This is a modern-English version of Democracy and Education: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Education, originally written by Dewey, John. It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling, and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.

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DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATION

by John Dewey










Transcriber's Note:

I have tried to make this the most accurate text possible but I am sure that there are still mistakes.

I’ve done my best to make this as accurate as possible, but I’m sure there are still some mistakes.

I would like to dedicate this etext to my mother who was a elementary school teacher for more years than I can remember. Thanks.

I would like to dedicate this etext to my mom, who was an elementary school teacher for more years than I can count. Thanks.

David Reed

David Reed










CONTENTS


Chapter One: Education as a Necessity of Life

      Summary. It is the very nature of life to strive to continue in being.

Chapter Two: Education as a Social Function

      Summary. The development within the young of the attitudes

Chapter Three: Education as Direction

      Summary. The natural or native impulses of the young do not agree

Chapter Four: Education as Growth

      Summary. Power to grow depends upon need for others and plasticity.

Chapter Five: Preparation, Unfolding, and Formal Discipline

      Summary. The conception that the result of the educative process

Chapter Six: Education as Conservative and Progressive

      Summary. Education may be conceived either retrospectively

Chapter Seven: The Democratic Conception in Education

      Summary. Since education is a social process, and there are many kinds

Chapter Eight: Aims in Education

      Summary. An aim denotes the result of any natural process

Chapter Nine: Natural Development and Social Efficiency as Aims

      Summary. General or comprehensive aims are points of view for surveying

Chapter Ten: Interest and Discipline

      Summary. Interest and discipline are correlative aspects of activity

Chapter Eleven: Experience and Thinking

      Summary. In determining the place of thinking

Chapter Twelve: Thinking in Education

      Summary. Processes of instruction are unified in the degree

Chapter Thirteen: The Nature of Method

      Summary. Method is a statement of the way the subject matter

Chapter Fourteen: The Nature of Subject Matter

      Summary. The subject matter of education consists primarily

Chapter Fifteen: Play and Work in the Curriculum

      Summary. In the previous chapter we found that the primary subject

Chapter Sixteen: The Significance of Geography and History

      Summary. It is the nature of an experience to have implications

Chapter Seventeen: Science in the Course of Study

      Summary. Science represents the fruition of the cognitive factors

Chapter Eighteen: Educational Values

      Summary. Fundamentally, the elements involved in a discussion of value

Chapter Nineteen: Labor and Leisure

      Summary. Of the segregations of educational values

Chapter Twenty: Intellectual and Practical Studies

      Summary. The Greeks were induced to philosophize

Chapter Twenty-one: Physical and Social Studies: Naturalism and Humanism

      Summary. The philosophic dualism between man and nature is reflected

Chapter Twenty-two: The Individual and the World

      Summary. True individualism is a product of the relaxation of the grip

Chapter Twenty-Three: Vocational Aspects of Education

      Summary. A vocation signifies any form of continuous activity

Chapter Twenty-four: Philosophy of Education

      Summary. After a review designed to bring out the philosophic issues

Chapter Twenty-five: Theories of Knowledge

      Summary. Such social divisions as interfere with free and full

Chapter Twenty-six: Theories of Morals

      Summary. The most important problem of moral education in the school

CONTENTS


Chapter One: Education as a Necessity of Life

      Summary. It is the very nature of life to strive to continue in being.

Chapter Two: Education as a Social Function

      Summary. The development within the young of the attitudes

Chapter Three: Education as Direction

      Summary. The natural or native impulses of the young do not agree

Chapter Four: Education as Growth

      Summary. Power to grow depends upon need for others and plasticity.

Chapter Five: Preparation, Unfolding, and Formal Discipline

      Summary. The conception that the result of the educative process

Chapter Six: Education as Conservative and Progressive

      Summary. Education may be conceived either retrospectively

Chapter Seven: The Democratic Conception in Education

      Summary. Since education is a social process, and there are many kinds

Chapter Eight: Aims in Education

      Summary. An aim denotes the result of any natural process

Chapter Nine: Natural Development and Social Efficiency as Aims

      Summary. General or comprehensive aims are points of view for surveying

Chapter Ten: Interest and Discipline

      Summary. Interest and discipline are correlative aspects of activity

Chapter Eleven: Experience and Thinking

      Summary. In determining the place of thinking

Chapter Twelve: Thinking in Education

      Summary. Processes of instruction are unified in the degree

Chapter Thirteen: The Nature of Method

      Summary. Method is a statement of the way the subject matter

Chapter Fourteen: The Nature of Subject Matter

      Summary. The subject matter of education consists primarily

Chapter Fifteen: Play and Work in the Curriculum

      Summary. In the previous chapter we found that the primary subject

Chapter Sixteen: The Significance of Geography and History

      Summary. It is the nature of an experience to have implications

Chapter Seventeen: Science in the Course of Study

      Summary. Science represents the fruition of the cognitive factors

Chapter Eighteen: Educational Values

      Summary. Fundamentally, the elements involved in a discussion of value

Chapter Nineteen: Labor and Leisure

      Summary. Of the segregations of educational values

Chapter Twenty: Intellectual and Practical Studies

      Summary. The Greeks were induced to philosophize

Chapter Twenty-one: Physical and Social Studies: Naturalism and Humanism

      Summary. The philosophic dualism between man and nature is reflected

Chapter Twenty-two: The Individual and the World

      Summary. True individualism is a product of the relaxation of the grip

Chapter Twenty-Three: Vocational Aspects of Education

      Summary. A vocation signifies any form of continuous activity

Chapter Twenty-four: Philosophy of Education

      Summary. After a review designed to bring out the philosophic issues

Chapter Twenty-five: Theories of Knowledge

      Summary. Such social divisions as interfere with free and full

Chapter Twenty-six: Theories of Morals

      Summary. The most important problem of moral education in the school






Chapter One: Education as a Necessity of Life

1. Renewal of Life by Transmission. The most notable distinction between living and inanimate things is that the former maintain themselves by renewal. A stone when struck resists. If its resistance is greater than the force of the blow struck, it remains outwardly unchanged. Otherwise, it is shattered into smaller bits. Never does the stone attempt to react in such a way that it may maintain itself against the blow, much less so as to render the blow a contributing factor to its own continued action. While the living thing may easily be crushed by superior force, it none the less tries to turn the energies which act upon it into means of its own further existence. If it cannot do so, it does not just split into smaller pieces (at least in the higher forms of life), but loses its identity as a living thing.

1. Renewal of Life by Transmission. The biggest difference between living and non-living things is that living things sustain themselves through renewal. When you hit a stone, it pushes back. If its resistance is stronger than the force of the blow, it stays unchanged on the outside. If not, it breaks into smaller pieces. The stone never tries to react in a way that helps it withstand the hit, let alone make the hit a part of its own continued existence. While a living being can easily be crushed by a stronger force, it still tries to turn the energy acting on it into a way to keep existing. If it can’t do that, it doesn’t just break into smaller pieces (at least in the more advanced forms of life), but it loses its identity as a living being.

As long as it endures, it struggles to use surrounding energies in its own behalf. It uses light, air, moisture, and the material of soil. To say that it uses them is to say that it turns them into means of its own conservation. As long as it is growing, the energy it expends in thus turning the environment to account is more than compensated for by the return it gets: it grows. Understanding the word "control" in this sense, it may be said that a living being is one that subjugates and controls for its own continued activity the energies that would otherwise use it up. Life is a self-renewing process through action upon the environment.

As long as it lasts, it works to use the energies around it for its own benefit. It takes advantage of light, air, moisture, and soil materials. Saying that it uses these is a way of saying it transforms them into means for its own survival. While it is growing, the energy it spends in this process is more than balanced by the results it achieves: it grows. If we understand the word "control" in this way, we can say that a living being is one that harnesses and manages the energies that would otherwise deplete it for its ongoing activity. Life is a process of self-renewal through interaction with the environment.

In all the higher forms this process cannot be kept up indefinitely. After a while they succumb; they die. The creature is not equal to the task of indefinite self-renewal. But continuity of the life process is not dependent upon the prolongation of the existence of any one individual. Reproduction of other forms of life goes on in continuous sequence. And though, as the geological record shows, not merely individuals but also species die out, the life process continues in increasingly complex forms. As some species die out, forms better adapted to utilize the obstacles against which they struggled in vain come into being. Continuity of life means continual readaptation of the environment to the needs of living organisms.

In all higher forms, this process can't last forever. Eventually, they give in; they die. The creature isn't capable of indefinite self-renewal. However, the continuity of life isn't reliant on the survival of any single individual. Reproduction of other life forms happens in a continuous sequence. And even though, as the geological record shows, not only individuals but also species go extinct, the life process continues to develop into increasingly complex forms. As some species go extinct, new forms that are better adapted to overcome the challenges they faced emerge. Continuity of life involves a constant readjustment of the environment to meet the needs of living organisms.

We have been speaking of life in its lowest terms—as a physical thing. But we use the word "Life" to denote the whole range of experience, individual and racial. When we see a book called the Life of Lincoln we do not expect to find within its covers a treatise on physiology. We look for an account of social antecedents; a description of early surroundings, of the conditions and occupation of the family; of the chief episodes in the development of character; of signal struggles and achievements; of the individual's hopes, tastes, joys and sufferings. In precisely similar fashion we speak of the life of a savage tribe, of the Athenian people, of the American nation. "Life" covers customs, institutions, beliefs, victories and defeats, recreations and occupations.

We’ve been talking about life in its simplest form—as a physical thing. But we use the word "Life" to refer to the entire spectrum of experience, both individual and collective. When we see a book titled the Life of Lincoln, we don’t expect it to be a study of anatomy. We anticipate a narrative about social background; a description of early environment, family conditions, and occupations; the key events in character development; notable struggles and achievements; and the individual’s hopes, preferences, joys, and pains. In the same way, we discuss the life of a primitive tribe, the Athenian people, or the American nation. "Life" encompasses customs, institutions, beliefs, victories and defeats, leisure activities, and work.

We employ the word "experience" in the same pregnant sense. And to it, as well as to life in the bare physiological sense, the principle of continuity through renewal applies. With the renewal of physical existence goes, in the case of human beings, the recreation of beliefs, ideals, hopes, happiness, misery, and practices. The continuity of any experience, through renewing of the social group, is a literal fact. Education, in its broadest sense, is the means of this social continuity of life. Every one of the constituent elements of a social group, in a modern city as in a savage tribe, is born immature, helpless, without language, beliefs, ideas, or social standards. Each individual, each unit who is the carrier of the life-experience of his group, in time passes away. Yet the life of the group goes on.

We use the term "experience" in the same significant way. It applies not only to life in its basic physical sense but also to the principle of continuity through renewal. With the renewal of physical existence, human beings also recreate their beliefs, ideals, hopes, happiness, misery, and practices. The continuity of any experience, through the renewal of the social group, is a literal reality. Education, in its broadest sense, is the means of maintaining this social continuity of life. Every individual element of a social group, whether in a modern city or a primitive tribe, is born immature, helpless, without language, beliefs, ideas, or social standards. Each person, who carries the life experience of their group, eventually passes away. Yet the life of the group continues.

The primary ineluctable facts of the birth and death of each one of the constituent members in a social group determine the necessity of education. On one hand, there is the contrast between the immaturity of the new-born members of the group—its future sole representatives—and the maturity of the adult members who possess the knowledge and customs of the group. On the other hand, there is the necessity that these immature members be not merely physically preserved in adequate numbers, but that they be initiated into the interests, purposes, information, skill, and practices of the mature members: otherwise the group will cease its characteristic life. Even in a savage tribe, the achievements of adults are far beyond what the immature members would be capable of if left to themselves. With the growth of civilization, the gap between the original capacities of the immature and the standards and customs of the elders increases. Mere physical growing up, mere mastery of the bare necessities of subsistence will not suffice to reproduce the life of the group. Deliberate effort and the taking of thoughtful pains are required. Beings who are born not only unaware of, but quite indifferent to, the aims and habits of the social group have to be rendered cognizant of them and actively interested. Education, and education alone, spans the gap.

The basic, unavoidable facts of the birth and death of each member in a social group highlight the need for education. On one side, there’s the difference between the innocence of the newborn members—the future representatives of the group—and the adulthood of the mature members who carry the group's knowledge and traditions. On the other side, the immature members need not only to be physically protected in sufficient numbers but also to be introduced to the interests, goals, information, skills, and practices of the mature members; otherwise, the group will lose its unique identity. Even in a tribal society, the accomplishments of adults far exceed what the immature members could achieve on their own. As civilization develops, the gap between the initial abilities of the young ones and the standards and customs of the elders gets wider. Simply growing up physically, or mastering the basic needs for survival, isn’t enough to continue the group's way of life. Intentional effort and careful attention are necessary. Individuals who are born not only unaware of but also indifferent to the goals and behaviors of their social group must be made aware of them and become actively interested. Education, and education alone, bridges this gap.

Society exists through a process of transmission quite as much as biological life. This transmission occurs by means of communication of habits of doing, thinking, and feeling from the older to the younger. Without this communication of ideals, hopes, expectations, standards, opinions, from those members of society who are passing out of the group life to those who are coming into it, social life could not survive. If the members who compose a society lived on continuously, they might educate the new-born members, but it would be a task directed by personal interest rather than social need. Now it is a work of necessity.

Society exists through a process of transmission just like biological life does. This transmission happens through the sharing of habits related to doing, thinking, and feeling from older generations to younger ones. Without this sharing of ideals, hopes, expectations, standards, and opinions from those members of society who are leaving to those who are joining, social life wouldn’t be able to survive. If the members of a society lived indefinitely, they could educate the newly born members, but it would be driven by personal interest rather than social necessity. Now, it is a matter of necessity.

If a plague carried off the members of a society all at once, it is obvious that the group would be permanently done for. Yet the death of each of its constituent members is as certain as if an epidemic took them all at once. But the graded difference in age, the fact that some are born as some die, makes possible through transmission of ideas and practices the constant reweaving of the social fabric. Yet this renewal is not automatic. Unless pains are taken to see that genuine and thorough transmission takes place, the most civilized group will relapse into barbarism and then into savagery. In fact, the human young are so immature that if they were left to themselves without the guidance and succor of others, they could not acquire the rudimentary abilities necessary for physical existence. The young of human beings compare so poorly in original efficiency with the young of many of the lower animals, that even the powers needed for physical sustentation have to be acquired under tuition. How much more, then, is this the case with respect to all the technological, artistic, scientific, and moral achievements of humanity!

If a plague wiped out everyone in a society all at once, it’s clear that the group would be finished for good. However, the death of each individual is just as certain as if an epidemic took them out simultaneously. But the variation in age, where some are born as others die, allows for the ongoing exchange of ideas and practices, which helps to continuously repair the social fabric. Yet this renewal doesn’t happen automatically. If genuine and thorough transmission isn’t ensured, even the most advanced group can slip back into barbarism and then into savagery. In fact, human children are so immature that if they were left to their own devices without the support and guidance of others, they wouldn’t be able to develop the basic skills necessary for survival. Human infants are so much less capable compared to the young of many lower animals that even the skills needed for basic living must be learned through teaching. Just imagine how much more this applies to all the technological, artistic, scientific, and moral accomplishments of humanity!

2. Education and Communication. So obvious, indeed, is the necessity of teaching and learning for the continued existence of a society that we may seem to be dwelling unduly on a truism. But justification is found in the fact that such emphasis is a means of getting us away from an unduly scholastic and formal notion of education. Schools are, indeed, one important method of the transmission which forms the dispositions of the immature; but it is only one means, and, compared with other agencies, a relatively superficial means. Only as we have grasped the necessity of more fundamental and persistent modes of tuition can we make sure of placing the scholastic methods in their true context.

2. Education and Communication. It's so clear that teaching and learning are essential for a society to survive that it might seem like we're stating the obvious. However, this emphasis helps us move away from a narrow, overly formal view of education. Schools are definitely a significant way to shape the attitudes of young people, but they're just one method, and when compared to other influences, they can be quite superficial. Only when we recognize the need for deeper and more ongoing forms of education can we truly understand where traditional schooling fits in.

Society not only continues to exist by transmission, by communication, but it may fairly be said to exist in transmission, in communication. There is more than a verbal tie between the words common, community, and communication. Men live in a community in virtue of the things which they have in common; and communication is the way in which they come to possess things in common. What they must have in common in order to form a community or society are aims, beliefs, aspirations, knowledge—a common understanding—like-mindedness as the sociologists say. Such things cannot be passed physically from one to another, like bricks; they cannot be shared as persons would share a pie by dividing it into physical pieces. The communication which insures participation in a common understanding is one which secures similar emotional and intellectual dispositions—like ways of responding to expectations and requirements.

Society not only exists through sharing and communication, but it could be argued that it actually exists within sharing and communication. There’s more than just a verbal connection between the words common, community, and communication. People live in a community because of the things they share; communication is how they come to share those things. To form a community or society, they need to have common goals, beliefs, aspirations, and knowledge—a shared understanding—what sociologists call like-mindedness. These things can’t be physically passed from one person to another like bricks; they can’t be shared like slices of a pie. The kind of communication that fosters a shared understanding is one that creates similar emotional and intellectual responses—similar ways of reacting to expectations and needs.

Persons do not become a society by living in physical proximity, any more than a man ceases to be socially influenced by being so many feet or miles removed from others. A book or a letter may institute a more intimate association between human beings separated thousands of miles from each other than exists between dwellers under the same roof. Individuals do not even compose a social group because they all work for a common end. The parts of a machine work with a maximum of cooperativeness for a common result, but they do not form a community. If, however, they were all cognizant of the common end and all interested in it so that they regulated their specific activity in view of it, then they would form a community. But this would involve communication. Each would have to know what the other was about and would have to have some way of keeping the other informed as to his own purpose and progress. Consensus demands communication.

People don't become a society just by living close to each other, just as a person isn’t unaffected by society simply because they’re a certain distance away from others. A book or a letter can create a closer connection between people thousands of miles apart than those living under the same roof. Individuals also don’t form a social group just because they all work toward a common goal. The parts of a machine may operate together efficiently for a common outcome, but that doesn’t mean they form a community. However, if everyone involved understands the common goal and is interested in it—regulating their specific actions with that goal in mind—then they would create a community. But this requires communication. Everyone would need to know what the others are doing and keep each other updated on their own intentions and progress. Agreement requires communication.

We are thus compelled to recognize that within even the most social group there are many relations which are not as yet social. A large number of human relationships in any social group are still upon the machine-like plane. Individuals use one another so as to get desired results, without reference to the emotional and intellectual disposition and consent of those used. Such uses express physical superiority, or superiority of position, skill, technical ability, and command of tools, mechanical or fiscal. So far as the relations of parent and child, teacher and pupil, employer and employee, governor and governed, remain upon this level, they form no true social group, no matter how closely their respective activities touch one another. Giving and taking of orders modifies action and results, but does not of itself effect a sharing of purposes, a communication of interests.

We are therefore forced to acknowledge that even in the most social groups, there are many relationships that aren't truly social yet. A significant number of human connections within any social group still operate on a mechanical level. People use each other to achieve the results they want, without considering the feelings and intellectual consent of those they are using. These interactions reflect physical dominance, or superiority in position, skill, technical expertise, and control of tools, whether mechanical or financial. As long as the relationships between parents and children, teachers and students, employers and employees, or governors and the governed remain on this level, they don't create a genuine social group, no matter how much their activities overlap. Giving and receiving orders influences actions and outcomes, but it doesn’t inherently lead to a shared sense of purpose or mutual interests.

Not only is social life identical with communication, but all communication (and hence all genuine social life) is educative. To be a recipient of a communication is to have an enlarged and changed experience. One shares in what another has thought and felt and in so far, meagerly or amply, has his own attitude modified. Nor is the one who communicates left unaffected. Try the experiment of communicating, with fullness and accuracy, some experience to another, especially if it be somewhat complicated, and you will find your own attitude toward your experience changing; otherwise you resort to expletives and ejaculations. The experience has to be formulated in order to be communicated. To formulate requires getting outside of it, seeing it as another would see it, considering what points of contact it has with the life of another so that it may be got into such form that he can appreciate its meaning. Except in dealing with commonplaces and catch phrases one has to assimilate, imaginatively, something of another's experience in order to tell him intelligently of one's own experience. All communication is like art. It may fairly be said, therefore, that any social arrangement that remains vitally social, or vitally shared, is educative to those who participate in it. Only when it becomes cast in a mold and runs in a routine way does it lose its educative power.

Not only is social life the same as communication, but all communication (and therefore all genuine social life) is educational. When you receive a communication, you experience growth and change. You connect with what someone else has thought and felt, and in that way, your own perspective is modified, whether slightly or significantly. The person who communicates isn’t left unchanged either. If you try to communicate a complex experience to someone clearly and fully, you’ll notice your own perspective on that experience shifting; otherwise, you might just resort to empty phrases and exclamations. To share an experience, you need to put it into words. This involves stepping outside of it, seeing it from another person’s perspective, and considering how it relates to their life so that you can present it in a way that helps them understand its significance. Unless you’re using common phrases and clichés, you have to imaginatively grasp part of someone else’s experience to effectively share your own. All communication is similar to art. Thus, it can be said that any social arrangement that remains genuinely social or genuinely shared is educational for those involved. It’s only when it becomes rigid and routine that it loses its educational value.

In final account, then, not only does social life demand teaching and learning for its own permanence, but the very process of living together educates. It enlarges and enlightens experience; it stimulates and enriches imagination; it creates responsibility for accuracy and vividness of statement and thought. A man really living alone (alone mentally as well as physically) would have little or no occasion to reflect upon his past experience to extract its net meaning. The inequality of achievement between the mature and the immature not only necessitates teaching the young, but the necessity of this teaching gives an immense stimulus to reducing experience to that order and form which will render it most easily communicable and hence most usable.

In the end, social life not only requires teaching and learning to continue existing, but the very act of living together also serves as education. It broadens and clarifies our experiences; it sparks and enhances our imagination; it fosters a sense of responsibility for accuracy and clarity in our statements and thoughts. A person truly living alone (both mentally and physically) would have little reason to reflect on their past experiences to find their true meaning. The difference in accomplishments between adults and children not only makes it necessary to teach the young, but this need for teaching also greatly encourages us to organize our experiences in a way that makes them easier to share and use.

3. The Place of Formal Education. There is, accordingly, a marked difference between the education which every one gets from living with others, as long as he really lives instead of just continuing to subsist, and the deliberate educating of the young. In the former case the education is incidental; it is natural and important, but it is not the express reason of the association. While it may be said, without exaggeration, that the measure of the worth of any social institution, economic, domestic, political, legal, religious, is its effect in enlarging and improving experience; yet this effect is not a part of its original motive, which is limited and more immediately practical. Religious associations began, for example, in the desire to secure the favor of overruling powers and to ward off evil influences; family life in the desire to gratify appetites and secure family perpetuity; systematic labor, for the most part, because of enslavement to others, etc. Only gradually was the by-product of the institution, its effect upon the quality and extent of conscious life, noted, and only more gradually still was this effect considered as a directive factor in the conduct of the institution. Even today, in our industrial life, apart from certain values of industriousness and thrift, the intellectual and emotional reaction of the forms of human association under which the world's work is carried on receives little attention as compared with physical output.

3. The Place of Formal Education. There is a clear difference between the education that everyone gets from interacting with others, as long as they are truly living and not just surviving, and the intentional education of young people. In the first case, the education is incidental; it's natural and important, but it's not the main purpose of the relationships. While it's fair to say that the value of any social institution—economic, domestic, political, legal, or religious—lies in its ability to broaden and enhance experience, this impact isn't part of its original goal, which tends to be more limited and practical. For example, religious groups started out with the aim of gaining favor from higher powers and protecting against negative forces; family life emerged from the desire to fulfill needs and ensure family survival; and organized labor mostly arose due to the need to serve others, etc. It was only over time that the additional outcome of these institutions—their influence on the quality and scope of conscious life—was recognized, and even more slowly was this impact seen as an important factor in how the institution was run. Even now, in our industrial society, aside from some values like hard work and saving, the intellectual and emotional impacts of the ways humans interact while doing the world's work get far less attention compared to physical output.

But in dealing with the young, the fact of association itself as an immediate human fact, gains in importance. While it is easy to ignore in our contact with them the effect of our acts upon their disposition, or to subordinate that educative effect to some external and tangible result, it is not so easy as in dealing with adults. The need of training is too evident; the pressure to accomplish a change in their attitude and habits is too urgent to leave these consequences wholly out of account. Since our chief business with them is to enable them to share in a common life we cannot help considering whether or no we are forming the powers which will secure this ability. If humanity has made some headway in realizing that the ultimate value of every institution is its distinctively human effect—its effect upon conscious experience—we may well believe that this lesson has been learned largely through dealings with the young.

But when it comes to working with young people, the connection we have with them as a direct human experience becomes more significant. While it's easy to overlook how our actions influence their mindset or to prioritize some external and clear result over that educational impact, it's not as simple as it is with adults. The necessity for training is obvious; the push to bring about a change in their attitudes and habits is too pressing to ignore these outcomes entirely. Since our main goal with them is to help them engage in a shared life, we must consider whether we are developing the skills that will enable them to do so. If society has made progress in understanding that the true value of any institution lies in its uniquely human impact—its effect on conscious experience—we can well believe this lesson has been learned largely through interactions with the young.

We are thus led to distinguish, within the broad educational process which we have been so far considering, a more formal kind of education—that of direct tuition or schooling. In undeveloped social groups, we find very little formal teaching and training. Savage groups mainly rely for instilling needed dispositions into the young upon the same sort of association which keeps adults loyal to their group. They have no special devices, material, or institutions for teaching save in connection with initiation ceremonies by which the youth are inducted into full social membership. For the most part, they depend upon children learning the customs of the adults, acquiring their emotional set and stock of ideas, by sharing in what the elders are doing. In part, this sharing is direct, taking part in the occupations of adults and thus serving an apprenticeship; in part, it is indirect, through the dramatic plays in which children reproduce the actions of grown-ups and thus learn to know what they are like. To savages it would seem preposterous to seek out a place where nothing but learning was going on in order that one might learn.

We are led to differentiate within the broad educational process we’ve been discussing, a more formal type of education—specifically, direct teaching or schooling. In less developed social groups, there is very little formal instruction or training. These groups primarily rely on the same social connections that keep adults loyal to their community to instill necessary values in the young. They lack specific tools, materials, or institutions for education except for initiation ceremonies that introduce youth to full social membership. Generally, children learn the customs of adults and adopt their emotional outlook and ideas by participating in what the elders do. This participation is partly direct, through involvement in adult activities as a form of apprenticeship; and partly indirect, through dramatic play where children imitate the actions of adults, allowing them to understand what it feels like to be grown-up. For these communities, it seems ridiculous to seek out a place dedicated solely to learning in order to gain knowledge.

But as civilization advances, the gap between the capacities of the young and the concerns of adults widens. Learning by direct sharing in the pursuits of grown-ups becomes increasingly difficult except in the case of the less advanced occupations. Much of what adults do is so remote in space and in meaning that playful imitation is less and less adequate to reproduce its spirit. Ability to share effectively in adult activities thus depends upon a prior training given with this end in view. Intentional agencies—schools—and explicit material—studies—are devised. The task of teaching certain things is delegated to a special group of persons.

As civilization progresses, the gap between what young people can do and what adults care about grows wider. Learning through direct involvement in adult activities becomes more challenging, except for simpler jobs. A lot of what adults do feels so distant in both location and significance that playful imitation fails to capture its essence. To effectively participate in adult activities, prior training aimed at this goal is necessary. Intentional institutions—like schools—and specific materials—like academic studies—are created for this purpose. The responsibility of teaching certain subjects is assigned to a specific group of people.

Without such formal education, it is not possible to transmit all the resources and achievements of a complex society. It also opens a way to a kind of experience which would not be accessible to the young, if they were left to pick up their training in informal association with others, since books and the symbols of knowledge are mastered.

Without formal education, it’s impossible to pass on all the resources and accomplishments of a complex society. It also provides a way for young people to gain experiences that they wouldn’t have access to if they were just learning informally from others, since books and the symbols of knowledge need to be mastered.

But there are conspicuous dangers attendant upon the transition from indirect to formal education. Sharing in actual pursuit, whether directly or vicariously in play, is at least personal and vital. These qualities compensate, in some measure, for the narrowness of available opportunities. Formal instruction, on the contrary, easily becomes remote and dead—abstract and bookish, to use the ordinary words of depreciation. What accumulated knowledge exists in low grade societies is at least put into practice; it is transmuted into character; it exists with the depth of meaning that attaches to its coming within urgent daily interests.

