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THE EVOLUTION
OF
MATHEMATICAL PHYSICS
Being the Rouse Ball Lecture for 1924,
Being the Rouse Ball Lecture for 1924,
BY
HORACE LAMB, Sc.D., F.R.S.,
HONORARY FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE
BY
HORACE LAMB, Sc.D., F.R.S.,
Honorary Fellow of Trinity College
CAMBRIDGE
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
1924
CAMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY PRESS
1924
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN
PRINTED IN THE UK
[Pg 5]
[Pg 5]
THE EVOLUTION OF MATHEMATICAL PHYSICS
THE founder of this Lecture has chosen as one of his special interests the history of Mathematics, both through the ages and as reflected in the studies of the University. Within a short compass he has given an account of the development of the subject which contrasts with the elaborate treatises of previous writers by its concentration on essentials, and also by the glimpses which it affords of the personalities of the mathematicians whose achievements he records, with their limitations and their failures, as well as their ambitions and successes.
THE founder of this Lecture has selected the history of Mathematics as one of his key interests, exploring it both across time and within the context of the University’s studies. In a brief overview, he outlines the evolution of the subject, focusing on the essential points rather than the detailed analyses of earlier authors. He also provides insights into the lives of the mathematicians he highlights, including their shortcomings and failures, along with their aspirations and achievements.
The study of the successive steps in the evolution of any subject is an attractive pursuit, and many years ago, speaking not far from this place, I was led to hazard some speculations as to the ideas which prompted and guided the very first steps in the development of Greek Mathematics. I even ventured to say, not altogether in the spirit of [Pg 6] paradox, that if any one scientific invention could claim pre-eminence above all others, I should be inclined to suggest a monument to the unknown inventor of the mathematical point, as the first step in that long process of abstraction and idealization which has culminated in the science (and not merely mathematical science) of to-day. I remember that the eminent engineer who sat near remarked to me afterwards that if the scale of subscriptions was to be appropriate to the dimensions of the object to be commemorated he would gladly head the list. An even more eminent astronomer told me that the whole address was an elaborate scientific joke. Such friendly satire did not disturb my opinion; but speculations on the psychology of the primitive mathematicians, attractive as I think they are, are necessarily precarious, and I am not tempted to venture on this field again. The task which I would attempt to-day is to trace the leading steps in the development of that great tradition of Mathematical Physics, as [Pg 7] distinguished from Dynamics and Astronomy, which began in the early years of the last century, and has dominated physical speculation until quite recent times, when new discoveries and new ideas have emerged, calling for newer methods, without, however, rendering the old ones obsolete. The ground has of course been traversed before, but not I think quite from the present point of view. I am not concerned with physical theories as such but rather with the mathematical dress which they have assumed from time to time. My object is to shew how it comes about that we have inherited a mathematical scheme which in its final form embraces subjects physically so different as Heat-Conduction, Hydrodynamics, Elasticity, Magnetism, Electricity, and Light, and can be made to include any one of these by assigning proper names to the symbols. The scheme admits of course of being set forth in a purely abstract form without any physical reference at all, and this has in fact been done; but its chief value is for the physical analogies [Pg 8] which it facilitates, and in which it originated. The development has been continuous, although the wide scope of the final result could not have been foreseen.
The study of the steps in the evolution of any subject is an appealing endeavor. Many years ago, not far from here, I found myself speculating about the ideas that inspired and shaped the very first developments in Greek Mathematics. I even dared to suggest, not entirely as a joke, that if any scientific invention could claim to be the most important, I would propose a tribute to the unknown inventor of the mathematical point as the first step in that long journey of abstraction and idealization leading to the science we have today (and not just mathematical science). I recall that a prominent engineer sitting nearby remarked afterward that if the funding needed to match the significance of the tribute, he would gladly be the first to contribute. An even more distinguished astronomer told me that my entire talk was a sophisticated scientific joke. Such friendly teasing didn’t change my view. However, while I find the psychology of primitive mathematicians fascinating, it is inherently uncertain, and I won’t explore that area again. What I want to tackle today is tracing the main developments in the significant tradition of Mathematical Physics, which is separate from Dynamics and Astronomy, beginning in the early years of the last century. This tradition has influenced physical speculation right up until recently, as new discoveries and ideas have emerged, demanding new methods, yet without making the old ones obsolete. This territory has certainly been covered before, but I think not from the current perspective. I am not focused on the physical theories themselves but rather on the mathematical framework they have adopted over time. My aim is to show how we have inherited a mathematical scheme that, in its final form, includes topics that are physically very different, like Heat Conduction, Hydrodynamics, Elasticity, Magnetism, Electricity, and Light, and how each can be represented simply by naming the symbols appropriately. The scheme can indeed be presented in a purely abstract way without any physical context, and this has been done. However, its main value lies in the physical analogies it enables, from which it originated. The development has been continuous, even though the broad scope of the final result couldn’t have been predicted.
The time I have indicated as a starting point was peculiarly favourable. The great calculator Euler had ranged over the whole field of Mathematics, and had given to many parts of it almost the final form which we find in our text-books. Lagrange, Laplace, and Legendre had developed the Newtonian Astronomy, and made important contributions to general Dynamics, as well as incidentally to Analysis. So that when attention began to be directed to physical subjects the available mathematical resources were far in advance of what had been within reach at any earlier period.
The time I indicated as a starting point was particularly favorable. The great mathematician Euler had explored the entire field of Mathematics and had given many areas nearly the final form we see in our textbooks today. Lagrange, Laplace, and Legendre had advanced Newtonian Astronomy and made significant contributions to general Dynamics, as well as indirectly to Analysis. So, when people started focusing on physical subjects, the available mathematical resources were much more advanced than anything that had been accessible in earlier times.
Isolated questions of course had been treated previously; for instance the flexure of bars had been discussed by Bernoulli and Euler. More important from the present point of view is the foundation of Hydrodynamics by Euler, who formulated the fundamental differential [Pg 9] equations, and proceeded to integrate them on the supposition that a velocity-potential exists. He was careful to note, however, that there are cases, such as that of uniform rotation about an axis, where this condition is not fulfilled. The theory of plane waves of sound was also known, and I need hardly recall the subject of vibrating strings with its reactions on Analysis, and the long controversies which resulted. But the starting point of Mathematical Physics, in the now general sense of the term, is to be fixed I think about the time when the storms of the French revolution had subsided and were succeeded by the comparative tranquillity of the early Empire. If a more definite date is required, we may perhaps fix on the year 1807, which was marked by the publication of Poisson’s first memoir on Sound. This deals with spherical waves, with waves in an atmosphere of variable density and, most astonishing of all, with waves of finite amplitude. He finds that the boundaries of such a wave advance with the ordinary velocity of sound, but omits to examine the progressive change of type. This was [Pg 10] only done long afterwards by Stokes. It may I think be said of Poisson that, with all his extraordinary power in dealing with a problem when once it had been reduced to an analytical form, and the great achievements which stand to his credit, he was less concerned with the physical interpretation of his results.
Isolated questions had been explored before; for example, the bending of bars was examined by Bernoulli and Euler. More importantly, from the current perspective, is Euler's foundation of Hydrodynamics, where he formulated the fundamental differential equations and proceeded to integrate them under the assumption that a velocity-potential exists. He was careful to point out that there are situations, like uniform rotation around an axis, where this condition does not hold. The theory of plane sound waves was also established, and I hardly need to mention the topic of vibrating strings, which influenced Analysis and led to lengthy debates. However, I believe the starting point of Mathematical Physics, in the now widely recognized sense of the term, can be placed around the time when the upheavals of the French Revolution calmed down and were replaced by the relative peace of the early Empire. If a more precise date is needed, we might consider the year 1807, marked by the publication of Poisson’s first paper on Sound. This work covers spherical waves, waves in an atmosphere of varying density, and, most remarkably, waves of finite amplitude. He discovered that the boundaries of such a wave travel at the usual speed of sound but did not investigate the progressive change of type. This aspect was only addressed much later by Stokes. It can be said of Poisson that, despite his remarkable ability to tackle a problem once it was reduced to an analytical form, and his significant accomplishments, he was less focused on the physical interpretation of his findings.
