitive person will have a more profound impression from certain events which might harmlessly pass over a less sensitive subject. Therefore, in conjunction with the accidental impression, we have to consider seriously the subjective conditions. Our former considerations, and the observation of the concrete case especially, show us that the important subjective condition is the regression. It is shown by experience in practice, that the effect of regression is so enormous, so important and so impressive, that we might perhaps be inclined to attribute the effect of accidental events to the mechanism of regression only. Without any doubt, there are cases in which everything is dramatized, where even the traumatic events are artefacts of the imagination, and in which the few real events are subsequently entirely distorted through phantastic elaboration. We can simply say, that there is not a single case of neurosis, in which the emotional value of the preceding event is not considerably aggravated through the regression of libido, and even where great parts of the infantile development seem to be of extraordinary importance, they only gain this through regression.
Primary Sensitivity and Regression.—We encounter this challenge when we oversimplify the contrasting views regarding the impact of a person's psychological history, as we've done here; in truth, these two perspectives can coexist. An inherent sensitivity contributes to a unique psychological history and specific reactions to childhood events, which influence the child’s understanding of life. Events associated with strong impressions leave lasting marks on sensitive individuals. Many of these impressions can persist throughout a person's life, potentially having a significant impact on overall mental growth. Distressing and disillusioning experiences related to sexuality tend to frighten sensitive people for many years. In these situations, just the thought of sexuality can provoke intense resistance. The creation of the shock-theory has shown that we often tend to attribute someone’s emotional development primarily to these incidents. The earlier shock-theory overreached in this regard. We must always remember that the world is, above all, a subjective experience. The impressions we gain from these occurrences are also influenced by us. Impressions aren't forced upon us unconditionally; our own dispositions give meaning to these impressions. A person with repressed libido typically has much different and more vivid impressions than one who channels libido into active pursuits. A sensitive individual is likely to feel a deeper impact from certain events that might seem trivial to someone less sensitive. Thus, alongside accidental impressions, it’s crucial to seriously consider the subjective conditions at play. Our previous analyses and close examination of specific cases highlight that a key subjective condition is regression. Experience shows that the impact of regression is so profound and significant that one might be tempted to attribute the effects of accidental events solely to this regression mechanism. There are certainly instances where everything is dramatized, where even traumatic events become products of the imagination, leading to a distortion of the few genuine occurrences through fantastical elaboration. We can safely assert that there is not a single case of neurosis where the emotional weight of prior events isn’t significantly intensified by the regression of libido, and even when considerable aspects of childhood development appear exceptionally important, they derive that significance from regression.
As is always the case, truth is found in the middle. The previous history has certainly a determining historic value, which is reinforced by the regression. Sometimes the traumatic significance of the previous history comes more into the foreground; sometimes only the regressive meaning. These observations have naturally to be applied to the infantile sexual events too. Obviously there are cases in which brutal sexual accidents justify the shadow thrown on sexuality, and explain thoroughly the later resistance of the individual towards sexuality. Dreadful impressions other than sexual can also sometimes leave behind a permanent feeling of insecurity, which may determine the individual in a hesitating attitude towards reality. Where real events 92of undoubted traumatic potentiality are wanting—as is generally the case with neurosis—there the mechanism of regression prevails. Of course, you could object that we have no criterion for the potential effect of the trauma or shock, as this is a highly relative conception. It is not quite so; we have in the standard of the average normal a criterion for the potential effect of a shock. Whatever is capable of making a strong and persistent impression upon a normal person must be considered as having a determining influence for neurotics also. But we may not straightway attribute any importance, even in neurosis, to impressions which in a normal case would disappear and be forgotten. In most of the cases where any event has an unexpected traumatic influence, we shall find in all probability a regression, that is to say, a secondary phantastic dramatization. The earlier in childhood an impression is said to have arisen, the more suspicious is its reality. Animals and primitive people have not that readiness in reproducing memories from a single impression which we find among civilized people. Very young children have by no means that impressionability which we find in older children. A certain higher development of the mental faculties is a necessary condition for impressionability. Therefore we may agree that the earlier a patient places some significant event in his childhood, the more likely it will be a phantastic and regressive one. Important impressions are only to be expected from later youth. At any rate, we have generally to attribute to the events of earliest childhood, that is, from the fifth year backwards, but a regressive importance. Sometimes the regression does play an overwhelming part in later years, but even then one must not ascribe too little importance to accidental experiences. It is well known that, in the later course of a neurosis, the accidental events and the regression together form a vicious circle. The withdrawal from the experiences of life leads to regression, and the regression aggravates the resistances towards life.
As is always true, the truth lies in the middle. Previous experiences certainly hold significant historical value, which is highlighted by regression. Sometimes, the traumatic aspects of past experiences come to the forefront; at other times, only the regressive aspects do. These observations also apply to childhood sexual events. Clearly, there are cases where traumatic sexual incidents justify the negative feelings surrounding sexuality and fully explain an individual’s later resistance to it. Horrific experiences unrelated to sex can also create a lasting sense of insecurity, influencing the individual to adopt a hesitant attitude towards reality. When undeniable traumatic events are lacking—as is often the case with neurosis—the mechanism of regression takes over. You might argue that we lack a clear standard for assessing the potential impact of trauma or shock, as these are highly relative concepts. However, that's not entirely accurate; we do have a standard based on what is considered normal, serving as a criterion for the possible effects of a shock. Anything that significantly impacts a typical person should also be viewed as having a crucial influence on neurotics. Nevertheless, we shouldn’t immediately assign importance to impressions that a normal person would easily forget. In most cases where an event unexpectedly traumatizes someone, we will likely see regression, which means a secondary imaginative dramatization. The earlier a childhood impression is said to have occurred, the more we should question its authenticity. Animals and primitive cultures don’t easily recall memories from a single experience like civilized people do. Very young children don't have the same level of impressionability as older children. A certain level of cognitive development is necessary for this impressionability. Therefore, we can agree that the earlier a patient recalls a significant childhood event, the more likely it is to be imaginary or regressive in nature. Significant impressions are usually expected to arise from later childhood. In any case, we typically attribute only regressive significance to events from the earliest childhood, specifically from ages five and earlier. Sometimes, regression can play a major role in later years, but even then, we shouldn’t underestimate the importance of incidental experiences. It’s well known that, as a neurosis progresses, accidental events and regression create a vicious cycle. Withdrawing from life experiences leads to regression, and regression intensifies resistance to life.
In the conception of regression psychoanalysis has made one of the most important discoveries which have been made in this sphere. Not only has the earlier exposition of the genesis of neurosis been already subverted, or at least widely modified, but, at the same time, the actual conflict has received its proper valuation.
In the idea of regression, psychoanalysis has made one of the most important discoveries in this field. Not only has the earlier explanation of how neuroses develop been overturned, or at least significantly changed, but at the same time, the actual conflict has been given its proper value.
The Significance of the Actual Conflict
In the case I have described, we saw that we could understand the symptomatological dramatization as soon as it could be conceived as an expression of the actual conflict. Here the psychoanalytic theory agrees with the results of the association-experiments, of which I spoke in my lectures[10] at Clark University. The association-experiment, with a neurotic person, gives us a series of references to certain conflicts of the actual life, which we call complexes. These complexes contain those problems and difficulties which have brought the patient into opposition with himself. Generally we find a love-conflict of an obvious character. From the standpoint of the association-experiment, neurosis seems to be something quite different from what it appeared from the standpoint of the earlier psychoanalytic theory. Considered from the standpoint of the latter theory, neurosis seemed to be a growth which had its roots in earliest childhood, and overgrew the normal structure. Considered from the standpoint of the association-experiment, neurosis seems to be a reaction from an actual conflict, which is naturally found also among normal people, but among them the conflict is solved without too great difficulty. The neurotic remains in the grip of his conflict, and his neurosis seems, more or less, to be the consequence of this stagnation. So we may say that the result of the association-experiments tell in favor of the theory of regression.
In the example I described, we saw that we could understand the dramatic expression of symptoms as soon as it was seen as a reflection of the real conflict. Here, psychoanalytic theory aligns with the findings from the association experiments I mentioned in my lectures[10] at Clark University. The association experiment with a neurotic individual provides us with various references to specific conflicts from real life, which we call complexes. These complexes encompass the issues and challenges that have led the patient to be at odds with themselves. Usually, we find an obvious love conflict involved. From the perspective of the association experiment, neurosis appears to be quite different from how it was perceived under the earlier psychoanalytic theory. Under the latter theory, neurosis seemed to stem from early childhood experiences and grew beyond the normal framework. When viewed through the lens of the association experiment, neurosis appears to be a response to a current conflict, which is also found in normal individuals, but they resolve the conflict with relative ease. The neurotic remains trapped in their conflict, and their neurosis seems to result from this stagnation. Thus, we can conclude that the outcomes of the association experiments support the theory of regression.
With the former historical conception of neurosis, we thought we understood clearly why a neurotic person, with his powerful parent-complex, had such great difficulty in adapting himself to life. Now that we know that normal persons have the same complex, and in principle have to pass through just the same psychological development as a neurotic, we can no longer explain neurosis as a certain development of phantasy-systems. The really illuminating way to put the problem is a prospective one. We do not ask any longer if the patient has a father- or a mother-complex, or unconscious incest-phantasies which worry him. To-day, we know that every one has such things. The belief that only neurotics had these complexes was an error. We ask now: What is the task which the patient does not wish to fulfil? 94From which necessary difficulties of life does the patient try to withdraw himself?
With the old understanding of neurosis, we thought we had a clear grasp on why a neurotic person, with their strong parent complex, struggled so much to adapt to life. Now that we realize that normal people have the same complex and essentially go through the same psychological development as neurotics, we can’t just explain neurosis as a specific way of developing fantasy systems. The more insightful approach to the problem is a forward-looking one. We no longer ask whether the patient has a father or mother complex, or if they have distressing unconscious incest fantasies. Today, we know that everyone experiences these issues. The belief that only neurotics had these complexes was misguided. We now ask: What is the task the patient is unwilling to tackle? 94 What necessary challenges of life is the patient trying to escape?
When people try always to adapt themselves to the conditions of life, the libido is employed rightly and adequately. When this is not the case, the libido is stored up and produces regressive symptoms. The inadequate adaptation, that is to say, the abnormal indecision of neurotics in face of difficulties, is easily accounted for by their strong subjection to their phantasies, in consequence of which reality seems to them, wholly or partly, more unreal, valueless and uninteresting than to normal people. These heightened phantasies are the results of innumerable regressions. The ultimate and deepest root is the innate sensitiveness, which causes difficulties even to the infant at the mother’s breast, in the form of unnecessary irritation and resistances. Call it sensitiveness or whatever you like, this unknown element of predisposition is in every case of neurosis.
When people constantly try to adjust to life's circumstances, their energy is used correctly and effectively. However, when this doesn’t happen, that energy is held back and leads to backward symptoms. The failure to adapt, which means the abnormal indecision of neurotics when facing challenges, can be easily explained by their strong attachment to their fantasies. As a result, reality seems, either wholly or partially, more unreal, worthless, and uninteresting to them than it does to normal individuals. These intensified fantasies come from countless regressions. The ultimate and deepest cause is an inherent sensitivity, which creates challenges even for infants at the breast, manifesting as unnecessary irritation and resistance. Whether you call it sensitivity or something else, this unknown predisposition is present in every case of neurosis.
The Etiological Significance of Phantasy Criticized
The apparent etiological development of neurosis, discovered by psychoanalysis, is in reality only the work of causally connected phantasies, which the patient has created from that libido which at times he did not employ in the biological adaptation. Thus, these apparently etiological phantasies seem to be forms of compensation, disguises, for an unfulfilled adaptation to reality. The vicious circle previously mentioned between the withdrawing in the face of difficulties and the regression into the world of phantasies, is naturally well-suited to give the illusion of an apparent striking causal relationship, so that both the patient and the physician believe in it. In such a development accidental experiences are only “extenuating circumstances.” I feel I must make allowance for those critics who, on reading the history of psychoanalytic patients, get the impression of phantastic elaboration. Only they make the mistake of attributing the phantastic artefacts and far-fetched arbitrary symbolism to the suggestion and to the awful phantasy of the physician, instead of to the unequalled fertility of phantasy on the part of the patient. Of a truth, there is a good deal of artificial elaboration in the phantasies of a psychoanalytic case. There are generally significant 95signs of the patient’s active imagination. The critics are not so wrong when they say that their neurotic patients have no such phantasies. I have no doubt that patients are unconscious of the greater part of their own phantasies. A phantasy only “really” exists in the unconscious, when it has some notable effect upon the conscious, e. g., in the form of a dream; otherwise, we may say with a clear conscience that it is not real. Every one who overlooks the frequently nearly imperceptible effects of unconscious phantasies upon the conscious, or renounces the fundamental, and technically incontestable analysis of dreams, can easily overlook the phantasies of his patients altogether. We are, therefore, inclined to smile when we hear this repeated objection. But we must admit that there is some truth in it. The regressive tendency of the patient is strengthened by the attention bestowed on it, and directed to the unconscious, that is to say, to the phantasies he discovers and forms during analysis. We might even perhaps go so far as to say that, during the time of analysis, this phantasy-production is greatly increased, as the patient is strengthened in his regressive tendency, by the interest taken by the physician and originates even more phantasies than he did before. Hence, our critics have repeatedly stated that a conscientious therapy of the neurosis should go in exactly the opposite direction to that taken by psychoanalysis; in other words, it has been the chief endeavor of therapy, hitherto, to extricate the patient from his unhealthy phantasies and bring him back again to real life.
The apparent cause of neurosis, discovered by psychoanalysis, is actually just the result of connected fantasies that the patient has created from the libido that at times he did not use for biological adaptation. Thus, these seemingly causal fantasies seem to be forms of compensation, disguises for an unfulfilled adaptation to reality. The previously mentioned vicious cycle of withdrawing in the face of difficulties and regressing into a world of fantasies naturally creates the illusion of a strong causal relationship, leading both the patient and the doctor to believe in it. In this development, accidental experiences are just “extenuating circumstances.” I feel I must consider those critics who, when reading the history of psychoanalytic patients, get the impression of elaborate fantasies. However, they make the mistake of attributing these fantastical creations and far-fetched symbolism to the suggestion and the terrible fantasies of the doctor, rather than to the unmatched creativity of the patient’s imagination. In reality, there is quite a bit of artificial elaboration in the fantasies of a psychoanalytic case. There are generally clear signs of the patient’s active imagination. Critics aren't entirely wrong when they say that their neurotic patients lack such fantasies. I have no doubt that patients are unaware of most of their own fantasies. A fantasy only “really” exists in the unconscious when it has some significant impact on the conscious, for example, in the form of a dream; otherwise, we can say with confidence that it isn't real. Anyone who overlooks the often nearly imperceptible effects of unconscious fantasies on the conscious, or who dismisses the essential and technically undeniable analysis of dreams, can easily miss the fantasies of his patients entirely. Therefore, we tend to smile when we hear this repeated criticism. But we must acknowledge that there is some truth to it. The patient's regressive tendency is reinforced by the focus placed on it and directed to the unconscious, meaning the fantasies he discovers and forms during analysis. We might even suggest that during the time of analysis, this production of fantasies significantly increases, as the patient's regressive tendency is bolstered by the doctor's interest, leading to even more fantasies than before. Thus, our critics have repeatedly claimed that a responsible therapy for neurosis should go in the exact opposite direction of psychoanalysis; in other words, the main goal of therapy has been to free the patient from unhealthy fantasies and help them return to real life.
CHAPTER IX
The Therapeutical Principles of Psychoanalysis
While the psychoanalyst, of course, knows of this therapeutic tendency to extricate the patient from his unhealthy phantasies, he also knows just how far this mere extricating of neurotic patients from their phantasies goes. As physicians, we should never think of preferring a difficult and complicated method, assailed by all authorities, to a simple, clear and easy one without good reason. I am perfectly well-acquainted with hypnotic suggestion, and with Dubois’ method of persuasion, but I do not use these methods, on account of their relative inadequacy. For the same reason, I do not use the direct “ré-éducation de la volonté” as the psychoanalytic method gives me better results.
While the psychoanalyst knows about the therapeutic goal of helping the patient move away from unhealthy fantasies, they also realize how far removing neurotic patients from their fantasies actually goes. As doctors, we should never choose a complicated method that is criticized by many experts over a simple, clear, and easy one without a good reason. I am very familiar with hypnotic suggestion and Dubois’ method of persuasion, but I don’t use these methods because they are relatively insufficient. For the same reason, I do not use the direct "willpower rehabilitation" since the psychoanalytic method gives me better results.
In applying psychoanalysis we must grant the regressive phantasies of the patient, for psychoanalysis has a much broader outlook, as regards the valuation of symptoms, than have the above psychotherapeutic methods. These all emanate from the assertion that a neurosis is an absolute morbid formation.
In using psychoanalysis, we need to acknowledge the patient's regressive fantasies because psychoanalysis has a much wider perspective on symptom evaluation than the psychotherapeutic methods mentioned above. All of these methods stem from the belief that a neurosis is a completely pathological condition.