But there are clear dangers that come with the shift from indirect to formal education. Engaging in real pursuits, whether directly or indirectly through play, is at least personal and meaningful. These aspects help make up for the limited opportunities available. Formal education, on the other hand, can easily become distant and lifeless—abstract and overly academic, as people often say. The knowledge that exists in lower-grade societies is at least put to use; it gets integrated into character; it carries the depth of meaning that comes from being tied to urgent daily interests.

But in an advanced culture much which has to be learned is stored in symbols. It is far from translation into familiar acts and objects. Such material is relatively technical and superficial. Taking the ordinary standard of reality as a measure, it is artificial. For this measure is connection with practical concerns. Such material exists in a world by itself, unassimilated to ordinary customs of thought and expression. There is the standing danger that the material of formal instruction will be merely the subject matter of the schools, isolated from the subject matter of life-experience. The permanent social interests are likely to be lost from view. Those which have not been carried over into the structure of social life, but which remain largely matters of technical information expressed in symbols, are made conspicuous in schools. Thus we reach the ordinary notion of education: the notion which ignores its social necessity and its identity with all human association that affects conscious life, and which identifies it with imparting information about remote matters and the conveying of learning through verbal signs: the acquisition of literacy.

But in a developed culture, a lot of what needs to be learned is represented by symbols. It doesn't easily translate into familiar actions and objects. This kind of material is fairly technical and superficial. If we use the everyday standard of reality as a benchmark, it seems contrived. This benchmark is linked to practical matters. Such material exists in a world of its own, separate from the usual ways of thinking and expressing oneself. There is an ongoing risk that the content of formal education will simply become the curriculum of schools, disconnected from the lessons of real life. The lasting social interests are likely to fade from view. Those elements that haven't been integrated into the fabric of social life but remain mostly as technical knowledge presented in symbols are highlighted in schools. This leads us to the common idea of education: one that overlooks its social significance and its connection to all human interactions that impact conscious life, instead equating it with sharing information about distant topics and transmitting knowledge through words: the ability to read and write.

Hence one of the weightiest problems with which the philosophy of education has to cope is the method of keeping a proper balance between the informal and the formal, the incidental and the intentional, modes of education. When the acquiring of information and of technical intellectual skill do not influence the formation of a social disposition, ordinary vital experience fails to gain in meaning, while schooling, in so far, creates only "sharps" in learning—that is, egoistic specialists. To avoid a split between what men consciously know because they are aware of having learned it by a specific job of learning, and what they unconsciously know because they have absorbed it in the formation of their characters by intercourse with others, becomes an increasingly delicate task with every development of special schooling.

One of the biggest challenges in the philosophy of education is finding the right balance between informal and formal, incidental and intentional, aspects of learning. When gaining knowledge and technical skills doesn't contribute to developing a social mindset, everyday life loses its significance. Meanwhile, education tends to produce "sharps" in learning—essentially, self-centered specialists. Preventing a divide between what people consciously understand because they were taught it through specific learning processes and what they unconsciously grasp through shaping their characters through interactions with others is becoming an increasingly tricky task with the growth of specialized education.





Summary. It is the very nature of life to strive to continue in being.

Since this continuance can be secured only by constant renewals, life is a self-renewing process. What nutrition and reproduction are to physiological life, education is to social life. This education consists primarily in transmission through communication. Communication is a process of sharing experience till it becomes a common possession. It modifies the disposition of both the parties who partake in it. That the ulterior significance of every mode of human association lies in the contribution which it makes to the improvement of the quality of experience is a fact most easily recognized in dealing with the immature. That is to say, while every social arrangement is educative in effect, the educative effect first becomes an important part of the purpose of the association in connection with the association of the older with the younger. As societies become more complex in structure and resources, the need of formal or intentional teaching and learning increases. As formal teaching and training grow in extent, there is the danger of creating an undesirable split between the experience gained in more direct associations and what is acquired in school. This danger was never greater than at the present time, on account of the rapid growth in the last few centuries of knowledge and technical modes of skill.

Since this continuation can only be maintained through constant updates, life is a self-renewing process. Just like nutrition and reproduction are essential for biological life, education is crucial for social life. This education mainly involves passing on knowledge through communication. Communication is about sharing experiences until they become collective. It changes the attitudes of everyone involved. The deeper meaning of every type of human interaction lies in the way it enhances the quality of our experiences, which is most obvious when we look at the young. In other words, while every social setup has an educative effect, this effect becomes a significant part of the association's purpose, especially when older individuals engage with younger ones. As societies become more complex in structure and resources, the need for formal and intentional teaching and learning grows. As formal education and training expand, there’s a risk of creating a troubling divide between the experiences gained in direct interactions and what is learned in school. This risk is higher now than ever, due to the rapid increase in knowledge and technical skills over the past few centuries.





Chapter Two: Education as a Social Function

1. The Nature and Meaning of Environment. We have seen that a community or social group sustains itself through continuous self-renewal, and that this renewal takes place by means of the educational growth of the immature members of the group. By various agencies, unintentional and designed, a society transforms uninitiated and seemingly alien beings into robust trustees of its own resources and ideals. Education is thus a fostering, a nurturing, a cultivating, process. All of these words mean that it implies attention to the conditions of growth. We also speak of rearing, raising, bringing up—words which express the difference of level which education aims to cover. Etymologically, the word education means just a process of leading or bringing up. When we have the outcome of the process in mind, we speak of education as shaping, forming, molding activity—that is, a shaping into the standard form of social activity. In this chapter we are concerned with the general features of the way in which a social group brings up its immature members into its own social form.

1. The Nature and Meaning of Environment. We’ve seen that a community or social group keeps itself going through continuous self-renewal, and this renewal happens through the educational growth of its younger or less experienced members. Through various means, whether intentional or not, a society turns inexperienced and seemingly unrelated individuals into strong guardians of its resources and values. Education is therefore a process of support, care, and development. All these terms imply paying attention to the conditions necessary for growth. We also talk about raising, nurturing, and bringing up—terms that highlight the different stages that education seeks to bridge. Etymologically, the word education literally means a process of leading or bringing up. When we consider the results of this process, we refer to education as shaping, forming, and molding—that is, creating individuals who fit the established social norms. In this chapter, we will discuss the common characteristics of how a social group raises its younger members to fit into its social framework.

Since what is required is a transformation of the quality of experience till it partakes in the interests, purposes, and ideas current in the social group, the problem is evidently not one of mere physical forming. Things can be physically transported in space; they may be bodily conveyed. Beliefs and aspirations cannot be physically extracted and inserted. How then are they communicated? Given the impossibility of direct contagion or literal inculcation, our problem is to discover the method by which the young assimilate the point of view of the old, or the older bring the young into like-mindedness with themselves. The answer, in general formulation, is: By means of the action of the environment in calling out certain responses. The required beliefs cannot be hammered in; the needed attitudes cannot be plastered on. But the particular medium in which an individual exists leads him to see and feel one thing rather than another; it leads him to have certain plans in order that he may act successfully with others; it strengthens some beliefs and weakens others as a condition of winning the approval of others. Thus it gradually produces in him a certain system of behavior, a certain disposition of action. The words "environment," "medium" denote something more than surroundings which encompass an individual. They denote the specific continuity of the surroundings with his own active tendencies. An inanimate being is, of course, continuous with its surroundings; but the environing circumstances do not, save metaphorically, constitute an environment. For the inorganic being is not concerned in the influences which affect it. On the other hand, some things which are remote in space and time from a living creature, especially a human creature, may form his environment even more truly than some of the things close to him. The things with which a man varies are his genuine environment. Thus the activities of the astronomer vary with the stars at which he gazes or about which he calculates. Of his immediate surroundings, his telescope is most intimately his environment. The environment of an antiquarian, as an antiquarian, consists of the remote epoch of human life with which he is concerned, and the relics, inscriptions, etc., by which he establishes connections with that period.

Since what we need is a change in the quality of experiences until it reflects the interests, goals, and ideas that are relevant in the social group, the issue clearly isn’t just about physical shaping. Things can be moved through space; they can be physically transported. However, beliefs and aspirations can’t be literally extracted and inserted. So, how are they shared? Given that direct transmission or literal teaching isn’t possible, our challenge is to figure out how the young adopt the perspectives of the old, or how older individuals help the young align their thinking with theirs. The general answer is this: It happens through the environment prompting certain reactions. The necessary beliefs can’t be forcibly implanted; the required attitudes can’t be simply applied. But the specific environment in which a person exists influences them to perceive and feel one way instead of another; it shapes their plans so they can effectively act with others; it reinforces some beliefs and diminishes others in order to gain acceptance. This process gradually develops in them a particular behavior pattern, a certain way of acting. The terms "environment" and "medium" mean more than just the surroundings surrounding an individual. They refer to the particular connection of the surroundings with the individual’s own active tendencies. An inanimate object, of course, interacts with its surroundings; however, the surrounding conditions don’t genuinely make up an environment, except in a metaphorical sense. This is because inorganic beings aren’t affected by influences in a way that matters to them. Conversely, some things that are far away in space and time from a living being, especially a human, may actually make up their environment more accurately than some things that are nearby. The things that truly influence a person are their real environment. For example, the activities of an astronomer are affected by the stars they observe or calculate about. Among their immediate surroundings, their telescope is their closest environment. The environment of an antiquarian, in their role as an antiquarian, consists of the distant periods of human history they study and the artifacts, inscriptions, etc., that they use to connect with that time.

In brief, the environment consists of those conditions that promote or hinder, stimulate or inhibit, the characteristic activities of a living being. Water is the environment of a fish because it is necessary to the fish's activities—to its life. The north pole is a significant element in the environment of an arctic explorer, whether he succeeds in reaching it or not, because it defines his activities, makes them what they distinctively are. Just because life signifies not bare passive existence (supposing there is such a thing), but a way of acting, environment or medium signifies what enters into this activity as a sustaining or frustrating condition.

In short, the environment includes the conditions that either support or obstruct, encourage or limit, the typical activities of a living being. Water is essential for a fish's environment because it is crucial for the fish's activities and existence. The North Pole is an important part of an arctic explorer’s environment, regardless of whether he successfully reaches it, because it shapes his activities and defines what they uniquely are. Life doesn’t just mean simple, passive existence (if such a thing exists); it represents a way of acting. Therefore, the environment or medium represents what influences this activity, whether as a supportive or hindering factor.

2. The Social Environment. A being whose activities are associated with others has a social environment. What he does and what he can do depend upon the expectations, demands, approvals, and condemnations of others. A being connected with other beings cannot perform his own activities without taking the activities of others into account. For they are the indispensable conditions of the realization of his tendencies. When he moves he stirs them and reciprocally. We might as well try to imagine a business man doing business, buying and selling, all by himself, as to conceive it possible to define the activities of an individual in terms of his isolated actions. The manufacturer moreover is as truly socially guided in his activities when he is laying plans in the privacy of his own counting house as when he is buying his raw material or selling his finished goods. Thinking and feeling that have to do with action in association with others is as much a social mode of behavior as is the most overt cooperative or hostile act.

2. The Social Environment. A being whose actions are linked to others has a social environment. What he does and what he's capable of doing depends on the expectations, demands, approvals, and disapprovals of those around him. A being connected to others can’t carry out his own activities without considering what others are doing. Their actions are essential to realizing his own desires. When he moves, he affects them, and they affect him in return. It’s just as unrealistic to think of a businessman operating alone—buying and selling by himself—as it is to imagine defining an individual's actions solely in terms of their isolated behaviors. Moreover, a manufacturer is just as socially influenced in his decisions while planning in the privacy of his office as he is when purchasing raw materials or selling finished products. Thinking and feeling related to actions in connection with others is just as much a social behavior as any obvious act of cooperation or hostility.

What we have more especially to indicate is how the social medium nurtures its immature members. There is no great difficulty in seeing how it shapes the external habits of action. Even dogs and horses have their actions modified by association with human beings; they form different habits because human beings are concerned with what they do. Human beings control animals by controlling the natural stimuli which influence them; by creating a certain environment in other words. Food, bits and bridles, noises, vehicles, are used to direct the ways in which the natural or instinctive responses of horses occur. By operating steadily to call out certain acts, habits are formed which function with the same uniformity as the original stimuli. If a rat is put in a maze and finds food only by making a given number of turns in a given sequence, his activity is gradually modified till he habitually takes that course rather than another when he is hungry.

What we want to highlight is how the social environment supports its inexperienced members. It's not hard to see how it influences their external behaviors. Even dogs and horses change their actions through their interactions with people; they develop different habits because people care about what they do. People manage animals by controlling the natural triggers that affect them, essentially by creating a specific environment. Food, bits and bridles, sounds, and vehicles are all used to guide the instinctive reactions of horses. By consistently encouraging certain behaviors, habits are formed that operate with the same regularity as the original triggers. If a rat is placed in a maze and only finds food by making a certain number of turns in a specific order, its behavior gradually shifts until it consistently takes that route when it’s hungry.

Human actions are modified in a like fashion. A burnt child dreads the fire; if a parent arranged conditions so that every time a child touched a certain toy he got burned, the child would learn to avoid that toy as automatically as he avoids touching fire. So far, however, we are dealing with what may be called training in distinction from educative teaching. The changes considered are in outer action rather than in mental and emotional dispositions of behavior. The distinction is not, however, a sharp one. The child might conceivably generate in time a violent antipathy, not only to that particular toy, but to the class of toys resembling it. The aversion might even persist after he had forgotten about the original burns; later on he might even invent some reason to account for his seemingly irrational antipathy. In some cases, altering the external habit of action by changing the environment to affect the stimuli to action will also alter the mental disposition concerned in the action. Yet this does not always happen; a person trained to dodge a threatening blow, dodges automatically with no corresponding thought or emotion. We have to find, then, some differentia of training from education.

Human behavior changes in a similar way. A child who gets burned avoids the fire; if a parent arranged things so that every time a child touched a certain toy he got burned, the child would learn to steer clear of that toy as automatically as he avoids touching fire. However, we are looking at what could be called training, as opposed to educational teaching. The changes we’re talking about are in outer behavior rather than in the mental and emotional aspects of behavior. The difference isn't always clear-cut. The child might eventually develop a strong dislike, not just for that specific toy, but for all similar toys. This aversion might even stick around after he’s forgotten about the original burns; later on, he could come up with a reason to justify his seemingly irrational dislike. In some cases, changing the external behavior by altering the environment to shift the triggers for action will also change the mental state related to that behavior. But this doesn't always occur; a person trained to dodge a threatening punch does so automatically, without any related thought or emotion. So, we need to identify what sets training apart from education.

A clew may be found in the fact that the horse does not really share in the social use to which his action is put. Some one else uses the horse to secure a result which is advantageous by making it advantageous to the horse to perform the act—he gets food, etc. But the horse, presumably, does not get any new interest. He remains interested in food, not in the service he is rendering. He is not a partner in a shared activity. Were he to become a copartner, he would, in engaging in the conjoint activity, have the same interest in its accomplishment which others have. He would share their ideas and emotions.

A clue can be found in the fact that the horse doesn’t actually take part in the social purpose of its actions. Someone else rides the horse to achieve a goal that benefits them, making it beneficial for the horse to act—like getting food, for example. However, the horse likely doesn’t gain any new interest. It stays focused on food, not on the service it’s providing. The horse isn’t a partner in a shared activity. If it were to become a co-partner, it would, by participating in the joint effort, share the same interest in achieving it that others do. It would also share their thoughts and feelings.

Now in many cases—too many cases—the activity of the immature human being is simply played upon to secure habits which are useful. He is trained like an animal rather than educated like a human being. His instincts remain attached to their original objects of pain or pleasure. But to get happiness or to avoid the pain of failure he has to act in a way agreeable to others. In other cases, he really shares or participates in the common activity. In this case, his original impulse is modified. He not merely acts in a way agreeing with the actions of others, but, in so acting, the same ideas and emotions are aroused in him that animate the others. A tribe, let us say, is warlike. The successes for which it strives, the achievements upon which it sets store, are connected with fighting and victory. The presence of this medium incites bellicose exhibitions in a boy, first in games, then in fact when he is strong enough. As he fights he wins approval and advancement; as he refrains, he is disliked, ridiculed, shut out from favorable recognition. It is not surprising that his original belligerent tendencies and emotions are strengthened at the expense of others, and that his ideas turn to things connected with war. Only in this way can he become fully a recognized member of his group. Thus his mental habitudes are gradually assimilated to those of his group.

Now in many situations—too many situations—the actions of the immature person are simply manipulated to develop useful habits. They are trained like animals rather than educated as human beings. Their instincts remain tied to their original sources of pain or pleasure. To achieve happiness or avoid the pain of failure, they have to behave in ways that please others. In other instances, they genuinely participate in the shared activity. Here, their initial impulses are modified. They don't just act in alignment with others; in doing so, the same thoughts and feelings are awakened in them that motivate the group. For example, if a tribe is aggressive, the goals they pursue and the achievements they value are linked to fighting and success. This environment encourages a boy to show aggressive behaviors, first in play and later in reality when he’s strong enough. As he fights, he gains approval and recognition; when he holds back, he faces dislike, ridicule, and exclusion from positive acknowledgment. It’s not surprising that his original aggressive tendencies and emotions are intensified, often at the expense of others, and that his ideas shift towards things related to war. This is the only way he can fully become a recognized member of his group. Gradually, his mental habits align with those of his group.

If we formulate the principle involved in this illustration, we shall perceive that the social medium neither implants certain desires and ideas directly, nor yet merely establishes certain purely muscular habits of action, like "instinctively" winking or dodging a blow. Setting up conditions which stimulate certain visible and tangible ways of acting is the first step. Making the individual a sharer or partner in the associated activity so that he feels its success as his success, its failure as his failure, is the completing step. As soon as he is possessed by the emotional attitude of the group, he will be alert to recognize the special ends at which it aims and the means employed to secure success. His beliefs and ideas, in other words, will take a form similar to those of others in the group. He will also achieve pretty much the same stock of knowledge since that knowledge is an ingredient of his habitual pursuits.

If we break down the principle behind this example, we'll see that the social environment doesn't just directly instill certain desires and thoughts, nor does it only create purely physical habits of action, like "instinctively" winking or dodging a punch. The first step is to create conditions that encourage specific visible and tangible ways of acting. The final step is to make the individual part of the associated activity so that they feel its success as their own and its failure as their own. Once they adopt the emotional mindset of the group, they'll be quick to recognize the specific goals it aims for and the means used to achieve success. In other words, their beliefs and ideas will align closely with those of others in the group. They'll also gain a similar body of knowledge since that knowledge is part of their regular activities.

The importance of language in gaining knowledge is doubtless the chief cause of the common notion that knowledge may be passed directly from one to another. It almost seems as if all we have to do to convey an idea into the mind of another is to convey a sound into his ear. Thus imparting knowledge gets assimilated to a purely physical process. But learning from language will be found, when analyzed, to confirm the principle just laid down. It would probably be admitted with little hesitation that a child gets the idea of, say, a hat by using it as other persons do; by covering the head with it, giving it to others to wear, having it put on by others when going out, etc. But it may be asked how this principle of shared activity applies to getting through speech or reading the idea of, say, a Greek helmet, where no direct use of any kind enters in. What shared activity is there in learning from books about the discovery of America?

The significance of language in acquiring knowledge is undoubtedly the main reason behind the common belief that knowledge can be directly transferred from one person to another. It almost feels like all we need to do to put an idea into someone else's mind is to send a sound to their ear. As a result, sharing knowledge appears to become a purely physical act. However, when we analyze learning through language, we'll find it supports the principle previously mentioned. It's likely that most would agree that a child understands the concept of, say, a hat by using it as others do—putting it on their head, letting others wear it, having someone else put it on them when going out, and so on. But one might wonder how this principle of shared activity applies when learning through speech or reading about, for instance, a Greek helmet, where no direct usage is involved. What shared activity is there in learning from books about the discovery of America?

Since language tends to become the chief instrument of learning about many things, let us see how it works. The baby begins of course with mere sounds, noises, and tones having no meaning, expressing, that is, no idea. Sounds are just one kind of stimulus to direct response, some having a soothing effect, others tending to make one jump, and so on. The sound h-a-t would remain as meaningless as a sound in Choctaw, a seemingly inarticulate grunt, if it were not uttered in connection with an action which is participated in by a number of people. When the mother is taking the infant out of doors, she says "hat" as she puts something on the baby's head. Being taken out becomes an interest to the child; mother and child not only go out with each other physically, but both are concerned in the going out; they enjoy it in common. By conjunction with the other factors in activity the sound "hat" soon gets the same meaning for the child that it has for the parent; it becomes a sign of the activity into which it enters. The bare fact that language consists of sounds which are mutually intelligible is enough of itself to show that its meaning depends upon connection with a shared experience.

Since language is usually the main tool for learning about many things, let's see how it works. A baby starts with just sounds, noises, and tones that have no meaning, which means they express no idea. Sounds are one type of stimulus that leads to a response; some are calming, while others can make someone jump, and so on. The sound "h-a-t" would be as meaningless as a sound in Choctaw, like an unclear grunt, if it weren't said in connection with an action that a number of people participate in. When a mother takes her baby outside, she says "hat" while putting something on the baby's head. Going outside becomes interesting for the child; mother and child not only go out together physically, but they are both involved in the experience; they enjoy it together. By being linked with other activities, the sound "hat" quickly takes on the same meaning for the child that it has for the parent; it becomes a sign of the action they are doing. The simple fact that language is made up of sounds that are understood by both speakers shows that its meaning relies on being connected to a shared experience.

In short, the sound h-a-t gains meaning in precisely the same way that the thing "hat" gains it, by being used in a given way. And they acquire the same meaning with the child which they have with the adult because they are used in a common experience by both. The guarantee for the same manner of use is found in the fact that the thing and the sound are first employed in a joint activity, as a means of setting up an active connection between the child and a grownup. Similar ideas or meanings spring up because both persons are engaged as partners in an action where what each does depends upon and influences what the other does. If two savages were engaged in a joint hunt for game, and a certain signal meant "move to the right" to the one who uttered it, and "move to the left" to the one who heard it, they obviously could not successfully carry on their hunt together. Understanding one another means that objects, including sounds, have the same value for both with respect to carrying on a common pursuit.

In short, the sound "h-a-t" gains meaning the same way the object "hat" does, by being used in a specific way. They have the same meaning for a child as they do for an adult because both experience them together. The reason they are used in the same way is that the sound and the object are first used during a shared activity, which creates an active connection between the child and an adult. Similar ideas or meanings arise because both individuals are involved as partners in an action where each person's actions affect and depend on the other’s. If two people were hunting together, and a specific signal meant "move to the right" for one and "move to the left" for the other, they obviously wouldn’t be able to hunt together successfully. Understanding each other means that objects, including sounds, hold the same significance for both when pursuing a common goal.

After sounds have got meaning through connection with other things employed in a joint undertaking, they can be used in connection with other like sounds to develop new meanings, precisely as the things for which they stand are combined. Thus the words in which a child learns about, say, the Greek helmet originally got a meaning (or were understood) by use in an action having a common interest and end. They now arouse a new meaning by inciting the one who hears or reads to rehearse imaginatively the activities in which the helmet has its use. For the time being, the one who understands the words "Greek helmet" becomes mentally a partner with those who used the helmet. He engages, through his imagination, in a shared activity. It is not easy to get the full meaning of words. Most persons probably stop with the idea that "helmet" denotes a queer kind of headgear a people called the Greeks once wore. We conclude, accordingly, that the use of language to convey and acquire ideas is an extension and refinement of the principle that things gain meaning by being used in a shared experience or joint action; in no sense does it contravene that principle. When words do not enter as factors into a shared situation, either overtly or imaginatively, they operate as pure physical stimuli, not as having a meaning or intellectual value. They set activity running in a given groove, but there is no accompanying conscious purpose or meaning. Thus, for example, the plus sign may be a stimulus to perform the act of writing one number under another and adding the numbers, but the person performing the act will operate much as an automaton would unless he realizes the meaning of what he does.

After sounds gain meaning through their connection with other things used in a common activity, they can be combined with other similar sounds to create new meanings, just as the things they represent are brought together. For instance, the words a child learns about, say, the Greek helmet, originally gained meaning through their use in an action that had a shared interest and goal. Now, they evoke a new meaning by prompting the listener or reader to imagine the activities in which the helmet is used. In that moment, anyone who understands the phrase "Greek helmet" becomes mentally connected to those who actually used the helmet. They engage, through their imagination, in a collective experience. Understanding the full meaning of words isn't easy. Most people probably only think that "helmet" refers to a strange type of headgear that a group called the Greeks once wore. Thus, we conclude that using language to express and acquire ideas extends and refines the principle that things gain meaning through shared experiences or joint actions; this principle is not contradicted in any way. When words do not play a role in a shared situation, whether openly or imaginatively, they act as mere physical stimuli, lacking meaning or intellectual value. They trigger activity in a specific way, but without any conscious purpose or meaning. For example, the plus sign may prompt someone to write one number under another and add them together, but the person doing it will function much like a robot unless they understand the significance of what they are doing.

3. The Social Medium as Educative. Our net result thus far is that social environment forms the mental and emotional disposition of behavior in individuals by engaging them in activities that arouse and strengthen certain impulses, that have certain purposes and entail certain consequences. A child growing up in a family of musicians will inevitably have whatever capacities he has in music stimulated, and, relatively, stimulated more than other impulses which might have been awakened in another environment. Save as he takes an interest in music and gains a certain competency in it, he is "out of it"; he is unable to share in the life of the group to which he belongs. Some kinds of participation in the life of those with whom the individual is connected are inevitable; with respect to them, the social environment exercises an educative or formative influence unconsciously and apart from any set purpose.

3. The Social Medium as Educative. Our overall takeaway so far is that the social environment shapes the mental and emotional patterns of behavior in individuals by involving them in activities that trigger and enhance certain impulses, have specific purposes, and lead to particular outcomes. A child raised in a family of musicians will naturally have his musical abilities stimulated, and to a greater extent than other impulses that might be encouraged in a different setting. Unless he develops an interest in music and achieves some level of skill, he is "out of it"; he cannot fully participate in the life of the group he belongs to. Some level of engagement in the lives of those around him is unavoidable; regarding this, the social environment has an educative or formative influence that occurs unconsciously and without any direct intention.

In savage and barbarian communities, such direct participation (constituting the indirect or incidental education of which we have spoken) furnishes almost the sole influence for rearing the young into the practices and beliefs of the group. Even in present-day societies, it furnishes the basic nurture of even the most insistently schooled youth. In accord with the interests and occupations of the group, certain things become objects of high esteem; others of aversion. Association does not create impulses or affection and dislike, but it furnishes the objects to which they attach themselves. The way our group or class does things tends to determine the proper objects of attention, and thus to prescribe the directions and limits of observation and memory. What is strange or foreign (that is to say outside the activities of the groups) tends to be morally forbidden and intellectually suspect. It seems almost incredible to us, for example, that things which we know very well could have escaped recognition in past ages. We incline to account for it by attributing congenital stupidity to our forerunners and by assuming superior native intelligence on our own part. But the explanation is that their modes of life did not call for attention to such facts, but held their minds riveted to other things. Just as the senses require sensible objects to stimulate them, so our powers of observation, recollection, and imagination do not work spontaneously, but are set in motion by the demands set up by current social occupations. The main texture of disposition is formed, independently of schooling, by such influences. What conscious, deliberate teaching can do is at most to free the capacities thus formed for fuller exercise, to purge them of some of their grossness, and to furnish objects which make their activity more productive of meaning.

In primitive and uncivilized communities, direct participation (which constitutes the indirect or incidental education we discussed) is almost the only way to raise young people with the practices and beliefs of the group. Even in modern societies, it provides the basic upbringing for even the most rigorously educated youth. Depending on the interests and occupations of the group, certain things become highly valued, while others are looked down upon. Association doesn’t create impulses or feelings of affection and dislike; it simply provides the objects to which these feelings are attached. The way our group or class does things often determines what we pay attention to, shaping our observations and memories. What is strange or foreign (that is, outside the group's activities) is often considered morally wrong or intellectually questionable. It seems almost unbelievable to us, for instance, that things we know well could have gone unnoticed in the past. We tend to explain this by attributing some sort of innate ignorance to our ancestors and assuming we are inherently more intelligent. But the reality is that their way of life didn’t require them to pay attention to such facts; instead, their focus was on other matters. Just as our senses need tangible objects to be stimulated, our abilities to observe, remember, and imagine don't operate automatically; they're activated by the demands of current social activities. The core of our disposition is shaped, independent of formal education, by these influences. What conscious, intentional teaching can achieve is at most to enhance the abilities that have been formed, to refine them, and to provide objects that make their activities more meaningful.