The same year, 1807, is still more memorable for the first instalment of Fourier’s investigations on the Conduction of Heat, whose importance extends far beyond the special subject. Mathematicians so eminent as Hamilton, Maxwell, and Kelvin have found it difficult to speak of Fourier in measured terms of appreciation, whether of the ingenuity of his mathematical processes, the elegance of his results, or of his broad and philosophical outlook, as revealed especially in the preface to his formal treatise. Fourier had indeed the advantage of a rather varied career. He was trained at first for the priesthood, then rejected for the (royalist) artillery school, with the remark in so many words that the lowliness of his origin would have disqualified him “even if he had been a second Newton.” He became a pupil at the École Normale, and later professor at the École Polytechnique. He was included in Napoleon’s expedition to Egypt, as a Member of the ambitious Egyptian Institute which it was proposed to found, and of which Monge was President. Returning to France in 1802 he was made prefect of the Department of the Isère, possibly on account of the administrative talent which he is said to have displayed in Egypt, and it was at Grenoble that he began the composition of his classical work. His subsequent history, though interesting and honourable, hardly concerns us, but the facts I have mentioned suggest that his varied and responsible experience, as well as the literary studies which were an obligatory part of his early education, and in which he is said to have excelled, was not without influence on his work, or on the luminous style in which it is explained.
The same year, 1807, is even more memorable for the first installment of Fourier’s investigations on the Conduction of Heat, whose significance goes well beyond the specific topic. Prominent mathematicians like Hamilton, Maxwell, and Kelvin have struggled to express their admiration for Fourier in measured terms, whether regarding the ingenuity of his mathematical methods, the elegance of his results, or his broad and philosophical perspective, especially evident in the preface to his formal treatise. Fourier indeed had the benefit of a rather varied career. He was initially trained for the priesthood but was rejected by the (royalist) artillery school with the blunt comment that his humble origins would have disqualified him "even if he had been a second Newton." He became a student at the École Normale and later a professor at the École Polytechnique. He was included in Napoleon’s expedition to Egypt as a member of the ambitious Egyptian Institute that was proposed to be established, with Monge serving as President. After returning to France in 1802, he was appointed prefect of the Department of the Isère, possibly because of the administrative skills he reportedly displayed in Egypt, and it was in Grenoble that he began writing his classic work. His later history, though interesting and honorable, doesn’t particularly concern us, but the facts I’ve mentioned suggest that his diverse and responsible experiences, along with the literary studies that were a mandatory part of his early education—and in which he is said to have excelled—had a significant impact on his work and the clear style in which it is presented.
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At the very outset of his book we meet for the first time with a
process which now seems so obvious and familiar that the mention of it
may appear trivial. I mean the device by which the rate of change of
a physical property at any point of a medium is calculated in terms
of its flux into an element of volume. But it could hardly have been
quite obvious, for many years elapsed before so simple a matter as
the equation of continuity in Hydrodynamics was proved in this way by
William Thomson, who also pointed out its utility in the expression of
Laplace’s equation in curvilinear co-ordinates.
At a later period the process received a brilliant extension at the
hands of Maxwell, in his theory of gases, where it was applied to the
flux of momentum and also of energy.
At the very beginning of his book, we encounter a process that now seems so obvious and familiar that mentioning it might seem trivial. I'm talking about the method for calculating how fast a physical property changes at any point in a medium, based on its flow into a volume element. However, it couldn't have been so obvious, since many years passed before something as straightforward as the equation of continuity in Hydrodynamics was demonstrated this way by William Thomson, who also highlighted its usefulness in expressing Laplace’s equation in curvilinear coordinates. Later on, Maxwell brilliantly expanded on this process in his theory of gases, where it was applied to the flow of momentum and energy.
The mathematical methods employed by Fourier in his treatment of special problems repay a careful study. As they stand they would often fail to satisfy even a lenient standard of mathematical rigour, and indeed they appear to have raised doubts in the minds of Laplace, [Pg 12] Lagrange, and Legendre, who formed the distinguished commission charged to examine one of his memoirs. But they are models of what may be called mathematical experiment; and at any rate they are successful in the end, and the results are easily verified. The form, again, in which these results are presented is I think quite unlike anything that had gone before, especially in the occurrence of definite integrals, but a slight examination shews that it would be difficult to imagine anything more adapted to the particular circumstances, or really more lucid. One special question examined by Fourier may be noticed for its connection with more recent speculations. It had been debated whether the earth has an intrinsic store of heat, or whether it was altogether dependent on the sun. Fourier’s conclusion is that the internal temperatures are independent of the solar influence, but that the latter is mainly responsible for the superficial temperatures. Among Fourier’s anticipations of modern practice, we may cite his recourse to graphical methods for the solution of equations, and especially his insistence [Pg 13] on the necessity that results should be capable of reduction, when needed, to numerical form.
The mathematical methods used by Fourier in tackling specific problems deserve careful examination. As they are, they would often not meet even a relaxed standard of mathematical rigor, and indeed, they seem to have raised doubts in the minds of Laplace, Lagrange, and Legendre, who made up the distinguished commission tasked with reviewing one of his papers. However, they serve as excellent examples of what might be termed mathematical experimentation; at least, they ultimately succeed, and the results can be easily confirmed. The way these results are presented is, I believe, quite different from anything that came before, especially with the use of definite integrals, but a brief examination reveals that it would be hard to imagine anything better suited to the specific circumstances, or really more clear. One particular issue that Fourier examined is notable for its connection to more recent theories. It was debated whether the Earth has its own inherent store of heat or if it relies entirely on the sun. Fourier concluded that internal temperatures are independent of solar influence, but that the sun primarily affects surface temperatures. Among Fourier's foresight in modern practices, we should mention his use of graphical methods to solve equations, and especially his emphasis on the need for results to be reducible to numerical form when necessary.
The general equations of Hydrodynamics date from Euler (1755), but a long period elapsed before any but the simplest applications were made of them. The theory of waves on water was propounded by the French Academy as the subject of a prize essay for the year 1815. The problem proposed was to trace the effect of a given initial disturbance of the surface. The memoir of Cauchy, to whom the prize was awarded, is remarkable as containing the first satisfactory proof of the persistence of the irrotational quality in a portion of fluid which possesses it at any one instant. The analytical difficulties of the special problem are considerable, owing mainly to the fact that there is no definite wave-velocity, but the genius of the author supplied what was wanting, and the notes afterwards appended to his memoir contain a store of important analytical results, relating chiefly to definite integrals. In particular we meet here for the first time with [Pg 14] the integrals known afterwards by the name of Fresnel, who encountered them in his work on Physical Optics. A parallel and independent memoir by Poisson, who was himself debarred from competing for the prize, confines itself more closely to the terms of the problem, but agrees in the main results. It is remarkable that neither writer pauses to consider the simpler and more fundamental properties of a simple-harmonic train of waves. This was left for Green and Airy, and extended in various ways by Stokes. It should not be overlooked that the work of both Cauchy and Poisson was only rendered possible by Fourier’s analysis of an arbitrary function into simple-harmonic components. Not long afterwards Poisson took up the problem of the sound waves in an unlimited medium due to arbitrary initial conditions. The result is given in what Airy (I think) called the unsatisfactory form of a definite integral. The interpretation was not dwelt upon by Poisson, but here again had to wait for the penetrating genius of Stokes. It is then recognized that Poisson’s formula, far from being [Pg 15] unsatisfactory, gives precisely what one would wish to know, in the most convenient and appropriate form.
The basic equations of hydrodynamics originated from Euler in 1755, but it took a long time before anyone applied them beyond the simplest situations. The French Academy proposed the theory of waves on water as the topic for a prize essay in 1815. The challenge was to determine the impact of a specific initial disturbance on the surface. Cauchy, who won the prize, provided a remarkable memoir that offered the first convincing proof of how the irrotational quality persists in a section of fluid that has it at any moment. The analytical challenges of this specific problem are significant, mainly because there’s no fixed wave velocity, but the author’s talent filled the gaps, and the additional notes to his memoir include a wealth of important analytical findings, mainly concerning definite integrals. Notably, this is where we first encounter the integrals later named after Fresnel, who discovered them while working on physical optics. There’s also a parallel and independent paper by Poisson, who was unable to compete for the prize, that closely follows the problem's terms but aligns with the main findings. It’s interesting that neither author pauses to examine the simpler and more fundamental characteristics of a simple harmonic wave train. This task fell to Green and Airy, and was further developed in various ways by Stokes. It’s important to note that both Cauchy’s and Poisson’s work was made possible by Fourier’s analysis of an arbitrary function into simple harmonic components. Shortly after, Poisson tackled the issue of sound waves in an infinite medium caused by arbitrary initial conditions. Airy (if I remember correctly) referred to the result as being in the unsatisfactory form of a definite integral. Poisson didn’t elaborate on the interpretation, which again had to wait for Stokes's insightful contributions. Ultimately, it’s recognized that Poisson’s formula, far from being unsatisfactory, provides exactly what one would want to know, in the most convenient and appropriate way.