The reigning school of neurology has never thought of considering neurosis as a healing process also, and of attributing to the neurotic formations a quite special teleological meaning. Neurosis, like every other disease, is a compromise between the morbid tendencies, and the normal function. Modern medicine no longer considers fever as the illness itself, but a purposeful reaction of the organism. Psychoanalysis, likewise, no longer conceives a neurosis as eo ipso morbid, but as also having a meaning and a purpose. From this there follows the more reserved and expectant attitude of psychoanalysis towards neurosis. Psychoanalysis does not judge the value of the symptoms, but first tries to understand what tendencies lie beneath these symptoms. If we were able to abolish a neurosis in the same way, for instance, as a cancer is destroyed, then at the same time there would be destroyed a great amount of available energy also. We save this energy, that is, we make it serve the purposes 97of the instinct for health, as soon as we can trace the meaning of these symptoms; by taking part in the regressive movement of the patient. Those unfamiliar with the essentials of psychoanalysis will have some difficulty in understanding how a therapeutic effect can come to pass when the physician takes part in the pernicious phantasies of the patient. Not only critics, but the patients also, doubt the therapeutic value of such a method, which concentrates attention upon phantasies which the patient rejects as worthless and reprehensible. The patients will often tell you that their former physicians forbade them to occupy themselves with their phantasies, and told them that they must only consider that it is well with them, when they are free, if but momentarily, from their awful torments. So, it seems strange enough that it should be of any use to them, when the treatment brings them back to the very thing from which they have tried constantly to escape. The following answer may be made: all depends upon the position which the patient takes up towards his own phantasies. These phantasies have been hitherto, for the patient, an absolutely passive and involuntary manifestation. As we say, he was lost in his dreams. The patient’s so-called brooding is an involuntary kind of dreaming too. What psychoanalysis demands from a patient is only apparently the same. Only a man who has a very superficial knowledge of psychoanalysis can confuse this passive dreaming with the position taken up in analysis. What psychoanalysis asks from the patient is just the contrary of what the patient has always done. The patient can be compared to a person who, unintentionally, has fallen into the water and sunk, whilst psychoanalysis wants him to dive in, as it was no mere chance which led him to fall in at just that spot. There lies a sunken treasure, and only a diver can raise it.
The current leaders in neurology have never considered neurosis as a healing process or seen the neurotic behaviors as having a unique purpose. Neurosis, like any other illness, is a compromise between harmful impulses and normal functioning. Today's medicine no longer views fever as the illness itself, but rather as a purposeful reaction of the body. Similarly, psychoanalysis no longer sees neurosis as inherently harmful but acknowledges that it also has significance and purpose. This leads to a more observant and patient approach in psychoanalysis towards neurosis. Psychoanalysis doesn’t evaluate the symptoms' worth right away; instead, it tries to understand the underlying impulses driving these symptoms. If we could eliminate a neurosis as we do with cancer, we would also destroy a significant amount of available energy. We preserve this energy by aligning it with the instinct for health once we comprehend the meaning behind these symptoms, participating in the patient's regressive movement. Those not familiar with the basics of psychoanalysis might struggle to grasp how a therapeutic effect can occur when the therapist engages with the harmful fantasies of the patient. Both critics and patients often question the therapeutic value of a method that focuses on fantasies the patient deems worthless and shameful. Patients frequently mention that previous doctors advised them not to dwell on their fantasies, insisting that they should only feel okay when they are momentarily free from their distressing thoughts. Thus, it seems odd that revisiting these very issues could be helpful. The key is the patient's attitude toward their own fantasies. These fantasies have been, up until now, an entirely passive and involuntary experience for the patient. As we say, they were lost in their dreams. The patient's so-called rumination is also a form of involuntary dreaming. What psychoanalysis requires from a patient may seem similar at first glance. Only someone with a superficial understanding of psychoanalysis would confuse this passive dreaming with the active engagement required in therapy. What psychoanalysis asks of the patient is the opposite of what they have always done. The patient can be likened to someone who unintentionally fell into the water and sank, while psychoanalysis encourages them to dive in, as their fall was not a mere accident at that particular spot. There lies a hidden treasure, and only a diver can retrieve it.
The patient, judging his phantasies from the standpoint of his reason, regards them as valueless and senseless; but, in reality, the phantasies have their great influence on the patient because they are of great importance. They are old, sunken treasures, which can only be recovered by a diver, that is, the patients, contrary to their wont, must now pay an active attention to their inner life. Where they formerly dreamed, they must now think, consciously and intentionally. This new way of thinking about himself has about as much resemblance to the 98patient’s former mental condition as a diver has to a drowning man. The earlier joy in indulgence has now become a purpose and an aim—that is, has become work. The patient, assisted by the physician, occupies himself with his phantasies, not to lose himself therein, but to uproot them, piece by piece, and to bring them into daylight. He thus reaches an objective standpoint towards his inner life, and everything he formerly loathed and feared is now considered consciously. This contains the basis of the whole psychoanalytic therapy. In consequence of his illness, the patient stood, partially or totally, outside of real life. Consequently he neglected many of his life’s duties, either in regard to social work or to the ordinary daily tasks. If he wishes to be well, he must return to the fulfilment of his particular obligations. Let me say, by way of caution, that we are not to understand by such “duties,” some general ethical postulates, but duties towards himself. Nor does this mean that they are eo ipso egoistic interests, since we are social beings as well, a matter too easily forgotten by individualists. An ordinary person will feel very much more comfortable sharing a common virtue than possessing an individual vice, even if the latter is a very seductive one. They must be already neurotic, or otherwise extraordinary people who can be deluded by such particular interests. The neurotic fled from his duties and his libido withdrew, at least partly, from the tasks imposed by real life. In consequence, the libido became introverted and directed towards an inner life. The libido followed the path of regression: to a large extent phantasies replaced reality, because the patient refused to overcome certain real difficulties. Unconsciously the neurotic patient prefers—and very often consciously too—his dreams and phantasies to reality. To bring him back to real life and to the fulfilment of its necessary duties, the analysis proceeds along the same false path of regression which has been taken by his libido; so that the beginning of psychoanalysis looks as if it were supporting the morbid tendencies of the patient. But psychoanalysis follows these phantasies, these wrong paths, in order to restore the libido, which is the valuable part of the phantasies, to the conscious self and to the duties of the moment. This can only be done by bringing the phantasies into the light of day, and along with them the libido bound up with them. We might leave these unconscious 99phantasies to their shadowy existence, if no libido were attached to them. It is unavoidable that the patient, feeling himself at the beginning of analysis confirmed in his regressive tendencies, leads his analytical interest, amid increasing resistances, down to the depths of the shadowy world. We can easily understand that any physician who is a normal person experiences the greatest resistance towards the thoroughly morbid, regressive tendency of the patient, since he feels quite certain that this tendency is pathological. And this all the more because, as physician, he believes he is right in refusing to give heed to his patient’s phantasies. It is quite conceivable that the physician feels a repulsion towards this tendency; it is undoubtedly repugnant to see how a person is completely given up to such phantasies, finding only himself of any importance and never ceasing to admire or despise himself. The esthetic sense of normal people has, as a rule, little pleasure in neurotic phantasies, even if it does not find them absolutely repulsive. The psychoanalyst must put aside such esthetic judgment, just as every physician must, who really tries to help his patients. He may not fear any dirty work. Of course there are a great many patients physically ill, who, without undergoing an exact examination or local treatment, do recover by the use of general physical, dietetic, or suggestive means. Severe cases can, however, only be helped by a more exact examination and therapy, based on a profound knowledge of the illness. Our psychotherapeutic methods hitherto have been like these general measures. In slight cases they did no harm; on the contrary, they were often of great service. But for a great many patients these measures have proved inadequate. If they really can be helped, it will be by psychoanalysis, which is not to say that psychoanalysis is a universal panacea. Such a sneer proceeds only from ill-natured criticism. We know very well that psychoanalysis fails in many cases. As everybody knows, we shall never be able to cure all illnesses.
The patient, when evaluating his fantasies through the lens of reason, sees them as worthless and nonsensical; however, these fantasies actually have a significant influence on him because they are important. They are like old, buried treasures that can only be found by a diver—in other words, the patients must actively focus on their inner lives instead of ignoring them. Where they used to dream, they must now think consciously and intentionally. This new approach to self-reflection is as different from the patient’s previous mental state as a diver is from someone who is drowning. The earlier pleasure derived from indulgence has now turned into a goal and a mission—it has become work. With the physician's help, the patient engages with his fantasies, not to lose himself in them, but to dismantle them piece by piece and bring them to light. He achieves an objective perspective on his inner life, and everything he once loathed and feared is now consciously examined. This forms the foundation of the entire psychoanalytic therapy. Due to his illness, the patient has become partially or fully detached from real life. As a result, he has neglected many of his responsibilities, both in terms of social obligations and daily tasks. If he wants to get better, he must return to fulfilling these specific obligations. I want to clarify that by “duties,” I don't mean some general ethical standards, but responsibilities he has to himself. This doesn’t imply that they are inherently selfish interests, since we are social beings as well—a fact that individualists often overlook. A regular person usually feels much more comfortable sharing a common virtue than clinging to an individual vice, even if that vice is very tempting. Only those who are neurotic or otherwise exceptional can be fooled by such self-centered interests. The neurotic has fled from his responsibilities, and his desires have, at least partially, withdrawn from the challenges posed by real life. Consequently, his desires have turned inward, focusing on an inner existence. Desires took a regressive turn: fantasies largely replaced reality because the patient chose not to confront certain real challenges. Unconsciously, and often consciously as well, the neurotic patient prefers his dreams and fantasies over reality. To guide him back to real life and the fulfillment of its necessary duties, the analysis follows the same regressive path that his desires have taken; thus, the beginning of psychoanalysis may seem to encourage the patient’s unhealthy tendencies. But psychoanalysis tracks these fantasies and misguided paths to restore the valuable part of the fantasies—the desires—to the conscious self and to current obligations. This can only be achieved through bringing the fantasies into the light along with the desires associated with them. We might leave these unconscious fantasies to linger in their shadowy state if they were not connected to desires. It’s inevitable that at the start of analysis, the patient feels validated in his regressive tendencies, which leads his analytical interest deeper into this shadowy world amidst growing resistances. It’s understandable that any physician who is a normal person would experience significant resistance to the patient's deeply unhealthy, regressive tendencies, as they recognize this tendency as pathological. This resistance is heightened because, as a physician, they believe it’s the right approach to ignore the patient's fantasies. It’s conceivable that the physician feels repulsed by this tendency; it’s undeniably uncomfortable to witness an individual utterly consumed by such fantasies, only valuing themselves and eternally admiring or despising their own image. The aesthetic sensibility of normal people usually takes little pleasure in neurotic fantasies, even if they don’t find them entirely repugnant. The psychoanalyst must put aside these aesthetic judgments, just as every physician must who genuinely aims to help their patients. They can't shy away from any unpleasant tasks. Of course, many physically ill patients recover without needing detailed examinations or local treatments, through general health measures, dietary changes, or suggestive methods. However, serious cases can only be properly treated with thorough examinations and therapies grounded in a deep understanding of the condition. Our past psychotherapeutic methods were akin to these general approaches. In mild cases, they did no harm; in fact, they often provided significant help. But for many patients, these methods have proven insufficient. If they can truly be helped, it will be through psychoanalysis, which doesn’t imply that psychoanalysis is a cure-all. Such a notion stems only from malicious criticism. We know very well that psychoanalysis fails in many situations. As is widely understood, we will never be able to cure all ailments.
This “diving” work of analysis brings dirty matter piecemeal out of the slime, which must then be cleansed before we can tell its value. The dirty phantasies are valueless and are thrown aside, but the libido actuating them is of value and this, after cleansing, becomes serviceable again. To the psychoanalyst, as to every specialist, it will sometimes seem that the phantasies have 100also a value of their own, and not only by reason of the libido linked with them. But their value is not, in the first instance, for the patient. For the physician, these phantasies have a scientific value, just as if is of special interest to the surgeon to know whether the pus contained staphylococci or streptococci. To the patient it is all the same, and for him, it is better that the doctor conceal his scientific interest, in order not to tempt him to have greater pleasure than necessary in his phantasies. The etiological importance which is attached to these phantasies, incorrectly, to my mind, explains why so much room is given up in psychoanalytic literature to the extensive discussion of the various sexual phantasies. Once if is known that absolutely nothing is impossible in the sphere of sexual phantasy, the former estimate of these phantasies will disappear, and therewith the endeavor to discover in them an etiological import. Nor will the most extended discussion of these cases ever be able to exhaust this sphere.
This analysis work dredges up messy material piece by piece from the depths, which then needs to be cleaned before we can assess its worth. The dirty fantasies have no value and are discarded, but the underlying desire fueling them is valuable, and after cleansing, it can be useful again. For the psychoanalyst, like any expert, it may sometimes seem that the fantasies have their own worth beyond the desire attached to them. However, their value isn't primarily for the patient. For the doctor, these fantasies have scientific significance, just as it's of particular interest to a surgeon to know if the pus contains staphylococci or streptococci. For the patient, it doesn’t matter, and it's better for him if the doctor keeps his scientific interest hidden, so he isn’t tempted to take more pleasure than necessary in his fantasies. The importance placed on these fantasies, which I believe is misplaced, explains why so much psychoanalytic literature is dedicated to discussing various sexual fantasies in detail. Once it’s understood that absolutely anything is possible in the realm of sexual fantasy, previous evaluations of these fantasies will fade away, along with the effort to find any causal meaning in them. Moreover, no amount of discussion on these cases will ever fully cover this area.
Every case is theoretically inexhaustible. But in general the production of phantasies ceases after a time. Naturally, we must not conclude from this that the possibility of creating phantasies is exhausted, but the cessation in their production only means that there is then no more libido on the path of regression. The end of the regressive movement is reached as soon as the libido takes hold of the present real duties of life, and is used to solve those problems. But there are cases, and these not a few, where the patient continues longer than usual to produce endless phantastic manifestations, either from his own pleasure in them or from certain false expectations on the part of the doctor. Such a mistake is especially easy for beginners, since, blinded by the present psychoanalytical discussion, they keep their interest fixed on these phantasies, because they seem to possess etiological significance. They are therefore constantly at pains to fish up phantasies of early childhood, vainly hoping to find thus the solution of the neurotic difficulties. They do not see that the solution lies in action, and in the fulfilment of certain necessary duties of life. It will be objected that the neurosis is entirely due to the incapacity of the patient to carry out these very demands of life, and that therapy by the analysis of the unconscious ought to enable him to do so, or at least, give him means to do so. The 101objection put in this way is perfectly valid, but we have to add that it is only so when the patient is really conscious of the duties he has to fulfil, not only academically, in their general theoretical outlines but in their most minute details. It is characteristic for neurotic people to be wanting in this knowledge, although, because of their intelligence, they are well aware of the general duties of life, and struggle, perhaps only too hard, to fulfil the prescriptions of current morality. But the much more important duties which he ought to fulfil towards himself are to a great extent unknown to the neurotic; sometimes even they are not known at all. It is not enough, therefore, to follow the patient blindfold on the path of regression, and to push him by an inopportune etiological interest back into his infantile phantasies. I have often heard from patients, with whom the psychoanalytic treatment has come to a standstill: “The doctor believes I must have somewhere some infantile trauma, or an infantile phantasy which I am still repressing.” Apart from the cases where this supposition was really true, I have seen cases in which the stoppage was caused by the fact that the libido, hauled up by the analysis, sank back into the depths again for want of employment. This was due to the physician’s attention being directed entirely to the infantile phantasies, and his failing therefore to see what duties of the moment the patient had to fulfil. The consequence was that the libido brought forth by analysis always sank back again, as no opportunity for further activity was found.
Every case is theoretically endless. However, in general, the creation of fantasies eventually stops. This doesn’t mean that the ability to create fantasies is gone; it simply indicates that there is no longer any libido directed toward regression. The regressive movement ends when the libido focuses on the present, real-life responsibilities and is used to tackle those challenges. There are, however, many instances where patients continue to generate an endless stream of fantastical manifestations, either out of their own enjoyment or due to certain mistaken expectations from the doctor. This error is particularly easy for beginners to make, as they're often caught up in current psychoanalytical discussions, fixating their interest on these fantasies because they seem to have etiological significance. They are constantly trying to dredge up fantasies from early childhood, hoping to uncover the solution to their neurotic difficulties. They fail to recognize that the solution lies in taking action and fulfilling certain necessary life duties. It may be argued that the neurosis arises entirely from the patient’s inability to meet these life demands, and that therapy through unconscious analysis should enable them to do so, or at least provide them with the tools to help. The objection, framed this way, is completely valid; however, we must add that this holds true only when the patient is genuinely aware of the duties they need to fulfill, not just theoretically, but in every little detail. Neurotic individuals often lack this knowledge, even though, due to their intelligence, they are quite aware of the general responsibilities of life and may struggle too hard to meet the demands of current morality. But the far more important duties they should fulfill towards themselves are largely unknown to them; sometimes, they aren't recognized at all. Therefore, it is insufficient to blindly follow the patient along the path of regression and push them, driven by an inappropriate etiological interest, back into their childhood fantasies. I have often heard from patients, with whom psychoanalytic treatment has stalled: “The doctor thinks I must have some childhood trauma or a repressed childhood fantasy somewhere.” Aside from cases where this assumption was indeed correct, I have seen situations in which the stagnation was due to the libido, brought forth by the analysis, sinking back down due to lack of employment. This happened because the physician focused entirely on the childhood fantasies and failed to recognize the immediate duties the patient needed to fulfill. As a result, the libido generated through analysis continually receded, as no opportunities for further action were available.
There are many patients who, on their own account, discover their life-tasks and abandon the production of regressive phantasies pretty soon, because they prefer to live in reality, rather than in their phantasies. It is a pity that this cannot be said of all patients. A good many of them forsake for a long time, or even forever, the fulfilment of their life-tasks, and prefer their idle neurotic dreaming. I must again emphasize that we do not understand by “dreaming” always a conscious phenomenon.
There are many patients who, on their own, find their life’s purpose and soon give up their regressive fantasies because they choose to live in reality rather than in their fantasies. It's unfortunate that this isn’t true for all patients. Many of them abandon their life’s purpose for a long time, or even permanently, in favor of their idle neurotic daydreaming. I must again stress that we don’t always mean “ dreaming” to be a conscious phenomenon.
In accordance with these facts and these views, the character of psychoanalysis has changed during the course of time. If the first stage of psychoanalysis was perhaps a kind of surgery, which would remove from the mind of the patient the foreign body, the “blocked” affect, the later form has been a kind of historical method, which tries to investigate carefully the genesis of the 102neurosis, down to its smallest details, and to reduce it to its earliest origins.