While this "unconscious influence of the environment" is so subtle and pervasive that it affects every fiber of character and mind, it may be worth while to specify a few directions in which its effect is most marked. First, the habits of language. Fundamental modes of speech, the bulk of the vocabulary, are formed in the ordinary intercourse of life, carried on not as a set means of instruction but as a social necessity. The babe acquires, as we well say, the mother tongue. While speech habits thus contracted may be corrected or even displaced by conscious teaching, yet, in times of excitement, intentionally acquired modes of speech often fall away, and individuals relapse into their really native tongue. Secondly, manners. Example is notoriously more potent than precept. Good manners come, as we say, from good breeding or rather are good breeding; and breeding is acquired by habitual action, in response to habitual stimuli, not by conveying information. Despite the never ending play of conscious correction and instruction, the surrounding atmosphere and spirit is in the end the chief agent in forming manners. And manners are but minor morals. Moreover, in major morals, conscious instruction is likely to be efficacious only in the degree in which it falls in with the general "walk and conversation" of those who constitute the child's social environment. Thirdly, good taste and esthetic appreciation. If the eye is constantly greeted by harmonious objects, having elegance of form and color, a standard of taste naturally grows up. The effect of a tawdry, unarranged, and over-decorated environment works for the deterioration of taste, just as meager and barren surroundings starve out the desire for beauty. Against such odds, conscious teaching can hardly do more than convey second-hand information as to what others think. Such taste never becomes spontaneous and personally engrained, but remains a labored reminder of what those think to whom one has been taught to look up. To say that the deeper standards of judgments of value are framed by the situations into which a person habitually enters is not so much to mention a fourth point, as it is to point out a fusion of those already mentioned. We rarely recognize the extent in which our conscious estimates of what is worth while and what is not, are due to standards of which we are not conscious at all. But in general it may be said that the things which we take for granted without inquiry or reflection are just the things which determine our conscious thinking and decide our conclusions. And these habitudes which lie below the level of reflection are just those which have been formed in the constant give and take of relationship with others.

While this "unconscious influence of the environment" is so subtle and pervasive that it impacts every aspect of character and mind, it might be helpful to outline a few areas where its effects are most noticeable. First, the habits of language. Fundamental ways of speaking and most of our vocabulary are shaped through everyday interactions, not as formal teaching but as a social necessity. A baby naturally picks up the language spoken by their parents. Although these speech habits can be corrected or changed through intentional teaching, in moments of excitement, people often revert to their original way of speaking. Second, manners. It’s well-known that example is often more powerful than instruction. Good manners come from good upbringing or, more accurately, are good upbringing; and this upbringing is developed through consistent behavior in reaction to regular influences, not simply through information transfer. Despite continual correction and teaching, the overall atmosphere and culture are ultimately the primary factors in shaping manners. Moreover, manners are simply minor aspects of morality. In terms of major morals, conscious teaching is likely effective only to the extent that it aligns with the daily behaviors and interactions of those in the child's social environment. Third, good taste and aesthetic appreciation. If a person is regularly surrounded by beautiful and elegantly designed objects, a standard of taste will naturally develop. A cluttered and overly flashy environment harms taste, just as sparse and dull surroundings diminish the desire for beauty. In such circumstances, intentional teaching can do little more than provide second-hand opinions about what others value. This kind of taste never truly becomes innate and personal; instead, it remains a forced reminder of what those considered admirable by those who have been influenced. To say that deeper judgments of value are shaped by the situations we frequently encounter isn't so much to introduce a new point, but to highlight a blend of the previous ones. We often don't realize how much our conscious evaluations of what is valuable and what isn't come from standards we aren't even aware of. Generally speaking, the things we take for granted without questioning are exactly what shape our conscious thoughts and influence our conclusions. These habits, which exist below the level of conscious thought, have been formed through ongoing interactions with others.

4. The School as a Special Environment. The chief importance of this foregoing statement of the educative process which goes on willy-nilly is to lead us to note that the only way in which adults consciously control the kind of education which the immature get is by controlling the environment in which they act, and hence think and feel. We never educate directly, but indirectly by means of the environment. Whether we permit chance environments to do the work, or whether we design environments for the purpose makes a great difference. And any environment is a chance environment so far as its educative influence is concerned unless it has been deliberately regulated with reference to its educative effect. An intelligent home differs from an unintelligent one chiefly in that the habits of life and intercourse which prevail are chosen, or at least colored, by the thought of their bearing upon the development of children. But schools remain, of course, the typical instance of environments framed with express reference to influencing the mental and moral disposition of their members.

4. The School as a Special Environment. The main point of the previous discussion about the ongoing educational process is to highlight that the only way adults can consciously shape the education of young people is by controlling the environment in which they operate, and thus think and feel. We don’t educate directly; we do it indirectly through the environment. Whether we allow random environments to do the work or create environments with a specific purpose makes a significant difference. Any environment is a random one regarding its educational impact unless it has been intentionally designed with its educational outcomes in mind. An intentional home differs from a non-intentional one mainly because the habits of life and interaction are chosen or at least influenced by considerations of how they will affect children's development. However, schools are, of course, the prime example of environments specifically created to influence the mental and moral attitudes of their members.

Roughly speaking, they come into existence when social traditions are so complex that a considerable part of the social store is committed to writing and transmitted through written symbols. Written symbols are even more artificial or conventional than spoken; they cannot be picked up in accidental intercourse with others. In addition, the written form tends to select and record matters which are comparatively foreign to everyday life. The achievements accumulated from generation to generation are deposited in it even though some of them have fallen temporarily out of use. Consequently as soon as a community depends to any considerable extent upon what lies beyond its own territory and its own immediate generation, it must rely upon the set agency of schools to insure adequate transmission of all its resources. To take an obvious illustration: The life of the ancient Greeks and Romans has profoundly influenced our own, and yet the ways in which they affect us do not present themselves on the surface of our ordinary experiences. In similar fashion, peoples still existing, but remote in space, British, Germans, Italians, directly concern our own social affairs, but the nature of the interaction cannot be understood without explicit statement and attention. In precisely similar fashion, our daily associations cannot be trusted to make clear to the young the part played in our activities by remote physical energies, and by invisible structures. Hence a special mode of social intercourse is instituted, the school, to care for such matters.

Basically, they come to be when social traditions become so intricate that a significant portion of cultural knowledge is recorded in writing and shared through written symbols. Written symbols are even more artificial or conventional than spoken ones; they can’t be easily picked up through casual interactions with others. Moreover, the written form often focuses on and preserves information that is relatively outside everyday life. The knowledge accumulated over generations is stored in it, even if some of that knowledge isn’t currently in use. As a result, once a community relies significantly on information that goes beyond its own boundaries and immediate generation, it must depend on schools to ensure proper transmission of all its resources. A clear example is how the lives of the ancient Greeks and Romans have heavily influenced our own, yet the ways they affect us aren't obvious in our daily experiences. Similarly, cultures that still exist but are geographically distant, like the British, Germans, and Italians, have a direct impact on our social matters, but the nature of that interaction isn’t understood without clear explanation and focus. Just like that, we can't count on our everyday interactions to reveal to the young how distant physical forces and unseen structures influence our activities. Therefore, a special means of social interaction is established, the school, to address these issues.

This mode of association has three functions sufficiently specific, as compared with ordinary associations of life, to be noted. First, a complex civilization is too complex to be assimilated in toto. It has to be broken up into portions, as it were, and assimilated piecemeal, in a gradual and graded way. The relationships of our present social life are so numerous and so interwoven that a child placed in the most favorable position could not readily share in many of the most important of them. Not sharing in them, their meaning would not be communicated to him, would not become a part of his own mental disposition. There would be no seeing the trees because of the forest. Business, politics, art, science, religion, would make all at once a clamor for attention; confusion would be the outcome. The first office of the social organ we call the school is to provide a simplified environment. It selects the features which are fairly fundamental and capable of being responded to by the young. Then it establishes a progressive order, using the factors first acquired as means of gaining insight into what is more complicated.

This type of association has three specific functions that stand out compared to everyday social interactions. First, a complex civilization is too intricate to be taken in all at once. It needs to be broken down into parts and absorbed gradually and in an organized manner. The relationships in our current social life are so numerous and intertwined that a child in the best possible situation still couldn't easily engage with many of the most important ones. Without participating in these relationships, their meanings wouldn't be conveyed to him and wouldn't become part of his own understanding. It would be impossible to see the trees for the forest. Business, politics, art, science, and religion would all compete for attention at once, resulting in confusion. The main role of the social institution we call school is to create a simplified environment. It picks out the key elements that are fundamental and that can be understood by young people. Then, it sets up a progressive sequence, using the basics learned first as a foundation for understanding more complex ideas.

In the second place, it is the business of the school environment to eliminate, so far as possible, the unworthy features of the existing environment from influence upon mental habitudes. It establishes a purified medium of action. Selection aims not only at simplifying but at weeding out what is undesirable. Every society gets encumbered with what is trivial, with dead wood from the past, and with what is positively perverse. The school has the duty of omitting such things from the environment which it supplies, and thereby doing what it can to counteract their influence in the ordinary social environment. By selecting the best for its exclusive use, it strives to reinforce the power of this best. As a society becomes more enlightened, it realizes that it is responsible not to transmit and conserve the whole of its existing achievements, but only such as make for a better future society. The school is its chief agency for the accomplishment of this end.

In addition, it's the role of the school environment to remove, as much as possible, the negative aspects of the current environment that influence mental habits. It creates a clearer space for action. Selection not only aims to simplify things but also to get rid of what's undesirable. Every society ends up weighed down by trivial matters, remnants of the past, and things that are harmful. The school has the responsibility to eliminate these elements from the environment it provides, thereby minimizing their influence in the broader social context. By choosing the best for its exclusive use, it seeks to strengthen the positive aspects. As a society becomes more enlightened, it understands that it should not pass down or preserve all of its current achievements but only those that contribute to a better future. The school is the main system for achieving this goal.

In the third place, it is the office of the school environment to balance the various elements in the social environment, and to see to it that each individual gets an opportunity to escape from the limitations of the social group in which he was born, and to come into living contact with a broader environment. Such words as "society" and "community" are likely to be misleading, for they have a tendency to make us think there is a single thing corresponding to the single word. As a matter of fact, a modern society is many societies more or less loosely connected. Each household with its immediate extension of friends makes a society; the village or street group of playmates is a community; each business group, each club, is another. Passing beyond these more intimate groups, there is in a country like our own a variety of races, religious affiliations, economic divisions. Inside the modern city, in spite of its nominal political unity, there are probably more communities, more differing customs, traditions, aspirations, and forms of government or control, than existed in an entire continent at an earlier epoch.

In the third place, the role of the school environment is to balance the different elements in the social environment and ensure that each person has a chance to break free from the limitations of the social group they were born into and connect with a broader community. Terms like "society" and "community" can be misleading because they make us think there’s one single entity that the word refers to. In reality, modern society is made up of many societies that are loosely connected. Each household, along with its close circle of friends, forms a society; the local village or group of friends is a community; each business group and club is another. Going beyond these smaller groups, in a country like ours, there are a variety of races, religious beliefs, and economic divisions. Even within the modern city, despite its claimed political unity, there are likely more communities, diverse customs, traditions, aspirations, and systems of governance than existed across an entire continent in an earlier time.

Each such group exercises a formative influence on the active dispositions of its members. A clique, a club, a gang, a Fagin's household of thieves, the prisoners in a jail, provide educative environments for those who enter into their collective or conjoint activities, as truly as a church, a labor union, a business partnership, or a political party. Each of them is a mode of associated or community life, quite as much as is a family, a town, or a state. There are also communities whose members have little or no direct contact with one another, like the guild of artists, the republic of letters, the members of the professional learned class scattered over the face of the earth. For they have aims in common, and the activity of each member is directly modified by knowledge of what others are doing.

Each of these groups has a significant impact on the behaviors and attitudes of its members. A clique, a club, a gang, a group of thieves, or inmates in a prison create learning environments for those involved in their shared activities, just like a church, a labor union, a business partnership, or a political party. Each of them represents a form of community life, just like a family, a town, or a state. There are also communities where members have little or no direct interaction with one another, such as an artists' guild, the literary community, or the various professionals and scholars spread around the world. They share common goals, and the actions of each member are influenced by awareness of what others are doing.

In the olden times, the diversity of groups was largely a geographical matter. There were many societies, but each, within its own territory, was comparatively homogeneous. But with the development of commerce, transportation, intercommunication, and emigration, countries like the United States are composed of a combination of different groups with different traditional customs. It is this situation which has, perhaps more than any other one cause, forced the demand for an educational institution which shall provide something like a homogeneous and balanced environment for the young. Only in this way can the centrifugal forces set up by juxtaposition of different groups within one and the same political unit be counteracted. The intermingling in the school of youth of different races, differing religions, and unlike customs creates for all a new and broader environment. Common subject matter accustoms all to a unity of outlook upon a broader horizon than is visible to the members of any group while it is isolated. The assimilative force of the American public school is eloquent testimony to the efficacy of the common and balanced appeal.

In the past, the diversity of groups was mainly based on geography. There were many societies, but each was fairly uniform within its own area. However, with the rise of trade, transportation, communication, and migration, countries like the United States now consist of a mix of different groups with varied traditional customs. This situation has perhaps more than any other factor created a demand for an educational institution that can provide a somewhat uniform and balanced environment for young people. This is the only way to counteract the separating forces created by the close presence of different groups within the same political unit. The mixing of different races, religions, and customs in schools creates a new and broader environment for everyone. Shared subjects help everyone to develop a unified perspective on a wider horizon that individual group members might not see when they are isolated. The unifying influence of the American public school is strong evidence of the effectiveness of a common and balanced approach.

The school has the function also of coordinating within the disposition of each individual the diverse influences of the various social environments into which he enters. One code prevails in the family; another, on the street; a third, in the workshop or store; a fourth, in the religious association. As a person passes from one of the environments to another, he is subjected to antagonistic pulls, and is in danger of being split into a being having different standards of judgment and emotion for different occasions. This danger imposes upon the school a steadying and integrating office.

The school also has the role of coordinating the different influences from various social environments that each individual encounters. There’s one set of values in the family, another on the street, a different one in the workplace or store, and yet another within religious groups. As a person moves from one environment to another, they face conflicting pressures and risk becoming someone with different standards of judgment and feelings for different situations. This risk places a responsibility on the school to provide stability and unity.





Summary. The development within the young of the attitudes and

dispositions necessary to the continuous and progressive life of a society cannot take place by direct conveyance of beliefs, emotions, and knowledge. It takes place through the intermediary of the environment. The environment consists of the sum total of conditions which are concerned in the execution of the activity characteristic of a living being. The social environment consists of all the activities of fellow beings that are bound up in the carrying on of the activities of any one of its members. It is truly educative in its effect in the degree in which an individual shares or participates in some conjoint activity. By doing his share in the associated activity, the individual appropriates the purpose which actuates it, becomes familiar with its methods and subject matters, acquires needed skill, and is saturated with its emotional spirit.

The behaviors needed for the ongoing and evolving life of a society can't just be passed on through direct communication of beliefs, feelings, and knowledge. They happen through the influence of the environment. The environment is made up of all the conditions involved in the actions typical of a living being. The social environment includes all the activities of others that are connected to the actions of any of its members. It is genuinely educational in its impact to the extent that a person engages in some shared activity. By contributing to this collective activity, the individual embraces its purpose, gets familiar with its methods and topics, develops essential skills, and becomes infused with its emotional essence.

The deeper and more intimate educative formation of disposition comes, without conscious intent, as the young gradually partake of the activities of the various groups to which they may belong. As a society becomes more complex, however, it is found necessary to provide a special social environment which shall especially look after nurturing the capacities of the immature. Three of the more important functions of this special environment are: simplifying and ordering the factors of the disposition it is wished to develop; purifying and idealizing the existing social customs; creating a wider and better balanced environment than that by which the young would be likely, if left to themselves, to be influenced.

The deeper and more personal educational development of attitudes happens naturally, as young people gradually get involved in the activities of the various groups they belong to. However, as society gets more complex, it becomes necessary to create a special social environment that specifically focuses on nurturing the abilities of the young. Three important roles of this special environment are: simplifying and organizing the factors of the attitudes we want to develop; refining and idealizing the current social customs; and creating a broader and better-balanced environment than what the young would likely experience if left to their own devices.





Chapter Three: Education as Direction

1. The Environment as Directive.

We now pass to one of the special forms which the general function of education assumes: namely, that of direction, control, or guidance. Of these three words, direction, control, and guidance, the last best conveys the idea of assisting through cooperation the natural capacities of the individuals guided; control conveys rather the notion of an energy brought to bear from without and meeting some resistance from the one controlled; direction is a more neutral term and suggests the fact that the active tendencies of those directed are led in a certain continuous course, instead of dispersing aimlessly. Direction expresses the basic function, which tends at one extreme to become a guiding assistance and at another, a regulation or ruling. But in any case, we must carefully avoid a meaning sometimes read into the term "control." It is sometimes assumed, explicitly or unconsciously, that an individual's tendencies are naturally purely individualistic or egoistic, and thus antisocial. Control then denotes the process by which he is brought to subordinate his natural impulses to public or common ends. Since, by conception, his own nature is quite alien to this process and opposes it rather than helps it, control has in this view a flavor of coercion or compulsion about it. Systems of government and theories of the state have been built upon this notion, and it has seriously affected educational ideas and practices. But there is no ground for any such view. Individuals are certainly interested, at times, in having their own way, and their own way may go contrary to the ways of others. But they are also interested, and chiefly interested upon the whole, in entering into the activities of others and taking part in conjoint and cooperative doings. Otherwise, no such thing as a community would be possible. And there would not even be any one interested in furnishing the policeman to keep a semblance of harmony unless he thought that thereby he could gain some personal advantage. Control, in truth, means only an emphatic form of direction of powers, and covers the regulation gained by an individual through his own efforts quite as much as that brought about when others take the lead.

We now move on to one of the specific ways that education functions: direction, control, or guidance. Of these three terms—direction, control, and guidance—guidance best captures the idea of helping individuals by cooperating with their natural abilities. Control suggests an external force confronting some resistance from the person being controlled. Direction is a neutral term that indicates that the active impulses of those being directed are being steered in a consistent way, rather than just wandering aimlessly. Direction represents the essential role that can range from being supportive guidance to strict regulation or authority. However, we must avoid the interpretation sometimes associated with the term "control." It is often assumed, whether explicitly or unconsciously, that a person's natural tendencies are solely individualistic or selfish, which can be seen as anti-social. In this view, control means getting someone to suppress their natural impulses for the sake of societal or common goals. Since this concept suggests that an individual's nature is opposed to this process, control comes across as coercive or forced. This notion has influenced political systems and educational theories significantly. However, there is no basis for this perspective. People, at times, do want to have things their own way, which may go against the desires of others. But, overall, they are also eager to engage in the activities of others and participate in shared and cooperative efforts. Otherwise, community wouldn't even exist. Additionally, no one would bother providing a police force to maintain some form of order unless they believed it would benefit them personally. Control, in reality, is just a more pronounced form of direction of abilities and encompasses the self-regulation achieved by an individual through their own efforts, as well as that which occurs when others take the initiative.

In general, every stimulus directs activity. It does not simply excite it or stir it up, but directs it toward an object. Put the other way around, a response is not just a re-action, a protest, as it were, against being disturbed; it is, as the word indicates, an answer. It meets the stimulus, and corresponds with it. There is an adaptation of the stimulus and response to each other. A light is the stimulus to the eye to see something, and the business of the eye is to see. If the eyes are open and there is light, seeing occurs; the stimulus is but a condition of the fulfillment of the proper function of the organ, not an outside interruption. To some extent, then, all direction or control is a guiding of activity to its own end; it is an assistance in doing fully what some organ is already tending to do.

Generally, every stimulus directs activity. It doesn’t just excite it or stir it up; it guides it toward an object. In other words, a response isn’t merely a reaction or a protest against being disturbed; it’s, as the word suggests, an answer. It engages with the stimulus and aligns with it. There’s an adaptation between the stimulus and the response. Light serves as the stimulus for the eye to see something, and the eye’s job is to see. When the eyes are open and there’s light, seeing happens; the stimulus is just a condition for the proper function of the organ, not an external interruption. Therefore, all direction or control is somewhat about guiding activity toward its own purpose; it’s about helping to fully accomplish what an organ is naturally inclined to do.

This general statement needs, however, to be qualified in two respects. In the first place, except in the case of a small number of instincts, the stimuli to which an immature human being is subject are not sufficiently definite to call out, in the beginning, specific responses. There is always a great deal of superfluous energy aroused. This energy may be wasted, going aside from the point; it may also go against the successful performance of an act. It does harm by getting in the way. Compare the behavior of a beginner in riding a bicycle with that of the expert. There is little axis of direction in the energies put forth; they are largely dispersive and centrifugal. Direction involves a focusing and fixating of action in order that it may be truly a response, and this requires an elimination of unnecessary and confusing movements. In the second place, although no activity can be produced in which the person does not cooperate to some extent, yet a response may be of a kind which does not fit into the sequence and continuity of action. A person boxing may dodge a particular blow successfully, but in such a way as to expose himself the next instant to a still harder blow. Adequate control means that the successive acts are brought into a continuous order; each act not only meets its immediate stimulus but helps the acts which follow.

This general statement, however, needs to be clarified in two ways. First, except for a few basic instincts, the triggers that an immature human is exposed to aren’t specific enough to elicit clear responses right away. This often leads to a lot of unnecessary energy being stirred up. This energy can be wasted by straying off track; it can also hinder the successful execution of an action. It can cause problems by obstructing progress. For example, compare how a beginner rides a bicycle to an expert. The beginner's energies lack focus; they are mostly dispersed and scattered. Direction requires concentrating and fixing actions so that they truly respond, which means eliminating unnecessary and confusing movements. Secondly, while no activity can occur without some level of cooperation from the person, a response may still be out of sync with the flow of actions. For instance, someone boxing might dodge a punch successfully, but in doing so, they might expose themselves to an even harder hit the next second. Proper control means that successive actions follow a clear order; each action not only responds to its immediate trigger but also supports the actions that come next.

In short, direction is both simultaneous and successive. At a given time, it requires that, from all the tendencies that are partially called out, those be selected which center energy upon the point of need. Successively, it requires that each act be balanced with those which precede and come after, so that order of activity is achieved. Focusing and ordering are thus the two aspects of direction, one spatial, the other temporal. The first insures hitting the mark; the second keeps the balance required for further action. Obviously, it is not possible to separate them in practice as we have distinguished them in idea. Activity must be centered at a given time in such a way as to prepare for what comes next. The problem of the immediate response is complicated by one's having to be on the lookout for future occurrences.

In short, direction is both happening at the same time and in sequence. At a specific moment, it involves selecting from all the partially triggered tendencies those that focus energy on what needs attention. In sequence, it requires that each action is balanced with the ones that come before and after it, ensuring a smooth flow of activities. Therefore, focusing and organizing are the two aspects of direction—one relates to space, the other to time. The first ensures you hit the target; the second maintains the balance necessary for what happens next. Clearly, you can’t separate these in practice as we’ve defined them conceptually. Activity must be centered at any given moment in a way that sets up for what follows. The challenge of responding immediately is made more complex by the need to anticipate future events.

Two conclusions emerge from these general statements. On the one hand, purely external direction is impossible. The environment can at most only supply stimuli to call out responses. These responses proceed from tendencies already possessed by the individual. Even when a person is frightened by threats into doing something, the threats work only because the person has an instinct of fear. If he has not, or if, though having it, it is under his own control, the threat has no more influence upon him than light has in causing a person to see who has no eyes. While the customs and rules of adults furnish stimuli which direct as well as evoke the activities of the young, the young, after all, participate in the direction which their actions finally take. In the strict sense, nothing can be forced upon them or into them. To overlook this fact means to distort and pervert human nature. To take into account the contribution made by the existing instincts and habits of those directed is to direct them economically and wisely. Speaking accurately, all direction is but re-direction; it shifts the activities already going on into another channel. Unless one is cognizant of the energies which are already in operation, one's attempts at direction will almost surely go amiss.

Two conclusions come from these general statements. On one hand, purely external control is impossible. The environment can at most provide stimuli that prompt responses. These responses come from tendencies already present in the individual. Even when someone is scared into taking action by threats, those threats only work because the person has a fear instinct. If they don't have it, or if they do but can control it, the threat has no more effect on them than light has on someone who is blind. While the customs and rules of adults provide stimuli that guide and stimulate the activities of the young, ultimately, the young still have a role in steering their actions. In a strict sense, nothing can be imposed upon them. Ignoring this fact distorts and perverts human nature. Taking into account the existing instincts and habits of those being directed leads to more effective and wise guidance. To be precise, all guidance is just re-direction; it channels existing activities into a new direction. If one is not aware of the energies already at play, attempts to guide them will likely go wrong.

On the other hand, the control afforded by the customs and regulations of others may be short-sighted. It may accomplish its immediate effect, but at the expense of throwing the subsequent action of the person out of balance. A threat may, for example, prevent a person from doing something to which he is naturally inclined by arousing fear of disagreeable consequences if he persists. But he may be left in the position which exposes him later on to influences which will lead him to do even worse things. His instincts of cunning and slyness may be aroused, so that things henceforth appeal to him on the side of evasion and trickery more than would otherwise have been the case. Those engaged in directing the actions of others are always in danger of overlooking the importance of the sequential development of those they direct.

On the other hand, the control imposed by the customs and regulations of others can be shortsighted. It might achieve its immediate goal, but it does so at the cost of destabilizing the person's future actions. For instance, a threat can stop someone from doing something they're naturally inclined to do by instilling fear of unpleasant consequences if they go ahead. However, this could leave them in a situation that makes them more vulnerable to influences that may drive them to act in even worse ways later on. Their instincts for cunning and deceit might kick in, leading them to find ways to evade and deceive more than they would have otherwise. Those who try to direct others' actions are always at risk of neglecting the importance of how those actions develop over time.

2. Modes of Social Direction. Adults are naturally most conscious of directing the conduct of others when they are immediately aiming so to do. As a rule, they have such an aim consciously when they find themselves resisted; when others are doing things they do not wish them to do. But the more permanent and influential modes of control are those which operate from moment to moment continuously without such deliberate intention on our part.

2. Modes of Social Direction. Adults are usually most aware of directing the behavior of others when they are actively trying to do so. Generally, they are aware of this aim when they encounter resistance; when others are doing things they don’t want them to do. However, the more lasting and influential ways of control are those that function continuously from moment to moment without our deliberate intention.

1. When others are not doing what we would like them to or are threatening disobedience, we are most conscious of the need of controlling them and of the influences by which they are controlled. In such cases, our control becomes most direct, and at this point we are most likely to make the mistakes just spoken of. We are even likely to take the influence of superior force for control, forgetting that while we may lead a horse to water we cannot make him drink; and that while we can shut a man up in a penitentiary we cannot make him penitent. In all such cases of immediate action upon others, we need to discriminate between physical results and moral results. A person may be in such a condition that forcible feeding or enforced confinement is necessary for his own good. A child may have to be snatched with roughness away from a fire so that he shall not be burnt. But no improvement of disposition, no educative effect, need follow. A harsh and commanding tone may be effectual in keeping a child away from the fire, and the same desirable physical effect will follow as if he had been snatched away. But there may be no more obedience of a moral sort in one case than in the other. A man can be prevented from breaking into other persons' houses by shutting him up, but shutting him up may not alter his disposition to commit burglary. When we confuse a physical with an educative result, we always lose the chance of enlisting the person's own participating disposition in getting the result desired, and thereby of developing within him an intrinsic and persisting direction in the right way.

1. When people aren't doing what we want them to or seem to be disobeying, we become very aware of the need to control them and the influences that keep them in line. In these situations, our control is more direct, and that's when we're most likely to make the mistakes mentioned earlier. We might even mistake sheer power for actual control, forgetting that while we can lead a horse to water, we can’t force it to drink; and while we can lock someone in a prison, we can’t make them feel

In general, the occasion for the more conscious acts of control should be limited to acts which are so instinctive or impulsive that the one performing them has no means of foreseeing their outcome. If a person cannot foresee the consequences of his act, and is not capable of understanding what he is told about its outcome by those with more experience, it is impossible for him to guide his act intelligently. In such a state, every act is alike to him. Whatever moves him does move him, and that is all there is to it. In some cases, it is well to permit him to experiment, and to discover the consequences for himself in order that he may act intelligently next time under similar circumstances. But some courses of action are too discommoding and obnoxious to others to allow of this course being pursued. Direct disapproval is now resorted to. Shaming, ridicule, disfavor, rebuke, and punishment are used. Or contrary tendencies in the child are appealed to to divert him from his troublesome line of behavior. His sensitiveness to approbation, his hope of winning favor by an agreeable act, are made use of to induce action in another direction.