From this period onwards the flow of production was so rapid, and embraced so many subjects, that it is rather difficult to review it in any orderly sequence. One very important matter is the growth of the theory of Elasticity. The interest in this subject had been revived by the experiments of Chladni on vibrating plates, which formed a feature of the lectures on Acoustics which he gave in various places, as they have of most courses on the subject ever since. A skilled experimenter, and endowed with a fine musical ear, he was able not only to evoke a vast number of figures of nodal lines, formed by sand strewn on the plates, but also to assign their relative pitch, and even to formulate approximate numerical relations. His lectures were very successful, and appear to have excited the interest of the fashionable world, much as a lecture on soap-bubbles might at the present day. His visit to Paris was the occasion, at Napoleon’s suggestion, that [Pg 16] the theory of the figures now known by his name was proposed by the Academy as the subject of a prize essay for the year 1811. Among the competitors was one of the slender array of women who have figured in the history of Mathematics, Mdlle Sophie Germain. This lady had found inspiration in the pages of Montucla, and had devoted herself with great enthusiasm to the study of Mathematics, to the grievous distress of her parents. Lagrange, strange to say, had warned her that the problem was hopeless, and indeed her attempts were not very successful, even though she gained the prize at a subsequent competition. Like other of the earlier writers on the question, she assumed, on the analogy of Euler’s problem of the bar, that the energy of deformation of a plate is a quadratic function of the principal curvatures. This is sufficiently correct, but the choice of the particular function was unfortunate. The further history of the problem is very interesting mathematically, but would lead us too far. The question could not [Pg 17] be satisfactorily treated until the general theory of Elasticity had been further developed, and the relations between stresses and strains established. An additional impulse to the subject came from the wave-theory of Light which was growing rapidly at the hands of Young and Fresnel. The first essays at a general theory of elastic solids were made by Navier, Poisson, and Cauchy. Their investigations are noteworthy as including the first systematic attempts to deduce the properties of a body from the explicit hypothesis of a molecular structure. The word “molecule” it is true occurs over and over again in previous mathematical literature, but its meaning is usually that which we attach to the word “particle,” viz. a small portion of a substance really treated as continuous. Laplace, again, had given a theory of capillarity based on the conception of forces having a very minute range of action, but the substance is treated as continuous, and the work was really a development of the theory of Attractions, with a generalized law of force. In the memoirs of Navier and Poisson, and to [Pg 18] a large extent in those of Cauchy, an elastic solid is conceived as a static arrangement of discrete molecules separated by finite intervals. The molecules are treated as mathematical points, and the mutual forces are supposed to be functions of the distance only, independent of direction. The range of the forces, though small, is assumed to be large compared with the intra-molecular spaces. All this is of course a possible conception, and a suitable matter for mathematical study, whether it corresponds to reality or not. One further assumption was, however, made, which has been much questioned, viz. that the displacements of consecutive molecules, when the body is deformed, are continuous functions of the co-ordinates. As applying to isotropic bodies in which the configuration of molecules about any point is assumed to be quite irregular, this can hardly be defended, but there is more to be said for it in the case of a crystalline structure. The continuity which is assumed in modern theories of Elasticity relates of course to averages, and not to individual molecules. Without [Pg 19] further examination of the molecular assumptions, some of which are unnecessarily restricted, whilst the reasoning is sometimes difficult to follow, we may note that Navier and Poisson were led, in the case of isotropy, to equations which coincide with those generally accepted, except in one particular. The inference that there is an invariable ratio between the volume-elasticity and the rigidity of a substance was long a matter of controversy, but has not survived the criticism of Stokes and the experiments of Kirchhoff. Having obtained his equations, Poisson proceeds to apply them to various special problems, such as the radial vibrations of a sphere, the lateral vibrations of bars, and the symmetrical vibrations of circular plates. The latter especially is a skilful piece of analysis, involving Bessel Functions of both real and imaginary arguments, and is pushed to numerical results. The paper was soon followed by another, dealing with the problem of plane elastic waves in an isotropic solid. The two types characterized by longitudinal and transverse vibrations, respectively, [Pg 20] are distinguished, and the corresponding wave-velocities found.
From this point on, the pace of production became so fast and covered so many topics that it's quite challenging to review it in an orderly manner. One major development was the advancement of the theory of Elasticity. Interest in this topic was rekindled by Chladni's experiments on vibrating plates, which became a highlight of his Acoustics lectures given in various locations, similar to how most courses on this subject have been structured ever since. As a skilled experimenter with a great musical ear, he was able to create a vast number of nodal figures using sand spread on the plates, and he could also determine their relative pitch and establish approximate numerical relationships. His lectures were very popular and seemed to capture the fascination of the fashionable society, much like a modern lecture on soap bubbles would. His trip to Paris led, at Napoleon’s suggestion, to the Academy proposing the theory of the figures now known by his name as the topic for a prize essay for the year 1811. Among the competitors was one of the few women who have made their mark in Mathematics, Mdlle Sophie Germain. She had been inspired by Montucla’s writings and devoted herself to studying Mathematics with great enthusiasm, much to her parents' distress. Lagrange had surprisingly warned her that the problem was a lost cause, and indeed, her attempts were not very successful, even though she eventually won the prize in a later competition. Like other early writers on the issue, she assumed, based on Euler's bar problem, that the energy of deformation of a plate is a quadratic function of the principal curvatures. This assumption is generally correct, but the choice of the specific function used was unfortunate. The further development of this problem is quite interesting from a mathematical perspective, but it would take us too far off track. The problem couldn't be adequately addressed until the general theory of Elasticity advanced and the relationships between stresses and strains were established. The wave theory of Light, rapidly developing thanks to Young and Fresnel, provided additional momentum to the subject. The first attempts at a general theory of elastic solids were made by Navier, Poisson, and Cauchy. Their work was significant as it included the first systematic efforts to derive the properties of a material from the explicit assumption of a molecular structure. The term “molecule” appeared repeatedly in earlier mathematical texts, but it usually referred to what we now think of as a “particle,” meaning a small section of a substance treated as continuous. Laplace also provided a theory of capillarity based on the idea of forces with a very limited range, but treated the substance as continuous, developing a theory of Attractions with a generalized law of force. In the works of Navier and Poisson, and to a large extent in Cauchy’s as well, an elastic solid is envisioned as a static arrangement of discrete molecules separated by finite distances. The molecules are treated as mathematical points, and the forces between them are considered functions of distance only, independent of direction. Although the range of these forces is small, it is assumed to be large compared to the spaces between molecules. This is, of course, a feasible idea and a relevant subject for mathematical investigation, regardless of whether it reflects reality. However, one further assumption was made that has faced significant scrutiny: that the displacements of adjacent molecules during deformation are continuous functions of the coordinates. This is difficult to justify for isotropic materials where the arrangement of molecules around any given point is assumed to be completely random, but it holds some merit for crystalline structures. The continuity assumed in modern Elasticity theories refers to averages rather than individual molecules. Without delving deeper into the molecular assumptions, some of which are unnecessarily limiting and the reasoning of which is often hard to follow, we can observe that Navier and Poisson were led to equations consistent with the generally accepted ones in the case of isotropy, except for one exception. The conclusion that there is a constant ratio between a substance’s volume elasticity and rigidity was a long-standing debate but has been challenged by Stokes’s critiques and Kirchhoff’s experiments. Once Poisson obtained his equations, he applied them to various specific problems, such as the radial vibrations of a sphere, lateral vibrations of bars, and symmetrical vibrations of circular plates. The last one is particularly noted for its skillful analysis, involving Bessel functions with both real and imaginary arguments, and it leads to numerical outcomes. This paper was quickly followed by another addressing the issue of plane elastic waves in an isotropic solid. The two types, characterized by longitudinal and transverse vibrations, are distinguished, and their respective wave velocities are determined.