Based on these facts and views, the nature of psychoanalysis has evolved over time. If the initial phase of psychoanalysis was somewhat like surgery, aimed at removing the foreign element from the patient's mind, the “blocked” emotion, the later approach has become a sort of historical method that carefully examines the development of the 102neurosis, right down to its smallest details, and seeks to trace it back to its earliest origins.
The Conception of Transference
This last method has unmistakably been due to strong scientific interest, the traces of which are clearly seen in the delineations of cases so far. Thanks to this, Freud was also able to discover wherein lay the therapeutical effect of psychoanalysis. Whilst formerly this was sought in the discharge of the traumatic affect, it was now seen that the phantasies produced were especially associated with the personality of the physician. Freud calls this process transference (“Uebertragung”), owing to the fact that the images of the parents (“imagines”) are henceforth transferred to the physician, along with the infantile attitude of mind adopted towards the parents. The transference does not arise solely in the intellectual sphere, but the libido bound up with the phantasy is transferred, together with the phantasy itself, to the personality of the physician, so that the physician replaces the parents to a certain extent. All the apparently sexual phantasies which have been connected with the parents are now connected with the physician, and the less this is realized by the patient, the more he will be unconsciously bound to his physician. This recognition is in many ways of prime importance.
This last method has clearly come from a strong scientific interest, which is evident in the descriptions of cases so far. Because of this, Freud was also able to uncover the therapeutic effect of psychoanalysis. While previously it was thought to come from the release of the traumatic emotion, it became clear that the fantasies created are particularly linked to the personality of the doctor. Freud calls this process transference ("Transfer") because the images of the parents (“imagines”) are transferred to the doctor, along with the childlike mindset directed toward the parents. Transference doesn’t just happen in the intellectual realm; the libido associated with the fantasy is also transferred, together with the fantasy itself, to the doctor's personality, so the doctor partially takes the place of the parents. All the seemingly sexual fantasies that were tied to the parents are now linked to the doctor, and the less the patient realizes this, the more unconsciously attached they will be to their doctor. This understanding is very important in many ways.
This process has an important biological value for the patient. The less libido he gives to reality, the more exaggerated will be his phantasies, and the more he will be cut off from the world. Typical of neurotic people is their attitude of disharmony towards reality, that is, their diminished capacity for adaptation. Through the transference to the physician, a bridge is built, across which the patient can get away from his family, into reality. In other words, he can emerge from his infantile environment into the world of grown-up people, for here the physician stands for a part of the extra-familial world. But on the other hand, this transference is a powerful hindrance to the progress of treatment, for the patient assimilates the personality of the physician as if he did stand for father or mother, and not for a part of the extra-familial world. If the patient could acquire the image of the physician as a part of the non-infantile world, he would gain 103a considerable advantage. But transference has the opposite effect; hence the whole advantage of the new acquisition is neutralized. The more the patient succeeds in regarding his doctor as he does any other individual, the more he is able to consider himself objectively, the greater becomes the advantage of transference. The less he is able to consider his doctor in this way, the more the physician is assimilated with the father, the less is the advantage of the transference and the greater will be its harm. The familial environment of the patient has only become increased by an additional personality assimilated to his parents. The patient himself is, as before, still in his childish surroundings, and therefore maintains his infantile attitude of mind. In this manner, all the advantages of transference can be lost.
This process is really important for the patient's biology. The less connection he feels to reality, the more intense his fantasies will become, and the more isolated he’ll be from the world. Neurotic people typically have a disharmonious attitude towards reality, meaning they struggle to adapt. Through transference to the physician, a bridge is created, allowing the patient to escape from their family and engage with reality. In other words, they can move from their childlike world into the adult world, as the physician represents part of that external world. However, this transference can also significantly hinder treatment progress because the patient tends to see the physician as a parental figure instead of a part of the outside world. If the patient could view the physician as part of the adult world, it would provide a major benefit. But instead, transference often has the opposite effect, cancelling out the advantages of this new perception. The more the patient manages to see their doctor like any other person, the better they can view themselves objectively, increasing the benefit of transference. Conversely, if the patient can't see their doctor that way and instead associates them with the father figure, the potential benefits of transference decrease and can actually become harmful. The patient’s familial environment simply gets larger with another personality that’s similar to their parents. The patient remains in their childish surroundings, which keeps their immature mindset intact. As a result, all the potential benefits of transference can be lost.
There are patients who follow the analysis with the greatest interest without making the slightest improvement, remaining extraordinarily productive in phantasies, although the whole development of their neurosis, even to the smallest details, has been brought to light. A physician under the influence of the historical view might be thus easily thrown into confusion, and would have to ask himself: What is there in this case still to be analyzed? Those are just the cases of which I spoke before, where it is no longer a matter of the analysis of the historical material, but we have now to face a practical problem, the overcoming of the inadequate infantile attitude of mind. Of course, the historical analysis would show repeatedly that the patient had a childish attitude towards his physician, but it would not bring us any solution of the question how that attitude could be changed. To a certain extent, this serious disadvantage of transference is found in every case. Gradually it has been proved that this part of psychoanalysis is, considered from a scientific standpoint, extraordinarily interesting and of great value, but in its practical aspect, of less importance than that which has now to follow, namely, the analysis of the transference.
There are patients who engage with the analysis with great interest but show no improvement, remaining highly imaginative, even though the entire development of their neurosis, including every little detail, has been revealed. A doctor who relies on a historical perspective might easily become confused and would have to wonder: What else is there to analyze in this case? These are the cases I mentioned earlier, where it’s no longer just about examining the historical material; we now have to deal with a practical issue—the challenge of overcoming the inadequate childlike mindset. Of course, the historical analysis would repeatedly show that the patient has a childish attitude toward their doctor, but it wouldn’t provide any answers on how to change that attitude. To some extent, this serious limitation of transference is found in every case. Gradually, it has been demonstrated that this aspect of psychoanalysis is, from a scientific perspective, extremely interesting and valuable, but in practical terms, it’s less important than what comes next—namely, the analysis of the transference.
Confession and Psychoanalysis
Before we enter into a more detailed consideration of this practical part of psychoanalysis, I should like to mention a parallelism between the first part of psychoanalysis and a historical institution of our civilization. It is not difficult to guess 104this parallelism. We find it in the religious institution called confession. By nothing are people more cut off from fellowship with others than by a secret borne about within them. It is not that a secret actually cuts off a person from communicating with his fellows, yet somehow personal secrets which are zealously guarded do have this effect. “Sinful” deeds and thoughts, for instance, are the secrets which separate one person from another. Great relief is therefore gained by confessing them. This relief is due to the re-admission of the individual to the community. His loneliness, which was so difficult to bear, ceases. Herein lies the essential value of the confession. But this confession means at the same time, through the phenomenon of transference and its unconscious phantasies, that the individual becomes tied to his confessor. This was probably instinctively intended by the Church. The fact that perhaps the greater part of humanity wants to be guided, justifies the moral value attributed to this institution by the Church. The priest is furnished with all the attributes of paternal authority, and upon him rests the obligation to guide his congregation, just as a father guides his children. Thus the priest replaces the parents and to a certain extent frees his people from their infantile bonds. In so far as the priest is a highly moral personality, with a nobility of soul, and an adequate culture, this institution may be commended as a splendid instance of social control and education, which served humanity during the space of two thousand years. So long as the Christian Church of the Middle Ages was capable of being the guardian of culture and science, in which rôle her success was, in part, due to her wide toleration of the secular element, confession was an admirable method for the education of the people. But confession lost its greatest value, at least for the more educated, as soon as the Church was unable to maintain her leadership over the more emancipated portion of the community and became incapable, through her rigidity, of following the intellectual life of the nations.
Before we dive deeper into the practical aspects of psychoanalysis, I want to point out a parallel between the first part of psychoanalysis and a historical institution in our society. It’s easy to see this parallel. It exists in the religious practice known as confession. Nothing cuts people off from connecting with others more than a secret they carry inside. While a secret doesn’t literally prevent communication with others, personal secrets that are fiercely protected do tend to have that effect. “Sinful” actions and thoughts, for example, are the secrets that create distance between individuals. Confessing these secrets provides significant relief. This relief comes from being re-admitted into the community. The loneliness that was hard to endure dissipates. This is the fundamental value of confession. However, this act also means that through the process of transference and its unconscious fantasies, the individual becomes linked to their confessor. The Church likely intended this instinctively. The fact that a large part of humanity seeks guidance validates the moral worth assigned to this institution by the Church. The priest embodies all the traits of paternal authority, and it is his duty to guide his congregation, just as a father guides his children. In this way, the priest takes the place of the parents and helps his community break free from their childish ties. As long as the priest is a morally upright individual with a noble spirit and proper education, this institution can be viewed as a remarkable example of social control and education that has benefited humanity for two thousand years. While the Christian Church of the Middle Ages was able to safeguard culture and knowledge, partly due to its tolerance of secular elements, confession served as an excellent method for the education of the people. However, confession lost much of its value, especially for the more educated, when the Church could no longer lead the more liberated segments of society and, due to its rigidity, failed to keep up with the intellectual progress of the nations.
The more highly educated men of to-day do not want to be guided by a belief or a rigid dogma; they want to understand. Therefore, they put aside everything that they do not understand, and the religious symbol is very little accessible for general understanding. The sacrificium intellectus is an act of violence, to 105which the moral conscience of the highly developed man is opposed. But in a large number of cases, transference to, and dependence upon the analyst could be considered as a sufficient end, with a definite therapeutic effect, if the analyst were in every respect a great personality, capable and competent to guide the patients given into his charge and to be a father of his people. But a modern, mentally-developed person desires to guide himself, and to stand on his own feet. He wants to take the helm in his own hands; the steering has too long been done by others. He wants to understand; in other words, he wants to be a grown-up person. It is much easier to be guided, but this no longer suits the well-educated of the present time, for they feel the necessity of the moral independence demanded by the spirit of our time. Modern humanity demands moral autonomy. Psychoanalysis has to allow this claim, and refuses to guide and to advise. The psychoanalytic physician knows his own shortcomings too well, and therefore cannot believe that he can be father and leader. His highest ambition must only consist in educating his patients to become independent personalities, and in freeing them from their unconscious dependency within infantile limitations. Psychoanalysis has therefore to analyze the transference, a task left untouched by the priest. In so doing, the unconscious dependence upon the physician is cut off, and the patient is put upon his own feet; this at least is the end at which the physician aims.
Today's more educated men don't want to be led by a belief or strict dogma; they want to understand. So, they discard anything they don't get, and religious symbols are often hard for the general public to grasp. The sacrificium intellectus feels like an act of violence that goes against the moral conscience of the well-developed individual. However, in many cases, relying on the analyst could be seen as a sufficient goal with a clear therapeutic outcome, provided the analyst is a strong, capable person who can guide the patients in their care and act as a supportive figure. But, a modern, mentally mature person wants to take charge of their own life and be independent. They want to steer their own course; others have done the steering for too long. They seek understanding; in other words, they want to be adults. It’s easier to be led, but this doesn’t sit well with the well-educated individuals of today, as they feel the need for the moral independence that the spirit of our time demands. Modern humanity demands moral autonomy. Psychoanalysis must respect this demand and refrain from guiding or advising. The psychoanalytic physician is acutely aware of their own limitations and can't see themselves as a father or leader. Their highest aim should be to help patients become independent individuals and to liberate them from their unconscious dependencies rooted in childish limitations. Thus, psychoanalysis must analyze the transference, a job that is often overlooked by religious figures. By doing this, the unconscious dependence on the physician is severed, and the patient is empowered to stand on their own; this is at least the goal the physician strives for.
The Analysis of the Transference
We have already seen that the transference brings about difficulties, because the personality of the physician is assimilated with the image of the patient’s parents. The first part of the analysis, the investigation of the patient’s complexes, is rather easy, chiefly because a man is relieved by ridding himself of his secrets, difficulties and pains. In the second place, he experiences a peculiar satisfaction from at last finding some one who shows interest in all those things to which nobody hitherto would listen. It is very agreeable to find a person, who tries to understand him, and does not shrink back. In the third place, the expressed intention of the physician, to understand him and to follow him through all his erring ways, pathetically affects the patient. The 106feeling of being understood is especially sweet to the solitary souls who are forever longing for “understanding.” In this they are insatiable. The beginning of the analysis is for these reasons fairly easy and simple. The improvement so easily gained, and the sometimes striking change in the patient’s condition of health are a great temptation to the psychoanalytic beginner to slip into a therapeutic optimism and an analytical superficiality, neither of which would correspond to the seriousness and the difficulties of the situation. The trumpeting of therapeutic successes is nowhere more contemptible than in psychoanalysis, for no one is better able to understand than a psychoanalyst how the so-called result of the therapy depends on the coöperation of nature and the patient himself. The psychoanalyst may rest content with possessing an advanced scientific insight. The prevailing psychoanalytic literature cannot be spared reproach that some of its works do give a false impression as to its real nature. There are therapeutical publications from which the uninitiated receive the impression that psychoanalysis is more or less a clever trick, with astonishing effects. The first part of analysis, where we try to understand, and which, as we have seen before, offers much relief to the patient’s feelings, is responsible for these illusions. These incidental benefits help the phenomenon of transference. The patient has long felt the need of help to free him from his inward isolation and his lack of self-understanding. So he gives way to his transference, after first struggling against it. For a neurotic person, the transference is an ideal situation. He himself makes no effort, and nevertheless another person meets him halfway, with an apparent affectionate understanding; does not even get annoyed or leave off his patient endeavors, although he himself is sometimes stubborn and makes childish resistances. By this means the strongest resistances are melted away, for the interest of the physician meets the need of a better adaptation to extra-familial reality. The patient obtains, through the transference, not only his parents, who used to bestow great attention upon him, but in addition he gets a relationship outside the family, and thus fulfils a necessary duty of life. The therapeutical success so often to be seen at the same time fortifies the patient’s belief that this new-gained situation is an excellent one. Here we can easily understand that the patient is not in the least inclined 107to abandon this newly-found advantage. If it depended upon him, he would be forever associated with his physician. In consequence, he begins to produce all kinds of phantasies, in order to find possible ways of maintaining the association with his physician. He makes the greatest resistances towards his physician, when the latter tries to dissolve the transference. At the same time, we must not forget that for our patients the acquisition of a relationship outside the family is one of the most important duties of life, and one, moreover, which up to this moment they had failed or but very imperfectly succeeded in accomplishing. I must oppose myself energetically to the view that we always mean by this relationship outside the family, a sexual relation in its popular sense. This is the misunderstanding fallen into by so many neurotic people, who believe that a right attitude toward reality is only to be found by way of concrete sexuality. There are even physicians, not psychoanalysts, who are of the same conviction. But this is the primitive adaptation which we find among uncivilized people under primitive conditions. If we lend uncritical support to this tendency of neurotic people to adapt themselves in an infantile way, we just encourage them in the infantilism from which they are suffering. The neurotic patient has to learn that higher adaptation which is demanded by life from civilized and grown-up people. Whoever has a tendency to sink lower, will proceed to do so; for this end he does not need psychoanalysis. But we must be careful not to fall into the opposite extreme and believe that we can create by analysis great personalities. Psychoanalysis stands above traditional morality. It follows no arbitrary moral standard. It is only a means to bring to light the individual trends, and to develop and harmonize them as perfectly as possible.
We’ve already seen that transference creates problems because the doctor’s personality gets mixed up with the image of the patient’s parents. The first part of the analysis, which looks into the patient’s issues, is relatively easy, mainly because a person feels relief when they can share their secrets, troubles, and pain. Secondly, there’s a unique satisfaction in finally finding someone who cares about things that no one else has listened to. It’s really nice to meet someone who tries to understand him without pulling back. Thirdly, the doctor’s expressed intention to understand and support him through all his struggles deeply affects the patient. The feeling of being understood is especially sweet for those lonely souls who crave “understanding.” They’re insatiable in this regard. For these reasons, the beginning of the analysis is pretty straightforward. The quick improvements and sometimes remarkable changes in the patient’s health tempt new psychoanalysts into an optimistic but shallow approach, which doesn't reflect the seriousness and complexity of the situation. No field is more shamelessly prone to exaggerated claims of success than psychoanalysis, as no one knows better than a psychoanalyst that the so-called outcomes of therapy depend on nature and the patient's cooperation. Psychoanalysts can take comfort in their advanced scientific insight. However, the existing psychoanalytic literature deserves criticism for sometimes giving a misleading impression of what the field truly is. Some therapeutic publications lead the uninformed to think that psychoanalysis is just a clever trick with amazing effects. The first part of the analysis, where we seek to understand and which, as we've noted, offers the patient substantial emotional relief, contributes to these misconceptions. These incidental gains facilitate the phenomenon of transference. The patient has long felt a need for help to break free from their internal isolation and lack of self-understanding. So, they ultimately accept their transference after initially resisting it. For a neurotic person, transference creates an ideal situation. They don’t have to make an effort, yet another person meets them halfway with seeming affectionate understanding, not even getting annoyed or giving up their efforts, despite sometimes being stubborn and childish in their resistance. This dynamic helps dissolve the strongest resistances because the doctor’s interest aligns with the patient’s desire for better adjustment to the outside world. Through transference, the patient not only recreates their parents’ attention but also forms a relationship outside the family, fulfilling a necessary aspect of life. The therapeutic success often seen at this time reinforces the patient’s belief that this new situation is excellent. It’s easy to see why the patient wouldn’t want to abandon this newfound advantage. If it were up to them, they would want to stay connected to their doctor forever. Consequently, they begin to conjure all sorts of fantasies about how to maintain this relationship. They resist the doctor the most when the doctor attempts to dissolve the transference. At the same time, we must remember that for our patients, establishing connections outside the family is one of life’s most important responsibilities, one they have previously struggled or failed to achieve. I strongly oppose the idea that this relationship outside the family always refers to a sexual relationship in the popular sense. This misunderstanding is common among many neurotics, who think the right approach to reality must involve concrete sexuality. There are even some physicians, not psychoanalysts, who hold this belief. But this viewpoint reflects a primitive adaptation seen in uncivilized societies. If we mindlessly support neurotic tendencies toward immature adaptation, we only encourage their infantilism. Neurotic patients must learn the higher adjustment that life demands from civilized, mature people. Those who tend toward degeneration will do so, and they don’t need psychoanalysis for that. However, we should be cautious not to fall into the opposite extreme and believe that analysis can create extraordinary individuals. Psychoanalysis transcends traditional morality. It doesn’t adhere to arbitrary moral codes. Its purpose is to uncover individual tendencies and develop and balance them as effectively as possible.