In general, the situations where more conscious control should be applied should be limited to actions that are so instinctive or impulsive that the person acting cannot anticipate their outcome. If someone can't predict the consequences of their actions and doesn't understand what is explained to them by those with more experience, it's impossible for them to make informed choices. In this state, all actions feel the same to them. Whatever influences them does so, and that's the end of it. In some cases, it's beneficial to let them experiment and discover the consequences on their own so they can make smarter decisions next time in similar situations. However, some behaviors are too disruptive and annoying to others to allow for this approach. Direct disapproval is then used. Techniques like shaming, ridicule, disfavor, reprimand, and punishment are employed. Alternatively, other interests or motivations in the child are used to redirect their unwanted behavior. Their sensitivity to approval and desire to gain favor through positive actions are utilized to encourage a change in direction.

2. These methods of control are so obvious (because so intentionally employed) that it would hardly be worth while to mention them if it were not that notice may now be taken, by way of contrast, of the other more important and permanent mode of control. This other method resides in the ways in which persons, with whom the immature being is associated, use things; the instrumentalities with which they accomplish their own ends. The very existence of the social medium in which an individual lives, moves, and has his being is the standing effective agency of directing his activity.

2. These methods of control are so obvious (because they're so intentionally used) that it wouldn’t really be worth mentioning them if it weren't for the fact that we can now focus, in contrast, on a more significant and lasting way of control. This other method lies in how the people around the developing individual use things and the tools they employ to achieve their own goals. The very existence of the social environment in which a person lives, works, and exists is the constant and effective force that shapes their actions.

This fact makes it necessary for us to examine in greater detail what is meant by the social environment. We are given to separating from each other the physical and social environments in which we live. The separation is responsible on one hand for an exaggeration of the moral importance of the more direct or personal modes of control of which we have been speaking; and on the other hand for an exaggeration, in current psychology and philosophy, of the intellectual possibilities of contact with a purely physical environment. There is not, in fact, any such thing as the direct influence of one human being on another apart from use of the physical environment as an intermediary. A smile, a frown, a rebuke, a word of warning or encouragement, all involve some physical change. Otherwise, the attitude of one would not get over to alter the attitude of another. Comparatively speaking, such modes of influence may be regarded as personal. The physical medium is reduced to a mere means of personal contact. In contrast with such direct modes of mutual influence, stand associations in common pursuits involving the use of things as means and as measures of results. Even if the mother never told her daughter to help her, or never rebuked her for not helping, the child would be subjected to direction in her activities by the mere fact that she was engaged, along with the parent, in the household life. Imitation, emulation, the need of working together, enforce control.

This fact makes it necessary for us to take a closer look at what the social environment really means. We tend to separate the physical and social environments we live in. This separation leads to an overemphasis on the moral significance of the more direct or personal ways of controlling behavior we've been discussing, and at the same time, it causes an overemphasis in current psychology and philosophy on the intellectual potential of interacting with a purely physical environment. In reality, there’s no such thing as direct influence from one person to another without using the physical environment as a middle ground. A smile, a frown, a rebuke, or a word of caution or encouragement all involve some physical change. Otherwise, one person's attitude wouldn't be able to change another's. By comparison, these ways of influencing people can be seen as personal. The physical medium becomes just a way to connect personally. In contrast to these direct methods of mutual influence, there are shared activities that involve using things as tools and as measures of outcomes. Even if a mother never explicitly tells her daughter to help her or criticizes her for not helping, the child still experiences direction in her actions simply because she is involved in household life alongside her parent. Imitation, competition, and the necessity of collaborating all exert control.

If the mother hands the child something needed, the latter must reach the thing in order to get it. Where there is giving there must be taking. The way the child handles the thing after it is got, the use to which it is put, is surely influenced by the fact that the child has watched the mother. When the child sees the parent looking for something, it is as natural for it also to look for the object and to give it over when it finds it, as it was, under other circumstances, to receive it. Multiply such an instance by the thousand details of daily intercourse, and one has a picture of the most permanent and enduring method of giving direction to the activities of the young.

If a mother gives her child something it needs, the child has to reach for it to get it. Where there's giving, there's also taking. The way the child interacts with the item after getting it is definitely influenced by how the child has observed the mother. When the child sees a parent searching for something, it's just as natural for them to look for the item and hand it over once they find it, as it was to receive it in the first place. If you multiply this example by the countless details of daily interactions, you get a clear picture of the most lasting and effective way to guide the activities of young children.

In saying this, we are only repeating what was said previously about participating in a joint activity as the chief way of forming disposition. We have explicitly added, however, the recognition of the part played in the joint activity by the use of things. The philosophy of learning has been unduly dominated by a false psychology. It is frequently stated that a person learns by merely having the qualities of things impressed upon his mind through the gateway of the senses. Having received a store of sensory impressions, association or some power of mental synthesis is supposed to combine them into ideas—into things with a meaning. An object, stone, orange, tree, chair, is supposed to convey different impressions of color, shape, size, hardness, smell, taste, etc., which aggregated together constitute the characteristic meaning of each thing. But as matter of fact, it is the characteristic use to which the thing is put, because of its specific qualities, which supplies the meaning with which it is identified. A chair is a thing which is put to one use; a table, a thing which is employed for another purpose; an orange is a thing which costs so much, which is grown in warm climes, which is eaten, and when eaten has an agreeable odor and refreshing taste, etc.

By saying this, we’re just reiterating what was mentioned earlier about participating in a joint activity as the main way of shaping our mindset. However, we’ve specifically included the acknowledgment of how objects play a role in that joint activity. The philosophy of learning has been overly influenced by a misguided psychology. It’s often claimed that a person learns simply by having the characteristics of things impressed on their mind through their senses. After receiving a collection of sensory impressions, it’s assumed that association or some mental synthesis combines them into ideas—into meaningful concepts. An object—a stone, an orange, a tree, a chair—is thought to convey different impressions like color, shape, size, hardness, smell, taste, etc., which together form the characteristic meaning of each item. But in reality, it’s the specific use of the object that gives it meaning based on its qualities. A chair is designed for sitting; a table is used for another purpose; an orange is something that costs a certain amount, grows in warm climates, is eaten, and has a pleasant scent and refreshing taste, etc.

The difference between an adjustment to a physical stimulus and a mental act is that the latter involves response to a thing in its meaning; the former does not. A noise may make me jump without my mind being implicated. When I hear a noise and run and get water and put out a blaze, I respond intelligently; the sound meant fire, and fire meant need of being extinguished. I bump into a stone, and kick it to one side purely physically. I put it to one side for fear some one will stumble upon it, intelligently; I respond to a meaning which the thing has. I am startled by a thunderclap whether I recognize it or not—more likely, if I do not recognize it. But if I say, either out loud or to myself, that is thunder, I respond to the disturbance as a meaning. My behavior has a mental quality. When things have a meaning for us, we mean (intend, propose) what we do: when they do not, we act blindly, unconsciously, unintelligently.

The difference between reacting to a physical stimulus and a mental act is that the latter involves responding to something based on its meaning, while the former does not. A noise might make me jump without my mind being involved. When I hear a noise and run to get water to put out a fire, I respond intelligently; the sound signaled fire, and fire indicated the need to put it out. If I bump into a stone, I might kick it aside without thinking. However, I move it out of the way because I don’t want someone to trip over it, which is an intelligent response to its meaning. I get startled by a thunderclap whether I recognize it or not—more likely if I don’t recognize it. But if I say, either out loud or to myself, that it’s thunder, I’m responding to the noise with its meaning. My behavior then has a mental quality. When things have meaning for us, we intend what we do: when they don’t, we act blindly, unconsciously, and unintelligently.

In both kinds of responsive adjustment, our activities are directed or controlled. But in the merely blind response, direction is also blind. There may be training, but there is no education. Repeated responses to recurrent stimuli may fix a habit of acting in a certain way. All of us have many habits of whose import we are quite unaware, since they were formed without our knowing what we were about. Consequently they possess us, rather than we them. They move us; they control us. Unless we become aware of what they accomplish, and pass judgment upon the worth of the result, we do not control them. A child might be made to bow every time he met a certain person by pressure on his neck muscles, and bowing would finally become automatic. It would not, however, be an act of recognition or deference on his part, till he did it with a certain end in view—as having a certain meaning. And not till he knew what he was about and performed the act for the sake of its meaning could he be said to be "brought up" or educated to act in a certain way. To have an idea of a thing is thus not just to get certain sensations from it. It is to be able to respond to the thing in view of its place in an inclusive scheme of action; it is to foresee the drift and probable consequence of the action of the thing upon us and of our action upon it. To have the same ideas about things which others have, to be like-minded with them, and thus to be really members of a social group, is therefore to attach the same meanings to things and to acts which others attach. Otherwise, there is no common understanding, and no community life. But in a shared activity, each person refers what he is doing to what the other is doing and vice-versa. That is, the activity of each is placed in the same inclusive situation. To pull at a rope at which others happen to be pulling is not a shared or conjoint activity, unless the pulling is done with knowledge that others are pulling and for the sake of either helping or hindering what they are doing. A pin may pass in the course of its manufacture through the hands of many persons. But each may do his part without knowledge of what others do or without any reference to what they do; each may operate simply for the sake of a separate result—his own pay. There is, in this case, no common consequence to which the several acts are referred, and hence no genuine intercourse or association, in spite of juxtaposition, and in spite of the fact that their respective doings contribute to a single outcome. But if each views the consequences of his own acts as having a bearing upon what others are doing and takes into account the consequences of their behavior upon himself, then there is a common mind; a common intent in behavior. There is an understanding set up between the different contributors; and this common understanding controls the action of each. Suppose that conditions were so arranged that one person automatically caught a ball and then threw it to another person who caught and automatically returned it; and that each so acted without knowing where the ball came from or went to. Clearly, such action would be without point or meaning. It might be physically controlled, but it would not be socially directed. But suppose that each becomes aware of what the other is doing, and becomes interested in the other's action and thereby interested in what he is doing himself as connected with the action of the other. The behavior of each would then be intelligent; and socially intelligent and guided. Take one more example of a less imaginary kind. An infant is hungry, and cries while food is prepared in his presence. If he does not connect his own state with what others are doing, nor what they are doing with his own satisfaction, he simply reacts with increasing impatience to his own increasing discomfort. He is physically controlled by his own organic state. But when he makes a back and forth reference, his whole attitude changes. He takes an interest, as we say; he takes note and watches what others are doing. He no longer reacts just to his own hunger, but behaves in the light of what others are doing for its prospective satisfaction. In that way, he also no longer just gives way to hunger without knowing it, but he notes, or recognizes, or identifies his own state. It becomes an object for him. His attitude toward it becomes in some degree intelligent. And in such noting of the meaning of the actions of others and of his own state, he is socially directed.

In both types of responsive adjustment, our actions are guided or controlled. However, in a purely blind response, that guidance is also blind. There may be training, but there’s no real education. Repeated reactions to the same stimuli can create a habit of acting in a certain way. Many of us have habits we’re not fully aware of because they were formed without us realizing it. As a result, they control us instead of the other way around. They influence us; they govern us. Unless we recognize what these habits achieve and evaluate the value of the outcomes, we don’t have control over them. For instance, a child could be forced to bow each time he meets a specific person by pressure on his neck muscles, and eventually, bowing would become automatic. However, it wouldn’t be an act of acknowledgment or respect on his part until he did it with intention—until it had a specific meaning. Not until he understood what he was doing and performed the act for that purpose could he truly be considered “brought up” or educated to behave a certain way. To understand something isn’t just to experience certain sensations from it; it’s to respond with awareness of its context within a broader scheme of actions. It’s about anticipating how the actions of that thing will affect us and how our actions will impact it. To share ideas about certain things with others—being on the same wavelength—is to attribute the same meanings to those things and actions as others do. Without this common understanding, there’s no sense of community. In a joint activity, each person aligns their actions with what others are doing and vice versa. Simply pulling on a rope that others are also pulling isn’t a shared activity unless it’s done with the knowledge that others are involved, with the aim of either supporting or opposing what they’re doing. A pin might pass through the hands of many people during its manufacturing. Yet, each individual could do their part without knowing what the others are doing or with no regard for their actions; each might just be motivated by their personal outcome—getting paid. In this situation, there is no shared consequence connecting those individual actions, leading to a lack of genuine interaction or association, despite being in proximity and contributing to a common result. But if each person perceives that their actions impact what others are doing and considers how others’ behavior affects them, then there is a shared mindset—a collective intention guiding behavior. An understanding emerges among different contributors, and this mutual understanding influences each person’s actions. Imagine a scenario where one person automatically catches a ball and throws it to another, who catches and returns it, all without knowing where the ball came from or where it’s going. Obviously, such actions would lack intent or meaning. They might be physically coordinated, but they wouldn’t be socially directed. However, if each individual becomes aware of what the other is doing and takes an interest in their actions and how those relate to their own, their behavior would then be informed and socially intelligent. Let’s take another example from real life. An infant feels hungry and cries while food is prepared nearby. If the child doesn’t link their own feelings with what others are doing or connect their actions with their satisfaction, they simply become increasingly impatient as their discomfort grows. They are physically driven by their own needs. But when they begin to reference their situation against what others are doing, their entire approach changes. They become engaged; they pay attention to and observe the actions of others. They stop responding solely to their own hunger and instead act based on what others are doing to alleviate that hunger. Thus, they are not just overwhelmed by hunger unaware; they start to recognize and identify their state. It becomes something they acknowledge. Their attitude towards it becomes somewhat intelligent. In recognizing the significance of others’ actions and their own state, they are socially directed.

It will be recalled that our main proposition had two sides. One of them has now been dealt with: namely, that physical things do not influence mind (or form ideas and beliefs) except as they are implicated in action for prospective consequences. The other point is persons modify one another's dispositions only through the special use they make of physical conditions. Consider first the case of so-called expressive movements to which others are sensitive; blushing, smiling, frowning, clinching of fists, natural gestures of all kinds. In themselves, these are not expressive. They are organic parts of a person's attitude. One does not blush to show modesty or embarrassment to others, but because the capillary circulation alters in response to stimuli. But others use the blush, or a slightly perceptible tightening of the muscles of a person with whom they are associated, as a sign of the state in which that person finds himself, and as an indication of what course to pursue. The frown signifies an imminent rebuke for which one must prepare, or an uncertainty and hesitation which one must, if possible, remove by saying or doing something to restore confidence. A man at some distance is waving his arms wildly. One has only to preserve an attitude of detached indifference, and the motions of the other person will be on the level of any remote physical change which we happen to note. If we have no concern or interest, the waving of the arms is as meaningless to us as the gyrations of the arms of a windmill. But if interest is aroused, we begin to participate. We refer his action to something we are doing ourselves or that we should do. We have to judge the meaning of his act in order to decide what to do. Is he beckoning for help? Is he warning us of an explosion to be set off, against which we should guard ourselves? In one case, his action means to run toward him; in the other case, to run away. In any case, it is the change he effects in the physical environment which is a sign to us of how we should conduct ourselves. Our action is socially controlled because we endeavor to refer what we are to do to the same situation in which he is acting.

It’s important to remember that our main idea has two aspects. One of them has been addressed: that physical things don’t influence the mind (or shape ideas and beliefs) unless they are involved in actions for future outcomes. The other point is that people change each other's attitudes only through the specific ways they use physical conditions. Let’s first look at so-called expressive movements that others are sensitive to; blushing, smiling, frowning, clenching fists, and natural gestures of all kinds. On their own, these are not expressive. They are organic parts of a person’s demeanor. A person doesn’t blush to show modesty or embarrassment to others, but because the capillary circulation changes in response to stimuli. However, others interpret the blush, or a barely noticeable tightening of muscles in someone they’re with, as a sign of that person’s emotional state and a hint about how to act. A frown indicates an impending reprimand that one should prepare for, or uncertainty and hesitation that one should, if possible, resolve by saying or doing something to restore confidence. If someone at a distance is waving their arms wildly, one can just maintain an attitude of detached indifference, and that person's actions will feel as trivial to us as any distant physical change we might notice. If we have no concern or interest, the arm waving means nothing to us, much like the movements of a windmill. But if our interest is piqued, we start to engage. We link their actions to something we’re doing ourselves or should do. We have to interpret what their actions mean to decide how to respond. Are they signaling for help? Are they warning us about an impending explosion that we should be cautious of? In one scenario, their action means we should run toward them; in the other, we should run away. Ultimately, it’s the change they create in the physical environment that signals how we should behave. Our actions are socially guided because we try to connect what we need to do with the same situation in which they are acting.

Language is, as we have already seen (ante, p. 15) a case of this joint reference of our own action and that of another to a common situation. Hence its unrivaled significance as a means of social direction. But language would not be this efficacious instrument were it not that it takes place upon a background of coarser and more tangible use of physical means to accomplish results. A child sees persons with whom he lives using chairs, hats, tables, spades, saws, plows, horses, money in certain ways. If he has any share at all in what they are doing, he is led thereby to use things in the same way, or to use other things in a way which will fit in. If a chair is drawn up to a table, it is a sign that he is to sit in it; if a person extends his right hand, he is to extend his; and so on in a never ending stream of detail. The prevailing habits of using the products of human art and the raw materials of nature constitute by all odds the deepest and most pervasive mode of social control. When children go to school, they already have "minds"—they have knowledge and dispositions of judgment which may be appealed to through the use of language. But these "minds" are the organized habits of intelligent response which they have previously required by putting things to use in connection with the way other persons use things. The control is inescapable; it saturates disposition. The net outcome of the discussion is that the fundamental means of control is not personal but intellectual. It is not "moral" in the sense that a person is moved by direct personal appeal from others, important as is this method at critical junctures. It consists in the habits of understanding, which are set up in using objects in correspondence with others, whether by way of cooperation and assistance or rivalry and competition. Mind as a concrete thing is precisely the power to understand things in terms of the use made of them; a socialized mind is the power to understand them in terms of the use to which they are turned in joint or shared situations. And mind in this sense is the method of social control.

Language is, as we've already noted (ante, p. 15), a way for us to connect our actions with those of others in a shared context. This makes it an incredibly important tool for guiding social behavior. However, language wouldn’t be such an effective tool if it didn’t rely on a more basic and tangible use of physical means to achieve outcomes. A child observes the people around them using chairs, hats, tables, spades, saws, plows, horses, and money in specific ways. If they participate at all in what’s happening, they are influenced to use these objects similarly or to use other things in a compatible way. For instance, when a chair is pulled up to a table, it signals that they should sit down; when someone extends their right hand, they are expected to extend theirs as well, and this interaction continues in endless detail. The dominant ways of using the creations of human ingenuity and the raw materials of nature are by far the most fundamental and widespread methods of social control. By the time children start school, they already possess “minds”—they have knowledge and judgment skills that can be engaged through language. But these “minds” are essentially the organized habits of smart responses they've developed by using things in alignment with how others use them. The control is unavoidable; it influences their dispositions deeply. The main takeaway from this discussion is that the core means of control is not personal but intellectual. It's not “moral” in the sense that someone is inspired by direct personal appeals from others, which is certainly significant at key moments. Instead, it consists of the habits of understanding that are formed through using objects in relation to others, either through cooperation and assistance or rivalry and competition. A concrete mind is the ability to comprehend things based on how they are used; a socialized mind understands them in terms of the shared or joint situations they are used in. And mind, in this context, is the method of social control.

3. Imitation and Social Psychology. We have already noted the defects of a psychology of learning which places the individual mind naked, as it were, in contact with physical objects, and which believes that knowledge, ideas, and beliefs accrue from their interaction. Only comparatively recently has the predominating influence of association with fellow beings in the formation of mental and moral disposition been perceived. Even now it is usually treated as a kind of adjunct to an alleged method of learning by direct contact with things, and as merely supplementing knowledge of the physical world with knowledge of persons. The purport of our discussion is that such a view makes an absurd and impossible separation between persons and things. Interaction with things may form habits of external adjustment. But it leads to activity having a meaning and conscious intent only when things are used to produce a result. And the only way one person can modify the mind of another is by using physical conditions, crude or artificial, so as to evoke some answering activity from him. Such are our two main conclusions. It is desirable to amplify and enforce them by placing them in contrast with the theory which uses a psychology of supposed direct relationships of human beings to one another as an adjunct to the psychology of the supposed direct relation of an individual to physical objects. In substance, this so-called social psychology has been built upon the notion of imitation. Consequently, we shall discuss the nature and role of imitation in the formation of mental disposition.

3. Imitation and Social Psychology. We've already pointed out the flaws of a learning psychology that views the individual mind in isolation, as if it’s just engaging with physical objects, believing that knowledge, ideas, and beliefs come only from that interaction. Only recently has the significant impact of social interaction on mental and moral development been recognized. Even now, it’s often seen as just an addition to a supposed method of learning through direct contact with objects, merely adding knowledge of people to knowledge of the physical world. Our discussion aims to highlight that this perspective absurdly and impossibly separates people from things. Interacting with objects can create habits of external adjustment. However, it leads to meaningful activity and conscious intent only when those objects are used to achieve a specific outcome. The only way one person can influence another's mind is by using physical situations, whether basic or artificial, to evoke some form of response from them. These are our two main conclusions. It’s important to expand on these points by contrasting them with a theory that treats a psychology of supposed direct relationships between people as a side note to the psychology of an individual’s supposed direct interaction with physical objects. Essentially, this so-called social psychology has been developed around the idea of imitation. Therefore, we will explore the nature and role of imitation in shaping mental disposition.

According to this theory, social control of individuals rests upon the instinctive tendency of individuals to imitate or copy the actions of others. The latter serve as models. The imitative instinct is so strong that the young devote themselves to conforming to the patterns set by others and reproducing them in their own scheme of behavior. According to our theory, what is here called imitation is a misleading name for partaking with others in a use of things which leads to consequences of common interest. The basic error in the current notion of imitation is that it puts the cart before the horse. It takes an effect for the cause of the effect. There can be no doubt that individuals in forming a social group are like-minded; they understand one another. They tend to act with the same controlling ideas, beliefs, and intentions, given similar circumstances. Looked at from without, they might be said to be engaged in "imitating" one another. In the sense that they are doing much the same sort of thing in much the same sort of way, this would be true enough. But "imitation" throws no light upon why they so act; it repeats the fact as an explanation of itself. It is an explanation of the same order as the famous saying that opium puts men to sleep because of its dormitive power.

According to this theory, social control over individuals relies on their instinctive tendency to imitate or replicate the actions of others, who serve as models. This imitative instinct is so strong that young people focus on conforming to the behaviors established by others and incorporating them into their own conduct. Our theory suggests that what is referred to as imitation is actually a misleading term for engaging with others in a way that leads to shared outcomes of common interest. The main mistake in the current understanding of imitation is that it reverses cause and effect. It treats an outcome as the reason for that same outcome. There’s no doubt that individuals in a social group share similar mindsets; they understand each other. They tend to act according to the same guiding ideas, beliefs, and intentions when faced with similar situations. From an outside perspective, it might seem like they are “imitating” one another. In the sense that they are doing very similar things in a similar manner, that’s accurate. But the term “imitation” doesn’t explain why they behave this way; it simply restates the fact without providing insight. It’s akin to the well-known saying that opium puts people to sleep because of its sedative properties.

Objective likeness of acts and the mental satisfaction found in being in conformity with others are baptized by the name imitation. This social fact is then taken for a psychological force, which produced the likeness. A considerable portion of what is called imitation is simply the fact that persons being alike in structure respond in the same way to like stimuli. Quite independently of imitation, men on being insulted get angry and attack the insulter. This statement may be met by citing the undoubted fact that response to an insult takes place in different ways in groups having different customs. In one group, it may be met by recourse to fisticuffs, in another by a challenge to a duel, in a third by an exhibition of contemptuous disregard. This happens, so it is said, because the model set for imitation is different. But there is no need to appeal to imitation. The mere fact that customs are different means that the actual stimuli to behavior are different. Conscious instruction plays a part; prior approvals and disapprovals have a large influence. Still more effective is the fact that unless an individual acts in the way current in his group, he is literally out of it. He can associate with others on intimate and equal terms only by behaving in the way in which they behave. The pressure that comes from the fact that one is let into the group action by acting in one way and shut out by acting in another way is unremitting. What is called the effect of imitation is mainly the product of conscious instruction and of the selective influence exercised by the unconscious confirmations and ratifications of those with whom one associates.

The objective similarity of actions and the mental satisfaction that comes from conforming to others is referred to as imitation. This social phenomenon is then viewed as a psychological force that creates similarity. A significant part of what we call imitation is simply that people, being similar in nature, respond in the same way to similar stimuli. Independently of imitation, when people are insulted, they get angry and retaliate against the insulter. This claim can be countered by the undeniable fact that responses to an insult vary among groups with different customs. In one group, a response might involve fighting, in another it could lead to a duel challenge, and in a third, it might manifest as blatant disregard. This variation is often attributed to the different models available for imitation. However, there's no need to rely on imitation; the mere existence of different customs indicates that the actual stimuli for behavior are distinct. Conscious teaching plays a role, and past approvals and disapprovals heavily influence behavior. Even more impactful is the reality that unless an individual acts in accordance with their group's norms, they are effectively excluded. They can only relate to others on intimate and equal terms by behaving like they do. The pressure to conform—where one is included in group action by acting one way and excluded by acting another—is relentless. What we call the effect of imitation is largely a result of conscious instruction and the selective influence exerted by the unconscious affirmations and validations from those around us.

Suppose that some one rolls a ball to a child; he catches it and rolls it back, and the game goes on. Here the stimulus is not just the sight of the ball, or the sight of the other rolling it. It is the situation—the game which is playing. The response is not merely rolling the ball back; it is rolling it back so that the other one may catch and return it,—that the game may continue. The "pattern" or model is not the action of the other person. The whole situation requires that each should adapt his action in view of what the other person has done and is to do. Imitation may come in but its role is subordinate. The child has an interest on his own account; he wants to keep it going. He may then note how the other person catches and holds the ball in order to improve his own acts. He imitates the means of doing, not the end or thing to be done. And he imitates the means because he wishes, on his own behalf, as part of his own initiative, to take an effective part in the game. One has only to consider how completely the child is dependent from his earliest days for successful execution of his purposes upon fitting his acts into those of others to see what a premium is put upon behaving as others behave, and of developing an understanding of them in order that he may so behave. The pressure for likemindedness in action from this source is so great that it is quite superfluous to appeal to imitation. As matter of fact, imitation of ends, as distinct from imitation of means which help to reach ends, is a superficial and transitory affair which leaves little effect upon disposition. Idiots are especially apt at this kind of imitation; it affects outward acts but not the meaning of their performance. When we find children engaging in this sort of mimicry, instead of encouraging them (as we would do if it were an important means of social control) we are more likely to rebuke them as apes, monkeys, parrots, or copy cats. Imitation of means of accomplishment is, on the other hand, an intelligent act. It involves close observation, and judicious selection of what will enable one to do better something which he already is trying to do. Used for a purpose, the imitative instinct may, like any other instinct, become a factor in the development of effective action.

Imagine someone rolls a ball to a child; the child catches it and rolls it back, and the game continues. Here, the stimulus isn’t just seeing the ball or watching the other person roll it. It’s the entire situation—the game being played. The response isn’t merely rolling the ball back; it’s rolling it back so that the other person can catch it and return it, allowing the game to go on. The "pattern" or model isn’t just the other person's actions. The whole situation requires each person to adjust their actions based on what the other has done and what they will do next. Imitation may play a part, but it’s secondary. The child has their own interest; they want to keep the game going. They might notice how the other person catches and holds the ball to improve their own technique. They imitate the method, not the goal or what needs to be done. They imitate the method because they want to contribute effectively to the game on their own initiative. One only needs to consider how completely a child relies, from an early age, on fitting their actions into those of others to see how much emphasis is placed on behaving like others and understanding them so they can do so. The pressure to act similarly from this source is so significant that it’s unnecessary to rely on imitation. In fact, imitating goals, as opposed to imitating the means to achieve them, is a shallow and fleeting behavior that has little lasting impact on character. People with intellectual disabilities often mirror these types of actions; it influences outward behavior but not the meaning behind it. When we see children engaging in this kind of mimicry, instead of encouraging it (as we might if it were a crucial social control method), we’re more likely to scold them, calling them apes, monkeys, parrots, or copycats. In contrast, imitating the means to achieve something is a thoughtful action. It requires careful observation and smart selection of what will help improve something they’re already attempting to do. When used purposefully, the imitative instinct can, like any other instinct, become a component in the development of effective actions.

This excursus should, accordingly, have the effect of reinforcing the conclusion that genuine social control means the formation of a certain mental disposition; a way of understanding objects, events, and acts which enables one to participate effectively in associated activities. Only the friction engendered by meeting resistance from others leads to the view that it takes place by forcing a line of action contrary to natural inclinations. Only failure to take account of the situations in which persons are mutually concerned (or interested in acting responsively to one another) leads to treating imitation as the chief agent in promoting social control.