A great improvement in the theory was made by Cauchy, who initiated the modern theory of stress and strain. As an alternative to the method which he had first adopted, he abandons all explicit mention of molecules, and treats a solid as practically continuous. Extending the notion of pressure which was current in Hydrostatics, he assumes that the force between any two adjacent parts of a substance can be regarded as made up of actions between two strata of excessively small depth on the two sides of the interface, and may accordingly be treated as a surface-force or “stress.” He goes on to investigate the relation between the stresses across different planes, and to express them geometrically by means of the stress-ellipsoid. This use of an ellipsoid to represent the relations between various directional properties in Mechanics is I believe original with Cauchy, who applied it also in the theory of strains, as well as in the more familiar [Pg 21] matter of moments of inertia. His equations for an isotropic substance, obtained by this second method, are based on the hypothesis that the principal axes of stress and strain coincide, and have the now usual form, with two independent elastic constants. The whole procedure is in fact that found in modern books. It should be mentioned also that Cauchy in his work on strains introduces for the first time the notion of the infinitesimal rotation of an element, afterwards utilized by Stokes and Helmholtz.
A significant advancement in the theory was made by Cauchy, who started the modern theory of stress and strain. Instead of the method he initially used, he no longer specifically refers to molecules and instead treats a solid as nearly continuous. Building on the idea of pressure that was known in Hydrostatics, he suggests that the force between any two neighboring parts of a substance can be seen as stemming from interactions between two extremely thin layers on either side of the interface, and can thus be considered a surface force or “stress.” He proceeds to explore the relationship between the stresses on different planes and represents them geometrically using the stress-ellipsoid. This application of an ellipsoid to show the relationships between various directional properties in Mechanics is, I believe, original to Cauchy, who also used it in the theory of strains and in the more well-known concept of moments of inertia. His equations for an isotropic substance, derived from this second method, are based on the assumption that the principal axes of stress and strain align, and they have the now-standard form, featuring two independent elastic constants. The entire approach is, in fact, consistent with what is found in modern textbooks. It's also worth noting that Cauchy, in his work on strains, introduces for the first time the idea of the infinitesimal rotation of an element, which was later utilized by Stokes and Helmholtz.
Cauchy next took up the theory of crystalline solids, this time
naturally on the basis of an assumed orderly arrangement of molecules,
but his results have failed to stand the test of experiment, or to
furnish a satisfactory explanation of double-refraction. The true
theory of elastic solids in the general case, free from all molecular
hypothesis, was given later by Green, whose work is the first example
of the application of energy-methods to the physics of continua,
the analytical process being an adaptation of the variational
[Pg 22]
method of Lagrange. It is fortunately not my task to discuss these
things from the point of view of Physical Optics, or to review the
long-continued and obstinate attempts of successive physicists to
construct a mechanical model of the ether, now definitely abandoned.
At the present time the real outlet for the theory of elastic waves
and their reflection and refraction is in relation to Seismology,
where it has led to important results. The chief interest of the
theory of Elasticity to us at the moment consists partly in the
gradual emancipation from molecular assumptions, and partly in that
the analytical relations which it involved were destined to find
a wider and more important sphere of application. To take a very
simple instance, in the equations of equilibrium of an incompressible
isotropic solid,
the symbols are such as present themselves in very different fields,
[Pg 23]
and it is to be remembered that it was from this very example that
Thomson, in his early speculations, constructed analogies between
elastic displacements and rotations on the one hand, and distributions
of electric and magnetic force in free space on the other.
Cauchy then explored the theory of crystalline solids, this time based on an assumed orderly arrangement of molecules. However, his findings did not hold up to experimental testing and failed to provide a satisfactory explanation for double-refraction. The true theory of elastic solids, which was free from any molecular assumptions, was later provided by Green. His work marked the first instance of applying energy methods to the physics of continua, using an analytical process adapted from Lagrange's variational method. Fortunately, it's not my responsibility to discuss these topics from the viewpoint of Physical Optics or to review the persistent efforts of various physicists to create a mechanical model of the ether, which is now definitively discarded. Currently, the real application of the theory of elastic waves and their behavior in reflection and refraction relates to Seismology, where it has yielded significant results. The main relevance of the theory of Elasticity for us right now lies partly in the gradual departure from molecular assumptions and partly in the fact that the analytical relationships it involves are expected to find broader and more important applications. To give a simple example, in the equations governing the equilibrium of an incompressible isotropic solid,
the symbols appear in very different fields,
[Pg 23]
and it's worth noting that it was from this very example that Thomson, in his early ideas, drew analogies between elastic displacements and rotations on one hand and distributions of electric and magnetic forces in free space on the other.
To observe the growth of mathematical Electricity we must go back to the year 1811, when Poisson laid the foundations of Electrostatics as a branch of the theory of Attractions. Adopting the hypothesis of two electric fluids, he remarks that the resultant electric force at any point in the interior of a conductor must be zero. Combined with Coulomb’s law of electric force, and Laplace’s relation between normal force and surface density, this led at once to the distribution of electricity on a charged conductor in the form of an ellipsoid. Poisson further introduces the conception (but not the name) of the electric potential, and lays down the conditions which it has to satisfy at any point of the field due to a system of electrified conductors. In particular he investigates the induced distribution on a sphere due [Pg 24] to any system of external charges. Finally, by a triumph of analytical skill, he solved the classical problem of two electrified spheres.
To understand the development of mathematical Electricity, we need to go back to 1811, when Poisson established the foundations of Electrostatics as a part of the theory of Attractions. He adopted the idea of two electric fluids and noted that the overall electric force at any point inside a conductor must be zero. Together with Coulomb’s law of electric force and Laplace’s relation between normal force and surface density, this led to the understanding of how electricity is distributed on a charged conductor in the shape of an ellipsoid. Poisson also introduced the concept (though not the term) of electric potential and outlined the conditions it must meet at any point within the field created by a system of electrified conductors. In particular, he examined the induced distribution on a sphere caused by any external charges. Ultimately, through impressive analytical skills, he solved the classic problem of two electrified spheres. [Pg 24]
From the present point of view there is little further to record till Oersted’s discovery of the action of an electric current on a magnetic needle (1820). This was followed almost immediately by Savart’s analysis of the magnetic force into forces due to the infinitesimal elements of the electric circuit, and the simple rule which he formulated. This led Ampère to study the mechanical action between electric circuits. He analysed this into forces between the elements of the circuits, acting in the lines joining them, and subject to the law of action and re-action. His theory was based on a few plausible assumptions, and on a series of experiments devised in a strictly mathematical spirit to narrow down the various issues to be decided. His work is now seldom referred to, but it exhibits the [Pg 25] mathematical skill which he had exercised before in the Calculus of Variations, as well as in other directions. It is true that we are still in the atmosphere of action at a distance, and Ampère appeals in fact to the example of Newton and Gravitation, but only with Newton’s qualification. He does not claim to have arrived at an ultimate explanation of phenomena, but only to have established a formula from which these can be calculated. The consequences which he deduced are more significant than the formula of elementary attraction itself. In the first place he finds that the resultant effect of a closed circuit on an element of another circuit depends on a vector which is afterwards identified with magnetic force. He then finds the force exerted on a small closed circuit, and proves it to be identical with the force on an elementary magnet. The familiar representation of a current by a magnetic shell follows, as well as the theory that the properties of a magnetized body are due to currents circulating in the molecules. Two provinces of physics, hitherto distinct, were here for the first time co-ordinated.
From today's perspective, there is little more to note until Oersted’s discovery of how an electric current affects a magnetic needle (1820). This was quickly followed by Savart’s breakdown of magnetic force into the forces produced by the tiny elements of the electric circuit, along with the straightforward rule he formulated. This spurred Ampère to explore the mechanical interaction between electric circuits. He analyzed this interaction into forces between the elements of the circuits, acting along the lines that connect them and subject to the law of action and reaction. His theory rested on a few reasonable assumptions and on a series of experiments designed in a strictly mathematical way to focus on the various issues to resolve. His work is rarely referenced today, but it showcases the mathematical skill he previously demonstrated in the Calculus of Variations and in other areas. It's true that we are still interpreting things through the lens of action at a distance, and Ampère actually cites Newton and Gravity, but only with Newton’s caveat. He doesn’t claim to have found a definitive explanation for the phenomena, but rather to have created a formula from which they can be calculated. The implications he derived are more important than the formula for basic attraction itself. First, he discovers that the combined effect of a closed circuit on an element of another circuit depends on a vector that is later identified as magnetic force. He then identifies the force acting on a small closed circuit and shows that it is the same as the force on an elementary magnet. This leads to the common representation of a current as a magnetic shell and the idea that the properties of a magnetized body come from currents flowing within the molecules. For the first time, two previously distinct areas of physics were integrated.