Analysis must be a biological method, that is, a method which tries to connect the highest subjective well-being with the most valuable biological activity. The best result for a person who passes through analysis, is that he becomes at the end what he really is, in harmony with himself, neither bad nor good, but an ordinary human being. Psychoanalysis cannot be considered a method of education, if by education is understood the possibility of shaping a tree to a highly artificial form. But whoever has the higher conception of education will most prize that 108educational method which can cultivate a tree so that it shall fulfil to perfection its own natural conditions of growth. We yield too much to the ridiculous fear that we are at bottom quite impossible beings, and that if everyone were to appear as he really is a dreadful social catastrophe would result. The individualistic thinkers of our day insist on understanding by “people as they really are,” only the discontented, anarchistic and egotistic element in humanity; they quite forget that this same humanity has created those well-established forms of our civilization which possess greater strength and solidity than all the anarchistic under-currents.
Analysis must be a biological method, meaning a method that tries to connect the highest subjective well-being with the most valuable biological activity. The best outcome for a person who undergoes analysis is that they become, in the end, who they truly are, in harmony with themselves, neither bad nor good, but simply an ordinary human being. Psychoanalysis can't be seen as a method of education if by education we mean the ability to shape a tree into a highly artificial form. But those who have a broader view of education will value an educational method that allows a tree to thrive according to its own natural growth conditions. We give in too much to the ridiculous fear that, at our core, we are completely unmanageable beings, and that if everyone were to show themselves as they really are, a terrible social disaster would ensue. Today's individualistic thinkers tend to focus on the discontented, anarchistic, and egotistical aspects of humanity when they refer to “people as they really are”; they forget that this same humanity has built those solid structures of our civilization that are stronger and more enduring than all the anarchistic currents.
When we try to dissolve the transference we have to fight against powers which have not only neurotic value, but also universal normal significance. When we try to bring the patient to the dissolution of his transference, we are asking more from him than is generally asked of the average man; we ask that he should subdue himself wholly. Only certain religions have made such a claim on humanity, and it is this demand which makes the second part of analysis so difficult.
When we try to break down the transference, we have to contend with forces that not only hold neurotic value but also have universal significance. When we attempt to lead the patient to let go of their transference, we are asking more from them than what is typically expected of the average person; we ask that they completely master themselves. Only certain religions have made such a demand on humanity, and it's this expectation that makes the second part of analysis so challenging.
The technique that we have to employ for the analysis of the transference is exactly the same as that before described. Naturally the problem as to what the patient must do with the libido which is now withdrawn from the physician comes to the fore. Here again, there is great danger for the beginner, as he will be inclined to suggest, or to give suggestive advice. This would be extremely pleasant for the patient in every respect, and therefore fatal.
The method we need to use for analyzing transference is exactly the same as described earlier. Naturally, the question of what the patient should do with the libido that is now withdrawn from the therapist becomes important. Once more, this poses a significant risk for the novice, as they might be tempted to suggest or give advice that is suggestive. This approach would be very appealing to the patient in every way, and therefore quite harmful.
The Problem of Self-Analysis
I think here is the place to say something about the indispensable conditions of the psychology of the psychoanalyst himself. Psychoanalysis is by no means an instrument applied to the patient only; it is self-evident that it must be applied to the psychoanalyst first. I believe that it is not only a moral, but a professional duty also, for the physician to submit himself to the psychoanalytic process, in order to clean his mind from his own unconscious interferences. Even if he is entitled to trust to his own personal honesty, that will not suffice to save him from the misleading influences of his own unconscious. The unconscious 109is unknown, even to the most frank and honest person. Without analysis the physician will inevitably be blindfolded in all those places where he meets his own complexes; this is a situation of dangerous importance in the analysis of transference. Do not forget that the complexes of a neurotic are only the complexes of all human beings, the psychoanalyst included. Through the interference of your own hidden wishes you will do the greatest harm to your patients. The psychoanalyst must never forget that the final aim of psychoanalysis is the personal freedom and moral independence of the patient.
I think this is the right moment to talk about the essential conditions necessary for the psychology of the psychoanalyst. Psychoanalysis isn't just a tool used on the patient; it's clear that it needs to be applied to the psychoanalyst first. I believe that it's not just a moral obligation but also a professional responsibility for the physician to undergo the psychoanalytic process to clear his mind of his own unconscious biases. Even if he trusts his own honesty, that alone won't protect him from the deceptive influences of his own unconscious. The unconscious 109is unknown, even to the most open and honest person. Without analysis, the physician will inevitably be blind to all the ways he encounters his own complexes; this is a situation of significant risk in analyzing transference. Don't forget that the complexes of a neurotic are just the same as those of every human being, including the psychoanalyst. Through the impact of your own hidden desires, you could cause serious harm to your patients. The psychoanalyst must always remember that the ultimate goal of psychoanalysis is the personal freedom and moral independence of the patient.
The Analysis of Dreams
Here, as everywhere in analysis, we have to follow the patient along the line of his own impulses, even if the path seems to be a wrong one. Error is just as important a condition of mental progress as truth. In this second step of analysis, with all its hidden precipices and sand-banks, we owe a great deal to dreams. At the beginning of analysis dreams chiefly helped in discovering phantasies; here they guide us, in a most valuable way, to the application of the libido. Freud’s work laid the foundation of an immense increase in our knowledge in regard to the interpretation of the dream’s content, through its historical material and its tendency to express wishes. He showed us how dreams open the way to the acquisition of unconscious material. In accordance with his genius for the purely historical method, he apprises us chiefly of the analytical relations. Although this method is incontestably of the greatest importance, we ought not to take up this standpoint exclusively, as such an historical conception does not sufficiently take account of the teleological meaning of dreams.
Here, as in every aspect of analysis, we need to follow the patient according to their own impulses, even if the direction seems wrong. Mistakes are just as crucial for mental growth as truths. In this next step of analysis, with all its hidden risks and obstacles, we owe a lot to dreams. At the beginning of the analysis, dreams mainly helped us uncover fantasies; now they guide us in a very valuable way towards understanding the application of libido. Freud’s work established a foundation that significantly expanded our knowledge of dream interpretation, focusing on its historical context and its tendency to reveal desires. He demonstrated how dreams provide insight into unconscious material. Staying true to his genius for a historical approach, he primarily informs us about the analytical relationships. While this method is undeniably very important, we shouldn't adopt this perspective exclusively, as such a historical view doesn't adequately consider the teleological meaning of dreams.
Conscious thinking would be quite insufficiently characterized, if we considered it only from its historical determinants. For its complete valuation, we have unquestionably to consider its teleological or prospective meaning as well. If we pursued the history of the English Parliament back to its first origin, we should certainly arrive at a perfect understanding of its development, and the determination of its present form. But we should know nothing about its prospective function, that is, about the work which it has to accomplish now, and in the future. The same 110thing is to be said about dreams. Their prospective function has been valued only by superstitious peoples and times, but probably there is much truth in their view. Not that we pretend that dreams have any prophetic foreboding, but we suggest, that there might be a possibility of discovering in their unconscious material those future combinations which are subliminal just because they have not reached the distinctiveness or the intensity which consciousness requires. Here I am thinking of those indistinct presentments of the future which we sometimes have, which are nothing else than subliminal combinations, the objective value of which we are not able to apperceive. The future tendencies of the patient are elaborated by this indirect analysis, and, if this work is successful, the convalescent passes out of treatment and out of his half-infantile state of transference into life, which has been inwardly carefully prepared for, which has been chosen by himself, and to which, after many deliberations, he has at last made up his mind.
Conscious thinking wouldn't be fully understood if we only looked at its historical influences. To really grasp its value, we definitely need to consider its purpose or future implications as well. If we trace the history of the English Parliament back to its origins, we would understand its evolution and how it got to its current form. However, we wouldn’t gain any insight into its future role, meaning the work it needs to do now and in the future. The same goes for dreams. Their future significance has mainly been appreciated by superstitious cultures throughout history, but there may be some truth to that perspective. We don’t claim that dreams have any prophetic significance, but we suggest that we might find in their unconscious content future possibilities that are not yet clear or intense enough for our conscious minds to recognize. I’m thinking of those vague feelings we sometimes have about the future, which are simply subconscious combinations we can’t fully perceive. This indirect analysis helps reveal the future tendencies of the individual, and if done well, the person moves from treatment and out of their somewhat immature state of transference into a life that has been internally prepared for, which they have chosen themselves, and to which they have finally settled after much thought.
CHAPTER X
Some General Remarks on Psychoanalysis
As may easily be understood, psychoanalysis will never do for polyclinic work, and will therefore always remain in the hands of those few who, because of their innate and trained psychological faculties, are particularly apt and have a special liking for this profession. Just as not every physician makes a good surgeon, so neither will every one make a good psychoanalyst. The predominant psychological character of psychoanalytic work will make it difficult for doctors to monopolize it. Sooner or later other faculties will master it, either for practical uses or for its theoretical interest. Of course the treatment must remain confined entirely to the hands of responsible scientific people.
As you can easily see, psychoanalysis is not suited for polyclinic work and will always be handled by a select few who, due to their natural and trained psychological abilities, are especially skilled and passionate about this field. Just as not every doctor is a good surgeon, not everyone will be a good psychoanalyst. The unique psychological nature of psychoanalytic work will make it hard for doctors to dominate it. Eventually, other skills will take over, whether for practical purposes or theoretical interest. Of course, treatment should always be left completely to responsible scientific professionals.
So long as official science excludes psychoanalysis from general discussion, as pure nonsense, we cannot be astonished if those belonging to other faculties master this material even before the medical profession. And this will occur the more because psychoanalysis is a general psychological method of investigation, as well as a heuristic principle of the first rank in all departments of mental science (“Geisteswissenschaften”). Chiefly through the work of the Zürich School, the possibility of applying psychoanalysis to the domain of the mental diseases has been demonstrated. Psychoanalytical investigation of dementia præcox, for instance, brought us the most valuable insight into the psychological structure of this remarkable disease. It would lead me too far were I to demonstrate to you the results of those investigations. The theory of the psychological determinants of this disease is already in itself a vast territory. Even if I had to treat but the symbolic problems of dementia præcox I should be obliged to lay before you so much material, that I could not possibly master it within the limits of these lectures, which must give a general survey.
As long as official science dismisses psychoanalysis as complete nonsense in public discussions, it's no surprise that people from other fields understand this material even before those in the medical profession do. This is likely to happen more often because psychoanalysis is a general method of psychological investigation and a key principle in all areas of mental science (humanities). Thanks largely to the work of the Zürich School, we've been able to show that psychoanalysis can be applied to mental illnesses. For example, studying dementia præcox through a psychoanalytical lens has given us valuable insights into the psychological structure of this unique disease. It would take too long for me to go into detail about the results of these investigations. The theory behind the psychological factors of this illness alone is a vast area to cover. Even if I focused solely on the symbolic aspects of dementia præcox, I would have so much material to present that I couldn't possibly cover it all within the scope of these lectures, which are meant to give a general overview.
The question of dementia præcox has become so extraordinarily complicated because of the quite recent incursion on the 112part of psychoanalysis into the domains of mythology and comparative religion, whence we have derived a deeper insight into ethical psychological symbolism. Those who are well-acquainted with the symbolism of dreams and of dementia præcox have been greatly impressed by the striking parallelism between modern individual symbols and those found in folk-lore. The extraordinary parallelism between ethnic symbolism and that of dementia præcox is remarkably clear. This fact induced me to make an extended comparative investigation of individual and ethnic symbolism, the results of which have been recently published.[11] This complication of psychology with the problem of mythology makes it impossible for me to demonstrate to you my conception of dementia præcox. For the same reasons, I must forego the discussion of the results of psychoanalytic investigation in the domain of mythology and comparative religions. It would be impossible to do this without setting forth all the material belonging to it. The main result of these investigations is, for the moment, the knowledge of the far-reaching parallelisms between the ethnical and the individual symbolisms. From the present position of this work, we can scarcely conceive what a vast perspective may result from this comparative ethnopsychology. Through the study of mythology, the psychoanalytical knowledge of the nature of the unconscious processes we may expect to be enormously enriched and deepened.
The issue of dementia præcox has become incredibly complicated due to the recent influence of psychoanalysis in the areas of mythology and comparative religion, which has given us a deeper understanding of psychological symbolism. Those familiar with dream symbolism and dementia præcox have noticed the striking similarities between modern individual symbols and those found in folklore. The remarkable parallels between ethnic symbolism and that of dementia præcox are very clear. This led me to conduct an extensive comparative study of individual and ethnic symbolism, and the findings have recently been published.[11] This blending of psychology with mythology makes it challenging for me to illustrate my understanding of dementia præcox. For the same reasons, I must skip discussing the results of psychoanalytic research in mythology and comparative religions. It would be impossible to cover this without presenting all the related material. The main outcome of these investigations is, for now, the awareness of the significant parallels between ethnic and individual symbolisms. From our current standpoint, it's hard to imagine the vast perspective that could emerge from this comparative ethnopsychology. Through studying mythology, we can expect an enormous enrichment and deepening of psychoanalytic understanding of unconscious processes.
I must limit myself, if I am to give you in the course of my lectures a more or less general presentation of the psychoanalytic school. A detailed elaboration of this method and its theory would have demanded an enormous display of cases, whose delineation would have detracted from a comprehensive view of the whole. But to give you an insight into the concrete proceedings of psychoanalytic treatment, I decided to bring before you a short analysis of a girl of eleven years of age. The case was analyzed by my assistant, Miss Mary Moltzer. In the first place, I must mention that this case is by no means typical, either in the length of its time, or in the course of its general analysis; it is just as little so as an individual is characteristic for all other people. Nowhere is the abstraction of universal rules more difficult than in psychoanalysis, for which reason it is better to abstain 113from too many rules. We must never forget that, notwithstanding the great uniformity of complexes and conflicts, every case is unique. For every individual is unique. Every case demands from the physician an individual interest, and in every case you will find the course of analysis different. In describing this case, I offer you a small section of the vast diverse psychological world, showing all those apparently bizarre and arbitrary peculiarities scattered over human life by the whims of so-called chance. I have no intention of withholding any of the minute psychoanalytic details, as I do not want to make you believe that psychoanalysis is a method with rigid laws. The scientific interest of the investigator inclines him to find rules and categories, in which the most living of all things alive can be included. But the physician as well as the observer, free from all formulas, ought to have an open eye for the whole lawless wealth of living reality. In this way I will endeavor to present to you this case, and I hope also to succeed in demonstrating to you how differently an analysis develops from what might have been expected from purely theoretical considerations.
I have to keep my focus if I’m going to give you a reasonably general overview of the psychoanalytic school in my lectures. A detailed explanation of this method and its theory would require an overwhelming number of cases, and that would take away from a clear understanding of the overall picture. However, to give you insight into the actual process of psychoanalytic treatment, I’ve decided to present a brief analysis of an eleven-year-old girl. This case was analyzed by my assistant, Miss Mary Moltzer. First of all, I should point out that this case is not typical, either in its duration or in the overall analysis; just as an individual cannot represent everyone else, this case doesn't represent all others. Nowhere is it more challenging to find universal rules than in psychoanalysis, which is why it’s better to avoid too many rules. We must always remember that even though there is a lot of similarity in complexes and conflicts, every case is unique. Each individual is unique. Every case requires the physician's individual attention, and in each case, the analysis will unfold differently. In describing this case, I want to give you a glimpse into the vast and diverse psychological world, highlighting all those seemingly strange and random quirks scattered across human life by so-called chance. I have no intention of holding back on any of the detailed psychoanalytic aspects, as I don’t want you to think that psychoanalysis is a method with strict rules. The scientific investigator is inclined to seek out rules and categories into which the most lively of all living things can fit. However, both the physician and the observer, free from all formulas, should remain aware of the chaotic richness of real-life experiences. In this manner, I will try to present this case, and I hope to show you how differently an analysis can unfold compared to what might be expected from purely theoretical ideas.
A Case of Neurosis in a Child
The case in question is that of an intelligent girl of eleven years of age, of good family. The history of the disease is as follows:
The case we're looking at is about a smart eleven-year-old girl from a good family. Here’s the history of her illness:
Anamnesis
She had to leave school several times on account of sudden sickness and headache, and was obliged to go to bed. In the morning she sometimes refused to get up and go to school. She suffered from bad dreams, was capricious and not to be counted upon.
She had to miss school several times because of sudden illness and headaches and had to go to bed. In the morning, she sometimes refused to get up and go to school. She had nightmares, was unpredictable, and couldn’t be relied upon.