This discussion should, therefore, emphasize the conclusion that true social control involves developing a specific mindset; a way of comprehending objects, events, and actions that allows someone to engage effectively in related activities. It’s only the friction caused by encountering resistance from others that leads to the belief that this process occurs by pushing for actions against natural tendencies. Failure to acknowledge the contexts in which people are mutually involved (or interested in responding to each other) results in viewing imitation as the primary factor in fostering social control.

4. Some Applications to Education. Why does a savage group perpetuate savagery, and a civilized group civilization? Doubtless the first answer to occur to mind is because savages are savages; being of low-grade intelligence and perhaps defective moral sense. But careful study has made it doubtful whether their native capacities are appreciably inferior to those of civilized man. It has made it certain that native differences are not sufficient to account for the difference in culture. In a sense the mind of savage peoples is an effect, rather than a cause, of their backward institutions. Their social activities are such as to restrict their objects of attention and interest, and hence to limit the stimuli to mental development. Even as regards the objects that come within the scope of attention, primitive social customs tend to arrest observation and imagination upon qualities which do not fructify in the mind. Lack of control of natural forces means that a scant number of natural objects enter into associated behavior. Only a small number of natural resources are utilized and they are not worked for what they are worth. The advance of civilization means that a larger number of natural forces and objects have been transformed into instrumentalities of action, into means for securing ends. We start not so much with superior capacities as with superior stimuli for evocation and direction of our capacities. The savage deals largely with crude stimuli; we have weighted stimuli. Prior human efforts have made over natural conditions. As they originally existed they were indifferent to human endeavors. Every domesticated plant and animal, every tool, every utensil, every appliance, every manufactured article, every esthetic decoration, every work of art means a transformation of conditions once hostile or indifferent to characteristic human activities into friendly and favoring conditions. Because the activities of children today are controlled by these selected and charged stimuli, children are able to traverse in a short lifetime what the race has needed slow, tortured ages to attain. The dice have been loaded by all the successes which have preceded.

4. Some Applications to Education. Why do some groups remain primitive while others advance to civilization? The common assumption is that it's because savages are just that—savages, with lower intelligence and possibly impaired morality. However, thorough examination raises doubts about whether their inherent abilities are significantly less than those of civilized people. It’s clear that natural differences alone can't explain the gap in culture. In a way, the mindset of primitive peoples is the result of their outdated systems, rather than the cause of them. Their social activities limit what captures their attention and interests, restricting the stimuli available for mental growth. Even concerning what they do focus on, basic social customs tend to stifle observation and imagination regarding qualities that nourish the mind. The lack of control over natural forces means that very few natural objects play a role in their behaviors. There's only a small range of natural resources used, and they aren’t exploited to their full potential. Progress in civilization has allowed a wider variety of natural forces and objects to be turned into tools for action and ways to achieve goals. We don't start with better abilities; instead, we have better stimuli to awaken and guide our abilities. While the savage mostly responds to basic stimuli, we are influenced by significant stimuli. Past human efforts have reshaped the natural environment, which initially did not respond to human actions. Each domesticated plant or animal, every tool or utensil, every appliance or manufactured item, every piece of art or aesthetic detail represents a change from conditions that were once unresponsive or hostile to human activities into ones that support and favor them. Since the experiences of children today are shaped by these chosen and impactful stimuli, they can achieve in a short time what humanity took long, difficult ages to develop. The odds have been stacked in their favor by all the successes that have come before.

Stimuli conducive to economical and effective response, such as our system of roads and means of transportation, our ready command of heat, light, and electricity, our ready-made machines and apparatus for every purpose, do not, by themselves or in their aggregate, constitute a civilization. But the uses to which they are put are civilization, and without the things the uses would be impossible. Time otherwise necessarily devoted to wresting a livelihood from a grudging environment and securing a precarious protection against its inclemencies is freed. A body of knowledge is transmitted, the legitimacy of which is guaranteed by the fact that the physical equipment in which it is incarnated leads to results that square with the other facts of nature. Thus these appliances of art supply a protection, perhaps our chief protection, against a recrudescence of these superstitious beliefs, those fanciful myths and infertile imaginings about nature in which so much of the best intellectual power of the past has been spent. If we add one other factor, namely, that such appliances be not only used, but used in the interests of a truly shared or associated life, then the appliances become the positive resources of civilization. If Greece, with a scant tithe of our material resources, achieved a worthy and noble intellectual and artistic career, it is because Greece operated for social ends such resources as it had. But whatever the situation, whether one of barbarism or civilization, whether one of stinted control of physical forces, or of partial enslavement to a mechanism not yet made tributary to a shared experience, things as they enter into action furnish the educative conditions of daily life and direct the formation of mental and moral disposition.

Stimuli that promote efficient and effective responses, like our system of roads and transportation, our access to heat, light, and electricity, and our variety of machines and tools for different tasks, don't alone create a civilization. However, the ways we use these resources define civilization, and without these resources, those uses wouldn't be possible. Time that would otherwise be spent struggling for survival against an unyielding environment and seeking basic protection from its harshness is freed up. A body of knowledge is passed down, validated by the fact that the physical tools that embody it lead to outcomes that align with other natural facts. Thus, these tools serve as a safeguard, perhaps our main safeguard, against a resurgence of superstitions, fanciful myths, and unproductive ideas about nature that have consumed much of the best intellectual effort of the past. If we also consider that these tools should not just be used, but used to foster a genuinely shared community life, then they become vital resources for civilization. If Greece, with a fraction of our material resources, managed to achieve a remarkable intellectual and artistic legacy, it's because Greece utilized the resources it had for social purposes. Regardless of whether the scenario is one of barbarism or civilization, or whether there's limited control over physical forces, or a struggle against a mechanism not yet harnessed for a shared experience, the materials and tools we engage with shape the educational conditions of our daily lives and influence our mental and moral development.

Intentional education signifies, as we have already seen, a specially selected environment, the selection being made on the basis of materials and method specifically promoting growth in the desired direction. Since language represents the physical conditions that have been subjected to the maximum transformation in the interests of social life—physical things which have lost their original quality in becoming social tools—it is appropriate that language should play a large part compared with other appliances. By it we are led to share vicariously in past human experience, thus widening and enriching the experience of the present. We are enabled, symbolically and imaginatively, to anticipate situations. In countless ways, language condenses meanings that record social outcomes and presage social outlooks. So significant is it of a liberal share in what is worth while in life that unlettered and uneducated have become almost synonymous.

Intentional education means, as we've already discussed, a carefully chosen environment, where the selection is based on materials and methods specifically designed to foster growth in the desired direction. Since language represents the physical conditions that have undergone the greatest transformation for the sake of social life—physical things that have lost their original quality to become social tools—it makes sense that language should play a major role compared to other tools. Through language, we can vicariously participate in past human experiences, thus expanding and enriching our current experiences. It allows us, both symbolically and creatively, to anticipate future situations. In many ways, language captures meanings that reflect social outcomes and forecast social perspectives. Its importance in accessing valuable aspects of life is so significant that being uneducated and illiterate have become almost synonymous.

The emphasis in school upon this particular tool has, however, its dangers—dangers which are not theoretical but exhibited in practice. Why is it, in spite of the fact that teaching by pouring in, learning by a passive absorption, are universally condemned, that they are still so entrenched in practice? That education is not an affair of "telling" and being told, but an active and constructive process, is a principle almost as generally violated in practice as conceded in theory. Is not this deplorable situation due to the fact that the doctrine is itself merely told? It is preached; it is lectured; it is written about. But its enactment into practice requires that the school environment be equipped with agencies for doing, with tools and physical materials, to an extent rarely attained. It requires that methods of instruction and administration be modified to allow and to secure direct and continuous occupations with things. Not that the use of language as an educational resource should lessen; but that its use should be more vital and fruitful by having its normal connection with shared activities. "These things ought ye to have done, and not to have left the others undone." And for the school "these things" mean equipment with the instrumentalities of cooperative or joint activity.

The focus in schools on this particular tool has its risks—risks that are not just theoretical but are evident in practice. Why is it that, despite widespread criticism of teaching methods that rely on pouring information in and passive learning, these methods are still so deeply rooted in practice? While it's commonly accepted in theory that education is not just about "telling" and being told, this principle is often violated in practice. Isn't this unfortunate situation a result of the doctrine being merely recited? It's preached, lectured about, and written down. However, putting it into practice requires that the school environment is equipped with tools and materials for active engagement, something that is rarely achieved. It also requires that teaching and administrative methods be adjusted to promote and ensure ongoing interaction with hands-on activities. This doesn't mean that the use of language as an educational tool should diminish; rather, it should become more meaningful and effective by being connected to shared activities. "These things ought ye to have done, and not to have left the others undone." In the context of schools, "these things" refer to providing resources for collaborative or joint activities.

For when the schools depart from the educational conditions effective in the out-of-school environment, they necessarily substitute a bookish, a pseudo-intellectual spirit for a social spirit. Children doubtless go to school to learn, but it has yet to be proved that learning occurs most adequately when it is made a separate conscious business. When treating it as a business of this sort tends to preclude the social sense which comes from sharing in an activity of common concern and value, the effort at isolated intellectual learning contradicts its own aim. We may secure motor activity and sensory excitation by keeping an individual by himself, but we cannot thereby get him to understand the meaning which things have in the life of which he is a part. We may secure technical specialized ability in algebra, Latin, or botany, but not the kind of intelligence which directs ability to useful ends. Only by engaging in a joint activity, where one person's use of material and tools is consciously referred to the use other persons are making of their capacities and appliances, is a social direction of disposition attained.

When schools move away from the effective educational conditions found outside of school, they end up replacing a social spirit with a bookish, pseudo-intellectual one. Kids definitely go to school to learn, but it hasn't been shown that learning happens best when it's treated as a separate, conscious task. Treating it this way often prevents the social awareness that comes from participating in activities that matter to everyone. Isolated intellectual learning contradicts its own purpose. We can promote physical activity and sensory engagement by having someone work alone, but we won't help them understand the significance of things in the life they belong to. We might develop specialized skills in algebra, Latin, or botany, but not the kind of intelligence that applies skills toward useful goals. Only by participating in collaborative activities, where one person’s use of materials and tools connects to how others use their abilities and resources, can we achieve a socially directed mindset.





Summary. The natural or native impulses of the young do not agree with

the life-customs of the group into which they are born. Consequently they have to be directed or guided. This control is not the same thing as physical compulsion; it consists in centering the impulses acting at any one time upon some specific end and in introducing an order of continuity into the sequence of acts. The action of others is always influenced by deciding what stimuli shall call out their actions. But in some cases as in commands, prohibitions, approvals, and disapprovals, the stimuli proceed from persons with a direct view to influencing action. Since in such cases we are most conscious of controlling the action of others, we are likely to exaggerate the importance of this sort of control at the expense of a more permanent and effective method. The basic control resides in the nature of the situations in which the young take part. In social situations the young have to refer their way of acting to what others are doing and make it fit in. This directs their action to a common result, and gives an understanding common to the participants. For all mean the same thing, even when performing different acts. This common understanding of the means and ends of action is the essence of social control. It is indirect, or emotional and intellectual, not direct or personal. Moreover it is intrinsic to the disposition of the person, not external and coercive. To achieve this internal control through identity of interest and understanding is the business of education. While books and conversation can do much, these agencies are usually relied upon too exclusively. Schools require for their full efficiency more opportunity for conjoint activities in which those instructed take part, so that they may acquire a social sense of their own powers and of the materials and appliances used.

the life customs of the group into which they are born. As a result, they need to be directed or guided. This control isn't the same as physical force; it involves focusing the impulses that are present at any given time on a specific goal and creating a continuous order in the sequence of actions. The actions of others are always influenced by deciding which stimuli will trigger their behaviors. However, in some cases, like commands, prohibitions, approvals, and disapprovals, the stimuli come from people intending to influence action. Since we are most aware of controlling others' actions in these situations, we often exaggerate the significance of this type of control, overlooking a more lasting and effective method. The fundamental control comes from the nature of the situations in which young individuals participate. In social situations, the young must align their actions with what others are doing and adapt accordingly. This channels their actions towards a shared outcome and fosters a mutual understanding among participants. For everyone shares the same meaning, even when engaged in different activities. This collective understanding of the means and ends of actions is the core of social control. It is indirect, or emotional and intellectual, rather than direct or personal. Furthermore, it is inherent to the individual's disposition, not external and coercive. Achieving this internal control through shared interests and understanding is the goal of education. While books and conversation can accomplish a lot, we often rely on these tools too heavily. Schools need to provide more opportunities for collaborative activities in which students participate, allowing them to develop a social sense of their abilities and the tools and resources used.





Chapter Four: Education as Growth

1. The Conditions of Growth.

In directing the activities of the young, society determines its own future in determining that of the young. Since the young at a given time will at some later date compose the society of that period, the latter's nature will largely turn upon the direction children's activities were given at an earlier period. This cumulative movement of action toward a later result is what is meant by growth.

By guiding the activities of the youth, society shapes its own future by shaping that of the young. Since the youth of today will be the society of tomorrow, the characteristics of that future society will largely depend on the direction given to children's activities in the past. This ongoing process of actions leading to future outcomes is what we refer to as growth.

The primary condition of growth is immaturity. This may seem to be a mere truism—saying that a being can develop only in some point in which he is undeveloped. But the prefix "im" of the word immaturity means something positive, not a mere void or lack. It is noteworthy that the terms "capacity" and "potentiality" have a double meaning, one sense being negative, the other positive. Capacity may denote mere receptivity, like the capacity of a quart measure. We may mean by potentiality a merely dormant or quiescent state—a capacity to become something different under external influences. But we also mean by capacity an ability, a power; and by potentiality potency, force. Now when we say that immaturity means the possibility of growth, we are not referring to absence of powers which may exist at a later time; we express a force positively present—the ability to develop.

The main requirement for growth is immaturity. This might come off as an obvious statement—suggesting that a person can only grow from a stage where they are still undeveloped. However, the prefix "im" in the word immaturity indicates something positive, not just a lack or void. It's interesting to note that the words "capacity" and "potentiality" have dual meanings; one sense is negative, while the other is positive. Capacity can refer to mere receptiveness, like the volume of a quart container. When we talk about potentiality, we might mean a state that is inactive or asleep—a capacity to change into something different through external influences. But we also understand capacity as an ability or power, and potentiality as potency or force. So when we say that immaturity signifies the possibility of growth, we're not talking about a lack of abilities that might develop later; we are highlighting a force that is positively present—the ability to grow.

Our tendency to take immaturity as mere lack, and growth as something which fills up the gap between the immature and the mature is due to regarding childhood comparatively, instead of intrinsically. We treat it simply as a privation because we are measuring it by adulthood as a fixed standard. This fixes attention upon what the child has not, and will not have till he becomes a man. This comparative standpoint is legitimate enough for some purposes, but if we make it final, the question arises whether we are not guilty of an overweening presumption. Children, if they could express themselves articulately and sincerely, would tell a different tale; and there is excellent adult authority for the conviction that for certain moral and intellectual purposes adults must become as little children. The seriousness of the assumption of the negative quality of the possibilities of immaturity is apparent when we reflect that it sets up as an ideal and standard a static end. The fulfillment of growing is taken to mean an accomplished growth: that is to say, an Ungrowth, something which is no longer growing. The futility of the assumption is seen in the fact that every adult resents the imputation of having no further possibilities of growth; and so far as he finds that they are closed to him mourns the fact as evidence of loss, instead of falling back on the achieved as adequate manifestation of power. Why an unequal measure for child and man?

Our tendency to see immaturity as just a deficiency and growth as something that fills the gap between being immature and mature comes from comparing childhood to adulthood rather than appreciating it on its own. We view childhood merely as a lack because we measure it against adulthood as a fixed standard. This focus on what a child doesn't have, and won't have until they become an adult, is a valid perspective for some purposes, but if we make it our only viewpoint, we risk being overly presumptuous. If children could express themselves clearly and honestly, they would share a different perspective; there’s strong support from adults for the idea that for certain moral and intellectual purposes, adults need to become like little children. The seriousness of assuming that immaturity has only negative possibilities is clear when we realize that it sets a static ideal as the standard. The completion of growth is interpreted as having fully grown, meaning it’s something that’s no longer evolving. The emptiness of this idea is evident in the fact that every adult resents being thought of as having no further potential for growth; and when they find those possibilities closed off, they lament it as a loss instead of seeing it as a confirmation of their power. Why should we use different measures for children and adults?

Taken absolutely, instead of comparatively, immaturity designates a positive force or ability,—the power to grow. We do not have to draw out or educe positive activities from a child, as some educational doctrines would have it. Where there is life, there are already eager and impassioned activities. Growth is not something done to them; it is something they do. The positive and constructive aspect of possibility gives the key to understanding the two chief traits of immaturity, dependence and plasticity.

Taken literally, rather than in comparison, immaturity represents a positive force or ability—the capacity to grow. We don’t need to extract or elicit positive actions from a child, as some educational theories suggest. Where there is life, there are already enthusiastic and passionate activities. Growth isn’t something done to them; it’s something they engage in. The positive and constructive aspect of possibility provides insight into the two main characteristics of immaturity: dependence and flexibility.

(1) It sounds absurd to hear dependence spoken of as something positive, still more absurd as a power. Yet if helplessness were all there were in dependence, no development could ever take place. A merely impotent being has to be carried, forever, by others. The fact that dependence is accompanied by growth in ability, not by an ever increasing lapse into parasitism, suggests that it is already something constructive. Being merely sheltered by others would not promote growth. For

(1) It seems ridiculous to consider dependence as something good, even more so as a source of strength. However, if helplessness were the only aspect of dependence, no growth would ever occur. A completely powerless being would have to be supported endlessly by others. The reality that dependence comes with an increase in skills, rather than a constant slide into being a parasite, indicates that it is already something beneficial. Simply being protected by others wouldn't encourage development. For

(2) it would only build a wall around impotence. With reference to the physical world, the child is helpless. He lacks at birth and for a long time thereafter power to make his way physically, to make his own living. If he had to do that by himself, he would hardly survive an hour. On this side his helplessness is almost complete. The young of the brutes are immeasurably his superiors. He is physically weak and not able to turn the strength which he possesses to coping with the physical environment.

(2) it would just create a barrier around powerlessness. In terms of the physical world, the child is defenseless. From birth, and for a long time after, he lacks the ability to navigate his surroundings or support himself. If he had to do that on his own, he would barely last an hour. In this aspect, his vulnerability is nearly total. The young animals are far superior to him. He is physically weak and unable to use any strength he has to deal with his physical environment.

1. The thoroughgoing character of this helplessness suggests, however, some compensating power. The relative ability of the young of brute animals to adapt themselves fairly well to physical conditions from an early period suggests the fact that their life is not intimately bound up with the life of those about them. They are compelled, so to speak, to have physical gifts because they are lacking in social gifts. Human infants, on the other hand, can get along with physical incapacity just because of their social capacity. We sometimes talk and think as if they simply happened to be physically in a social environment; as if social forces exclusively existed in the adults who take care of them, they being passive recipients. If it were said that children are themselves marvelously endowed with power to enlist the cooperative attention of others, this would be thought to be a backhanded way of saying that others are marvelously attentive to the needs of children. But observation shows that children are gifted with an equipment of the first order for social intercourse. Few grown-up persons retain all of the flexible and sensitive ability of children to vibrate sympathetically with the attitudes and doings of those about them. Inattention to physical things (going with incapacity to control them) is accompanied by a corresponding intensification of interest and attention as to the doings of people. The native mechanism of the child and his impulses all tend to facile social responsiveness. The statement that children, before adolescence, are egotistically self-centered, even if it were true, would not contradict the truth of this statement. It would simply indicate that their social responsiveness is employed on their own behalf, not that it does not exist. But the statement is not true as matter of fact. The facts which are cited in support of the alleged pure egoism of children really show the intensity and directness with which they go to their mark. If the ends which form the mark seem narrow and selfish to adults, it is only because adults (by means of a similar engrossment in their day) have mastered these ends, which have consequently ceased to interest them. Most of the remainder of children's alleged native egoism is simply an egoism which runs counter to an adult's egoism. To a grown-up person who is too absorbed in his own affairs to take an interest in children's affairs, children doubtless seem unreasonably engrossed in their own affairs.

1. The complete nature of this helplessness implies some kind of compensating power. The ability of young animals to adapt to their physical surroundings early on suggests that their lives aren’t closely tied to the lives of those around them. They are, so to speak, forced to have physical abilities because they lack social skills. Human infants, on the other hand, can manage with physical disabilities precisely because of their social abilities. We often talk and think as if they merely happened to be physically present in a social setting; as if social influences entirely reside in the adults caring for them, making them just passive recipients. If we said that children are incredibly good at capturing the cooperative attention of others, it might be interpreted as a roundabout way of saying that adults are exceptionally attentive to children's needs. However, observation reveals that children are equipped with strong instincts for social interaction. Few adults maintain the same flexible and sensitive ability as children to resonate with the attitudes and actions of those around them. A lack of focus on physical things (along with the inability to control them) is paired with a heightened interest in the actions of people. The child’s natural responses and impulses are all geared towards easy social interaction. Even if the claim that children, before puberty, are egotistically self-centered were true, it wouldn’t negate the truth of this observation. It would merely indicate that their social responsiveness is directed towards their own interests, not that it doesn’t exist. However, that claim isn't true as a matter of fact. The evidence used to support the idea of children's pure egoism actually highlights the intensity and straightforwardness with which they pursue their goals. If the goals they pursue seem narrow and selfish to adults, it's just because adults (through being similarly engrossed in their own lives) have mastered these goals, which have lost their appeal for them. Much of what is labeled as children's innate egoism is simply an egoism that conflicts with adult egoism. To an adult who is too caught up in their own issues to care about children's concerns, kids likely seem unreasonably focused on their own matters.

From a social standpoint, dependence denotes a power rather than a weakness; it involves interdependence. There is always a danger that increased personal independence will decrease the social capacity of an individual. In making him more self-reliant, it may make him more self-sufficient; it may lead to aloofness and indifference. It often makes an individual so insensitive in his relations to others as to develop an illusion of being really able to stand and act alone—an unnamed form of insanity which is responsible for a large part of the remediable suffering of the world.

From a social perspective, dependence represents a strength rather than a weakness; it involves mutual reliance. There's always a risk that greater personal independence can reduce a person's social capabilities. While it may enhance self-reliance, it can also foster self-sufficiency, leading to isolation and apathy. Often, this makes someone so disconnected in their interactions with others that they develop a false belief that they can truly stand and act alone—an unrecognized form of insanity that contributes significantly to the avoidable suffering in the world.

2. The specific adaptability of an immature creature for growth constitutes his plasticity. This is something quite different from the plasticity of putty or wax. It is not a capacity to take on change of form in accord with external pressure. It lies near the pliable elasticity by which some persons take on the color of their surroundings while retaining their own bent. But it is something deeper than this. It is essentially the ability to learn from experience; the power to retain from one experience something which is of avail in coping with the difficulties of a later situation. This means power to modify actions on the basis of the results of prior experiences, the power to develop dispositions. Without it, the acquisition of habits is impossible.

2. The specific adaptability of a young creature for growth defines its plasticity. This is quite different from the plasticity of putty or wax. It doesn’t just mean the ability to change shape in response to external pressure. It’s more like the flexible adaptability some people have, where they blend into their surroundings while still keeping their own traits. But it goes deeper than that. It’s essentially the ability to learn from experiences; the power to take something useful from one experience to deal with challenges in a later situation. This means the ability to adjust actions based on the outcomes of previous experiences and the ability to develop habits. Without this, forming habits would be impossible.

It is a familiar fact that the young of the higher animals, and especially the human young, have to learn to utilize their instinctive reactions. The human being is born with a greater number of instinctive tendencies than other animals. But the instincts of the lower animals perfect themselves for appropriate action at an early period after birth, while most of those of the human infant are of little account just as they stand. An original specialized power of adjustment secures immediate efficiency, but, like a railway ticket, it is good for one route only. A being who, in order to use his eyes, ears, hands, and legs, has to experiment in making varied combinations of their reactions, achieves a control that is flexible and varied. A chick, for example, pecks accurately at a bit of food in a few hours after hatching. This means that definite coordinations of activities of the eyes in seeing and of the body and head in striking are perfected in a few trials. An infant requires about six months to be able to gauge with approximate accuracy the action in reaching which will coordinate with his visual activities; to be able, that is, to tell whether he can reach a seen object and just how to execute the reaching. As a result, the chick is limited by the relative perfection of its original endowment. The infant has the advantage of the multitude of instinctive tentative reactions and of the experiences that accompany them, even though he is at a temporary disadvantage because they cross one another. In learning an action, instead of having it given ready-made, one of necessity learns to vary its factors, to make varied combinations of them, according to change of circumstances. A possibility of continuing progress is opened up by the fact that in learning one act, methods are developed good for use in other situations. Still more important is the fact that the human being acquires a habit of learning. He learns to learn.

It's a well-known fact that young animals, especially human babies, need to learn how to use their instinctive reactions. Humans are born with more instinctive tendencies than other animals. However, the instincts of lower animals become refined for specific actions shortly after birth, while most instincts of a human infant are pretty useless right from the start. An initial specialized ability to adapt ensures immediate effectiveness, but it's limited to one specific situation, like a train ticket valid for just one route. A being that has to experiment with different combinations of reactions to make sense of their eyes, ears, hands, and legs develops flexible and varied control. For example, a chick can accurately peck at food just a few hours after hatching, indicating that it quickly perfects the coordination of its eyes and body for striking through just a few attempts. In contrast, an infant takes about six months to estimate how to reach for an object, figuring out whether they can grab what they see and how to do it. As a result, the chick is constrained by the relative perfection of its innate abilities. The infant, on the other hand, gains from a variety of instinctive trial-and-error reactions and the experiences that come with them, even though it faces temporary disadvantages due to their overlapping nature. When learning a new action instead of receiving it fully formed, the individual must vary its components, mixing them based on changing circumstances. This creates the potential for ongoing development, as skills learned in one context can be useful in others. Most importantly, humans develop a habit of learning itself. They learn how to learn.

The importance for human life of the two facts of dependence and variable control has been summed up in the doctrine of the significance of prolonged infancy. 1 This prolongation is significant from the standpoint of the adult members of the group as well as from that of the young. The presence of dependent and learning beings is a stimulus to nurture and affection. The need for constant continued care was probably a chief means in transforming temporary cohabitations into permanent unions. It certainly was a chief influence in forming habits of affectionate and sympathetic watchfulness; that constructive interest in the well-being of others which is essential to associated life. Intellectually, this moral development meant the introduction of many new objects of attention; it stimulated foresight and planning for the future. Thus there is a reciprocal influence. Increasing complexity of social life requires a longer period of infancy in which to acquire the needed powers; this prolongation of dependence means prolongation of plasticity, or power of acquiring variable and novel modes of control. Hence it provides a further push to social progress.

The importance of dependence and varying levels of control in human life has been encapsulated in the idea of prolonged infancy. This extended period is important for both adults and the young. Having dependent and learning individuals around encourages nurturing and affection. The need for ongoing care likely played a major role in turning temporary living arrangements into lasting relationships. It certainly was a significant factor in developing habits of caring and attentive watchfulness—those meaningful interests in the well-being of others that are crucial for social life. On an intellectual level, this moral growth introduced many new objects of focus and prompted foresight and planning for the future. Thus, there's a mutual influence at play. The increasing complexity of social life requires a longer infancy to develop the necessary skills; this extended dependence means having more time to adapt and acquire new and varied ways to exert control. As a result, it further drives social progress.

2. Habits as Expressions of Growth. We have already noted that plasticity is the capacity to retain and carry over from prior experience factors which modify subsequent activities. This signifies the capacity to acquire habits, or develop definite dispositions. We have now to consider the salient features of habits. In the first place, a habit is a form of executive skill, of efficiency in doing. A habit means an ability to use natural conditions as means to ends. It is an active control of the environment through control of the organs of action. We are perhaps apt to emphasize the control of the body at the expense of control of the environment. We think of walking, talking, playing the piano, the specialized skills characteristic of the etcher, the surgeon, the bridge-builder, as if they were simply ease, deftness, and accuracy on the part of the organism. They are that, of course; but the measure of the value of these qualities lies in the economical and effective control of the environment which they secure. To be able to walk is to have certain properties of nature at our disposal—and so with all other habits.