[Pg 26]
[Pg 26]
The views of Ampère, owing to their novelty, naturally excited at first some distrust. Preconceptions, especially when they have a definite form, die hard; and it is to be remarked that Poisson’s great memoir on Magnetism, in which the hypothesis of two magnetic fluids is supposed to be verified, coincides almost in time with the latest publication of Ampère.
The ideas of Ampère, because they were so new, initially raised some skepticism. Preconceived notions, especially when they are well-defined, are tough to change; and it's worth noting that Poisson’s significant paper on Magnetism, which aims to prove the theory of two magnetic fluids, was published almost at the same time as Ampère's latest work.
A good deal of Poisson’s work on Magnetism has become classical, in the sense that subsequent writers have found nothing better than to reproduce it. It is largely independent of the two-fluid theory, and is really a theory of magnetic elements, afterwards treated explicitly as such, without further hypothesis, in the extensions given later by Thomson. The transformation by which the potential of a continuous arrangement of magnetic elements is expressed as due to distribution of imaginary magnetic matter through the volume and over the surface now appears for the first time. In his treatment of magnetic induction Poisson imagines his two fluids to be free to move within molecular [Pg 27] spaces which for definiteness he treats as spherical. This latter assumption may be taken as merely illustrative, although it leads to a definite and sometimes impossible value of a coefficient. The particular problems solved, viz. the magnetization of a spherical shell, and of an ellipsoid, by a uniform field retain an interest independent of this special hypothesis.
A lot of Poisson’s work on magnetism has become classic because later writers have found nothing better than to just reproduce it. It is mostly independent of the two-fluid theory and is actually a theory of magnetic elements, which was later explicitly addressed as such without any further assumptions in the expansions provided by Thomson. The method of expressing the potential of a continuous arrangement of magnetic elements as stemming from the distribution of imaginary magnetic matter throughout the volume and over the surface appears here for the first time. In his discussion on magnetic induction, Poisson imagines his two fluids as able to move within molecular spaces, which he specifically treats as spherical. This latter assumption can be seen as just illustrative, even though it results in a definite and sometimes unrealistic value for a coefficient. The specific problems he solved, such as the magnetization of a spherical shell and an ellipsoid by a uniform field, remain interesting regardless of this particular hypothesis.
The years which immediately followed were marked chiefly by the researches of Navier, Cauchy, and Poisson on Elasticity which have already been noticed. We come next to Green’s Essay on Electricity and Magnetism (1828). The mathematical theory of Electrostatics, which had been initiated by Poisson, is here resumed and in a sense completed. The treatment is based on the theorem now generally quoted by the author’s name. The novel point here is not the transformation from volume- to surface-integrals, for this was to be found in Poisson, but that it is the first example of the reciprocal relations which pervade [Pg 28] not only Dynamics, but all branches of Physics. In the present case it is a relation between two different distributions of Electricity, but it only needs to give suitable meanings to the symbols to translate it into the language of Hydrodynamics or Acoustics. From the mathematical standpoint we have, further, the treatment of singularities of harmonic functions. The electrostatic theorems due to Green are reproduced in most modern text-books. Among original results we may notice the screening effect of conducting surfaces, the distribution of electricity on a spherical conductor due to internal or external charges, and the theory of condensers.
The years that followed were mainly defined by the work of Navier, Cauchy, and Poisson on Elasticity, which have already been mentioned. Next, we turn to Green’s Essay on Electricity and Magnetism (1828). The mathematical theory of Electrostatics, which Poisson had started, is revisited and in a way completed here. The approach relies on the theorem now widely referred to by the author’s name. What’s new here isn’t the shift from volume to surface integrals, as that was already covered by Poisson, but that this is the first case illustrating the reciprocal relationships that permeate not just Dynamics, but all areas of Physics. In this instance, it’s a relationship between two different distributions of Electricity, but it only takes giving appropriate meanings to the symbols to translate it into the context of Hydrodynamics or Acoustics. From a mathematical perspective, there’s also the analysis of singularities in harmonic functions. The electrostatic theorems attributed to Green are included in most modern textbooks. Among original findings, we can highlight the screening effect of conductive surfaces, the distribution of electricity on a spherical conductor due to internal or external charges, and the theory of capacitors.
The phenomena of mutual induction and self-induction of electric
currents were discovered by Faraday in 1831-35, but a long period
elapsed before these received explicit mathematical investigation, and
a longer still before it was recognized that Faraday’s own description
in terms of lines of force could be put in an exact mathematical form.
The work of F. Neumann (1845-47) was the complement of that of Ampère
[Pg 29]
and involved the same kind of ideas. The additional experimental fact
adduced was Lenz’s law. When there is relative motion of two circuits,
or of a circuit and a magnet, currents are induced and there are
consequent mechanical forces, which can be calculated from the formulae
of Ampère. The law referred to is that the sense of the induced
currents is such that these mechanical forces act in opposition to the
relative motion. Neumann assumes this to be true also as regards the
infinitesimal elements into which the circuits may be resolved, and
further that the electro-motive force of induction is proportional to
the velocity of the relative motion, to the strength of the inducing
current or magnet, and to the component (with sign reversed) of the
mechanical force in the direction of the relative motion. For the two
former of these assumptions there was the experimental evidence of
Faraday and others, the latter was adopted as the simplest supposition
consistent with the law of Lenz. From this basis he proves that the
[Pg 30]
total current induced in a circuit by the motion of a magnetic pole is
proportional to the change in the potential of the pole in relation
to a unit current in the circuit, and again to the change in the flux
of magnetic force through the circuit. This is really Faraday’s rule,
except that it is not expressed in so many words in terms of lines of
force. In the second paper he shews that the mechanical action between
two currents depends on the mutual potential of the two circuits, viz.
and refers the electro-motive forces of induction to changes in the
value of this function.
The concepts of mutual induction and self-induction of electric currents were discovered by Faraday between 1831 and 1835, but it took a long time before they underwent detailed mathematical analysis, and even longer before it was acknowledged that Faraday's own description using lines of force could be accurately expressed in mathematical terms. The work of F. Neumann (1845-47) complemented that of Ampère and involved similar ideas. An additional experimental finding was Lenz’s law. When there is relative movement between two circuits, or between a circuit and a magnet, currents are induced, creating mechanical forces that can be calculated using Ampère's formulas. This law states that the direction of the induced currents is such that these mechanical forces oppose the relative motion. Neumann assumed this holds true even for the infinitesimal elements into which the circuits can be divided, and further that the induced electromotive force is proportional to the speed of the relative motion, the strength of the inducing current or magnet, and the component (with reversed sign) of the mechanical force in the direction of that motion. For the first two assumptions, there was experimental evidence from Faraday and others, while the latter was taken as the simplest assumption that aligned with Lenz's law. From this foundation, he demonstrated that the total current induced in a circuit by the motion of a magnetic pole is proportional to the change in the potential of the pole in relation to a unit current in the circuit, and also to the change in the magnetic flux through the circuit. This is essentially Faraday’s rule, even though it isn’t stated in terms of lines of force. In the second paper, he shows that the mechanical interaction between two currents depends on the mutual potential of the two circuits, expressed as
and relates the electromotive forces of induction to changes in the value of this function.
We are still in the atmosphere of action at a distance, and it was therefore not unnatural that Weber and others should have looked for an explanation both of the mechanical and the inductive effects in a modification of Coulomb’s law of force between electric charges. Since the actions to be explained depend on rates of change, violence had to [Pg 31] be done to previous notions, and terms depending on mutual velocities and accelerations were introduced. The resulting law of Weber, which happened to be so framed as not to conflict with the conservation of energy, long exercised a fascination on continental writers, owing to the mathematical neatness of the processes by which the results of Ampère and Neumann could be deduced from it. It was not finally abandoned until Helmholtz shewed that under certain conditions it implied unstable electrical equilibrium, as well as other paradoxical consequences.