I informed the mother, who came to consult me, that these things were neurotic signs, and that some special circumstance must be hidden there, necessitating an interrogation of the child. This supposition was not arbitrary, for every attentive observer knows that if children are restless or in bad temper, there is always something painful worrying them. If it were not painful, they would tell it, and they would not be worried over it. Of course, I am only speaking of those cases having a psychogenic 114cause. The child confessed to her mother the following story: She had a favorite teacher, of whom she was very fond. During this last term she had fallen back somewhat, through working insufficiently, and she believed she had rather fallen in the estimation of her teacher. She then began to feel sick during his lessons. She felt not only estranged from her teacher, but even somewhat hostile. She directed all her friendly feelings to a poor boy with whom she usually shared the bread which she took to school. Later on she gave him money, so that he could buy bread for himself. In a conversation with this boy she made fun of her teacher and called him a goat. The boy attached himself more and more to her, and considered that he had the right to levy a tax on her occasionally in the form of a little present of money. She now became greatly alarmed lest the boy might tell her teacher that she turned him into ridicule and called him a “goat,” and she promised him two francs if he would give his solemn word never to tell anything to her teacher. From that moment the boy began to exploit her; he demanded money with threats and persecuted her with his demands on the way to school. This made her perfectly miserable. Her attacks of sickness are closely connected with all this story. But after the affair had been disposed of by this confession, her peace of mind was not restored as might have been expected.
I told the mother, who came to talk to me, that these behaviors were signs of anxiety, and that there must be a specific issue hidden there that required questioning the child. This idea wasn't random; every observant person knows that if kids are restless or in a bad mood, there’s usually something upsetting them. If it weren't a big deal, they would share it and wouldn't be worried. Of course, I'm only referring to cases with a psychological cause. 114 The child revealed to her mother the following story: She had a favorite teacher whom she really liked. During this last term, she had fallen behind a bit because she didn’t work enough, and she felt she had disappointed her teacher. Because of this, she started feeling sick during his classes. She felt not only distant from her teacher but also somewhat resentful. Instead, she directed all her friendly feelings toward a poor boy with whom she usually shared the snacks she brought to school. Later, she even gave him money so he could buy his own snacks. During a conversation with this boy, she joked about her teacher and called him a goat. The boy grew more attached to her and believed he had the right to ask her for little gifts occasionally. She became very worried that the boy might tell her teacher she made fun of him and called him a “goat,” so she promised him two francs if he promised never to tell her teacher anything. From that point on, the boy started taking advantage of her; he threatened her for money and harassed her with his requests on the way to school. This made her absolutely miserable. Her sickness attacks are closely related to this situation. However, after she confessed and the issue was dealt with, her peace of mind wasn't restored as one might have expected.
We very often see, as I have said, that the mere relation of a painful affair can have an important therapeutical effect. Generally this does not last very long, although on occasion such a favorable effect can maintain itself for a long time. Such a confession is naturally a long way from being an analysis. But there are nerve-specialists nowadays who believe that an analysis is only a somewhat more extensive anamnesis or confession.
We frequently observe, as I've mentioned, that just talking about a painful experience can have a significant therapeutic effect. Usually, this effect doesn’t last very long, although sometimes it can persist for an extended period. Of course, this kind of confession is far from an actual analysis. However, there are nerve specialists today who believe that an analysis is just a more detailed version of a history or confession.
A little while later the child had an attack of coughing and missed school for one day. After that she went to school for one day and felt perfectly well. On the third day, a renewed attack of coughing came on, with pains on the left side, fever and vomiting. Her temperature, accurately taken, showed 39.4° C., about 103° F. The doctor feared pneumonia. But the next day everything had passed away. She felt quite well and not the slightest sign of fever or sickness was to be noted.
A little while later, the child had a coughing fit and missed school for a day. After that, she went to school for a day and felt perfectly fine. On the third day, another coughing fit hit her, accompanied by pain on the left side, fever, and vomiting. Her temperature, measured accurately, was 39.4° C, about 103° F. The doctor was worried about pneumonia. But the next day, everything cleared up. She felt completely fine, with no signs of fever or illness.
But still our little patient wept the whole time and did not wish 115to get up. From this strange course of events I suspected some serious neurosis, and I therefore advised treatment by analysis.
But our little patient kept crying the whole time and didn’t want to get up. From this unusual situation, I suspected some serious neurosis, so I recommended treatment through analysis.
Analytic Treatment
First interview: The little girl seemed to be nervous and constrained, having a disagreeable forced laugh. Miss Moltzer, who analyzed her, gave her first of all an opportunity of talking about her staying in bed. We learn that she liked it immensely, as she always had some society. Everybody came to see her; also her mother read to her out of a book which contained the story of a prince who was ill, but who recovered when his wish was fulfilled, the wish being that his little friend, a poor boy, might be allowed to stay with him.
First interview: The little girl seemed nervous and tense, forcing a smile that felt off. Miss Moltzer, who was analyzing her, first let her talk about her time spent in bed. We learned that she loved it a lot because she always had company. Everyone came to visit her; her mom also read to her from a book that told the story of a prince who was sick, but who got better when his wish was granted, which was for his little friend, a poor boy, to be allowed to stay with him.
The obvious relation between this story and her own little love-story, as well as its connection with her own illness, was pointed out to her, whereupon she began to cry and say she would prefer to go to the other children and play with them, otherwise they would run off. This was at once allowed, and away she ran, but came back again, after a short while, somewhat embarrassed. It was explained to her that she did not run away because she was afraid her playmates would go, but that she herself wanted to get off because of resistances.
The clear connection between this story and her own little love story, as well as its link to her own illness, was pointed out to her, and she started to cry, saying she would rather go play with the other kids, or else they would leave without her. She was immediately allowed to go, and she dashed off, but returned a little while later, looking somewhat embarrassed. It was explained to her that she didn’t leave because she was worried her friends would leave, but because she wanted to escape due to her own struggles.
At the second interview she was less anxious and repressed. They happened to speak about the teacher, but then she was embarrassed. She seemed to be ashamed at the end, and she timidly confessed that she liked her teacher very much. It was then explained to her that she need not be ashamed of that; on the contrary, her love for him could be a valuable stimulus to make her do her very best in his lessons. “So I may love him?” asked the little patient with a happier face.
At the second interview, she was less nervous and held back. They happened to talk about the teacher, but then she felt embarrassed. By the end, she seemed ashamed and shyly admitted that she liked her teacher a lot. It was then explained to her that she shouldn't be ashamed of that; in fact, her feelings for him could be a great motivation to help her do her best in his class. “So I can love him?” asked the little patient with a brighter expression.
This explanation justified the child in the choice of the object of her affection. It seems as if she had been ashamed of admitting her feelings for her teacher. It is not easy to explain why this should be so. Our present conception tells us that the libido has great difficulty in taking hold of a personality outside the family, because it still finds itself in incestuous bonds,—a very plausible view indeed, from which it is difficult to withdraw. But we must point out here that her libido was placed with much 116intensity upon the poor boy, who was also someone outside the family; whence we must conclude that the difficulty was not to be found in the transference of the libido outside the family, but in some other circumstance. The love of the teacher betokens a difficult task; it demands much more than her love for the little boy, which does not require any moral effort on her part. This indication in the analysis that her love for her teacher would enable her to do her utmost brings the child back to her real duty, namely, her adaptation to her teacher.
This explanation justified the child's choice regarding whom she liked. It seems like she felt embarrassed about admitting her feelings for her teacher. It’s not easy to say why that would be. Our current understanding suggests that it's hard for desire to connect with someone outside the family, as it still finds itself tied up in incestuous feelings—a viewpoint that seems quite reasonable and hard to shake off. However, we should note that her feelings were very strong for the poor boy, who was also outside the family; thus, we can conclude that the challenge wasn’t transferring feelings outside the family, but rather due to some other factor. Loving her teacher represents a tough challenge; it requires much more than her feelings for the little boy, which doesn't involve any moral struggle on her part. This insight indicates that her love for her teacher would push her to do her best, which redirects the child back to her real responsibility: adapting to her teacher.
The libido retires from before such a necessary task, for the very human reason of indolence, which is highly developed, not only in children, but also in primitive people. Primitive laziness and indolence are the first resistances to the efforts towards adaptation. The libido which is not used for this purpose becomes stagnant and will make the inevitable regression to former objects or modes of employment. It is thus that the incest-complex is revived in such a striking way. The libido avoids the object which is so difficult to attain and demands such great efforts, and turns towards the easier ones, and finally to the easiest of all, namely, the infantile phantasies, which thus become real incest-phantasies. The fact that, wherever there is present a disturbance of psychological adaptation, one finds an exaggerated development of incest-phantasies, must be conceived, as I have pointed out, as a regressive phenomenon. That is to say, the incest-phantasy is of secondary and not of causal significance, while the primary cause is the resistance of human nature against any kind of exertion. The drawing back from certain duties is not to be explained by saying that man prefers the incestuous condition, but he has to fall back into it, because he shuns exertion; otherwise it would have to be said that the aversion from conscious effort must be taken as identical with the preference for incestuous relations. This would be obvious nonsense, for not only primitive man, but animals too, have a pronounced dislike for all intentional efforts, and pay homage to absolute laziness, until circumstances force them into action. We cannot pretend, either in very primitive people or in animals, that their preference for incestuous relations causes aversion towards efforts of adaptation, as in those cases there can be no question 117of “incestuous” relations. This would presuppose a differentiation of parents and non-parents.
The libido steps back from such a necessary task due to the very human reason of laziness, which is highly developed not just in children but also in primitive people. This primitive laziness and lack of motivation are the initial barriers to adapting. The libido that isn’t used for adaptation becomes stagnant and inevitably regresses to previous objects or ways of engagement. This is how the incest complex re-emerges so notably. The libido avoids the difficult-to-reach object, which requires significant effort, and instead gravitates toward easier ones, ultimately towards the easiest of all: childhood fantasies, which then transform into real incest fantasies. The fact that whenever there is a disruption in psychological adaptation, there is an exaggerated presence of incest fantasies, must be understood, as I mentioned, as a regressive phenomenon. In other words, the incest fantasy is secondary and not the root cause, while the primary cause lies in human nature's resistance to exertion. The retreat from certain responsibilities shouldn’t be explained as a preference for incestuous conditions; rather, it’s a fallback into them due to the avoidance of effort. Otherwise, one would have to argue that the aversion to conscious effort is the same as a preference for incestuous relationships, which would be clearly absurd. Not only primitive humans but animals too have a strong dislike for any intentional efforts and favor complete laziness until forced to act by circumstances. We cannot assume that the inclination towards incestuous relationships in either very primitive people or animals stems from an aversion to adapting; in these situations, there can be no notion of "incestuous" relationships, as it would require a distinction between parents and non-parents.
Characteristically, the child expressed her joy at being allowed to love her teacher, but not at being allowed to do her utmost for him. That she might love her teacher is what she understood at once, because it suited her best. Her relief was caused by the information that she was right in loving him, even though she did not especially exert herself before.
Characteristically, the child showed her happiness at being allowed to love her teacher, but not at being able to do her best for him. She quickly understood that she could love her teacher because it suited her perfectly. Her sense of relief came from knowing she was right to love him, even though she hadn't particularly tried hard before.
The conversation ran on to the story of the extortion, which is now again told in details. We hear further that she had tried to force open her savings-bank, and as she could not succeed in doing so, she wanted to steal the key from her mother. She expressed herself thus about the whole matter: she ridiculed her teacher because he was much kinder to the other girls than to her. But it was true that she did not do very well in his lessons, especially at arithmetic. Once she did not understand something, was afraid to ask, for fear she might lose his esteem, and consequently she made many mistakes and did really lose it. It is pretty clear that her position towards her teacher became consequently very unsatisfactory. About this time it happened that a young girl in her class was sent home because she was sick. Soon after, the same thing happened to herself. In this way, she tried to get away from the school which had become uncongenial to her. The loss of her teacher’s respect led her on the one hand to insult him and on the other into the affair with the little boy, obviously as a compensation for the lost relationship with the teacher. The explanation which was given here was a simple hint: she would be rendering a service to her teacher if she took pains to understand the lessons by sensible questions.
The conversation shifted to the story of the extortion, which is now being detailed again. We learn that she tried to pry open her savings bank, and when she couldn't manage it, she wanted to steal the key from her mother. She expressed her feelings about the whole situation by mocking her teacher because he was much nicer to the other girls than to her. But it was true that she didn't do well in his lessons, especially in math. There was a time when she didn't understand something, was too afraid to ask for help, fearing she might lose his respect, and so she made a lot of mistakes and actually did lose it. It’s pretty clear that her relationship with her teacher became quite strained as a result. Around this time, a girl in her class went home because she was sick. Soon after, the same thing happened to her. In this way, she tried to escape from the school that had become uncomfortable for her. The loss of her teacher's respect led her, on one hand, to insult him and, on the other, to get involved with a little boy, clearly as a way to compensate for the lost connection with the teacher. The explanation given here was simply a suggestion: she would be doing her teacher a favor by making an effort to understand the lessons through sensible questions.
I can add here that this hint, given in the analysis, had a good effect; from that moment the little girl became one of the best of pupils, and missed no more arithmetic lessons.
I can add here that this suggestion, made during the analysis, had a positive impact; from that point on, the little girl became one of the top students and didn't miss any more math lessons.
We must call attention to the fact that the story of the boy’s extortion shows constraint and a lack of freedom. This phenomenon exactly follows the rule. As soon as anyone permits his libido to draw back from necessary tasks, it becomes autonomous and chooses, without regard to the protests of the subject, its own way, and pursues it obstinately. It is a general fact, that a lazy and inactive life is highly susceptible to the coercion of the 118libido, that is to say, to all kinds of terrors and involuntary obligations. The anxieties and superstitions of savages furnish us with the best illustrations; but our own history of civilization, especially the civilization and customs of the ancients, abounds with confirmations. Non-employment of the libido makes it autonomous, but we must not believe either that we are able to save ourselves permanently from the coercion of the libido by making forced efforts. To a certain limited extent we are able to set conscious tasks to our libido, but other natural tasks are chosen by the libido itself, and that is what the libido exists for. If we avoid those tasks, the most active life can become useless, for we have to deal with the whole of the conditions of our human nature. Innumerable cases of neurasthenia from overwork can be traced back to this cause, for work done amid internal conflicts creates nervous exhaustion.
We need to highlight that the boy’s extortion story reflects restraint and a lack of freedom. This situation clearly follows the pattern: the moment someone lets their desires pull them away from necessary tasks, those desires become independent and choose their own path, ignoring the individual’s objections, and stubbornly pursue it. It’s a well-known fact that a lazy and inactive lifestyle is very vulnerable to the coercion of the 118libido, meaning all kinds of fears and involuntary obligations. The anxieties and superstitions of primitive societies provide the best examples, but our own history of civilization, particularly the customs of ancient societies, is filled with evidence. Not engaging the libido makes it self-governing, but we shouldn’t think that we can permanently free ourselves from its coercion through forced effort. To some extent, we can direct our desires towards conscious tasks, but other natural tasks are chosen by the libido itself, which is exactly what it’s meant for. If we avoid those tasks, even the most active life can become pointless, as we have to acknowledge the totality of our human nature. Countless cases of nervous exhaustion from overwork can be traced back to this issue, since work done amidst inner turmoil leads to nervous fatigue.
At the third interview the little girl related a dream she had had when she was five years old, and by which she was greatly impressed. She says, “I’ll never forget this dream.” The dream runs as follows: “I am in a wood with my little brother and we are looking for strawberries. Then a wolf came and jumped at me. I took to a staircase, the wolf after me. I fall down and the wolf bites my leg. I awoke in terror.”
At the third interview, the little girl shared a dream she had when she was five years old, which left a strong impression on her. She says, “I’ll never forget this dream.” The dream goes like this: “I’m in a forest with my little brother and we’re looking for strawberries. Then a wolf comes and jumps at me. I run to a staircase, with the wolf chasing me. I fall down and the wolf bites my leg. I wake up in terror.”
Before we go into the associations given by our little patient, I will try to form an arbitrary opinion about the possible content of the dream, and then compare our result afterwards with the associations given by the child. The beginning of the dream reminds us of the well-known German fairy-tale of Little Red-Ridinghood, which is, of course, known to the child. The wolf ate the grandmother first, then took her shape, and afterwards ate Little Red-Ridinghood. But the hunter killed the wolf, cut open the belly and Little Red-Ridinghood sprang out safe and sound. This motive is found in a great many fairy-tales, widespread over the whole world, and it is the motive of the biblical story of Jonah. The original significance is astro-mythological: the sun is swallowed up by the sea, and in the morning is born again out of the water. Of course, the whole of astro-mythology is at the root but psychology, unconscious psychology, projected on to the heavens, for myths have never been and are never made consciously, but arise from man’s unconscious. For this reason, we 119sometimes find that marvellous, striking similarity or identity in the forms of myths, even among races that have been separated from each other since eternity as it were. This explains the universal dissemination of the symbol of the cross, perfectly independent of Christianity, of which America, as is well known, furnishes us especially interesting instances. It is impossible to agree, that myths have been made to explain meteorological or astronomical processes. Myths are, first of all, manifestations of unconscious currents, similar to dreams.[12] These currents are caused by the libido in its unconscious forms. The material which comes to the surface is infantile material, hence, phantasies connected with the incest-complex. Without difficulty we can find in all the so-called sun-myths infantile theories about generation, childbirth and incestuous relations. In the fairy-tale of Little Red-Ridinghood, we find the phantasy that the mother has to eat something which is similar to a child, and that the child is born by cutting open the mother’s body. This phantasy is one of the most universal, to be found everywhere.