2. Habits as Expressions of Growth. We have already noted that plasticity is the ability to retain and build on prior experiences that influence later actions. This means the ability to form habits or develop certain tendencies. Now, we need to look at the key aspects of habits. First, a habit is a type of skill that allows us to be efficient in what we do. A habit indicates an ability to use natural conditions as tools to achieve our goals. It involves actively controlling our environment by managing how we act. We often focus more on controlling our bodies and neglect the control of our surroundings. We think of walking, talking, playing the piano, or the specialized skills of an artist, surgeon, or bridge-builder as merely being about ease, skill, and precision from the individual. While that’s true, the real value of these skills lies in how effectively and efficiently they help us manage our environment. Being able to walk means we have certain properties of nature available to us—and the same goes for all other habits.

Education is not infrequently defined as consisting in the acquisition of those habits that effect an adjustment of an individual and his environment. The definition expresses an essential phase of growth. But it is essential that adjustment be understood in its active sense of control of means for achieving ends. If we think of a habit simply as a change wrought in the organism, ignoring the fact that this change consists in ability to effect subsequent changes in the environment, we shall be led to think of "adjustment" as a conformity to environment as wax conforms to the seal which impresses it. The environment is thought of as something fixed, providing in its fixity the end and standard of changes taking place in the organism; adjustment is just fitting ourselves to this fixity of external conditions. 2 Habit as habituation is indeed something relatively passive; we get used to our surroundings—to our clothing, our shoes, and gloves; to the atmosphere as long as it is fairly equable; to our daily associates, etc. Conformity to the environment, a change wrought in the organism without reference to ability to modify surroundings, is a marked trait of such habituations. Aside from the fact that we are not entitled to carry over the traits of such adjustments (which might well be called accommodations, to mark them off from active adjustments) into habits of active use of our surroundings, two features of habituations are worth notice. In the first place, we get used to things by first using them.

Education is often defined as the development of habits that help an individual adapt to their environment. This definition highlights an important aspect of growth. However, it’s crucial to understand adjustment as an active process, where control over the means to achieve goals is key. If we view a habit merely as a change within a person, and overlook that this change enables us to influence our surroundings, we might mistakenly view “adjustment” as simply fitting in with our environment—like wax takes the shape of a seal. In this view, the environment is seen as static, providing a fixed standard for the changes happening within the individual; adjustment then becomes just about adapting to these unchanging external conditions. Habit, in terms of habituation, tends to be more passive; we become accustomed to our surroundings—our clothes, shoes, and gloves; the weather, as long as it remains relatively stable; our daily companions, and so on. Conforming to the environment—making changes in ourselves without considering our ability to change our surroundings—is a significant characteristic of such habituations. Besides the fact that we shouldn’t carry over the traits of these adaptations (which may be better called accommodations to distinguish them from active adjustments) to actively using our environments, two features of habituation are noteworthy. First, we get used to things by initially using them.

Consider getting used to a strange city. At first, there is excessive stimulation and excessive and ill-adapted response. Gradually certain stimuli are selected because of their relevancy, and others are degraded. We can say either that we do not respond to them any longer, or more truly that we have effected a persistent response to them—an equilibrium of adjustment. This means, in the second place, that this enduring adjustment supplies the background upon which are made specific adjustments, as occasion arises. We are never interested in changing the whole environment; there is much that we take for granted and accept just as it already is. Upon this background our activities focus at certain points in an endeavor to introduce needed changes. Habituation is thus our adjustment to an environment which at the time we are not concerned with modifying, and which supplies a leverage to our active habits. Adaptation, in fine, is quite as much adaptation of the environment to our own activities as of our activities to the environment. A savage tribe manages to live on a desert plain. It adapts itself. But its adaptation involves a maximum of accepting, tolerating, putting up with things as they are, a maximum of passive acquiescence, and a minimum of active control, of subjection to use. A civilized people enters upon the scene. It also adapts itself. It introduces irrigation; it searches the world for plants and animals that will flourish under such conditions; it improves, by careful selection, those which are growing there. As a consequence, the wilderness blossoms as a rose. The savage is merely habituated; the civilized man has habits which transform the environment.

Think about getting used to a new city. At first, everything feels overwhelming and our reactions can be excessive and not quite right. Over time, we start to focus on certain stimuli that matter to us, while others fade into the background. We can say that we don’t respond to them anymore, or more accurately, we have developed a consistent reaction to them—an adaptive balance. This also means that this ongoing adjustment provides a foundation for making specific adjustments as needed. We’re not really interested in changing everything around us; there’s a lot we accept just as it is. On this foundation, our efforts concentrate on certain areas where we want to make changes. Habituation is our way of adjusting to an environment that we’re not looking to change at the moment, and it supports our active habits. Adaptation, ultimately, is just as much about adjusting the environment to suit our actions as it is about changing our actions to fit the environment. A primitive tribe learns to survive on a barren plain. They adapt. But their adaptation relies heavily on accepting and tolerating things as they are, demonstrating more passive acceptance and less active control or manipulation. Then, a civilized group comes along. They also adapt. They create irrigation systems; they search globally for plants and animals that will thrive in those conditions; they selectively improve the existing ones. As a result, the wilderness flourishes. The primitive person simply gets used to it; the civilized individual develops habits that transform their surroundings.

The significance of habit is not exhausted, however, in its executive and motor phase. It means formation of intellectual and emotional disposition as well as an increase in ease, economy, and efficiency of action. Any habit marks an inclination—an active preference and choice for the conditions involved in its exercise. A habit does not wait, Micawber-like, for a stimulus to turn up so that it may get busy; it actively seeks for occasions to pass into full operation. If its expression is unduly blocked, inclination shows itself in uneasiness and intense craving. A habit also marks an intellectual disposition. Where there is a habit, there is acquaintance with the materials and equipment to which action is applied. There is a definite way of understanding the situations in which the habit operates. Modes of thought, of observation and reflection, enter as forms of skill and of desire into the habits that make a man an engineer, an architect, a physician, or a merchant. In unskilled forms of labor, the intellectual factors are at minimum precisely because the habits involved are not of a high grade. But there are habits of judging and reasoning as truly as of handling a tool, painting a picture, or conducting an experiment. Such statements are, however, understatements. The habits of mind involved in habits of the eye and hand supply the latter with their significance. Above all, the intellectual element in a habit fixes the relation of the habit to varied and elastic use, and hence to continued growth. We speak of fixed habits. Well, the phrase may mean powers so well established that their possessor always has them as resources when needed. But the phrase is also used to mean ruts, routine ways, with loss of freshness, open-mindedness, and originality. Fixity of habit may mean that something has a fixed hold upon us, instead of our having a free hold upon things. This fact explains two points in a common notion about habits: their identification with mechanical and external modes of action to the neglect of mental and moral attitudes, and the tendency to give them a bad meaning, an identification with "bad habits." Many a person would feel surprised to have his aptitude in his chosen profession called a habit, and would naturally think of his use of tobacco, liquor, or profane language as typical of the meaning of habit. A habit is to him something which has a hold on him, something not easily thrown off even though judgment condemn it.

The importance of habits goes beyond just their physical and active aspects. They shape our intellectual and emotional tendencies, and they make actions easier, more economical, and efficient. Every habit indicates a preference—an active choice for the conditions that it involves. A habit doesn't just wait for a trigger to kick in; it actively looks for chances to be utilized. If it’s constrained too much, this inclination can manifest as restlessness and a strong desire. A habit also signifies an intellectual mindset. When a habit exists, there's familiarity with the resources and tools related to the actions taken. There’s a clear understanding of the situations where the habit comes into play. Ways of thinking, observing, and reflecting become part of the skills and desires that define a person as an engineer, an architect, a doctor, or a businessperson. In less skilled forms of labor, intellectual aspects are minimal because the habits aren’t very advanced. However, there are habits of judgment and reasoning just like there are habits of using tools, painting, or conducting experiments. These claims are actually understated. The mental habits that involve visual and physical tasks give these tasks their importance. Most importantly, the intellectual aspect of a habit allows it to be used in various ways and to keep growing. We refer to habits as fixed. This phrase can imply skills that are so well developed that they are always available when needed. But it can also mean getting stuck in routines, losing freshness, open-mindedness, and originality. A fixed habit might suggest that something has a strong grip on us, rather than us having control over things. This explains two common ideas about habits: that they are associated with mechanical, external behaviors while ignoring mental and moral viewpoints, and that they are often seen negatively, equated with "bad habits." Many people would be surprised to have their talent in their chosen field referred to as a habit and would likely think of their use of tobacco, alcohol, or foul language as representative of what a habit means. To them, a habit is something that has a hold on them, something difficult to let go of even when they know it’s not good for them.

Habits reduce themselves to routine ways of acting, or degenerate into ways of action to which we are enslaved just in the degree in which intelligence is disconnected from them. Routine habits are unthinking habits: "bad" habits are habits so severed from reason that they are opposed to the conclusions of conscious deliberation and decision. As we have seen, the acquiring of habits is due to an original plasticity of our natures: to our ability to vary responses till we find an appropriate and efficient way of acting. Routine habits, and habits that possess us instead of our possessing them, are habits which put an end to plasticity. They mark the close of power to vary. There can be no doubt of the tendency of organic plasticity, of the physiological basis, to lessen with growing years. The instinctively mobile and eagerly varying action of childhood, the love of new stimuli and new developments, too easily passes into a "settling down," which means aversion to change and a resting on past achievements. Only an environment which secures the full use of intelligence in the process of forming habits can counteract this tendency. Of course, the same hardening of the organic conditions affects the physiological structures which are involved in thinking. But this fact only indicates the need of persistent care to see to it that the function of intelligence is invoked to its maximum possibility. The short-sighted method which falls back on mechanical routine and repetition to secure external efficiency of habit, motor skill without accompanying thought, marks a deliberate closing in of surroundings upon growth.

Habits turn into routine ways of acting, or can become actions we're stuck in, especially when we lose touch with our intelligence. Routine habits are mindless: "bad" habits are so disconnected from reason that they clash with our conscious choices and decisions. As we've observed, developing habits comes from our natural ability to adapt, allowing us to change our responses until we find the right and effective way to act. Routine habits, and those that control us instead of us controlling them, stifle our ability to adapt. They signal the end of our flexibility. It's clear that our natural adaptability tends to decrease as we age. The instinctively active and curious nature of childhood, with its love for new experiences and changes, can easily shift into a "settling down," which leads to a resistance to change and reliance on past successes. Only an environment that encourages the full use of our intelligence when forming habits can counter this trend. Naturally, the same stiffening of our organic conditions also affects the physiological structures involved in thinking. This underscores the need for ongoing effort to ensure that our intelligence is utilized to its fullest. The shortsighted approach that relies on mechanical routines and repetition for external efficiency of habits—motor skills without accompanying thought—represents a conscious decision to limit growth.

3. The Educational Bearings of the Conception of Development. We have had so far but little to say in this chapter about education. We have been occupied with the conditions and implications of growth. If our conclusions are justified, they carry with them, however, definite educational consequences. When it is said that education is development, everything depends upon how development is conceived. Our net conclusion is that life is development, and that developing, growing, is life. Translated into its educational equivalents, that means (i) that the educational process has no end beyond itself; it is its own end; and that (ii) the educational process is one of continual reorganizing, reconstructing, transforming.

3. The Educational Implications of the Concept of Development. So far in this chapter, we haven’t discussed much about education. We’ve focused on the conditions and implications of growth. However, if our conclusions are valid, they come with specific educational consequences. When we say that education is development, everything hinges on how we define development. Our main takeaway is that life is development, and that growing and evolving is what life is about. In educational terms, this means (i) that the educational process has no purpose beyond itself; it is its own purpose; and (ii) that the educational process involves continuous reorganizing, reconstructing, and transforming.

1. Development when it is interpreted in comparative terms, that is, with respect to the special traits of child and adult life, means the direction of power into special channels: the formation of habits involving executive skill, definiteness of interest, and specific objects of observation and thought. But the comparative view is not final. The child has specific powers; to ignore that fact is to stunt or distort the organs upon which his growth depends. The adult uses his powers to transform his environment, thereby occasioning new stimuli which redirect his powers and keep them developing. Ignoring this fact means arrested development, a passive accommodation. Normal child and normal adult alike, in other words, are engaged in growing. The difference between them is not the difference between growth and no growth, but between the modes of growth appropriate to different conditions. With respect to the development of powers devoted to coping with specific scientific and economic problems we may say the child should be growing in manhood. With respect to sympathetic curiosity, unbiased responsiveness, and openness of mind, we may say that the adult should be growing in childlikeness. One statement is as true as the other.

1. Development, when viewed in comparative terms—specifically regarding the unique characteristics of childhood and adulthood—means channeling energy into specific areas: developing habits that involve practical skills, focused interests, and particular subjects for observation and thought. However, this comparative view isn't the whole picture. Children possess unique abilities; ignoring this fact hinders or distorts the very aspects necessary for their growth. Adults use their abilities to change their surroundings, which creates new stimuli that redirect their skills and foster ongoing development. Disregarding this leads to stalled growth and passive adaptation. Both children and adults are, in essence, focused on growth. The difference between them isn't about growth versus no growth, but rather about the types of growth suited to their different situations. In terms of developing abilities to tackle specific scientific and economic challenges, we can say that children should be progressing towards adulthood. Meanwhile, concerning empathetic curiosity, unbiased openness, and a broad-minded approach, we can assert that adults should be cultivating childlike qualities. Both statements hold equal truth.

Three ideas which have been criticized, namely, the merely privative nature of immaturity, static adjustment to a fixed environment, and rigidity of habit, are all connected with a false idea of growth or development,—that it is a movement toward a fixed goal. Growth is regarded as having an end, instead of being an end. The educational counterparts of the three fallacious ideas are first, failure to take account of the instinctive or native powers of the young; secondly, failure to develop initiative in coping with novel situations; thirdly, an undue emphasis upon drill and other devices which secure automatic skill at the expense of personal perception. In all cases, the adult environment is accepted as a standard for the child. He is to be brought up to it.

Three ideas that have been criticized—specifically, the simply negative view of immaturity, a static adjustment to a fixed environment, and rigid habits—are all tied to a misleading concept of growth or development: that it’s a movement toward a fixed goal. Growth is seen as having an endpoint rather than being its own endpoint. The educational equivalents of these three flawed ideas are, first, ignoring the instinctive or innate abilities of young people; second, failing to foster initiative when facing new situations; and third, placing too much emphasis on drills and other methods that produce automatic skills at the cost of personal insight. In all these cases, the adult world is used as the benchmark for the child. The idea is to raise the child to meet that standard.

Natural instincts are either disregarded or treated as nuisances—as obnoxious traits to be suppressed, or at all events to be brought into conformity with external standards. Since conformity is the aim, what is distinctively individual in a young person is brushed aside, or regarded as a source of mischief or anarchy. Conformity is made equivalent to uniformity. Consequently, there are induced lack of interest in the novel, aversion to progress, and dread of the uncertain and the unknown. Since the end of growth is outside of and beyond the process of growing, external agents have to be resorted to to induce movement toward it. Whenever a method of education is stigmatized as mechanical, we may be sure that external pressure is brought to bear to reach an external end.

Natural instincts are often ignored or seen as bothersome—something annoying to be suppressed or, at the very least, forced to fit external standards. Since the goal is conformity, what makes a young person unique gets overlooked or is viewed as a troublemaker's behavior. Conformity is treated as the same as uniformity. As a result, there's a growing disinterest in new ideas, a resistance to progress, and a fear of the unknown. Because the purpose of growth lies outside the actual process of growing, outside influences must be used to push toward that goal. Whenever a method of education is labeled as mechanical, we can be sure that outside pressure is being applied to achieve an external objective.

2. Since in reality there is nothing to which growth is relative save more growth, there is nothing to which education is subordinate save more education. It is a commonplace to say that education should not cease when one leaves school. The point of this commonplace is that the purpose of school education is to insure the continuance of education by organizing the powers that insure growth. The inclination to learn from life itself and to make the conditions of life such that all will learn in the process of living is the finest product of schooling.

2. Since in reality, the only thing growth is compared to is more growth, education is only about more education. It’s a well-known idea that learning shouldn’t stop once you leave school. The point of this idea is that the aim of school is to encourage ongoing education by fostering the skills that promote growth. The desire to learn from life itself and to create conditions that allow everyone to learn through living is the greatest outcome of education.

When we abandon the attempt to define immaturity by means of fixed comparison with adult accomplishments, we are compelled to give up thinking of it as denoting lack of desired traits. Abandoning this notion, we are also forced to surrender our habit of thinking of instruction as a method of supplying this lack by pouring knowledge into a mental and moral hole which awaits filling. Since life means growth, a living creature lives as truly and positively at one stage as at another, with the same intrinsic fullness and the same absolute claims. Hence education means the enterprise of supplying the conditions which insure growth, or adequacy of life, irrespective of age. We first look with impatience upon immaturity, regarding it as something to be got over as rapidly as possible. Then the adult formed by such educative methods looks back with impatient regret upon childhood and youth as a scene of lost opportunities and wasted powers. This ironical situation will endure till it is recognized that living has its own intrinsic quality and that the business of education is with that quality. Realization that life is growth protects us from that so-called idealizing of childhood which in effect is nothing but lazy indulgence. Life is not to be identified with every superficial act and interest. Even though it is not always easy to tell whether what appears to be mere surface fooling is a sign of some nascent as yet untrained power, we must remember that manifestations are not to be accepted as ends in themselves. They are signs of possible growth. They are to be turned into means of development, of carrying power forward, not indulged or cultivated for their own sake. Excessive attention to surface phenomena (even in the way of rebuke as well as of encouragement) may lead to their fixation and thus to arrested development. What impulses are moving toward, not what they have been, is the important thing for parent and teacher. The true principle of respect for immaturity cannot be better put than in the words of Emerson: "Respect the child. Be not too much his parent. Trespass not on his solitude. But I hear the outcry which replies to this suggestion: Would you verily throw up the reins of public and private discipline; would you leave the young child to the mad career of his own passions and whimsies, and call this anarchy a respect for the child's nature? I answer,—Respect the child, respect him to the end, but also respect yourself.... The two points in a boy's training are, to keep his naturel and train off all but that; to keep his naturel, but stop off his uproar, fooling, and horseplay; keep his nature and arm it with knowledge in the very direction in which it points." And as Emerson goes on to show this reverence for childhood and youth instead of opening up an easy and easy-going path to the instructors, "involves at once, immense claims on the time, the thought, on the life of the teacher. It requires time, use, insight, event, all the great lessons and assistances of God; and only to think of using it implies character and profoundness."

When we stop trying to define immaturity by directly comparing it to adult achievements, we have to let go of thinking of it as a sign of missing traits. Dropping this idea also means we need to stop viewing education as just a way to fill this gap by pouring knowledge into a mental and moral void. Since life is about growth, a living being thrives just as fully at one stage as at any other, with equal value and rights. Therefore, education is about creating the right conditions for growth, or a fulfilling life, regardless of age. Initially, we tend to see immaturity impatiently, as something to be quickly overcome. Then, the adult shaped by such educational methods looks back on childhood and youth with regret, feeling they wasted opportunities and potential. This ironic situation will persist until we recognize that living has its own inherent quality and that education should focus on nurturing that quality. Understanding that life is growth keeps us from idealizing childhood, which is actually just a form of lazy indulgence. Life shouldn't be equated with every superficial action and interest. Even though it can be challenging to determine whether what seems like mere surface-level antics is indicative of some budding, untrained potential, we must remember that outward behaviors shouldn't be seen as goals in themselves. They are merely signs of potential growth. These behaviors should be transformed into tools for development, for advancing potential, rather than being indulged or nurtured purely for their own sake. Focusing too much on surface behaviors (whether through criticism or encouragement) can lead to their fixation and consequently hinder development. The key focus for parents and teachers should be on what impulses are developing, rather than what has already occurred. The true principle of respecting immaturity is best expressed in Emerson's words: "Respect the child. Don’t be too much of a parent. Don’t invade his solitude." But I hear the objection to this suggestion: Would you really loosen the reins of public and private discipline? Would you leave a young child to follow the wild whims of his own desires and call this chaos respect for his nature? My answer is—Respect the child, respect him fully, but also respect yourself. The two key aspects of a boy’s upbringing are to preserve his natural self and to refine everything else; to keep his essence while curbing his chaos, antics, and roughhousing; to nurture his nature and equip it with knowledge in the directions it naturally points. As Emerson further emphasizes, this respect for childhood and youth doesn't simplify the task for educators; instead, it comes with significant demands on the teacher's time, thought, and life. It requires time, effort, insight, experiences, and all the profound lessons that come from a higher power; to even consider this demands character and depth.





Summary. Power to grow depends upon need for others and plasticity.

Both of these conditions are at their height in childhood and youth. Plasticity or the power to learn from experience means the formation of habits. Habits give control over the environment, power to utilize it for human purposes. Habits take the form both of habituation, or a general and persistent balance of organic activities with the surroundings, and of active capacities to readjust activity to meet new conditions. The former furnishes the background of growth; the latter constitute growing. Active habits involve thought, invention, and initiative in applying capacities to new aims. They are opposed to routine which marks an arrest of growth. Since growth is the characteristic of life, education is all one with growing; it has no end beyond itself. The criterion of the value of school education is the extent in which it creates a desire for continued growth and supplies means for making the desire effective in fact.

Both of these conditions peak during childhood and youth. Plasticity, or the ability to learn from experience, leads to the formation of habits. Habits allow us to control our environment and use it for our human purposes. They can manifest as habituation, a consistent balance between our organic activities and our surroundings, as well as through our active ability to adjust our actions to new situations. The former provides the foundation for growth, while the latter represents growth itself. Active habits require thought, creativity, and initiative to apply our abilities to new goals. They stand in contrast to routine, which signifies a halt in growth. Since growth is essential to life, education is synonymous with growth and has no end other than itself. The value of school education is determined by how much it inspires a desire for ongoing growth and provides the means to turn that desire into reality.

1 Intimations of its significance are found in a number of writers, but John Fiske, in his Excursions of an Evolutionist, is accredited with its first systematic exposition.

1 Hints about its importance can be found in several writers, but John Fiske, in his *Excursions of an Evolutionist*, is credited with its first organized explanation.

2 This conception is, of course, a logical correlate of the conceptions of the external relation of stimulus and response, considered in the last chapter, and of the negative conceptions of immaturity and plasticity noted in this chapter.

2 This idea is obviously a logical connection to the concepts of the external relationship between stimulus and response discussed in the last chapter, as well as the negative ideas of immaturity and plasticity mentioned in this chapter.





Chapter Five: Preparation, Unfolding, and Formal Discipline

1. Education as Preparation. We have laid it down that the educative process is a continuous process of growth, having as its aim at every stage an added capacity of growth. This conception contrasts sharply with other ideas which have influenced practice. By making the contrast explicit, the meaning of the conception will be brought more clearly to light. The first contrast is with the idea that education is a process of preparation or getting ready. What is to be prepared for is, of course, the responsibilities and privileges of adult life. Children are not regarded as social members in full and regular standing. They are looked upon as candidates; they are placed on the waiting list. The conception is only carried a little farther when the life of adults is considered as not having meaning on its own account, but as a preparatory probation for "another life." The idea is but another form of the notion of the negative and privative character of growth already criticized; hence we shall not repeat the criticisms, but pass on to the evil consequences which flow from putting education on this basis. In the first place, it involves loss of impetus. Motive power is not utilized. Children proverbially live in the present; that is not only a fact not to be evaded, but it is an excellence. The future just as future lacks urgency and body. To get ready for something, one knows not what nor why, is to throw away the leverage that exists, and to seek for motive power in a vague chance. Under such circumstances, there is, in the second place, a premium put on shilly-shallying and procrastination. The future prepared for is a long way off; plenty of time will intervene before it becomes a present. Why be in a hurry about getting ready for it? The temptation to postpone is much increased because the present offers so many wonderful opportunities and proffers such invitations to adventure. Naturally attention and energy go to them; education accrues naturally as an outcome, but a lesser education than if the full stress of effort had been put upon making conditions as educative as possible. A third undesirable result is the substitution of a conventional average standard of expectation and requirement for a standard which concerns the specific powers of the individual under instruction. For a severe and definite judgment based upon the strong and weak points of the individual is substituted a vague and wavering opinion concerning what youth may be expected, upon the average, to become in some more or less remote future; say, at the end of the year, when promotions are to take place, or by the time they are ready to go to college or to enter upon what, in contrast with the probationary stage, is regarded as the serious business of life. It is impossible to overestimate the loss which results from the deflection of attention from the strategic point to a comparatively unproductive point. It fails most just where it thinks it is succeeding—in getting a preparation for the future.

1. Education as Preparation. We’ve established that the educational process is a continuous journey of growth, aimed at developing greater capacities at every stage. This idea stands in stark contrast to other perspectives that have influenced practice. By making this difference clear, the true meaning of this concept becomes more apparent. The first contrast is with the notion that education is simply a process of preparation or getting ready. The aim of preparation, of course, is to assume the responsibilities and privileges of adult life. Children aren’t seen as full members of society; they are viewed as candidates and placed on a waiting list. This idea extends slightly further when the lives of adults are regarded as lacking meaning on their own and viewed as a trial run for “another life.” This belief is merely another version of the previously criticized notion that growth is negative or lacking. Therefore, we won’t repeat those criticisms, but rather move on to the negative impacts of viewing education this way. Firstly, it leads to a loss of momentum. Motivation isn’t fully harnessed. Children traditionally live in the moment; this is not only an unavoidable reality but also a valuable trait. The future, as an abstract concept, lacks urgency and substance. To prepare for an unclear and undefined future is to waste the potential that exists and to search for motivation in an uncertain possibility. Secondly, this approach encourages hesitation and procrastination. The future being prepared for feels far away; plenty of time lies ahead before it becomes real. So why rush to be ready for it? The urge to delay is heightened because the present offers countless exciting opportunities and tempting invitations to explore. Naturally, attention and energy are drawn to these; education occurs as a result, but it’s not as comprehensive as it could be with a dedicated effort to make conditions as educational as possible. A third negative outcome is the replacement of a conventional average expectation with a standard that relates to the unique abilities of the individual learner. Instead of a clear and concrete assessment based on the individual’s strengths and weaknesses, we end up with a vague and fluctuating opinion about what young people might be expected to achieve on average in some uncertain future—like by the end of the academic year, when promotions occur, or by the time they are set to enter college or embark on what is viewed as the serious business of life, in contrast to the trial phase. We cannot overstate the loss resulting from the shift of focus from a critical point to a less productive one. It fails most where it thinks it’s succeeding—in preparing for the future.

Finally, the principle of preparation makes necessary recourse on a large scale to the use of adventitious motives of pleasure and pain. The future having no stimulating and directing power when severed from the possibilities of the present, something must be hitched on to it to make it work. Promises of reward and threats of pain are employed. Healthy work, done for present reasons and as a factor in living, is largely unconscious. The stimulus resides in the situation with which one is actually confronted. But when this situation is ignored, pupils have to be told that if they do not follow the prescribed course penalties will accrue; while if they do, they may expect, some time in the future, rewards for their present sacrifices. Everybody knows how largely systems of punishment have had to be resorted to by educational systems which neglect present possibilities in behalf of preparation for a future. Then, in disgust with the harshness and impotency of this method, the pendulum swings to the opposite extreme, and the dose of information required against some later day is sugar-coated, so that pupils may be fooled into taking something which they do not care for.

Finally, the principle of preparation requires extensive use of additional motivations related to pleasure and pain. The future has no motivating or guiding power when it’s disconnected from what’s possible in the present, so something needs to be attached to it to make it effective. Promises of rewards and threats of consequences are used. Productive work that’s based on immediate reasons and contributes to living is mostly done unconsciously. The motivation comes from the situation one is actually facing. But when this situation is overlooked, students have to be told that if they don’t follow the outlined path, they will face penalties; whereas if they do, they can expect some kind of reward in the future for their current sacrifices. Everyone knows how heavily educational systems that ignore present opportunities in favor of future preparation have relied on punishment. Then, in frustration with the severity and ineffectiveness of this approach, the pendulum swings to the opposite extreme, and the information required for later is sugar-coated, so students can be tricked into accepting something they don’t want.

It is not of course a question whether education should prepare for the future. If education is growth, it must progressively realize present possibilities, and thus make individuals better fitted to cope with later requirements. Growing is not something which is completed in odd moments; it is a continuous leading into the future. If the environment, in school and out, supplies conditions which utilize adequately the present capacities of the immature, the future which grows out of the present is surely taken care of. The mistake is not in attaching importance to preparation for future need, but in making it the mainspring of present effort. Because the need of preparation for a continually developing life is great, it is imperative that every energy should be bent to making the present experience as rich and significant as possible. Then as the present merges insensibly into the future, the future is taken care of.