We are still dealing with the idea of action at a distance, so it was natural for Weber and others to seek an explanation for both the mechanical and inductive effects by modifying Coulomb’s law of force between electric charges. Since the actions needing explanation depend on rates of change, established concepts had to be altered, and terms based on mutual velocities and accelerations were introduced. The resulting law by Weber was structured in a way that didn’t conflict with the conservation of energy and captivated continental writers for a long time, due to the mathematical elegance of the methods used to derive the results of Ampère and Neumann from it. It wasn't completely dismissed until Helmholtz demonstrated that under certain conditions, it suggested unstable electrical equilibrium, along with other paradoxical outcomes.
The year (1846) in which Weber’s law of electric force was promulgated marks also very approximately the beginning of the modern tendency to ignore action at a distance, and to bring the medium across which electric and magnetic actions take place into the reckoning. The elastic analogies of Thomson have been mentioned already. Another analogy, between Electrostatics and Heat-Conduction, had been noted by him a little earlier, and used to illustrate various propositions [Pg 32] in Attractions. The mathematical theory of Magnetism, next taken up by Thomson, was set forth in a form free from all hypothesis, the magnetic fluids of Poisson and others being now replaced by the notion of magnetic polarization. He further added to the grammar of continua by developing the conceptions and the properties of solenoidal and lamellar distributions of magnetism, which were suggested by Ampère’s investigations. The two definitions of magnetic force in the interior of a magnet, afterwards distinguished as magnetic force and magnetic induction, are also introduced here for the first time. The whole memoir is a model of scientific exposition, and recalls the ‘grand style’ of the classical mathematicians, and especially of Gauss.
The year (1846) when Weber's law of electric force was introduced also roughly marks the start of the modern trend to disregard action at a distance and to take into account the medium through which electric and magnetic actions occur. Thomson's elastic analogies have already been discussed. He had also noted an analogy between Electrostatics and Heat Conduction earlier, which he used to illustrate various propositions in Attractions. The mathematical theory of Magnetism, which Thomson tackled next, was presented in a way that avoided all assumptions, as the magnetic fluids proposed by Poisson and others were replaced by the idea of magnetic polarization. He further enhanced the understanding of continua by developing the concepts and properties of solenoidal and lamellar distributions of magnetism, inspired by Ampère's investigations. The two definitions of magnetic force within a magnet, later differentiated as magnetic force and magnetic induction, are also introduced here for the first time. The entire memoir is an excellent example of scientific communication and evokes the ‘grand style’ of classical mathematicians, especially Gauss. [Pg 32]
A final step towards a complete formulation on modern lines of the mathematical relations of Electricity consisted in the expression of magnetic force, or rather magnetic induction, in terms of the vector now known by the name of electric momentum. This vector, or its analogues, presented itself in various ways. We have [Pg 33] first an investigation by Kirchhoff on the laws of induction in three-dimensional conductors, based on Weber’s law of electric force. Almost simultaneously we have Stokes’s paper on the Dynamical Theory of Diffraction, which is not so important nowadays as a contribution to Optics, but as containing a calculation of the waves in an elastic medium due to any initial disturbance. This was made to depend on Poisson’s integration of the general equation of sound, and it is here that we meet for the first time with a full interpretation of this solution, which led up to that of the elastic wave-problem. The relation to the present matter consists, however, in the kinematical process by which displacements in any medium are expressed in terms of expansions and rotations, so that in Clifford’s language everything is reduced to “squirts and whirls.” The same process occurs again some years later in Helmholtz’s great memoir on Vortex Motion, where we meet explicitly with the analogy of the relations between electric currents [Pg 34] and magnetic force to those between vortices and fluid velocities. This analogy is developed towards the close of the investigation, but we can now see that it was implicit from the beginning in the very definition of a vortex. In both investigations the connection is established by means of a subsidiary vector, which in the electric analogy corresponds to the electric momentum of Maxwell.
A final step toward a complete modern understanding of the mathematical relationships of electricity involved expressing magnetic force, or rather magnetic induction, in terms of the vector now known as electric momentum. This vector, or its equivalents, appeared in different forms. First, we have Kirchhoff's investigation into the laws of induction in three-dimensional conductors, based on Weber’s law of electric force. Almost simultaneously, there’s Stokes’s paper on the Dynamical Theory of Diffraction, which is less significant today as a contribution to optics but contains calculations of waves in an elastic medium caused by any initial disturbance. This was made to rely on Poisson’s integration of the general equation of sound, and it's here that we first encounter a complete interpretation of this solution, which led to understanding the elastic wave problem. The relevance to the current discussion lies in the kinematical process where displacements in any medium are expressed in terms of expansions and rotations, so in Clifford’s terms, everything is simplified to “squirts and whirls.” This same process reappears a few years later in Helmholtz’s significant paper on Vortex Motion, where we explicitly see the analogy between the relationships of electric currents and magnetic force with those between vortices and fluid velocities. This analogy is developed toward the end of the investigation, but we can now recognize that it was implicit from the beginning in the very definition of a vortex. In both studies, the connection is established through a subsidiary vector, which in the electric analogy corresponds to Maxwell's electric momentum.
The paper by Maxwell “On Faraday’s Lines of Force,” written shortly after he had taken his degree, is now perhaps little read, but deserves attention if only for the introduction, written in his own incomparable style, where we find already laid down the lines on which his subsequent speculations were to proceed. From the mathematical standpoint the paper is a comprehensive statement, without a suggestion of theory, describing the known facts of Electro-magnetism in terms of a system of vectors supposed to exist at all points of the field. Precision is here given to Faraday’s idea of lines of [Pg 35] force, whether electric or magnetic, by means of the analogy of the motion of an incompressible fluid. The new vector here introduced into Electro-magnetism is that of momentum, and its rate of change is shewn by a dynamical, argument to be responsible for electro-magnetic induction. The proof of this depends on the expression for the energy of the field in terms of an integral extending over space, and is a deduction from the conservation of energy. The dynamical relation between pondero-motive and inductive forces had been indicated in a general way by Helmholtz in his celebrated tract, and this may possibly have been the first suggestion to Maxwell’s subsequent dynamical theory.
The paper by Maxwell, “On Faraday’s Lines of Force,” written shortly after he earned his degree, may not be widely read today, but it deserves attention, especially for the introduction, which showcases his unique writing style. In this introduction, he outlines the foundation for his later theories. From a mathematical perspective, the paper provides a thorough account, without any theoretical implications, detailing the known facts of electromagnetism in terms of a system of vectors believed to exist at every point in the field. It gives precision to Faraday’s concept of lines of force, whether electric or magnetic, by using the analogy of the movement of an incompressible fluid. The new vector introduced into electromagnetism is that of momentum, and a dynamical argument illustrates how its rate of change accounts for electromagnetic induction. This proof relies on expressing the energy of the field as an integral over space, derived from the principle of energy conservation. Helmholtz had hinted at the dynamic relationship between ponderomotive and inductive forces in his well-known work, which may have inspired Maxwell’s subsequent dynamic theory.
The way was in fact now clear, so far as the mathematical scheme is concerned, for Maxwell’s definite theory. He ventured as we all know to go a step further and to look behind the mathematical relations for a deeper insight into the matter, and if possible for a physical or mechanical meaning of the analytical symbols. Regarding the question [Pg 36] as a dynamical one he sketched out a mechanical model of the ether which should reproduce the known electrical relations, rather with a view of convincing himself that such a model was possible than as a definite explanation in detail. This was followed by the classical paper in which the laws of electro-magnetism were shewn to be deducible from dynamical considerations, without the assumption of any particular mechanism. The final presentment in his treatise, in which use is made of Lagrange’s generalized equations, is too familiar to need further reference. Whether we prefer to regard it as an analogy or an explanation, it is a striking exemplification of the originality of Maxwell’s genius.
The path is now clear, at least in terms of the mathematical framework for Maxwell’s specific theory. He boldly went further, as we all know, to explore the underlying mathematical relationships for a deeper understanding and, if possible, a physical or mechanical interpretation of the analytical symbols. Viewing the question as a dynamic one, he outlined a mechanical model of the ether that should replicate the known electrical relationships, primarily to reassure himself that such a model was feasible, rather than to provide a detailed explanation. This led to the classic paper in which the laws of electromagnetism were shown to be derivable from dynamic considerations, without relying on any specific mechanism. The final presentation in his treatise, which employs Lagrange’s generalized equations, is too well-known to require further mention. Whether we see it as an analogy or an explanation, it serves as a remarkable example of Maxwell’s original genius.
At this point we may appropriately close our survey, for I do not undertake to be a guide in the subsequent history, which is still in the making. It is, however, to be remarked that Maxwell, who placed as it were the crown on one period of Mathematical Physics, was also in a sense the initiator of another, by his work on Gas Theory, which [Pg 37] involved the creation of a molecular calculus.