Before we dive into the associations provided by our little patient, I will try to form an initial opinion about what the dream might be about, and then we can compare our findings later with the associations given by the child. The start of the dream reminds us of the well-known German fairy tale of Little Red Riding Hood, which, of course, the child knows. The wolf first ate the grandmother, then disguised itself as her, and afterward, it ate Little Red Riding Hood. But the hunter killed the wolf, cut it open, and Little Red Riding Hood jumped out safe and sound. This motif appears in many fairy tales found all over the world, and it is also present in the biblical story of Jonah. The original meaning is astro-mythological: the sun gets swallowed by the sea and is reborn from the water in the morning. Of course, all of astro-mythology has its roots in psychology—specifically unconscious psychology projected onto the heavens. Myths have never been created consciously; they emerge from the unconscious mind. This is why we sometimes see amazing and striking similarities or identical themes in myths, even among cultures that have been completely separated for ages. This helps explain the widespread symbol of the cross, which exists independently of Christianity and is especially interesting in the examples from America. It's hard to believe that myths were created to explain weather or astronomical events. Myths are primarily expressions of unconscious currents, similar to dreams. These currents are driven by the libido in its unconscious forms. The material that comes to light is often infantile in nature, leading to fantasies connected to the incest complex. It's not difficult to find in all so-called sun myths elements of childhood theories about generation, childbirth, and incestuous relationships. In the fairy tale of Little Red Riding Hood, we see the fantasy that the mother must consume something similar to a child, and that the child is born by cutting open the mother’s body. This fantasy is one of the most universal and can be found everywhere.
We can conclude, from these universal psychological observations, that the child, in its dream, elaborates the problem of generation and childbirth. As to the wolf, the father probably has to be put in its place, for the child unconsciously assigns to the father any act of violence towards the mother. This anticipation can be based on innumerable myths which deal with the problem of any act of violence towards the mother. In reference to the mythological parallelism, let me direct your attention to Boas’s collection, where you will find a beautiful set of Indian legends; also to the work of Frobenius, “Das Zeitaltes Sonnengottes”; and, finally, to the works of Abraham, Rank, Riklin, Jones, Freud, Spielrein, and my own investigations in my “Wandlungen und Symbole der Libido.”
We can conclude from these universal psychological observations that a child, in their dream, works through the issues of creation and childbirth. As for the wolf, the father likely needs to be put in perspective, since the child unconsciously associates any violent act towards the mother with the father. This expectation can be grounded in countless myths that address any form of violence against the mother. Regarding the mythological parallels, I’d like to point you to Boas’s collection, where you'll find a beautiful array of Indian legends; also, check out Frobenius’s work, "The Era of the Sun God"; and finally, consider the studies of Abraham, Rank, Riklin, Jones, Freud, Spielrein, and my own research in my "Transformations and Symbols of Libido."
After having made these general observations for theoretical reasons, which, of course, were not made in the concrete case, we will go back to see what the child has to tell in regard to her dream. Of course the child speaks of her dream just as she likes, without being influenced in any way whatever. The little girl begins with the bite in her leg, and relates, that she had once been told by a woman who had had a baby, that she could still 120show the place where the stork had bitten her. This mode of expression is, in Switzerland, a universally known variant of the symbolism of generation and birth. Here we find a perfect parallelism between our interpretation and the associations of the child. The first associations which have been brought by the child, without being influenced in any way, are connected with the problem which, for theoretical reasons, was suggested by ourselves. I know well that the innumerable cases, published in our psychoanalytic literature, where the patients have certainly not been influenced, have not prevented the critics’ contention, that we suggest our own interpretations to our patients. This case will not, therefore, convince anyone who is determined to find crude mistakes or, much worse still—fabrications.
After making these general observations for theoretical reasons, which weren’t applied in this specific situation, we’ll return to what the child has to say about her dream. The child explains her dream in her own way, without any outside influence. The little girl starts by talking about the bite on her leg and mentions that she once heard from a woman who had a baby that she could still show where the stork had bitten her. This expression is a well-known saying in Switzerland, symbolizing generation and birth. Here we see a clear parallel between our interpretation and the child’s associations. The initial thoughts brought up by the child, completely independently, relate to the issue that we had theoretically suggested. I understand that the countless cases documented in our psychoanalytic literature, where patients have clearly not been influenced, haven’t stopped critics from claiming that we impose our interpretations on our patients. Therefore, this case won’t convince anyone who is determined to find obvious errors or, even worse—fabrications.
After our little patient had finished her first association, she was asked, “What did the wolf suggest?” She answered, “I think of my father, when he is angry.” This association also coincides with our theoretical observations. It might be objected that the observation was made just for this purpose and for nothing else, and has therefore no general validity. I believe that this objection vanishes of itself as soon as the corresponding psychoanalytic and mythological knowledge has been acquired. The validity of an hypothesis can only be confirmed by positive knowledge; otherwise it is impossible to confirm it. We have seen by the first association that the wolf has been replaced by the stork. The associations given to the wolf bring the father. In the common myth, the stork stands for the father, as the father brings children. The apparent contradiction, which could be noticed here between the fairy-tale, where the wolf represents the mother, and the dream, in which the wolf stands for the father, is of no importance for the dream. I must renounce here any attempt at a detailed explanation. I have treated this problem of bisexual symbols in the work already referred to. You know that in the legend of Romulus and Remus, both animals were raised to the rank of parents, the bird Picus and the wolf.
After our little patient finished her first association, she was asked, “What did the wolf suggest?” She answered, “I think of my dad when he’s angry.” This association also aligns with our theoretical observations. One might argue that the observation was made solely for this purpose and thus lacks general validity. I believe this objection disappears once the relevant psychoanalytic and mythological knowledge is acquired. The validity of a hypothesis can only be confirmed through positive knowledge; otherwise, it can't be validated. From the first association, we've seen that the wolf has been replaced by the stork. The associations related to the wolf bring to mind the father. In common mythology, the stork represents the father, as the father brings children. The apparent contradiction between the fairy tale, where the wolf represents the mother, and the dream, where the wolf stands for the father, is insignificant for the dream. I won’t attempt a detailed explanation here. I have addressed this issue of bisexual symbols in the work I mentioned earlier. You know that in the legend of Romulus and Remus, both animals were elevated to the status of parents: the bird Picus and the wolf.
The fear of the wolf in the dream is therefore fear of her father. The little patient explains her fear of her father by his severity towards her. He had also told her that we only have bad dreams when we have been doing wrong. Later, she once asked her father, “But what does Mamma do wrong? She has very often frightful dreams.”
The fear of the wolf in the dream is really the fear of her father. The young girl explains her fear of her dad because he's strict with her. He also told her that we only have bad dreams when we’ve done something wrong. Later, she asked her father, “But what does Mom do wrong? She has really scary dreams quite often.”
121The father once slapped her fingers because she was sucking them. Was this her naughtiness? Scarcely, because sucking the fingers is an anachronistic infantile habit, of little interest at her age. It only seems to annoy her father, for which he will punish and hit her. In this way, she relieves her conscience of the unconfessed and much more serious sin. It comes out, that she has induced a number of other girls to perform mutual masturbation.
121The father once slapped her fingers for sucking on them. Was this her misbehavior? Barely, because sucking fingers is an outdated childish habit, which is hardly relevant at her age. It only seems to irritate her father, prompting him to punish and hit her. In this way, he eases his conscience of the unspoken and much more serious wrongdoing. It turns out that she has encouraged several other girls to engage in mutual masturbation.
These sexual tendencies have caused the fear of the father. Still, we must not forget that she had this dream in her fifth year. At that time these sins had not been committed. Hence we must regard this affair with the other girls as a reason for her present fear of her father; but that does not explain the earlier fear. But still, we may expect it was something of a similar nature, some unconscious sexual wish, corresponding to the psychology of the forbidden action previously mentioned. The moral value and character of this wish is even more unconscious with the child than with adults. To understand what had made an impression on the child, we have to ask what happened in her fifth year. Her youngest brother was born at that time. Even then her father had made her nervous. The associations previously referred to give us an undoubted connection between her sexual inclinations and her anxiety. The sexual problem, which nature connects with positive feelings of delight, is in the dream brought to the surface in the form of fear, apparently on account of the bad father, who represents moral education. This dream illustrates the first impressive appearance of the sexual problem, obviously suggested by the recent birth of the little brother, just such an occasion when experience teaches us that these questions become vital.
These sexual feelings have created a fear of the father. Still, we shouldn't forget that she had this dream when she was five. At that time, these sins hadn't been committed. So, we should view her interactions with the other girls as a reason for her current fear of her father; however, that doesn't explain the earlier fear. Yet, we can assume it was related to something similar, an unconscious sexual wish linked to the psychology of the previously mentioned forbidden action. The moral implications of this wish are even more unconscious for the child than for adults. To understand what affected the child, we need to consider what happened when she was five. Her youngest brother was born then. Even then, her father made her anxious. The associations we mentioned earlier suggest a clear connection between her sexual feelings and her anxiety. The sexual issue, which nature ties to positive feelings of joy, emerges in the dream as fear, seemingly because of the strict father, who symbolizes moral instruction. This dream shows the first significant emergence of the sexual issue, clearly triggered by the recent birth of the little brother, a situation that teaches us that these questions become crucial.
Just because the sexual problem is closely connected with certain pleasurable physical sensations, which education tries to reduce and break off, it can apparently only manifest itself hidden under the cloak of moral anxiety as to sin. This explanation certainly seems rather plausible, but it is superficial, it is insufficient. It attributes the difficulties to the moral education, on the unproved assumption that education can cause such a neurosis. We hereby leave out of consideration the fact that there are people who have become neurotic and suffer from morbid fears without having had a trace of moral education. Moreover, the 122moral law is not merely an evil, which has to be resisted, but a necessity, born out of the utmost needs of humanity. The moral law is only an outward manifestation of the innate human impulse to dominate and tame oneself. The origin of the impulse towards domestication or civilization is lost in the unfathomable depths of the history of evolution, and can never be conceived as the consequence of certain laws imposed from without. Man himself, obeying his instincts, created laws. Therefore, we shall never understand the reasons for the repression of sexuality in the child if we only take into account the moral influences of education. The main reasons are to be found much deeper, in human nature itself, in its perhaps tragic contradiction between civilization and nature, or between individual consciousness and the general conscience of the community. I cannot enter into these questions now; in my other work, I have tried to do so. Naturally, it would be of no value to give a child a notion of the higher philosophical aspects of the problem; that would probably not have the slightest effect.
Just because the sexual issue is closely linked to certain pleasurable physical sensations, which education tries to reduce and eliminate, it can seemingly only show up hidden under the guise of moral anxiety about sin. This explanation seems reasonable, but it’s superficial and inadequate. It places the blame on moral education, based on the unproven assumption that education can create such a neurosis. We ignore the fact that some people become neurotic and suffer from irrational fears without any moral education. Furthermore, the moral law isn’t just a negative force to resist; it’s a necessity that arises from humanity’s deepest needs. The moral law is simply an outward expression of the inherent human drive to control and regulate oneself. The origin of the impulse toward domestication or civilization is lost in the endless depths of evolutionary history and can’t be seen as the result of external laws. Humans themselves, following their instincts, created these laws. Therefore, we’ll never fully grasp the reasons behind the repression of sexuality in children if we only consider the moral influences of education. The main reasons lie much deeper, within human nature itself, in its perhaps tragic conflict between civilization and nature, or between individual awareness and the collective conscience of society. I can't delve into these questions now; I’ve tried to do so in my other work. Naturally, it wouldn’t be useful to give a child an understanding of the higher philosophical aspects of the issue; that would likely have no effect whatsoever.
The child wants, first of all, to be relieved from the idea that she is doing wrong in being interested in the generation of life. By the analytic explanation of this complex it is made clear to the child how much pleasure and curiosity she really takes in the problem of generation, and how her groundless fear is the inversion of her repressed desire. The affair of her masturbation meets with a tolerant understanding and the discussion is limited to drawing the child’s attention to the aimlessness of her action. At the same time it is explained to her that her sexual actions are mainly the consequences of her curiosity, which might be satisfied in a better way. Her great fear of her father corresponds, probably, with as great an expectation, which, in consequence of the birth of her little brother, is closely connected with the problem of generation. Through this explanation, the child is declared to be justified in her curiosity and the greater part of her moral conflict is eliminated.
The child wants to be freed from the idea that she's wrong for being interested in how life is created. Through a thoughtful explanation of this complex, the child can see how much enjoyment and curiosity she genuinely has about the topic of generation, and how her unfounded fear is really just a reaction to her repressed desire. The topic of her masturbation is met with understanding, and the conversation focuses on pointing out the aimlessness of her behavior. At the same time, it’s made clear that her sexual behavior mainly comes from her curiosity, which could be satisfied in better ways. Her intense fear of her father likely corresponds with a significant expectation, which, due to the birth of her little brother, is closely tied to the issue of generation. Through this explanation, the child is validated in her curiosity, and much of her moral conflict is resolved.
Fourth Interview. The little girl is now much nicer and much more confiding. Her former unnatural and constrained manner has vanished. She brings a dream which she dreamed after the last sitting. It runs: “I am as tall as a church-tower and can see into every house. At my feet are very small children, as 123small as flowers are. A policeman comes. I say to him, ‘If you dare to make any remark, I shall take your sword and cut off your head.’”
Fourth Interview. The little girl is now much friendlier and more open. Her previous unnatural and stiff behavior has disappeared. She shares a dream she had after the last session. It goes: “I am as tall as a church tower and can see into every house. At my feet are very small children, as 123small as flowers. A policeman comes. I say to him, ‘If you dare to say anything, I’ll take your sword and cut off your head.’”
In the analysis of this dream she makes the following remarks: “I would like to be taller than my father, for then he will have to obey me.” The first association with policeman was father. He is a military man and has, of course, a sword. The dream clearly fulfils her wish. In the form of a tower, she is much bigger than her father, and if he dares to make a remark, he will be decapitated. The dream fulfils the natural wish of the child to be a grown-up person, and to have children playing at her feet, symbolized in the dream by the small children. With this dream she overcomes her great fear of her father; that means an important improvement with regard to her personal freedom, and her certainty of feeling.
In analyzing this dream, she makes the following comments: “I want to be taller than my dad, so he will have to listen to me.” The first association with the policeman was her father. He’s a military man and, of course, carries a sword. The dream clearly grants her wish. In the form of a tower, she is much taller than her father, and if he dares to say anything, he will be chopped off at the neck. The dream fulfills the natural desire of a child to be an adult and to have kids playing at her feet, represented in the dream by the small children. With this dream, she conquers her significant fear of her father; this reflects a major improvement in her personal freedom and her sense of self.
But incidentally there is here also a theoretical gain; we may consider this dream to be a clear example of the compensating and teleological function of dreams which was especially pointed out by Maeder. Such a dream must leave with the dreamer an increased sense of the value of her own personality, which is of much importance for personal well-being. It does not matter that the symbols of the dream are not perceived by the consciousness of the child, as conscious perception is not necessary to derive from symbols their corresponding emotional effect. We have to do here with knowledge derived from intuition; in other words, it is that kind of perception on which at all times the effect produced by religious symbols has depended. Here no conscious understanding has been needed; the feelings are affected by means of emotional intuition.
But there's also a theoretical benefit here; we can see this dream as a clear example of how dreams compensate and have purpose, which Maeder highlighted. This dream should leave the dreamer with a heightened appreciation of her own worth, which is really important for personal well-being. It doesn’t matter that the child isn’t aware of the dream symbols, since conscious awareness isn’t necessary to feel the emotional impact of those symbols. We’re dealing with knowledge based on intuition; in other words, it’s that kind of understanding that has always influenced the impact of religious symbols. In this case, no conscious comprehension is required; emotions are affected through intuitive feelings.
Fifth Interview. In the fifth sitting, the child brings a dream which she had dreamt meanwhile. “I am with my whole family on the roof. The windows of the houses on the other side of the valley radiate like fire. The rising sun is reflected. Suddenly I notice that the house at the corner of our street is, as a fact, on fire. The fire comes nearer and nearer; at last our house is also on fire. I take flight into the street and my mother throws several things to me. I hold out my apron, and among other things my doll is thrown to me. I notice that the stones of our house are burning, but the wood remains untouched.”
Fifth Interview. In the fifth session, the child shares a dream she had in the meantime. “I am with my whole family on the roof. The windows of the houses across the valley glow like fire. The rising sun is reflecting off them. Suddenly, I realize that the house at the corner of our street is actually on fire. The fire gets closer and closer; soon our house is on fire too. I run into the street, and my mother throws several things to me. I hold out my apron, and among other items, she throws my doll to me. I see that the stones of our house are burning, but the wood stays untouched.”
124The analysis of this dream presents peculiar difficulties and therefore required two sittings. It would lead me too far to sketch to you all the material this dream brought forth. I have to limit myself to what is most necessary. The associations which deal with the real meaning of the dream belong to the remarkable image which tells us that the stones of the house are on fire, while the wood remains untouched. It is sometimes worth while, especially with longer dreams, to take out the most striking parts and to analyze them first. This proceeding is not the typical one, but it is justified by the practical desire to shorten matters. The little patient makes the observation that this part of the dream is like a fairy-tale. Through examples it was made plain to her that fairy-tales always have a meaning. She objects: “But not all fairy-tales have one. For instance, the tale of the Sleeping Beauty. What could that mean?” The explanation was as follows: “The Sleeping Beauty had to wait for one hundred years in an enchanted sleep until she could be freed. Only he who was able to overcome all the difficulties through love, and had the courage to break through the thorny hedge, was able to deliver her. So one must often wait a long while to obtain what one longs for.”
124The analysis of this dream comes with its own set of challenges, which is why it took two sessions to explore. It would be too much to cover all the material this dream brought up, so I will focus on what’s most important. The associations that reveal the real meaning of the dream relate to the striking image where the stones of the house are on fire, while the wood stays untouched. Sometimes, especially with longer dreams, it's helpful to pull out the most impactful parts and analyze those first. This isn’t the usual approach, but it makes sense for the sake of brevity. The little patient notes that this part of the dream feels like a fairy tale. We clarified through examples that fairy tales always carry meaning. She points out, “But not all fairy tales have meaning. For example, what does the story of Sleeping Beauty signify?” The explanation was: “Sleeping Beauty had to wait one hundred years in an enchanted sleep until she could be rescued. Only someone who could face all the challenges with love and had the bravery to break through the thorny hedge was able to save her. Often, we have to wait a long time to achieve what we truly desire.”