It's not really a question of whether education should get us ready for the future. If education is about growth, it needs to recognize our current abilities and help people adapt to future challenges. Growing isn't something that happens in spare moments; it's an ongoing journey toward the future. If the surroundings, both in school and outside, provide conditions that make good use of the young people's current skills, then the future that comes from the present will take care of itself. The error isn't in valuing preparation for future needs, but rather in making it the main focus of current efforts. Since the need to prepare for a life that keeps evolving is significant, it's crucial to pour all our energy into making the present experiences as rich and meaningful as possible. Then, as the present naturally transitions into the future, the future will be in good hands.

2. Education as Unfolding. There is a conception of education which professes to be based upon the idea of development. But it takes back with one hand what it proffers with the other. Development is conceived not as continuous growing, but as the unfolding of latent powers toward a definite goal. The goal is conceived of as completion,—perfection. Life at any stage short of attainment of this goal is merely an unfolding toward it. Logically the doctrine is only a variant of the preparation theory. Practically the two differ in that the adherents of the latter make much of the practical and professional duties for which one is preparing, while the developmental doctrine speaks of the ideal and spiritual qualities of the principle which is unfolding.

2. Education as Unfolding. There’s a view of education that claims to be rooted in the idea of development. However, it takes away as much as it gives. Development isn’t seen as a continuous growth process, but rather as the unfolding of hidden abilities toward a specific goal. This goal is seen as completion—perfection. Life, at any stage before reaching this goal, is just an unfolding towards it. Logically, this idea is just a variation of the preparation theory. Practically, the two differ in that those who support the latter focus heavily on the practical and professional roles one is preparing for, while the developmental view emphasizes the ideal and spiritual qualities of the principle that is unfolding.

The conception that growth and progress are just approximations to a final unchanging goal is the last infirmity of the mind in its transition from a static to a dynamic understanding of life. It simulates the style of the latter. It pays the tribute of speaking much of development, process, progress. But all of these operations are conceived to be merely transitional; they lack meaning on their own account. They possess significance only as movements toward something away from what is now going on. Since growth is just a movement toward a completed being, the final ideal is immobile. An abstract and indefinite future is in control with all which that connotes in depreciation of present power and opportunity.

The idea that growth and progress are just steps toward a final, unchanging goal reflects the last weakness of the mind as it shifts from a static to a dynamic understanding of life. It mimics the latter's style, paying lip service to talking about development, process, and progress. However, all these actions are seen as merely temporary; they don't have meaning on their own. They only matter as movements toward something, distancing themselves from what's currently happening. Since growth is simply a move toward a completed state, the ultimate ideal remains static. An abstract and uncertain future dominates, which undermines the value of present power and opportunity.

Since the goal of perfection, the standard of development, is very far away, it is so beyond us that, strictly speaking, it is unattainable. Consequently, in order to be available for present guidance it must be translated into something which stands for it. Otherwise we should be compelled to regard any and every manifestation of the child as an unfolding from within, and hence sacred. Unless we set up some definite criterion representing the ideal end by which to judge whether a given attitude or act is approximating or moving away, our sole alternative is to withdraw all influences of the environment lest they interfere with proper development. Since that is not practicable, a working substitute is set up. Usually, of course, this is some idea which an adult would like to have a child acquire. Consequently, by "suggestive questioning" or some other pedagogical device, the teacher proceeds to "draw out" from the pupil what is desired. If what is desired is obtained, that is evidence that the child is unfolding properly. But as the pupil generally has no initiative of his own in this direction, the result is a random groping after what is wanted, and the formation of habits of dependence upon the cues furnished by others. Just because such methods simulate a true principle and claim to have its sanction they may do more harm than would outright "telling," where, at least, it remains with the child how much will stick.

Since the pursuit of perfection, the benchmark for growth, is so distant that it is technically unreachable, it needs to be reinterpreted into something we can work with in the present. Otherwise, we might feel forced to view every expression of a child as a sacred development from within. Unless we establish a clear standard that represents the ideal outcome to evaluate whether a certain attitude or action is getting closer to or further away from that ideal, our only option is to remove all environmental influences to avoid disrupting proper growth. Since that's not feasible, we create a practical alternative. Typically, this is an idea an adult hopes the child will learn. As a result, through "suggestive questioning" or other teaching techniques, the teacher tries to "draw out" the desired response from the student. If the desired response is achieved, it suggests the child is developing correctly. However, since the student usually lacks initiative in this matter, the outcome is often a random search for what’s wanted, leading to a reliance on prompts from others. Because these methods mimic true principles and claim their authority, they can sometimes cause more harm than simply "telling," where at least the child decides how much they absorb.

Within the sphere of philosophic thought there have been two typical attempts to provide a working representative of the absolute goal. Both start from the conception of a whole—an absolute—which is "immanent" in human life. The perfect or complete ideal is not a mere ideal; it is operative here and now. But it is present only implicitly, "potentially," or in an enfolded condition. What is termed development is the gradual making explicit and outward of what is thus wrapped up. Froebel and Hegel, the authors of the two philosophic schemes referred to, have different ideas of the path by which the progressive realization of manifestation of the complete principle is effected. According to Hegel, it is worked out through a series of historical institutions which embody the different factors in the Absolute. According to Froebel, the actuating force is the presentation of symbols, largely mathematical, corresponding to the essential traits of the Absolute. When these are presented to the child, the Whole, or perfection, sleeping within him, is awakened. A single example may indicate the method. Every one familiar with the kindergarten is acquainted with the circle in which the children gather. It is not enough that the circle is a convenient way of grouping the children. It must be used "because it is a symbol of the collective life of mankind in general." Froebel's recognition of the significance of the native capacities of children, his loving attention to them, and his influence in inducing others to study them, represent perhaps the most effective single force in modern educational theory in effecting widespread acknowledgment of the idea of growth. But his formulation of the notion of development and his organization of devices for promoting it were badly hampered by the fact that he conceived development to be the unfolding of a ready-made latent principle. He failed to see that growing is growth, developing is development, and consequently placed the emphasis upon the completed product. Thus he set up a goal which meant the arrest of growth, and a criterion which is not applicable to immediate guidance of powers, save through translation into abstract and symbolic formulae.

In the realm of philosophical thought, there have been two common attempts to represent the ultimate goal. Both begin with the idea of a whole—an absolute—that is "immanent" in human life. The perfect or complete ideal isn't just a concept; it operates here and now. However, it's only present implicitly, "potentially," or in a hidden state. What we call development is the gradual revealing and expressing of what is wrapped up within. Froebel and Hegel, the creators of the two philosophical approaches mentioned, have different views on how the progressive realization of the complete principle occurs. Hegel believes it's achieved through a series of historical institutions that embody different elements of the Absolute. In contrast, Froebel sees the driving force as the presentation of symbols, mainly mathematical, that reflect the essential characteristics of the Absolute. When these are introduced to a child, the Whole, or perfection, that lies dormant within them is awakened. A simple example illustrates this method. Anyone familiar with kindergarten knows of the circle where the children gather. It's not just that the circle is a convenient way to group the kids; it must be used "because it is a symbol of the collective life of mankind in general." Froebel's understanding of the native abilities of children, his caring attention to them, and his influence in encouraging others to study them represent perhaps the most effective force in modern educational theory, leading to a broad acknowledgment of the concept of growth. However, his idea of development and his methods for promoting it were hindered by his belief that development was the unfolding of a pre-existing latent principle. He didn't recognize that growing is growth, and developing is development, which led him to focus on the end product instead. This resulted in a goal that signifies the halt of growth, and a standard that doesn't apply to the immediate guidance of abilities, except through translation into abstract and symbolic formulas.

A remote goal of complete unfoldedness is, in technical philosophic language, transcendental. That is, it is something apart from direct experience and perception. So far as experience is concerned, it is empty; it represents a vague sentimental aspiration rather than anything which can be intelligently grasped and stated. This vagueness must be compensated for by some a priori formula. Froebel made the connection between the concrete facts of experience and the transcendental ideal of development by regarding the former as symbols of the latter. To regard known things as symbols, according to some arbitrary a priori formula—and every a priori conception must be arbitrary—is an invitation to romantic fancy to seize upon any analogies which appeal to it and treat them as laws. After the scheme of symbolism has been settled upon, some definite technique must be invented by which the inner meaning of the sensible symbols used may be brought home to children. Adults being the formulators of the symbolism are naturally the authors and controllers of the technique. The result was that Froebel's love of abstract symbolism often got the better of his sympathetic insight; and there was substituted for development as arbitrary and externally imposed a scheme of dictation as the history of instruction has ever seen.

A distant goal of complete openness is, in technical philosophical terms, transcendental. It exists separately from direct experience and perception. As far as experience goes, it's empty; it represents a vague sentimental hope rather than anything that can be clearly understood and articulated. This vagueness has to be compensated for by some a priori formula. Froebel made the link between the concrete facts of experience and the transcendental ideal of development by seeing the former as symbols of the latter. Viewing known things as symbols, according to some arbitrary a priori formula—and every a priori concept must be arbitrary—invites romantic imagination to pick any appealing analogies and treat them as laws. Once the symbolism framework is established, a specific technique must be developed to convey the deeper meaning of the sensory symbols to children. Since adults create the symbolism, they naturally become the authors and controllers of the technique. The outcome was that Froebel's passion for abstract symbolism often overshadowed his empathetic insight, leading to a system of dictation that was as arbitrary and externally imposed as the history of education has ever seen.

With Hegel the necessity of finding some working concrete counterpart of the inaccessible Absolute took an institutional, rather than symbolic, form. His philosophy, like Froebel's, marks in one direction an indispensable contribution to a valid conception of the process of life. The weaknesses of an abstract individualistic philosophy were evident to him; he saw the impossibility of making a clean sweep of historical institutions, of treating them as despotisms begot in artifice and nurtured in fraud. In his philosophy of history and society culminated the efforts of a whole series of German writers—Lessing, Herder, Kant, Schiller, Goethe—to appreciate the nurturing influence of the great collective institutional products of humanity. For those who learned the lesson of this movement, it was henceforth impossible to conceive of institutions or of culture as artificial. It destroyed completely—in idea, not in fact—the psychology that regarded "mind" as a ready-made possession of a naked individual by showing the significance of "objective mind"—language, government, art, religion—in the formation of individual minds. But since Hegel was haunted by the conception of an absolute goal, he was obliged to arrange institutions as they concretely exist, on a stepladder of ascending approximations. Each in its time and place is absolutely necessary, because a stage in the self-realizing process of the absolute mind. Taken as such a step or stage, its existence is proof of its complete rationality, for it is an integral element in the total, which is Reason. Against institutions as they are, individuals have no spiritual rights; personal development, and nurture, consist in obedient assimilation of the spirit of existing institutions. Conformity, not transformation, is the essence of education. Institutions change as history shows; but their change, the rise and fall of states, is the work of the "world-spirit." Individuals, save the great "heroes" who are the chosen organs of the world-spirit, have no share or lot in it. In the later nineteenth century, this type of idealism was amalgamated with the doctrine of biological evolution.

With Hegel, the need to find a practical, concrete equivalent of the unreachable Absolute took on an institutional rather than a symbolic form. His philosophy, similar to Froebel's, makes an essential contribution to a valid understanding of the process of life. He recognized the flaws of an abstract, individualistic philosophy; he acknowledged that it was impossible to completely eliminate historical institutions or treat them as mere despotisms created by deception. His philosophy of history and society represents the culmination of a series of German writers—Lessing, Herder, Kant, Schiller, Goethe—who sought to understand the vital influence of the major collective institutional products of humanity. For those who grasped the lessons from this movement, it became impossible to view institutions or culture as artificial. It utterly dismantled—at least theoretically—the mindset that regarded "mind" as a pre-existing asset of a solitary individual, highlighting the importance of "objective mind"—language, government, art, religion—in shaping individual minds. However, since Hegel was fixated on the idea of an absolute goal, he was forced to arrange institutions as they actually exist, on a ladder of increasing approximations. Each institution, in its time and place, is absolutely necessary, serving as a step in the self-realization of the absolute mind. Viewed in this light, its existence demonstrates its complete rationality, as it is a crucial component of the whole, which is Reason. Against institutions as they currently exist, individuals hold no spiritual rights; personal development and nurture consist in the obedient adoption of the spirit of existing institutions. Conformity, rather than transformation, is the essence of education. Institutions evolve, as history indicates, but their transformation—the rise and fall of states—is driven by the "world-spirit." Individuals, apart from the great "heroes" who are the chosen agents of the world-spirit, have no role in it. In the late nineteenth century, this form of idealism merged with the theory of biological evolution.

"Evolution" was a force working itself out to its own end. As against it, or as compared with it, the conscious ideas and preference of individuals are impotent. Or, rather, they are but the means by which it works itself out. Social progress is an "organic growth," not an experimental selection. Reason is all powerful, but only Absolute Reason has any power.

"Evolution" was a force that worked toward its own goals. Compared to it, the conscious thoughts and preferences of individuals are powerless. In fact, they are just the means through which it achieves its aims. Social progress is an "organic growth," not a result of trial and error. Reason is incredibly powerful, but only Absolute Reason has any real power.

The recognition (or rediscovery, for the idea was familiar to the Greeks) that great historic institutions are active factors in the intellectual nurture of mind was a great contribution to educational philosophy. It indicated a genuine advance beyond Rousseau, who had marred his assertion that education must be a natural development and not something forced or grafted upon individuals from without, by the notion that social conditions are not natural. But in its notion of a complete and all-inclusive end of development, the Hegelian theory swallowed up concrete individualities, though magnifying The Individual in the abstract. Some of Hegel's followers sought to reconcile the claims of the Whole and of individuality by the conception of society as an organic whole, or organism. That social organization is presupposed in the adequate exercise of individual capacity is not to be doubted. But the social organism, interpreted after the relation of the organs of the body to each other and to the whole body, means that each individual has a certain limited place and function, requiring to be supplemented by the place and functions of the other organs. As one portion of the bodily tissue is differentiated so that it can be the hand and the hand only, another, the eye, and so on, all taken together making the organism, so one individual is supposed to be differentiated for the exercise of the mechanical operations of society, another for those of a statesman, another for those of a scholar, and so on. The notion of "organism" is thus used to give a philosophic sanction to class distinctions in social organization—a notion which in its educational application again means external dictation instead of growth.

The recognition (or rediscovery, since the idea was known to the Greeks) that significant historical institutions actively shape intellectual development was a major advancement in educational philosophy. It represented a true move beyond Rousseau, who undermined his argument that education should be a natural evolution and not something imposed on individuals from the outside by claiming that social conditions are not natural. However, in presenting a complete and all-encompassing goal for development, the Hegelian theory overshadowed individual identities while elevating The Individual in the abstract. Some of Hegel's followers attempted to reconcile the needs of the Whole with individuality by conceptualizing society as an organic whole or organism. It's clear that social organization is essential for the proper functioning of individual abilities. However, when interpreting the social organism in a way that resembles how the organs of a body relate to one another and to the body as a whole, it implies that each person has a specific, limited role and function that needs to be supported by the roles and functions of other members. Just as a part of bodily tissue is specialized to be the hand and nothing else, another part becomes the eye, and so on, together forming the organism, each individual is thought to be specialized for the mechanical functions of society, one as a statesman, another as a scholar, and so forth. The concept of "organism" is thus used to philosophically justify class distinctions in social organization—a concept that, in its educational context, again leads to external control rather than personal growth.

3. Education as Training of Faculties. A theory which has had great vogue and which came into existence before the notion of growth had much influence is known as the theory of "formal discipline." It has in view a correct ideal; one outcome of education should be the creation of specific powers of accomplishment. A trained person is one who can do the chief things which it is important for him to do better than he could without training: "better" signifying greater ease, efficiency, economy, promptness, etc. That this is an outcome of education was indicated in what was said about habits as the product of educative development. But the theory in question takes, as it were, a short cut; it regards some powers (to be presently named) as the direct and conscious aims of instruction, and not simply as the results of growth. There is a definite number of powers to be trained, as one might enumerate the kinds of strokes which a golfer has to master. Consequently education should get directly at the business of training them. But this implies that they are already there in some untrained form; otherwise their creation would have to be an indirect product of other activities and agencies. Being there already in some crude form, all that remains is to exercise them in constant and graded repetitions, and they will inevitably be refined and perfected. In the phrase "formal discipline" as applied to this conception, "discipline" refers both to the outcome of trained power and to the method of training through repeated exercise.

3. Education as Training of Skills. A theory that became quite popular, which emerged before the concept of growth had much impact, is known as the theory of "formal discipline." It aims for a valid ideal; one goal of education should be to develop specific abilities. A trained individual is someone who can perform essential tasks more effectively than they could without training: "more effectively" means with greater ease, efficiency, cost-effectiveness, speed, etc. This outcome of education was suggested by earlier discussions about habits as the result of educational development. However, this theory takes a more straightforward approach; it identifies certain skills (to be specified soon) as the direct and intentional objectives of teaching, rather than just the byproducts of growth. There’s a specific number of skills to develop, similar to how a golfer must master different types of swings. Therefore, education should focus directly on training these skills. But this assumes that these abilities already exist in some unrefined form; otherwise, their development would need to happen indirectly through other activities and methods. Since they are presumed to be present in some basic form, the only task left is to practice them through consistent and graded repetitions, and they will naturally improve and become more refined. In the term "formal discipline" as it relates to this idea, "discipline" describes both the result of trained ability and the process of training through repeated practice.

The forms of powers in question are such things as the faculties of perceiving, retaining, recalling, associating, attending, willing, feeling, imagining, thinking, etc., which are then shaped by exercise upon material presented. In its classic form, this theory was expressed by Locke. On the one hand, the outer world presents the material or content of knowledge through passively received sensations. On the other hand, the mind has certain ready powers, attention, observation, retention, comparison, abstraction, compounding, etc. Knowledge results if the mind discriminates and combines things as they are united and divided in nature itself. But the important thing for education is the exercise or practice of the faculties of the mind till they become thoroughly established habitudes. The analogy constantly employed is that of a billiard player or gymnast, who by repeated use of certain muscles in a uniform way at last secures automatic skill. Even the faculty of thinking was to be formed into a trained habit by repeated exercises in making and combining simple distinctions, for which, Locke thought, mathematics affords unrivaled opportunity.

The powers we're talking about include abilities like perceiving, retaining, recalling, associating, attending, willing, feeling, imagining, thinking, and so on, which are developed through engaging with material presented to us. This theory was originally articulated by Locke. On one side, the external world provides the material or content of knowledge through sensations that we receive passively. On the other side, the mind has certain inherent abilities such as attention, observation, retention, comparison, abstraction, and combining information. Knowledge emerges when the mind distinguishes and integrates things based on how they are connected and separated in nature. However, what's crucial for education is the practice of these mental faculties until they become firmly established habits. A common analogy used is that of a billiard player or gymnast, who, through repetitive use of specific muscles in a consistent manner, ultimately achieves automatic skill. Even the ability to think should be developed into a habitual skill through repeated practice in making and combining simple distinctions, which Locke believed mathematics provides an unparalleled opportunity for.

Locke's statements fitted well into the dualism of his day. It seemed to do justice to both mind and matter, the individual and the world. One of the two supplied the matter of knowledge and the object upon which mind should work. The other supplied definite mental powers, which were few in number and which might be trained by specific exercises. The scheme appeared to give due weight to the subject matter of knowledge, and yet it insisted that the end of education is not the bare reception and storage of information, but the formation of personal powers of attention, memory, observation, abstraction, and generalization. It was realistic in its emphatic assertion that all material whatever is received from without; it was idealistic in that final stress fell upon the formation of intellectual powers. It was objective and impersonal in its assertion that the individual cannot possess or generate any true ideas on his own account; it was individualistic in placing the end of education in the perfecting of certain faculties possessed at the outset by the individual. This kind of distribution of values expressed with nicety the state of opinion in the generations following upon Locke. It became, without explicit reference to Locke, a common-place of educational theory and of psychology. Practically, it seemed to provide the educator with definite, instead of vague, tasks. It made the elaboration of a technique of instruction relatively easy. All that was necessary was to provide for sufficient practice of each of the powers. This practice consists in repeated acts of attending, observing, memorizing, etc. By grading the difficulty of the acts, making each set of repetitions somewhat more difficult than the set which preceded it, a complete scheme of instruction is evolved. There are various ways, equally conclusive, of criticizing this conception, in both its alleged foundations and in its educational application. (1) Perhaps the most direct mode of attack consists in pointing out that the supposed original faculties of observation, recollection, willing, thinking, etc., are purely mythological. There are no such ready-made powers waiting to be exercised and thereby trained. There are, indeed, a great number of original native tendencies, instinctive modes of action, based on the original connections of neurones in the central nervous system. There are impulsive tendencies of the eyes to follow and fixate light; of the neck muscles to turn toward light and sound; of the hands to reach and grasp; and turn and twist and thump; of the vocal apparatus to make sounds; of the mouth to spew out unpleasant substances; to gag and to curl the lip, and so on in almost indefinite number. But these tendencies (a) instead of being a small number sharply marked off from one another, are of an indefinite variety, interweaving with one another in all kinds of subtle ways. (b) Instead of being latent intellectual powers, requiring only exercise for their perfecting, they are tendencies to respond in certain ways to changes in the environment so as to bring about other changes. Something in the throat makes one cough; the tendency is to eject the obnoxious particle and thus modify the subsequent stimulus. The hand touches a hot thing; it is impulsively, wholly unintellectually, snatched away. But the withdrawal alters the stimuli operating, and tends to make them more consonant with the needs of the organism. It is by such specific changes of organic activities in response to specific changes in the medium that that control of the environment of which we have spoken (see ante, p. 24) is effected. Now all of our first seeings and hearings and touchings and smellings and tastings are of this kind. In any legitimate sense of the words mental or intellectual or cognitive, they are lacking in these qualities, and no amount of repetitious exercise could bestow any intellectual properties of observation, judgment, or intentional action (volition) upon them.

Locke's ideas fit well into the dualism of his time. They seemed to respect both mind and matter, the individual and the world. One aspect provided the basis of knowledge and the object for the mind to engage with. The other offered specific mental abilities, which were few in number and could be developed through targeted practice. This framework gave appropriate recognition to the content of knowledge, while emphasizing that the goal of education is not just to receive and store information, but to develop personal skills like attention, memory, observation, abstraction, and generalization. It was realistic in its strong assertion that all material comes from outside; it was idealistic in stressing the importance of developing intellectual capabilities. It was objective and impersonal by stating that an individual cannot independently create or possess true ideas; it was individualistic by focusing on enhancing certain faculties that the individual already has. This distribution of values accurately reflected the opinions of the generations that followed Locke. It became, without direct reference to him, a common tenet in educational theory and psychology. Practically, it seemed to give educators clear, specific tasks instead of vague ones. It made developing instructional techniques relatively straightforward. All that was needed was to ensure sufficient practice of each skill. This practice consists of repeated actions of attending, observing, memorizing, etc. By progressively increasing the difficulty of these actions, each repetition becoming slightly tougher than the last, a comprehensive instructional scheme is created. There are various equally convincing ways to critique this conception regarding its supposed foundations and educational application. (1) One of the most straightforward criticisms is to highlight that the supposed original skills of observation, recollection, will, thinking, etc., are entirely mythical. There are no innate abilities ready to be exercised and trained. Instead, there are many inherent tendencies and instinctive behaviors based on the original connections of neurons in the central nervous system. There are impulsive tendencies for the eyes to follow and fixate on light; for the neck muscles to turn towards light and sound; for the hands to reach and grasp; for the body to twist and thump; for the vocal system to produce sounds; for the mouth to expel unpleasant substances; to gag and curl the lip, and so on, in almost infinite variety. But these tendencies (a) are not a small, distinct set; they are of an indefinite variety, intermingling in countless subtle ways. (b) Instead of being dormant intellectual abilities needing only practice to refine them, they are tendencies to respond in specific ways to changes in the environment that trigger further changes. Something in the throat can cause a cough; the tendency is to expel the irritating particle and thus alter the subsequent stimulus. When the hand touches something hot, it is impulsively and completely unintellectually pulled away. However, this reaction changes the stimuli acting on us, making them more aligned with the organism's needs. It is through these specific changes in bodily activities responding to specific environmental changes that the control of our surroundings we mentioned earlier (see ante, p. 24) is achieved. Now, all our initial experiences of seeing, hearing, touching, smelling, and tasting are of this nature. In any legitimate sense of the words mental, intellectual, or cognitive, they lack these qualities, and no amount of repetitive practice could grant any intellectual properties of observation, judgment, or intentional action (volition) to them.

(2) Consequently the training of our original impulsive activities is not a refinement and perfecting achieved by "exercise" as one might strengthen a muscle by practice. It consists rather (a) in selecting from the diffused responses which are evoked at a given time those which are especially adapted to the utilization of the stimulus. That is to say, among the reactions of the body in general occur upon stimulation of the eye by light, all except those which are specifically adapted to reaching, grasping, and manipulating the object effectively are gradually eliminated—or else no training occurs. As we have already noted, the primary reactions, with a very few exceptions are too diffused and general to be practically of much use in the case of the human infant. Hence the identity of training with selective response. (Compare p. 25.) (b) Equally important is the specific coordination of different factors of response which takes place. There is not merely a selection of the hand reactions which effect grasping, but of the particular visual stimuli which call out just these reactions and no others, and an establishment of connection between the two. But the coordinating does not stop here. Characteristic temperature reactions may take place when the object is grasped. These will also be brought in; later, the temperature reaction may be connected directly with the optical stimulus, the hand reaction being suppressed—as a bright flame, independent of close contact, may steer one away. Or the child in handling the object pounds with it, or crumples it, and a sound issues. The ear response is then brought into the system of response. If a certain sound (the conventional name) is made by others and accompanies the activity, response of both ear and the vocal apparatus connected with auditory stimulation will also become an associated factor in the complex response.

(2) As a result, training our natural impulsive actions isn't just about refining and perfecting them through "practice," like building muscle strength. Instead, it involves (a) choosing from the various responses triggered at any given moment those that are best suited for responding to the stimulus. In other words, when light stimulates the eye, all the body reactions that occur, except for those specifically suited for reaching, grasping, and effectively handling the object, are gradually eliminated—or else training doesn't happen. As we've already mentioned, the initial reactions, with very few exceptions, are too broad and general to be practically useful for the human infant. That’s why training is about selective response. (See p. 25.) (b) Equally important is how different response factors are specifically coordinated. It’s not just about selecting the hand movements necessary for grasping, but also identifying the particular visual stimuli that trigger these reactions and no others, establishing a link between the two. But coordination doesn’t stop there. Specific temperature reactions may occur when the object is grasped as well. These responses will also be involved; later on, the temperature reaction might be directly linked to the visual stimulus, with the hand reaction being suppressed—like how a bright flame can cause someone to pull away, even without touching it. Or the child might handle the object by hitting or crumpling it, producing a sound. The ear's response is then incorporated into the overall response system. If a specific sound (the conventional name) is made by others while this activity happens, the responses of both the ear and the vocal apparatus related to the auditory stimulation will also become part of the complex response.

(3) The more specialized the adjustment of response and stimulus to each other (for, taking the sequence of activities into account, the stimuli are adapted to reactions as well as reactions to stimuli) the more rigid and the less generally available is the training secured. In equivalent language, less intellectual or educative quality attaches to the training. The usual way of stating this fact is that the more specialized the reaction, the less is the skill acquired in practicing and perfecting it transferable to other modes of behavior. According to the orthodox theory of formal discipline, a pupil in studying his spelling lesson acquires, besides ability to spell those particular words, an increase of power of observation, attention, and recollection which may be employed whenever these powers are needed. As matter of fact, the more he confines himself to noticing and fixating the forms of words, irrespective of connection with other things (such as the meaning of the words, the context in which they are habitually used, the derivation and classification of the verbal form, etc.) the less likely is he to acquire an ability which can be used for anything except the mere noting of verbal visual forms. He may not even be increasing his ability to make accurate distinctions among geometrical forms, to say nothing of ability to observe in general. He is merely selecting the stimuli supplied by the forms of the letters and the motor reactions of oral or written reproduction. The scope of coordination (to use our prior terminology) is extremely limited. The connections which are employed in other observations and recollections (or reproductions) are deliberately eliminated when the pupil is exercised merely upon forms of letters and words. Having been excluded, they cannot be restored when needed. The ability secured to observe and to recall verbal forms is not available for perceiving and recalling other things. In the ordinary phraseology, it is not transferable. But the wider the context—that is to say, the more varied the stimuli and responses coordinated—the more the ability acquired is available for the effective performance of other acts; not, strictly speaking, because there is any "transfer," but because the wide range of factors employed in the specific act is equivalent to a broad range of activity, to a flexible, instead of to a narrow and rigid, coordination. (4) Going to the root of the matter, the fundamental fallacy of the theory is its dualism; that is to say, its separation of activities and capacities from subject matter. There is no such thing as an ability to see or hear or remember in general; there is only the ability to see or hear or remember something. To talk about training a power, mental or physical, in general, apart from the subject matter involved in its exercise, is nonsense. Exercise may react upon circulation, breathing, and nutrition so as to develop vigor or strength, but this reservoir is available for specific ends only by use in connection with the material means which accomplish them. Vigor will enable a man to play tennis or golf or to sail a boat better than he would if he were weak. But only by employing ball and racket, ball and club, sail and tiller, in definite ways does he become expert in any one of them; and expertness in one secures expertness in another only so far as it is either a sign of aptitude for fine muscular coordinations or as the same kind of coordination is involved in all of them. Moreover, the difference between the training of ability to spell which comes from taking visual forms in a narrow context and one which takes them in connection with the activities required to grasp meaning, such as context, affiliations of descent, etc., may be compared to the difference between exercises in the gymnasium with pulley weights to "develop" certain muscles, and a game or sport. The former is uniform and mechanical; it is rigidly specialized. The latter is varied from moment to moment; no two acts are quite alike; novel emergencies have to be met; the coordinations forming have to be kept flexible and elastic. Consequently, the training is much more "general"; that is to say, it covers a wider territory and includes more factors. Exactly the same thing holds of special and general education of the mind.