At this point, we can appropriately conclude our overview, as I don't intend to guide you through the ongoing history that is still unfolding. It’s worth noting that Maxwell, who essentially topped off one era of Mathematical Physics, also, in a way, kicked off another with his work on Gas Theory, which led to the development of a molecular calculus. [Pg 37]
Looking back on this long history we can trace through all the details an increasing tendency. The period we have been reviewing began under the influence of the great achievements of Laplace and Lagrange in the development of the Newtonian Astronomy. The notion of action at a distance, though not regarded by Newton himself as the last word on the matter, had had a great success, and when the field of Physical Astronomy was beginning to be fully occupied, the mathematicians who turned their attention to physical questions very naturally assumed that the same conception would be fruitful in other directions. Fortunately there was one physical process where these ideas obviously did not apply. Heat was indeed imagined to be a material, and moreover a fluid substance, but hardly molecular, and its transmission in conductors was naturally regarded as a continuous process. To this we owe the work of Fourier, which stands by itself, outside the historical order of development, except in so far as the solution of particular [Pg 38] problems involved analytical processes, and led to analytical theorems which had a much wider scope. When the molecular structure of bodies was taken into account, as in the early days of Elasticity, the steps were somewhat vague and uncertain, and I think that the writers themselves must have experienced some relief when they had finally arrived at their differential equations, and felt really at home. It was a great improvement when the consideration of molecular forces could be dispensed with and replaced by Cauchy’s theory of stress. The same tendency to discard unnecessary and unverifiable hypothesis has been exemplified in Electricity, in the transition from Poisson and Ampère to Thomson and Maxwell.
Looking back over this long history, we can see a growing trend throughout the details. The period we've been discussing started under the impact of the significant achievements of Laplace and Lagrange in advancing Newtonian Astronomy. Although Newton didn’t consider action at a distance to be the final answer, it had been quite successful. As the field of Physical Astronomy began to fill up, the mathematicians who focused on physical questions naturally assumed that this same idea would be useful in other areas. Luckily, there was one physical process where these ideas clearly didn’t apply. Heat was thought of as a material, and even a fluid substance, but hardly in a molecular sense, and its transfer in conductors was seen as a continuous process. This led to Fourier's work, which stands alone, outside the historical development track, except for how the solutions to specific problems involved analytical processes and resulted in analytical theorems with much broader implications. When the molecular makeup of substances was considered, as in the early days of Elasticity, the steps were a bit vague and uncertain, and I believe the writers themselves felt some relief when they finally arrived at their differential equations and felt comfortable with them. It was a major improvement when molecular forces could be replaced with Cauchy’s theory of stress. This same trend of eliminating unnecessary and unverifiable hypotheses has been seen in Electricity, as we moved from Poisson and Ampère to Thomson and Maxwell.
One feature which is met with in our period is the frank appeal to intuition. This is noticeable already in the case of Fourier, as has been already indicated, but it runs through the whole school. Even Cauchy, who was or became something of a purist according to the standards of his day, did not shrink on occasion from handling [Pg 39] divergent integrals, but managed always to come right in the end. There is this to be said about mathematical work, in any but quite incompetent hands, that a too careless induction sooner or later betrays itself, and leads to a revision of the whole calculation. The great mathematicians, whatever licence they may have allowed themselves, have always had a sure instinct to save them from logical disaster. The rôle which intuition plays in mathematical discovery has sometimes been slighted or even denied. But was it not Gauss who, questioned as to the progress of a research on which he was engaged, replied that he had arrived at the theorems, and that it only remained to find the proofs? For such things as existence-theorems we must of course not look, at all events in the earlier half of our period. The first instance of the consciousness of such a requirement that I can call to mind occurs in Green, but he at once proceeds to appeal to physical conceptions. He wished to satisfy himself as to [Pg 40] the existence of a function satisfying Laplace’s equation, which should vanish over a closed surface, and have a definite singularity at a given internal point. He regards it as sufficient to remark that this is the case of an uninsulated conducting surface under the influence of an internal charge. The same use of physical proofs is to be found in Maxwell, and in an especial degree in the writing of the late Lord Rayleigh. The physical mathematician may reasonably claim a certain licence in this respect. He is often in the case of Gauss; the proposition is certain, but having his own business to attend to, he leaves the rigorous proof to the analyst, who ought indeed to be very grateful to him for the exquisite logical exercise which he has provided.
One trend we see in our time is the straightforward reliance on intuition. This is evident in Fourier, as previously mentioned, but it runs throughout the entire school. Even Cauchy, who could be quite a purist by the standards of his time, did not hesitate, at times, to deal with divergent integrals and managed to come out right in the end. It's worth noting that in mathematical work, aside from those who are completely incompetent, a careless induction eventually reveals itself and necessitates a reevaluation of the entire calculation. The great mathematicians, no matter how much freedom they took, have always had a strong sense to save themselves from logical disaster. The role that intuition plays in mathematical discovery has sometimes been downplayed or even denied. But wasn’t it Gauss who, when asked about the progress of his research, said he had arrived at the theorems, and only needed to find the proofs? For things like existence theorems, we shouldn’t expect to see them, at least in the earlier part of our period. The first instance I can recall recognizing such a need comes from Green, but he immediately refers to physical ideas. He wanted to confirm the existence of a function that satisfies Laplace’s equation, which should vanish over a closed surface and have a specific singularity at a certain internal point. He points out that this is the case of an uninsulated conducting surface under the influence of an internal charge. The same use of physical proofs appears in Maxwell's work, particularly in that of the late Lord Rayleigh. The physical mathematician can reasonably claim a bit of leeway in this regard. He often finds himself in Gauss's situation; the proposition is certain, but with his own matters to manage, he leaves the rigorous proof to the analyst, who should indeed be very thankful for the brilliant logical challenge he has provided.
A further feature in the evolution is the gradual recognition of
geometrical or physical meanings in various symbols or groups
of symbols which are of constant recurrence. This is specially
characteristic of the later stages. To Laplace and his school the
potential was simply a convenient mathematical entity; the name
[Pg 41]
with its associations came long afterwards from Green. The equation
lost most of its significance when it was
transformed, as was necessary for some purposes, to polar co-ordinates,
and the recognition of the general properties of the function was
delayed. The equation itself first received an explicit interpretation
at the hands of Maxwell, and the same holds with regard to the now
familiar conceptions of ‘divergence,’ ‘concentration,’ and so on.
And it needs hardly to be said that the notion of an operator, as
distinguished from the result, belongs to the later period. The
terminology of physical entities or qualities such as ‘isotropy,’
‘permeability,’ and so on is largely due to Kelvin, with his copious
onomastic faculty.
A key aspect of the evolution is the gradual understanding of geometric or physical meanings in different symbols or groups of symbols that appear consistently. This is especially true in the later stages. For Laplace and his followers, the potential was just a useful mathematical concept; the name, along with its connotations, came much later from Green. The equation
lost much of its meaning when it was converted, as needed for some applications, to polar coordinates, which delayed the understanding of the general properties of the function. The equation itself was first given a clear interpretation by Maxwell, and the same applies to the now well-known concepts of ‘divergence,’ ‘concentration,’ and so on. It's also worth mentioning that the idea of an operator, distinct from its result, belongs to this later period. The terminology related to physical entities or qualities like ‘isotropy’ and ‘permeability’ is largely attributed to Kelvin, thanks to his extensive naming abilities.
I have referred mainly to the development of general principles and methods, but that is, of course, not the whole of the story. A complete history would have to treat in some detail the special problems which suggested themselves from time to time. The impulse to general theory [Pg 42] indeed often came about in this way. For instance, the problem of the two electrified spheres gave the impulse to Electrostatics, whilst Chladni’s figures of nodal lines led up by degrees to the theory of Elasticity. It is, moreover, in the special applications that the skill of the analyst is particularly evoked, with results often of great interest and value even from the purely mathematical point of view. We need not go back to the theory of Attractions, or of the Figure of the Earth, which evoked Spherical Harmonics. The Conduction of Heat led incidentally to Bessel Functions, and above all to the theorems specially associated with the name of Fourier, whilst Poisson’s problem of the two electrified spheres is a signal instance of the treatment of a functional equation. To Kelvin we owe the method of electric inversion, including the astonishing solution of the problem of the electrified spherical bowl, which had engaged the attention of Green, and the symmetrical treatment of Spherical Harmonics. To Maxwell are due the singularly beautiful solution of the problem of [Pg 43] current sheets, a new interpretation of Spherical Harmonics, and other interesting results and points of view scattered through his treatise. As an example of a more systematic application of mathematical technique we may refer again to Cauchy’s wave-problem, where the integrals afterwards attributed to Fresnel first make their appearance.