This explanation is as much in harmony with the capacity of childish understanding, as it is perfectly consonant with the history of the motive of this fairy-tale. The motive of the Sleeping Beauty shows clearly its relation to an ancient myth of Spring and fertility, and contains at the same time a problem which has a remarkably close affinity to the psychological situation of the precocious girl of eleven.
This explanation aligns perfectly with a child's understanding and also fits well with the background of this fairy tale. The story of Sleeping Beauty clearly relates to an ancient myth about Spring and fertility, and it also presents a problem that closely resembles the psychological state of a precocious eleven-year-old girl.
This motive of the Sleeping Beauty belongs to a whole cycle of legends in which a virgin, closely guarded by a dragon, is delivered by a hero. Without entering into the interpretation of this myth, I want to bring into prominence the astronomical or meteorological components which are very clearly demonstrated in the Edda. In the form of a virgin, the Earth is kept prisoner by the winter, covered in ice and snow. The young Spring-Sun, in the form of a hero, delivers her out of her frosty prison, where she has been longing for her deliverer.
This idea of Sleeping Beauty is part of a whole series of legends where a virgin, watched over by a dragon, is rescued by a hero. Without diving into the meaning of this myth, I want to highlight the astronomical or meteorological elements that are clearly shown in the Edda. Represented as a virgin, the Earth is trapped by winter, blanketed in ice and snow. The young Spring-Sun, taking on the role of a hero, frees her from her icy prison, where she has been yearning for her rescuer.
The association given by the little girl was chosen by her simply to give an example of a fairy-tale without a meaning, and 125was not, in the first place, conceived as having any relation with the house on fire. To this part of the dream, she only made the observation: “It is quite marvellous, just like a fairy-tale.” She meant to say it was impossible, as the idea of burning stones is to her something impossible, some nonsense, or something like a fairy-tale. The observation made a propos of this shows her that an impossibility and a fairy-tale are only partly identical, since a fairy-tale certainly has much meaning. Although this particular fairy-tale, from the casual way in which it was mentioned, seemed to have no apparent relation to the dream, we have to pay special attention to it, as it was given spontaneously in the course of the interpretation of the dream. The unconscious suggested this example, which cannot be accidental, but must be in some way significant for the present situation. In interpreting dreams we have to pay attention to such apparent accidents, since in psychology we find no blind chances, much as we are inclined to think these things accidental. From the critics, you may hear this objection as often as you like, but for a really scientific mind there are only causal relationships and no accidents. From the fact that the little girl chose the example of the Sleeping Beauty we may conclude that there was some fundamental reason underlying this in the psychology of the child. This reason is a comparison, or partial identification, of herself with the Sleeping Beauty; in other words, there is in the soul of the child a complex, which manifests itself in the form of the motive of the Sleeping Beauty. The explanation, which I mentioned before, which was given to the child, was in harmony with this conclusion.
The example given by the little girl was picked just to illustrate a fairy tale without meaning, and 125 wasn’t originally tied to the burning house. She simply remarked, “It’s quite amazing, just like a fairy tale.” She meant to express that it was impossible, as the idea of stones burning seems impossible to her, something nonsensical, or just like a fairy tale. Her comment indicates that impossibility and a fairy tale only overlap somewhat since a fairy tale definitely carries meaning. Even though this particular fairy tale was mentioned casually and appeared unrelated to the dream, we should pay close attention to it because it was brought up spontaneously during the dream’s interpretation. The unconscious mind suggested this example, which can’t be a coincidence, but must be significant for the current situation. When interpreting dreams, we need to consider these seemingly random details, as psychology doesn’t allow for random chance, no matter how much we might think these things are accidental. Critics may raise this objection repeatedly, but for a truly scientific mind, there are only causal connections and no mere accidents. The fact that the little girl chose the example of Sleeping Beauty suggests there was a deeper reason behind it in the child’s psychology. This reason reflects a comparison or partial identification of herself with Sleeping Beauty; in other words, there’s a complex within the child’s soul that expresses itself through the motive of Sleeping Beauty. The explanation I mentioned earlier provided to the child aligned with this conclusion.
Notwithstanding she is not quite satisfied, and doubts that all fairy-tales have a meaning. She brings another instance of a fairy-tale, that cannot be understood. She brings the story of little Snow-White, who, in the sleep of death, lies enclosed in a coffin of glass. It is not difficult to see that this fairy-tale belongs to the same kind of myths to which the Sleeping Beauty belongs. The story of little Snow-White in her glass-coffin is at the same time very remarkable in regard to the myth of the seasons. This mythical material chosen by the little girl has reference to an intuitive comparison with the earth, held fast by the winter’s cold, awaiting the liberating sun of spring.
Even though she isn't completely satisfied and questions whether all fairy tales have a deeper meaning, she shares another example of a fairy tale that feels puzzling. She tells the story of little Snow White, who lies in a glass coffin in a sleep of death. It's clear that this fairy tale belongs to the same category of myths as Sleeping Beauty. The tale of little Snow White in her glass coffin is also quite significant when it comes to the myth of the seasons. The mythical elements chosen by the girl reflect an instinctive comparison with the earth, trapped by winter's chill, waiting for the freeing warmth of the spring sun.
This second example affirms the first one and its explanation. 126It would be difficult to pretend here that this second example, which accentuates the meaning of the first, has been suggested by the explanation given. The fact that the little girl brought up the story of little Snow-White, as another example of the senselessness of fairy-tales, proves that she did not understand her identification with little Snow-White and the Sleeping Beauty. Therefore we may expect that little Snow-White arose from the same unconscious sources as the Sleeping Beauty, that is, a complex consisting of the expectation of coming events, which are altogether comparable with the deliverance of the earth from the prison of winter and its fertilization through the sunbeams of spring.
This second example supports the first one and its explanation. 126 It would be hard to claim that this second example, which highlights the meaning of the first, was inspired by the explanation provided. The fact that the little girl mentioned the story of Snow White, as another instance of the absurdity of fairy tales, shows that she didn’t fully grasp her connection with Snow White and Sleeping Beauty. Therefore, we can assume that Snow White came from the same unconscious sources as Sleeping Beauty, meaning a complex linked to the anticipation of future events, which can be compared to the earth being freed from the grip of winter and revitalized by the spring sunshine.
As may, perhaps, be known, the symbol of the bull has been given from time immemorial to the fertile spring sun, as the bull embodies the mightiest procreative power. Although without further consideration, it is not easy to find any relation between the insight indirectly gained and the dream, we will hold to what we have found and proceed with the dream. The next part described by the little girl is receiving the doll in her apron. The first association given tells us that her attitude and the whole situation in the dream is like a picture very well known to her, representing a stork flying above a village; children are in the street, holding their aprons, looking up and shouting to him; the stork must bring them a little baby. The little patient adds the observation that several times she wished to have a little brother or sister herself. This material, given spontaneously by the child, stands in a clear and valuable relationship to the motive of the myths. We notice here that the dream is indeed concerned with the problem of the awakening instinct of generation. Nothing of this has been said to the little girl. After a little pause, she brings, abruptly, this association: “Once, when I was five years old, I thought I was in the street and that a bicyclist passed over my stomach.” This highly improbable story proved to be, as it might be expected, a phantasy, which had become a paramnesia. Nothing of this kind had ever happened, but we came to know that at school the little girls lay cross-wise over each other’s bodies, and trampled with their legs.
As you may know, the bull has symbolized the fertile spring sun for ages, as it represents the strongest creative power. While it might not be easy to see a direct connection between the insights gained and the dream, we'll stick to what we've discovered and move forward with the dream. The next part described by the little girl is when she receives the doll in her apron. The first association she shares tells us that her attitude and the overall situation in the dream reminds her of a well-known image of a stork flying over a village; children are in the street, holding their aprons, looking up and cheering for it; the stork is expected to bring them a baby. The little girl also shares that she wished for a baby brother or sister several times. This information, shared spontaneously by the child, clearly connects with the themes of the myths. We notice that the dream indeed addresses the awakening instinct of procreation. The little girl hasn't been told anything about this. After a brief pause, she suddenly shares this association: “Once, when I was five years old, I thought I was in the street and that a bicyclist ran over my stomach.” This unlikely story turned out to be a fantasy that had morphed into a false memory. Nothing like this ever happened, but we learned that at school, the little girls would lie on top of each other and stomp with their legs.
Whoever has read the analyses of children published by Freud and myself will observe the same “leit-motif” of trampling; 127to this must be attributed a sexual undercurrent. This conception demonstrated in our former work agrees with the next association of our little patient: “I should prefer a real child to a doll.”
Whoever has read the analyses of children published by Freud and me will notice the same recurring theme of trampling; 127 this must be linked to a sexual undertone. This idea, shown in our earlier work, aligns with the next comment from our young patient: “I would rather have a real child than a doll.”
This most remarkable material brought by the child in connection with the phantasy of the stork, refers to typical childish attempts at the sexual theory, and betrays where we have to look for the actual phantasies of the child.
This remarkable material brought by the child related to the fantasy of the stork refers to typical childhood attempts at understanding sexuality and reveals where we need to look for the child's actual fantasies.
It is of interest to know, that this “motive of trampling” can be illustrated through mythology. I have brought together the proofs in my work on the libido theory. The utilization of these early infantile phantasies in the dream, the existence of the paramnesia of the bicyclist, and the expectation expressed by the motive of the Sleeping Beauty show that the interests of the child dwell chiefly on certain problems which must be solved. Probably the fact that the libido has been attracted by the problem of generation has been the reason of her lack of attention at school, through which she fell behind. This problem is very often seen in girls between the ages of twelve and thirteen. I could demonstrate this to you by some special cases published under the title of “Beitrag zur Psychologie des Gerüchtes” in the Zentralblatt für Psychoanalyse. The frequent occurrence of the problem at this age is the cause of the indecent talk among all sorts of children and the attempts at mutual enlightenment, which are naturally far from beautiful, and which so very often spoil the child’s imagination. Not the most careful protection can prevent children from some day discovering the great secret, and then probably in the dirtiest way. Therefore it would be much better if children could learn about certain important secrets of life in a clean way and at suitable times, so that they would not need to be enlightened by their playmates, too often in very ugly ways.
It’s interesting to note that this “motive of trampling” can be illustrated through mythology. I’ve compiled the evidence in my work on libido theory. The use of these early childhood fantasies in dreams, the memory issues faced by cyclists, and the expectations expressed by the motive of Sleeping Beauty suggest that children’s interests mainly focus on specific problems that need to be solved. It’s likely that the attraction of libido to the issue of reproduction has caused her lack of attention in school, which resulted in falling behind. This problem commonly appears in girls aged twelve to thirteen. I could show you specific cases published under the title “Beitrag zur Psychologie des Gerüchtes” in the Zentralblatt für Psychoanalyse. The frequent occurrence of this issue at that age leads to inappropriate conversations among various children and attempts at mutual enlightenment, which are often quite unpleasant and frequently damage the child’s imagination. Not even the most careful measures can stop children from eventually discovering the big secret, and likely in the worst possible ways. So, it would be much better if kids could learn about certain crucial life secrets in a clean manner and at appropriate times, so they wouldn’t have to rely on their peers for enlightenment, often in very unkind ways.
In the eighth interview the little girl began by remarking that she had understood perfectly why it was still impossible for her to have a child and therefore she had renounced all idea of it. But she does not make a good impression this time. We get to know that she has told her teacher a falsehood. She had been late to school, and told her teacher that she was late because she was obliged to accompany her father. But in reality, she had been 128lazy, got up too late and was thus late for school. She told a lie, and was afraid of losing the teacher’s favor by telling the truth. This sudden moral defect in our little patient requires an explanation. According to the fundamentals of psychoanalysis, this sudden and striking weakness can only follow from the patient’s not drawing the logical consequences from the analysis but rather looking for other easier possibilities.
In the eighth interview, the little girl started off by saying that she completely understood why it was still impossible for her to have a child, and so she had given up on the idea. However, she doesn't leave a good impression this time. We learn that she lied to her teacher. She had arrived late to school and told her teacher that she was late because she had to accompany her father. But in reality, she was lazy, got up too late, and ended up being late for school. She lied because she was afraid of losing the teacher’s favor if she told the truth. This sudden moral flaw in our little patient needs some explanation. According to the basics of psychoanalysis, this sudden and significant weakness can only result from the patient not drawing the logical conclusions from the analysis but instead seeking out other easier options.
In other words, we have to do here with a case in which the analysis brought the libido apparently to the surface, so that an improvement of the personality could have occurred. But for some reason or other, the adaptation was not made, and the libido returned to its former regressive paths.
In other words, we’re dealing with a situation where the analysis seemed to bring the libido to light, allowing for some improvement in the personality. However, for some reason, the adaptation didn’t happen, and the libido went back to its previous regressive patterns.
The ninth interview proved that this was indeed the case. Our patient withheld an important piece of evidence in her ideas of sexuality, and one which contradicted the psychoanalytic explanation of sexual maturity. She suppressed the rumor current in the school that a girl of eleven had a baby with a boy of the same age. This rumor was proved to be based on no facts, but was a phantasy, fulfiling the secret wishes of this age. Rumors appear often to originate in this kind of way, as I tried to show in the above-mentioned demonstration of such a case. They serve to give vent to the unconscious phantasies, and in fulfiling this function correspond to dreams as well as to myths. This rumor keeps another way open: she need not wait so long, it is possible to have a child even at eleven. The contradiction between the accepted rumor and the analytic explanation creates resistances towards the analysis, so that it is forthwith depreciated. All the other statements and information fall to the ground at the same time; for the time being, doubt and a feeling of uncertainty have taken their place. The libido has again taken possession of its former ways, it has made a regression. This is the moment of the relapse.
The ninth interview confirmed that this was indeed true. Our patient kept back an important piece of evidence regarding her views on sexuality, which contradicted the psychoanalytic explanation of sexual maturity. She suppressed the rumor going around the school that an eleven-year-old girl had a baby with a boy the same age. This rumor was shown to have no basis in fact and was more of a fantasy fulfilling the hidden desires of this age group. Rumors often seem to originate this way, as I demonstrated in the previously mentioned case. They express unconscious fantasies and, in this capacity, are similar to dreams and myths. This rumor also suggests another possibility: that she doesn't have to wait so long; it's possible to have a child even at eleven. The conflict between the widely accepted rumor and the analytical explanation leads to resistance in the analysis, causing it to be quickly dismissed. All other statements and information lose their value at this point; for now, doubt and uncertainty have taken over. The libido has reverted to its previous patterns; it has regressed. This is the moment of relapse.
The tenth sitting added important details to the story of her sexual problem. First came a remarkable fragment of a dream: “I am with other children in an open field in the wood, surrounded by beautiful pine trees. It begins to rain, to lighten and to thunder. It is growing dark. Suddenly I see a stork in the air.”
The tenth session provided important insights into her sexual issue. First, there was a noteworthy part of a dream: “I am with other kids in an open field in the woods, surrounded by beautiful pine trees. It starts to rain, and the sky lightens and thunders. It's getting dark. Suddenly, I see a stork flying in the air.”
Before I enter into an analysis of this dream, I should like to 129point out its beautiful parallel with certain mythological presentations. This astonishing coincidence of thunderstorm and stork has, of course, to those acquainted with the works of Adalbert Kuhn and Steinthal nothing remarkable. The thunderstorm has had, from ancient times, the meaning of the fertilizing of the earth, the cohabitation of the father Heaven and the mother Earth, to which Abraham[13] has recently again called attention, in which the lightning takes the place of the winged phallus. The stork is just the same thing, a winged phallus, the psychosexual meaning of which is known to every child. But the psychosexual meaning of the thunderstorm is not known to everyone. In view of the psychological situation just described, we must attribute to the stork a psychosexual meaning. That the thunderstorm is connected with the stork and has also a psychosexual meaning, seems at first scarcely acceptable. But when we remember that psychoanalytic observation has shown an enormous number of mythological associations with the unconscious mental images, we may suppose that some psychosexual meaning is also present in this case. We know from other experiences that those unconscious strata which, in former times, produced mythological forms, are still in action among modern people and are still incessantly productive. But this production is limited to the realm of dreams and the symptomatology of the neuroses and the psychoses, for the correction, through reality, is so much increased in the modern mind that it prevents their projection into reality.
Before I dive into analyzing this dream, I want to highlight its striking parallel with certain mythological themes. This surprising connection between thunderstorms and storks is nothing new for those familiar with the works of Adalbert Kuhn and Steinthal. Thunderstorms have symbolized the fertilization of the earth since ancient times, representing the union of Father Heaven and Mother Earth, a point that Abraham has recently emphasized, where lightning acts as the winged phallus. The stork represents the same concept, a winged phallus, which is a psychosexual symbol understood by even young children. However, not everyone recognizes the psychosexual significance of thunderstorms. Given the psychological context just outlined, we must attribute a psychosexual meaning to the stork as well. The idea that thunderstorms are related to storks and also carry a psychosexual meaning might seem hard to accept at first. But considering that psychoanalytic studies have revealed a vast number of mythological associations tied to unconscious mental images, we can assume that some psychosexual significance is at play here too. We know from other experiences that those unconscious layers that once created mythological motifs are still influencing modern individuals and remain continuously productive. However, this productivity is restricted to the areas of dreams and the symptoms of neuroses and psychoses. The influence of reality in modern minds is so heightened that it prevents these elements from being projected into real life.
We will return to the dream analysis. The associations which lead us to the heart of this image begin with the idea of rain during the thunderstorm. Her actual words were: “I think of water. My uncle was drowned in water—it must be dreadful to be kept under water, so in the dark. But the child must be also drowned in the water. Does it drink the water that is in the stomach? It is very strange, when I was ill Mamma sent my water to the doctor. I thought perhaps he would mix something with it, perhaps some syrup, out of which children grow. I think one has to drink it.”