I have mainly talked about the development of general principles and methods, but that's not the complete picture. A full history would need to discuss in detail the specific problems that came up from time to time. The push for general theory often arose this way. For example, the issue of two electrified spheres sparked the study of Electrostatics, while Chladni’s figures of nodal lines gradually led to the theory of Elasticity. Additionally, it's in the special applications that an analyst's skill really shines, often yielding results that are incredibly interesting and valuable, even from a purely mathematical perspective. We don't need to revisit the theory of Attractions or the Shape of the Earth, which led to Spherical Harmonics. The Conduction of Heat incidentally brought about Bessel Functions, and most importantly, the theorems linked to Fourier's name. Poisson’s problem of the two electrified spheres is a notable example of handling a functional equation. To Kelvin we owe the method of electric inversion, including the remarkable solution to the electrified spherical bowl problem that was of interest to Green, as well as the symmetrical treatment of Spherical Harmonics. Maxwell provided the exceptionally elegant solution to the current sheets problem, a fresh interpretation of Spherical Harmonics, and other intriguing results and perspectives throughout his work. An example of a more organized application of mathematical techniques can be seen in Cauchy’s wave-problem, where the integrals later credited to Fresnel first appeared.
I have tried in this rapid sketch to do justice especially to the pioneers in the period; the merits and achievements of their more recent successors are fresh in our memories. It was I think fortunate that the first essays in the development of mathematical physics were by men whose accomplishments ranged over the whole of mathematics, and who thus had abundant analytical resources at their disposal. It may be claimed indeed that they provided almost the entire analytical equipment for their successors down to a comparatively recent time. You may search for instance the volumes of Lord Kelvin’s papers and find hardly an appeal to any result of Pure Mathematics later than Cauchy, [Pg 44] with the very important exception of what he had discovered himself. The most important province of later analysis which has found a direct application to physical questions is the Theory of Functions, and this again, so far as is necessary for the purpose, dates back to Cauchy, whom I should be disposed to place, after Fourier, as highest among the pioneers of mathematical physics.
I've tried in this quick overview to give credit especially to the pioneers of the time; the achievements of their more recent successors are still fresh in our minds. It was, I think, fortunate that the initial efforts to develop mathematical physics were by individuals whose skills spanned the entire field of mathematics, thus giving them plenty of analytical tools to work with. It can be argued that they provided nearly all of the analytical groundwork for their successors up to a relatively recent period. For example, if you look through the volumes of Lord Kelvin’s papers, you’ll hardly find any reference to results from Pure Mathematics later than Cauchy, except for the significant discoveries he made himself. The most important area of later analysis that has directly applied to physical questions is the Theory of Functions, which, for our purposes, goes back to Cauchy, whom I would rank, after Fourier, as one of the top pioneers in mathematical physics. [Pg 44]
I should like to be able to tell more about these men, about their characters, the vicissitudes of their lives and how these reacted on their work, their ambitions, their friendships, and even their quarrels and jealousies. Much that would be interesting is not to be found in official obituary notices. Sometimes an indication of these more human qualities has survived, such as the charming account of Ampère’s early career, of the tragedy of his father’s death in the Revolution, and of his idyllic love-story, and even the foible attributed to him in his later years, of carrying off in all innocence the wrong umbrella, even when there was no right one!
I wish I could share more about these men, their personalities, the ups and downs of their lives, and how these experiences shaped their work, dreams, friendships, and even their arguments and jealousy. A lot of what’s truly interesting isn’t found in official obituaries. Occasionally, some hints of their more relatable traits have survived, like the delightful story of Ampère’s early career, the tragedy of his father’s death during the Revolution, his sweet love story, and even the quirk attributed to him in his later years of innocently taking the wrong umbrella, even when there wasn’t a right one!
[Pg 45]
[Pg 45]
Some points of contrast with present conditions may be noted. The scientific work was largely academical, not so much that the men held as a rule official posts, or were trained in strict schools, but that they were under the influence of scientific Academies, which jealously guarded admission, and narrowly scrutinized the memoirs submitted to them. Consequently there was a tendency towards what I have called the ‘grand style,’ with great attention to form and presentation. One result is that their memoirs can often even now be referred to with interest, the absence of novelty in the subject matter being compensated by the literary charm.
Some differences from today’s situation can be noted. The scientific work was mostly academic, not necessarily because the individuals held official positions or were educated in strict institutions, but because they were influenced by scientific Academies that tightly controlled admissions and carefully reviewed the submissions they received. As a result, there was a tendency towards what I refer to as the ‘grand style,’ with significant attention paid to form and presentation. One outcome of this is that their memoirs can still be appreciated today, as the lack of novelty in the topics is compensated by their literary appeal.
But the great and I think the enviable point of difference is that there was little specialization, and no idea at all of a divorce between Pure and Applied Mathematics. The names I have so often had to quote testify how fruitful the alliance has been. And with all recognition of modern difficulties, I would quote the words of Fourier, but in a somewhat more catholic sense than he had in mind: “L’étude [Pg 46] approfondie de la nature est la source la plus féconde des découvertes mathématiques.”
But the great and, I think, enviable point of difference is that there was little specialization and no notion at all of a division between Pure and Applied Mathematics. The names I've frequently mentioned show how fruitful this partnership has been. Acknowledging the challenges of modern times, I would echo Fourier’s words, but in a broader sense than he intended: “A deep study of nature is the most fruitful source of mathematical discoveries.” [Pg 46]
The absence of English names from the first part of the record has often been remarked upon and deplored. The whole story and its lessons are given in Mr Rouse Ball’s well-known History of Mathematics at Cambridge. We may point with pride however to the later achievements of our countrymen, most of them more or less connected with this University. Some features, specially characteristic, which we may claim as of English origin have been already indicated, the search for definite geometrical images of physical relations, and especially the cultivation of graphical methods. I may in particular mention the instructive diagrams which are appended to Maxwell’s treatise, and which have been so great an assistance to the imagination of his readers, and so valuable as an example to later writers.
The lack of English names in the first part of the record has often been noted and lamented. The entire story and its lessons can be found in Mr. Rouse Ball’s well-known History of Mathematics at Cambridge. However, we can take pride in the later accomplishments of our countrymen, most of whom are somehow connected to this University. Some especially notable features that we can claim as having English origins have already been mentioned, such as the pursuit of clear geometrical representations of physical relationships, particularly the development of graphical methods. I would like to highlight the helpful diagrams included in Maxwell’s treatise, which have greatly aided the imagination of his readers and served as a valuable example for later writers.
The period we have been surveying had I think a fairly definite beginning, and an almost equally definite close. From the mathematical [Pg 47] point of view its most striking achievement is the wide-embracing scheme of relations, which can be applied to so many diverse subjects, with hardly more than a change in the names of the various concepts. In their purely abstract form, in the rarefied atmosphere of Vector Fields, Triple Tensors, and so on, these relations might almost be developed in an hour, though they could hardly be understood or appreciated without reference to their physical aspects, to which they owe all their value. That such generality should have been attained is an instance of the constant endeavour of Mathematics to reduce to simple laws the infinite variety of nature. With a wider view than was possible to Fourier, we may echo his Newtonian quotation: Quod tam paucis tam multa praestet geometria gloriatur.
The period we've been looking at had, I think, a pretty clear start and an almost equally clear end. From a mathematical perspective, its most impressive achievement is the comprehensive framework of relationships that can apply to many different subjects, with almost no more than a change in the names of the various concepts. In their purely abstract form, in the specialized realm of Vector Fields, Triple Tensors, and so on, these relationships could almost be developed in an hour, though they would be hard to understand or appreciate without connecting them to their physical aspects, which give them all their value. That such generality has been achieved is an example of Mathematics' ongoing effort to simplify the infinite variety of nature into straightforward laws. With a broader view than what Fourier had, we can echo his Newtonian quote: Quod tam paucis tam multa praestet geometria gloriatur.
CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY W. LEWIS AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY W. LEWIS AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
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