We will go back to the dream analysis. The connections that lead us to the core of this image start with the idea of rain during a thunderstorm. Her exact words were: “I think of water. My uncle drowned in water—it must be terrible to be kept underwater, in the dark. But the child must also be drowned in the water. Does it drink the water that's in the stomach? It’s very odd; when I was sick, Mom sent my urine to the doctor. I thought maybe he would mix something with it, maybe some syrup that helps children grow. I think one has to drink it.”
With unquestionable clearness we see from this set of associations that even the child associates psychosexual, and even typical ideas of fructification with the rain during the thunderstorm.
With clear certainty, we can see from this group of associations that even a child connects psychosexual ideas and typical concepts of fertility with the rain during a thunderstorm.
130Here again, we see that marvellous parallelism between mythology and the individual phantasies of our own day. This series of associations contains such an abundance of symbolic relationships, that we could easily write a whole dissertation about it. The child herself splendidly interpreted the symbolism of drowning as a pregnancy-phantasy, an explanation given long ago in psychoanalytic literature.
130Once again, we notice the amazing connections between mythology and the personal fantasies of our time. This collection of associations holds such a wealth of symbolic relationships that we could easily write an entire dissertation on it. The child herself brilliantly interpreted the symbolism of drowning as a pregnancy fantasy, an explanation that was provided long ago in psychoanalytic literature.
Eleventh interview. The next sitting was occupied with the spontaneous infantile theories about fructification and child-birth. The child thought that the urine of the man went into the body of the woman, and from this the embryo would grow. Hence the child was in the water from the beginning, that is to say, in urine. Another version was, the urine was drunk in the doctor’s syrup, so that the child would grow in the head. The head had then to be split open, to help the growth of the child, and one wore hats to cover this up. She illustrated this by a little drawing, representing a child-birth through the head. The child again had still a smaller child on the head, and so on. This is an archaic idea and highly mythological. I would remind you of the birth of Pallas, who came out of the father’s head.
Eleventh interview. The next session focused on the spontaneous childhood theories about conception and childbirth. The child believed that a man's urine entered a woman's body, causing the embryo to grow. So, the child thought it was in water from the start, which meant it was in urine. Another theory was that the urine was consumed in the doctor's syrup, making the child grow in the head. Therefore, the head had to be split open to allow the child's growth, and people wore hats to hide this. She illustrated this with a little drawing showing childbirth through the head. The child even depicted a smaller child on top of the head, and so on. This is an ancient notion and very mythological. I want to remind you of the birth of Pallas, who emerged from her father's head.
We find striking mythological proofs of the fertilizing significance of the urine in the songs of Rudra in the Rigveda. Here should be mentioned something the mother added, that once the little girl, before analysis, suggested she saw a puppet on the head of her little brother, a phantasy with which the origin of this theory of child-birth might be connected. The little illustration made by the patient has remarkable affinity with certain pictures found among the Bataks of Dutch India. They are the so-called magic wands or ancestral statues, on which the members of families are represented, one standing on the top of the other. The explanation of these wands, given by the Bataks themselves, and regarded as nonsense, has a marvellous analogy with the infantile mental attitude. Schultz, who wrote about these wands, says: “The assertion, that these figures represent the members of a family who have committed incest, were bitten by a snake, entwined with another, and met a common death in their criminal embrace, is widely disseminated and obviously due to the position of the figures.”
We find striking mythological evidence of the fertilizing significance of urine in the songs of Rudra in the Rigveda. It’s worth mentioning something that the mother added: once, the little girl, before analysis, suggested she saw a puppet on her little brother's head, a fantasy that might be connected to the origin of this childbirth theory. The small illustration made by the patient shares a remarkable similarity with certain images found among the Bataks of Dutch India. These are the so-called magic wands or ancestral statues, which depict family members, one standing on top of the other. The explanation of these wands, provided by the Bataks themselves and regarded as nonsense, shows a fascinating similarity to the mindset of children. Schultz, who wrote about these wands, states: “The belief that these figures represent family members who have committed incest, were bitten by a snake, intertwined with one another, and met a common death in their criminal embrace, is widespread and clearly linked to the positioning of the figures.”
The explanation has a parallel in our presuppositions as to our 131little patient. We saw from the first dream that her sexual phantasy centers round the father; the psychological condition is here the same as with the Bataks, being found in the idea of incestuous relationship.
The explanation matches our assumptions about our 131 little patient. From the first dream, we noticed that her sexual fantasy revolves around the father; the psychological situation is similar to that of the Bataks, rooted in the concept of incestuous relationships.
Still a third version is the growth of the child in the intestinal canal. The child tried several times to provoke nausea and vomiting, in accordance with her phantasy that the child is born through vomiting. In the closet she had arranged also pressure-exercises, in order to press out the child. Under these circumstances, we cannot be astonished that the first and principal symptoms of the manifest neurosis were nausea-symptoms.
Still a third version is the growth of the child in the intestinal canal. The child tried several times to induce nausea and vomiting, based on her fantasy that the child is born through vomiting. In the bathroom, she had also set up pressure exercises to push the child out. Given these circumstances, it's not surprising that the first and main symptoms of the evident neurosis were nausea-related symptoms.
We have come so far with our analysis that we are now able to throw a glance over the case as a whole.
We have progressed with our analysis to the point where we can now look at the case as a whole.
We found, behind the neurotic symptoms, complicated emotional processes, which were undoubtedly connected with the symptoms. If it may be allowed to draw some general conclusions from this limited material, we could construct the course of the neurosis in the following way.
We discovered, beneath the anxious symptoms, complex emotional processes that were definitely linked to those symptoms. If it's acceptable to make some broad conclusions from this limited data, we could outline the progression of the neurosis like this.
At the gradual approach of puberty, the libido of the child assumed rather an emotional than a practical attitude towards reality. She began to be very much taken with her teacher, but the sentimental self-indulgence, evinced in her riotous phantasies, played a greater part than the thought of the increased endeavors which such love ought really to have demanded of her. For this reason, her attention and her work left much to be desired. The former pleasant relationship with her favorite teacher was troubled. The teacher was annoyed, and the little girl, who had been made somewhat conceited by her home-conditions, was resentful, instead of trying to improve in her work. In consequence her libido withdrew from her teacher, as well as from her work, and fell into the characteristic forced dependence on the little boy, who on his side made the most of the situation. Then the resistances against school seized the first opportunity, which was suggested by the case of the little girl who had to be sent home on account of sickness. Our little patient followed this child’s example. Once away from school, the way was open to her phantasies. By the regression of the libido, these symptom-making phantasies became awakened to a real activity, and were given an importance they had never had before, for they had 132never previously played such an important part. Now they become apparently of much importance and seemed to be the very reason why the libido regressed to them. It might be said that the child, in consequence of its essentially phantasy-building nature, saw her father too much in her teacher, and thus developed incestuous resistances towards the latter. As I have already stated, I hold that it is simpler and more probable to accept the view that, during a certain period, it was convenient for her to see the teacher as the father. As she preferred to follow the hidden presentiments of puberty rather than her duties towards the school and her teacher, she allowed her libido to fall on the little boy, from whom, as we saw, she awaited some mysterious advantages. Even if analysis had demonstrated it as a fact that she had had incestuous resistances against her teacher on account of the transference of the father-image, those resistances would only have been secondary phantasies, that had become inflated. At any rate, indolence would still have been the primum movens. In the analysis she learned about the two ways of life, the way of phantasy, of regression, and the way of reality, wherein lay her present child’s duties. In her the two were dissociated, and consequently she was at strife with herself. As the analysis was adapted to the regressive tendency of the libido, the existence of an extreme sexual curiosity, connected with certain very definite problems, was discovered. The libido, imprisoned in this phantastical labyrinth, was brought back into useful application by means of the psychological explanation of the incorrect infantile phantasies. The child thus got an insight into her own attitude towards reality with all its possibilities. The result was that she was able to take an objective-critical attitude towards her immature puberty-desires, and was able to give up these and all other impossibilities in favor of the use of her libido in possible directions, in her work and in obtaining the good-will of her teacher. In this case, analysis brought great peace of mind, as well as a pronounced intellectual improvement. After a short time her teacher himself stated that the little girl was one of the best pupils in her class.
As she approached puberty, the child's feelings started to shift from practical to emotional. She became quite infatuated with her teacher, but her daydreams took precedence over the effort that such feelings should have genuinely inspired in her. This caused her focus and performance to suffer. The once pleasant relationship with her favorite teacher became strained. The teacher grew frustrated, and the girl, somewhat spoiled by her home life, felt bitter instead of trying to improve her schoolwork. As a result, her feelings shifted away from her teacher and her studies, and she became overly reliant on a little boy, who took advantage of the situation. Then, the resistance to school found an opportunity when another girl had to go home sick. Our little patient followed this girl's example. Once she was out of school, her imagination ran wild. With her feelings regressing, these imaginative thoughts gained a significance they hadn't had before, becoming central to her experience. It could be said that, because of her imaginative nature, she unconsciously projected her father onto her teacher, creating feelings of incestuous resistance towards the latter. As I've mentioned, I believe it’s simpler and more likely that, during this period, it was easier for her to see the teacher as a father figure. By choosing to follow her hidden impulses from puberty rather than her responsibilities to school and her teacher, she redirected her feelings to the little boy, from whom she hoped to gain some mysterious benefits. Even if analysis showed that she had these incestuous feelings towards her teacher due to the father-image transference, those feelings would only be secondary fantasies that had been exaggerated. Regardless, laziness remained the main driving force. During the analysis, she learned about two different paths: the way of fantasy, of regression, and the way of reality, which included her responsibilities as a child. For her, these two paths were disconnected, causing inner conflict. As the analysis catered to her tendency to regress, it revealed her intense sexual curiosity linked to specific issues. The libido, trapped in this maze of imagination, was redirected towards more productive uses through understanding her incorrect childhood fantasies. The child gained insight into her own perspective on reality and its possibilities. Consequently, she was able to take a more objective and critical stance on her immature puberty desires and let go of these and other unrealistic notions in favor of channeling her feelings into productive areas, like her schoolwork and earning her teacher's favor. In this case, analysis provided her with a sense of calm and a noticeable academic improvement. After a short time, her teacher remarked that the girl was one of the best students in her class.
I hope that by the exposition of this brief instance of the course of an analysis, I have succeeded in giving you an insight not only into the concrete procedure of treatment, and into the 133technical difficulties, but no less into the beauty of the human mind and its endless problems. I intentionally brought into prominence the parallelism with mythology, to indicate the universally possible applications of psychoanalysis. At the same time, I should like to refer to the further importance of this position. We may see in the predominance of the mythological in the mind of a child, a distinct hint of the gradual development of the individual mind out of the collective knowledge or the collective feeling of earliest childhood, which gave rise to the old theory of a condition of perfect knowledge before and after individual existence.
I hope that by sharing this brief example of the analysis process, I've given you insight not only into the specific treatment methods and the technical challenges involved but also into the beauty of the human mind and its endless complexities. I highlighted the connection to mythology to show the broad applications of psychoanalysis. At the same time, I want to emphasize the significance of this perspective. We can see in the prominence of mythology in a child's mind a clear indication of how individual thinking develops from the shared knowledge and feelings of early childhood, which led to the old theory of a state of perfect knowledge before and after individual existence.
In the same way we might see, in the marvellous analogy between the phantasies of dementia præcox and mythological symbolisms, a reason for the widespread superstition that an insane person is possessed of a demon, and has some divine knowledge.
In the same way we might see, in the marvelous analogy between the fantasies of schizophrenia and mythological symbols, a reason for the widespread superstition that a person with mental illness is possessed by a demon and has some divine knowledge.
With these hints, I have reached the present standpoint of investigation, and I have at least sketched those facts and working hypotheses which are characteristic for my present and future work.
With these hints, I've arrived at my current point of investigation, and I've at least outlined the facts and working hypotheses that define my current and future work.
INDEX
- Abreagieren, 5
- Actual conflict, 92, 93
- Actual present, 81
- Adaptation, failure of, 83
- Amnesia, infantile, 78
- Analysis of dreams, 60, 109
- Analysis of transference, 105
- Association-experiment, 66
- Breuer, 5
- Cathartic method, 6
- Change in the theory of psychoanalysis, 5
- Charcot, 5
- Child, neurosis in, 113
- Childhood, sexual trauma in, 10
- Complex, Electra, 69
- Complex, Oedipus, 67
- Complex, incest, 70
- Complex of the parents, 50
- Conception of libido, 27
- Conception of sensitiveness, 89
- Conception of sexuality, 19
- Conception of transference, 102
- Confession and psychoanalysis, 103
- Conflict, actual, 92, 93
- Content of the unconscious, 67
- Criticism, 1
- Criticized, infantile sexual etiology, 46
- Dementia præcox, 111
- Dementia præcox, libido in, 35
- Dream analysis, 60, 109
- Dream, the, 60
- Dreams, teleological meaning of, 109
- Early hypothesis, 4
- Electra-complex, 69
- Energic theory of libido, 28
- Environment and predisposition, 9
- Etiology of the neuroses, 72, 80
- Failure of adaptation, 83
- Finger, sucking of, 22
- Freud, 5
- Genetic conception of libido, 38
- Hypothesis, early, 4
- Incest-complex, 70
- Infancy, the polymorphic sexuality of, 24
- Infantile amnesia, 78
- Infantile mental attitude, 53
- Infantile perversity, 43
- Infantile reaction, 84
- Infantile sexuality, 17
- Infantile sexual etiology criticized, 46
- Infantile sexual phantasy, 15
- Introversion, 49
- Latent sexual period, 79
- Libido, 26, 27
- Libido in dementia præcox, 35
- Libido, energic theory of, 28
- Libido, genetic conception of, 38
- Libido, regression of, 76
- Libido, the sexual definition, 34
- Life, three phases of, 33
- Little Red-Ridinghood, 119
- Masturbation, 22
- Method, cathartic, 6
- Naughtiness, 121
- Neurosis in a child, 113
- Neuroses, etiology of, 72, 80
- Nucleus-complex, 50
- Objections to the sexual hypothesis, 18
- Oedipus-complex, 67
- Perversity, infantile, 43
- Phantasy criticized, 94
- Phantasy, infantile sexual, 17
- Phantasy, unconscious, 29, 53
- Polymorphic perverse sexuality of infancy, 24
- Pragmatic rule, 2
- Predisposition and environment, 9
- Predisposition for the trauma, 12
- Present, actual, 81
- Problem of self-analysis, 108
- Psychoanalysis and confession, 103
- Psychoanalysis, remarks on, 111
- Psychoanalysis, therapeutic principles of, 96
- Psychopathology of everyday life, 65
- Regression of the libido, 76
- Regression and sensitiveness, 90
- Remarks on psychoanalysis, 111
- Repression, 8
- Robert Mayer, 28
- Romulus and Remus, 120
- Schopenhauer’s will, 39
- Self-analysis, problem of, 108
- Sensitiveness, conception of, 89
- Sensitiveness and regression, 90
- Sexual definition of libido, 34
- Sexual element in the trauma, 14
- Sexual period, latent, 79
- Sexual hypothesis, objections to, 18
- Sexual trauma in childhood, 10
- Sexuality, the conception of, 19
- Sexuality, infantile, 17
- Sexuality of the suckling, 21
- Sexual terminology, 30
- Sleeping Beauty, 124
- Snow-White, 125
- Spring-Sun, 124
- Stork, 129
- Sucking the finger, 22
- Suckling, sexuality of, 21
- Symbolism, 112
- Teleological meaning of dreams, 109
- Terminology, sexual, 30
- The dream, 60
- Theory, change in, 5
- Theory criticized, traumatic, 7
- Theory, traumatic, 5, 48
- Therapeutic principles of psychoanalysis, 96
- Three contributions to the sexual theory, 17
- Three phases of life, 33
- Thunderstorm, 129
- Transference, analysis of, 105
- Transference, conception of, 102
- Trauma, predisposition for, 12
- Trauma, sexual element in, 14
- Traumatic theory, 5, 48
- Traumatic theory criticized, 7
- Unconscious, 55
- Unconscious, content of, 67
- Unconscious phantasy, 29, 53
1. “Selected Papers on Hysteria and Other Psychoneuroses,” by Prof. Sigmund Freud. Nervous and Mental Disease Monograph Series, No. 4.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.“Selected Papers on Hysteria and Other Psychoneuroses,” by Prof. Sigmund Freud. Nervous and Mental Disease Monograph Series, No. 4.
2. Monograph No. 4, p. 14.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Monograph No. 4, p. 14.
3. Ibid.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Same source.
4. No. 7 of this Monograph Series.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. No. 7 of this Monograph Series.
5. No. 7 of this Monograph Series.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. No. 7 of this Monograph Series.
6. No. 3 of this Monograph Series.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. No. 3 of this Monograph Series.
7. Jahrbuch für psychoanalytische und psychopathologisch Forschungen, Bd. I.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Yearbook for Psychoanalytical and Psychopathological Research, Vol. I.
8. Am. Jour. Psychol., April, 1910.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Am. Jour. Psychol., April 1910.
9. Jahrbuch für psychopath. u. psychoanalyt. Forschungen, Bd. II, p. 465.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Yearbook of Psychopathology and Psychoanalytic Research, Vol. II, p. 465.
10. Am. Journ. Psych., April, 1910.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Am. Journ. Psych., April 1910.
11. “Wandlungen und Symbole der Libido,” Wien, 1912.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.“Transformations and Symbols of the Libido,” Vienna, 1912.
12. Abraham, “Dreams and Myths,” No. 15 of the Monograph Series.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Abraham, “Dreams and Myths,” No. 15 of the Monograph Series.
13. “Dreams and Myths,” No. 15 of the Monograph Series.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.“Dreams and Myths,” No. 15 of the Monograph Series.
- Transcriber’s Notes:
- Footnotes have been collected at the end of the text, and are linked for ease of reference.
Download ePUB
If you like this ebook, consider a donation!