(3) The more specifically the responses and stimuli are adjusted to each other (because, considering the sequence of activities, stimuli adapt to reactions just as reactions adapt to stimuli), the more rigid and less generally useful the training becomes. In simpler terms, this kind of training holds less intellectual or educational value. The common way of expressing this is that the more specialized a reaction is, the less transferable the skills developed in practicing and perfecting it become to other actions. According to the traditional view of formal discipline, a student studying spelling not only learns how to spell those particular words but also enhances their powers of observation, attention, and memory, which can be applied whenever those skills are needed. In reality, the more they focus on identifying and memorizing the shapes of words—without relating them to other elements like their meanings, the contexts in which they're used, or their origins and classifications—the less likely they are to develop skills that can be applied beyond simply recognizing the visual forms of the words. They might not even be improving their ability to distinguish between geometric shapes, let alone their overall observational skills. Instead, they are merely responding to the stimuli created by the letters and their physical responses in saying or writing them down. The range of coordination (borrowing from our earlier terminology) is extremely limited. The connections used in other observations and recall (or reproductions) are intentionally ignored when the student only practices letter and word forms. Once these connections are excluded, they cannot be brought back when needed. The skill developed to observe and recall word forms does not transfer to perceiving and remembering other things. In everyday terms, it isn't transferable. However, the broader the context—meaning the more varied the stimuli and responses being coordinated—the more the skills gained can be applied to effectively carrying out other actions; not strictly because there is any "transfer," but because the wide array of factors involved in the specific action represents a broad range of activity, leading to more flexible coordination instead of narrow and rigid connections. (4) At the core of the issue, the fundamental mistake of this theory is its dualism; that is, its separation of activities and abilities from the subject matter. There’s no such thing as the ability to see, hear, or remember in a general sense; there’s only the ability to see, hear, or remember something specific. Referring to training a mental or physical power in general, apart from the subject matter involved in its use, is absurd. While exercise can affect circulation, breathing, and nutrition to enhance strength or fitness, this improvement is only useful for specific purposes when it involves the material means that achieve those purposes. Fitness helps a person play tennis, golf, or sail better than they would if they were weak. However, becoming skilled in any of these activities requires the specific use of balls and rackets, clubs, sails, and tillers in particular ways; expertise in one doesn’t guarantee expertise in another, except when it indicates an aptitude for fine muscular coordination or if the same coordination is needed across all of them. Additionally, the difference between training to spell by focusing on visual forms in a narrow context and doing so in a way that connects those forms to comprehending meaning—such as through context or derivation—can be likened to the distinction between gym exercises with pulley weights designed to "develop" certain muscles, and playing a game or sport. The former is consistent and mechanical; it is highly specialized. The latter is dynamic, with varying actions; no two movements are identical; new challenges arise that require flexibility and adaptability in coordination. As a result, the training is much more "general"; it encompasses a broader range of areas and involves more factors. The same principle applies to both specialized and general education of the mind.

A monotonously uniform exercise may by practice give great skill in one special act; but the skill is limited to that act, be it bookkeeping or calculations in logarithms or experiments in hydrocarbons. One may be an authority in a particular field and yet of more than usually poor judgment in matters not closely allied, unless the training in the special field has been of a kind to ramify into the subject matter of the other fields. (5) Consequently, such powers as observation, recollection, judgment, esthetic taste, represent organized results of the occupation of native active tendencies with certain subject matters. A man does not observe closely and fully by pressing a button for the observing faculty to get to work (in other words by "willing" to observe); but if he has something to do which can be accomplished successfully only through intensive and extensive use of eye and hand, he naturally observes. Observation is an outcome, a consequence, of the interaction of sense organ and subject matter. It will vary, accordingly, with the subject matter employed.

A repetitive exercise can lead to great skill in one specific task, whether that’s bookkeeping, calculating logarithms, or conducting experiments with hydrocarbons. Someone might be an expert in a particular area but still have poor judgment in related matters unless their training in that area also connects with other fields. As a result, skills like observation, memory, judgment, and aesthetic appreciation come from engaging actively with specific subjects. A person doesn’t observe carefully just by wanting to observe; instead, if they’re doing something that requires close and thorough use of their eyes and hands, they naturally pay attention. Observation happens as a result of the interaction between our senses and the subject at hand, so it will differ based on what is being observed.

It is consequently futile to set up even the ulterior development of faculties of observation, memory, etc., unless we have first determined what sort of subject matter we wish the pupil to become expert in observing and recalling and for what purpose. And it is only repeating in another form what has already been said, to declare that the criterion here must be social. We want the person to note and recall and judge those things which make him an effective competent member of the group in which he is associated with others. Otherwise we might as well set the pupil to observing carefully cracks on the wall and set him to memorizing meaningless lists of words in an unknown tongue—which is about what we do in fact when we give way to the doctrine of formal discipline. If the observing habits of a botanist or chemist or engineer are better habits than those which are thus formed, it is because they deal with subject matter which is more significant in life. In concluding this portion of the discussion, we note that the distinction between special and general education has nothing to do with the transferability of function or power. In the literal sense, any transfer is miraculous and impossible. But some activities are broad; they involve a coordination of many factors. Their development demands continuous alternation and readjustment. As conditions change, certain factors are subordinated, and others which had been of minor importance come to the front. There is constant redistribution of the focus of the action, as is seen in the illustration of a game as over against pulling a fixed weight by a series of uniform motions. Thus there is practice in prompt making of new combinations with the focus of activity shifted to meet change in subject matter. Wherever an activity is broad in scope (that is, involves the coordinating of a large variety of sub-activities), and is constantly and unexpectedly obliged to change direction in its progressive development, general education is bound to result. For this is what "general" means; broad and flexible. In practice, education meets these conditions, and hence is general, in the degree in which it takes account of social relationships. A person may become expert in technical philosophy, or philology, or mathematics or engineering or financiering, and be inept and ill-advised in his action and judgment outside of his specialty. If however his concern with these technical subject matters has been connected with human activities having social breadth, the range of active responses called into play and flexibly integrated is much wider. Isolation of subject matter from a social context is the chief obstruction in current practice to securing a general training of mind. Literature, art, religion, when thus dissociated, are just as narrowing as the technical things which the professional upholders of general education strenuously oppose.

It's pointless to develop observation, memory, and other skills without first deciding what specific content we want students to become skilled at observing and remembering, and for what reason. Essentially, the benchmark here should be social. We want individuals to notice, remember, and evaluate things that make them effective, competent members of their communities. Otherwise, we might as well have students focus on cracks in walls or memorize meaningless lists of words in a foreign language— which is what we often do when we follow the idea of formal discipline. The observation skills of a botanist, chemist, or engineer are superior because they engage with topics that are more meaningful in life. In wrapping up this part of the discussion, it's important to understand that the difference between specialized and general education has nothing to do with the ability to transfer skills or power. Literally, any transfer is miraculous and impractical. However, some activities are broad in scope; they require the coordination of many elements. Their development requires constant changes and adjustments. As conditions change, some factors become less important, while others, once minor, rise to prominence. The focus of the activity continually shifts, much like how a game differs from pulling the same weight with uniform motions. This leads to practice in quickly forming new combinations, with attention shifting to adapt to changes in content. Whenever an activity is broad (meaning it involves coordinating a variety of sub-activities) and must frequently and unexpectedly change direction in its development, general education is bound to emerge. Because "general" implies being broad and adaptable. In practice, education meets these criteria and is thus general, to the extent that it considers social relationships. A person might excel in technical areas like philosophy, linguistics, mathematics, engineering, or finance, yet struggle with actions and judgments outside their specialty. On the other hand, if their engagement with these technical subjects is linked to human activities with social relevance, the range of active responses they can draw upon is much broader. Isolating subject matter from a social context is the main barrier to achieving a general education in today’s practice. When literature, art, and religion are treated in isolation, they can be just as limiting as the technical subjects that advocates of general education vehemently criticize.





Summary. The conception that the result of the educative process is

capacity for further education stands in contrast with some other ideas which have profoundly influenced practice. The first contrasting conception considered is that of preparing or getting ready for some future duty or privilege. Specific evil effects were pointed out which result from the fact that this aim diverts attention of both teacher and taught from the only point to which it may be fruitfully directed—namely, taking advantage of the needs and possibilities of the immediate present. Consequently it defeats its own professed purpose. The notion that education is an unfolding from within appears to have more likeness to the conception of growth which has been set forth. But as worked out in the theories of Froebel and Hegel, it involves ignoring the interaction of present organic tendencies with the present environment, just as much as the notion of preparation. Some implicit whole is regarded as given ready-made and the significance of growth is merely transitory; it is not an end in itself, but simply a means of making explicit what is already implicit. Since that which is not explicit cannot be made definite use of, something has to be found to represent it. According to Froebel, the mystic symbolic value of certain objects and acts (largely mathematical) stand for the Absolute Whole which is in process of unfolding. According to Hegel, existing institutions are its effective actual representatives. Emphasis upon symbols and institutions tends to divert perception from the direct growth of experience in richness of meaning. Another influential but defective theory is that which conceives that mind has, at birth, certain mental faculties or powers, such as perceiving, remembering, willing, judging, generalizing, attending, etc., and that education is the training of these faculties through repeated exercise. This theory treats subject matter as comparatively external and indifferent, its value residing simply in the fact that it may occasion exercise of the general powers. Criticism was directed upon this separation of the alleged powers from one another and from the material upon which they act. The outcome of the theory in practice was shown to be an undue emphasis upon the training of narrow specialized modes of skill at the expense of initiative, inventiveness, and readaptability—qualities which depend upon the broad and consecutive interaction of specific activities with one another. 1 As matter of fact, the interconnection is so great, there are so many paths of construction, that every stimulus brings about some change in all of the organs of response. We are accustomed however to ignore most of these modifications of the total organic activity, concentrating upon that one which is most specifically adapted to the most urgent stimulus of the moment. 2 This statement should be compared with what was said earlier about the sequential ordering of responses (p. 25). It is merely a more explicit statement of the way in which that consecutive arrangement occurs.

The ability for further education contrasts sharply with some other ideas that have significantly influenced practice. The first contrasting idea focuses on preparing for some future duty or privilege. Specific negative effects were highlighted, resulting from the fact that this goal distracts both teachers and students from the only focus that could be productive—namely, addressing the needs and possibilities of the immediate present. Consequently, it undermines its own stated purpose. The idea that education is something that unfolds from within seems more aligned with the concept of growth that has been presented. However, as detailed in the theories of Froebel and Hegel, it overlooks the interaction between current organic tendencies and the present environment, just as much as the idea of preparation does. A certain implicit whole is viewed as being given ready-made, and the importance of growth is merely temporary; it is not an end in itself, but rather a means of revealing what is already implicit. Since what is not explicit cannot be clearly utilized, something needs to be found to represent it. According to Froebel, the mystical symbolic value of certain objects and actions (mostly mathematical) represents the Absolute Whole that is unfolding. According to Hegel, existing institutions are its effective actual representatives. Focusing on symbols and institutions tends to distract attention from the direct growth of experience and its richness of meaning. Another influential but flawed theory suggests that the mind is born with certain faculties or powers, such as perceiving, remembering, willing, judging, generalizing, attending, etc., and that education involves training these faculties through repeated practice. This theory treats subject matter as relatively external and indifferent, with its value lying solely in its ability to stimulate the exercise of these general faculties. Criticism has been aimed at this separation of the supposed powers from one another and from the materials they act upon. The practical outcome of this theory has shown an undue emphasis on training specialized skills at the expense of initiative, creativity, and adaptability—qualities that depend on broad and continuous interaction among specific activities. In reality, the interconnection is so vast, with so many paths for development, that every stimulus leads to some change in all the response organs. However, we tend to overlook most of these modifications in total organic activity, focusing instead on the one that is most specifically suited to the most pressing stimulus at the moment. This statement should be compared with what was said earlier about the sequential ordering of responses (p. 25). It is simply a more explicit statement of how that orderly arrangement occurs.





Chapter Six: Education as Conservative and Progressive

1. Education as Formation. We now come to a type of theory which denies the existence of faculties and emphasizes the unique role of subject matter in the development of mental and moral disposition. According to it, education is neither a process of unfolding from within nor is it a training of faculties resident in mind itself. It is rather the formation of mind by setting up certain associations or connections of content by means of a subject matter presented from without. Education proceeds by instruction taken in a strictly literal sense, a building into the mind from without. That education is formative of mind is not questioned; it is the conception already propounded. But formation here has a technical meaning dependent upon the idea of something operating from without. Herbart is the best historical representative of this type of theory. He denies absolutely the existence of innate faculties. The mind is simply endowed with the power of producing various qualities in reaction to the various realities which act upon it. These qualitatively different reactions are called presentations (Vorstellungen). Every presentation once called into being persists; it may be driven below the "threshold" of consciousness by new and stronger presentations, produced by the reaction of the soul to new material, but its activity continues by its own inherent momentum, below the surface of consciousness. What are termed faculties—attention, memory, thinking, perception, even the sentiments, are arrangements, associations, and complications, formed by the interaction of these submerged presentations with one another and with new presentations. Perception, for example, is the complication of presentations which result from the rise of old presentations to greet and combine with new ones; memory is the evoking of an old presentation above the threshold of consciousness by getting entangled with another presentation, etc. Pleasure is the result of reinforcement among the independent activities of presentations; pain of their pulling different ways, etc.

1. Education as Formation. We now discuss a type of theory that denies the existence of mental faculties and highlights the unique role of subject matter in shaping mental and moral attitudes. According to this view, education is neither a process of unfolding from within nor just training the faculties already present in the mind. Instead, it’s about forming the mind by creating certain associations or connections through externally presented subject matter. Education happens through instruction taken in a strict, literal sense, building knowledge into the mind from the outside. The idea that education shapes the mind isn’t questioned; it’s the concept we’ve already introduced. However, "formation" here has a specific meaning that relies on the idea of something influencing from outside. Herbart is the best historical figure representing this theory. He completely denies the existence of innate faculties. The mind is simply equipped to produce various qualities in response to different realities that impact it. These different reactions are what we call presentations (Vorstellungen). Once a presentation is created, it persists; it might be pushed below the "threshold" of consciousness by new, stronger presentations arising from the soul’s reaction to new material, but its influence continues beneath the surface of consciousness. What we refer to as faculties—attention, memory, thinking, perception, even emotions—are just arrangements, associations, and complexities formed by the interactions of these submerged presentations with each other and new presentations. For instance, perception is the complexity of presentations that occurs when old presentations rise up to interact with new ones; memory is the process of bringing an old presentation into consciousness by connecting it with another presentation, and so on. Pleasure arises from the reinforcement of the independent activities of presentations; pain comes from their conflicting directions, etc.

The concrete character of mind consists, then, wholly of the various arrangements formed by the various presentations in their different qualities. The "furniture" of the mind is the mind. Mind is wholly a matter of "contents." The educational implications of this doctrine are threefold.

The specific nature of the mind is made up entirely of the different arrangements created by various perceptions in their unique qualities. The "furniture" of the mind is essentially the mind itself. The mind is entirely about its "contents." The educational implications of this idea are threefold.

(1) This or that kind of mind is formed by the use of objects which evoke this or that kind of reaction and which produce this or that arrangement among the reactions called out. The formation of mind is wholly a matter of the presentation of the proper educational materials.

(1) This type of mindset is shaped by the use of objects that trigger specific reactions and create certain arrangements among those reactions. Developing a mindset is entirely about presenting the right educational materials.

(2) Since the earlier presentations constitute the "apperceiving organs" which control the assimilation of new presentations, their character is all important. The effect of new presentations is to reinforce groupings previously formed. The business of the educator is, first, to select the proper material in order to fix the nature of the original reactions, and, secondly, to arrange the sequence of subsequent presentations on the basis of the store of ideas secured by prior transactions. The control is from behind, from the past, instead of, as in the unfolding conception, in the ultimate goal.

(2) Since the earlier presentations serve as the "perceptive organs" that manage how we take in new information, their nature is crucial. New presentations strengthen previously formed ideas. It's the educator's job to first choose the right materials to shape the initial reactions and, second, to organize the order of later presentations based on the knowledge gained from earlier experiences. The guidance comes from past experiences, rather than being focused solely on the final goal.

(3) Certain formal steps of all method in teaching may be laid down. Presentation of new subject matter is obviously the central thing, but since knowing consists in the way in which this interacts with the contents already submerged below consciousness, the first thing is the step of "preparation,"—that is, calling into special activity and getting above the floor of consciousness those older presentations which are to assimilate the new one. Then after the presentation, follow the processes of interaction of new and old; then comes the application of the newly formed content to the performance of some task. Everything must go through this course; consequently there is a perfectly uniform method in instruction in all subjects for all pupils of all ages.

(3) There are certain formal steps in all teaching methods that can be outlined. Presenting new material is clearly the main focus, but since understanding involves how this new information interacts with what we already know subconsciously, the first step is "preparation." This means activating and bringing to our conscious awareness the existing knowledge that will help us grasp the new material. After the presentation, we then see how the new and old information interact. Finally, we apply this newly acquired knowledge to complete a task. This process is essential, which is why there is a consistent method of instruction across all subjects for students of all ages.

Herbart's great service lay in taking the work of teaching out of the region of routine and accident. He brought it into the sphere of conscious method; it became a conscious business with a definite aim and procedure, instead of being a compound of casual inspiration and subservience to tradition. Moreover, everything in teaching and discipline could be specified, instead of our having to be content with vague and more or less mystic generalities about ultimate ideals and speculative spiritual symbols. He abolished the notion of ready-made faculties, which might be trained by exercise upon any sort of material, and made attention to concrete subject matter, to the content, all-important. Herbart undoubtedly has had a greater influence in bringing to the front questions connected with the material of study than any other educational philosopher. He stated problems of method from the standpoint of their connection with subject matter: method having to do with the manner and sequence of presenting new subject matter to insure its proper interaction with old.

Herbart's significant contribution was shifting teaching away from routine and randomness. He moved it into the realm of intentional methods; it became a purposeful activity with clear goals and procedures, rather than a mix of chance inspiration and adherence to tradition. Additionally, everything in teaching and discipline could be clearly defined, instead of relying on vague and somewhat mystical ideas about ultimate goals and abstract spiritual symbols. He eliminated the idea of pre-existing abilities that could be developed through practice on any type of material, emphasizing the importance of focusing on specific subjects and content. Herbart undoubtedly had a greater impact on highlighting issues related to study materials than any other educational philosopher. He framed method-related issues based on their relationship with content: method involving how and in what order new material is presented to ensure it properly interacts with existing knowledge.

The fundamental theoretical defect of this view lies in ignoring the existence in a living being of active and specific functions which are developed in the redirection and combination which occur as they are occupied with their environment. The theory represents the Schoolmaster come to his own. This fact expresses at once its strength and its weakness. The conception that the mind consists of what has been taught, and that the importance of what has been taught consists in its availability for further teaching, reflects the pedagogue's view of life. The philosophy is eloquent about the duty of the teacher in instructing pupils; it is almost silent regarding his privilege of learning. It emphasizes the influence of intellectual environment upon the mind; it slurs over the fact that the environment involves a personal sharing in common experiences. It exaggerates beyond reason the possibilities of consciously formulated and used methods, and underestimates the role of vital, unconscious, attitudes. It insists upon the old, the past, and passes lightly over the operation of the genuinely novel and unforeseeable. It takes, in brief, everything educational into account save its essence,—vital energy seeking opportunity for effective exercise. All education forms character, mental and moral, but formation consists in the selection and coordination of native activities so that they may utilize the subject matter of the social environment. Moreover, the formation is not only a formation of native activities, but it takes place through them. It is a process of reconstruction, reorganization.

The main theoretical flaw in this perspective is that it overlooks the presence of active and specific functions in living beings that develop through their interactions and combinations as they engage with their surroundings. This theory reflects a rigid, structured view, exemplifying both its strengths and weaknesses. The idea that the mind is made up of what has been taught, and that the significance of that teaching lies in its applicability for further instruction, mirrors a teacher-centric outlook on life. The philosophy articulates the teacher's duty to educate students but remains nearly silent on the teacher's privilege of learning. It highlights how intellectual environments shape the mind while downplaying the personal engagement in shared experiences. It wildly exaggerates the effectiveness of consciously created methods while undervaluing the importance of dynamic, unconscious attitudes. It focuses heavily on the past and the established, while brushing aside the role of genuinely new and unpredictable developments. In short, it considers every aspect of education except its core—vital energy seeking opportunities for meaningful engagement. All education shapes character, both mental and moral, but this formation occurs through the selection and coordination of inherent activities to effectively utilize the social environment's subject matter. Additionally, this formation is not only about native activities; it occurs through them. It is a process of reconstruction and reorganization.

2. Education as Recapitulation and Retrospection. A peculiar combination of the ideas of development and formation from without has given rise to the recapitulation theory of education, biological and cultural. The individual develops, but his proper development consists in repeating in orderly stages the past evolution of animal life and human history. The former recapitulation occurs physiologically; the latter should be made to occur by means of education. The alleged biological truth that the individual in his growth from the simple embryo to maturity repeats the history of the evolution of animal life in the progress of forms from the simplest to the most complex (or expressed technically, that ontogenesis parallels phylogenesis) does not concern us, save as it is supposed to afford scientific foundation for cultural recapitulation of the past. Cultural recapitulation says, first, that children at a certain age are in the mental and moral condition of savagery; their instincts are vagrant and predatory because their ancestors at one time lived such a life. Consequently (so it is concluded) the proper subject matter of their education at this time is the material—especially the literary material of myths, folk-tale, and song—produced by humanity in the analogous stage. Then the child passes on to something corresponding, say, to the pastoral stage, and so on till at the time when he is ready to take part in contemporary life, he arrives at the present epoch of culture.

2. Education as Recapitulation and Retrospection. A unique blend of the ideas of development and external formation has led to the recapitulation theory of education, both biological and cultural. An individual grows, but their proper development consists of repeating the past evolution of animal life and human history in organized stages. The former recapitulation happens physiologically; the latter should be encouraged through education. The claimed biological fact that an individual, from a simple embryo to maturity, mirrors the history of animal life’s evolution from the simplest to the most complex forms (or to put it technically, that ontogenesis parallels phylogenesis) only matters to us because it is thought to provide a scientific basis for the cultural recapitulation of the past. Cultural recapitulation states, first, that children at a certain age are mentally and morally in a primitive state; their instincts are wandering and predatory because their ancestors once lived that way. Therefore, it is concluded that the appropriate subject matter for their education at this time is the material—especially the literary material of myths, folktales, and songs—produced by humanity in a similar stage. The child then progresses to something that corresponds, for example, to the pastoral stage, and continues on until, when they are ready to participate in contemporary life, they reach the current cultural epoch.

In this detailed and consistent form, the theory, outside of a small school in Germany (followers of Herbart for the most part), has had little currency. But the idea which underlies it is that education is essentially retrospective; that it looks primarily to the past and especially to the literary products of the past, and that mind is adequately formed in the degree in which it is patterned upon the spiritual heritage of the past. This idea has had such immense influence upon higher instruction especially, that it is worth examination in its extreme formulation.

In this detailed and consistent way, the theory, apart from a small group in Germany (mostly followers of Herbart), hasn't gained much traction. However, the core idea is that education is fundamentally about looking back; it focuses mainly on the past and especially on past literary works, and that the mind develops properly to the extent that it reflects the spiritual legacy of the past. This idea has had such a huge impact on higher education in particular that it deserves a closer look in its most extreme form.

In the first place, its biological basis is fallacious. Embyronic growth of the human infant preserves, without doubt, some of the traits of lower forms of life. But in no respect is it a strict traversing of past stages. If there were any strict "law" of repetition, evolutionary development would clearly not have taken place. Each new generation would simply have repeated its predecessors' existence. Development, in short, has taken place by the entrance of shortcuts and alterations in the prior scheme of growth. And this suggests that the aim of education is to facilitate such short-circuited growth. The great advantage of immaturity, educationally speaking, is that it enables us to emancipate the young from the need of dwelling in an outgrown past. The business of education is rather to liberate the young from reviving and retraversing the past than to lead them to a recapitulation of it. The social environment of the young is constituted by the presence and action of the habits of thinking and feeling of civilized men. To ignore the directive influence of this present environment upon the young is simply to abdicate the educational function. A biologist has said: "The history of development in different animals. . . offers to us. . . a series of ingenious, determined, varied but more or less unsuccessful efforts to escape from the necessity of recapitulating, and to substitute for the ancestral method a more direct method." Surely it would be foolish if education did not deliberately attempt to facilitate similar efforts in conscious experience so that they become increasingly successful.

First of all, its biological basis is incorrect. The embryonic development of human infants certainly retains some characteristics of lower life forms. However, it does not strictly follow all previous stages. If there were a strict "law" of repetition, evolutionary progress clearly wouldn't have happened. Each new generation would just repeat the existence of the ones before it. In essence, development occurs through shortcuts and changes in the earlier growth patterns. This implies that the goal of education is to support this accelerated growth. The key benefit of immaturity, from an educational standpoint, is that it allows us to free young individuals from the need to dwell in a past they've outgrown. The purpose of education is more about liberating the young from reliving and retracing the past, rather than guiding them to revisit it. The social environment for young people is shaped by the presence and actions of the thoughts and feelings of civilized individuals. Ignoring the influence of this current environment on the young means neglecting the educational responsibility. A biologist once remarked: "The history of development in different animals... offers us... a series of clever, determined, varied but generally unsuccessful attempts to avoid recapitulation and to replace the ancestral method with a more direct approach." It would be unwise for education not to intentionally try to support similar efforts in conscious experience so that they become more successful over time.

The two factors of truth in the conception may easily be disentangled from association with the false context which perverts them. On the biological side we have simply the fact that any infant starts with precisely the assortment of impulsive activities with which he does start, they being blind, and many of them conflicting with one another, casual, sporadic, and unadapted to their immediate environment. The other point is that it is a part of wisdom to utilize the products of past history so far as they are of help for the future. Since they represent the results of prior experience, their value for future experience may, of course, be indefinitely great. Literatures produced in the past are, so far as men are now in possession and use of them, a part of the present environment of individuals; but there is an enormous difference between availing ourselves of them as present resources and taking them as standards and patterns in their retrospective character.

The two aspects of truth in this idea can easily be separated from the misleading context that distorts them. On the biological side, any infant begins with a specific set of impulsive behaviors that are instinctual, often conflicting, random, occasional, and not suited to their immediate surroundings. The other point is that it's wise to make use of the lessons from the past as long as they help us in the future. Since they are the results of previous experiences, their value for future experiences can be incredibly significant. The literature produced in the past is, as far as people are concerned, a part of the current environment of individuals; however, there's a huge difference between using these works as resources today and viewing them solely as standards and examples from the past.

(1) The distortion of the first point usually comes about through misuse of the idea of heredity. It is assumed that heredity means that past life has somehow predetermined the main traits of an individual, and that they are so fixed that little serious change can be introduced into them. Thus taken, the influence of heredity is opposed to that of the environment, and the efficacy of the latter belittled. But for educational purposes heredity means neither more nor less than the original endowment of an individual. Education must take the being as he is; that a particular individual has just such and such an equipment of native activities is a basic fact. That they were produced in such and such a way, or that they are derived from one's ancestry, is not especially important for the educator, however it may be with the biologist, as compared with the fact that they now exist. Suppose one had to advise or direct a person regarding his inheritance of property. The fallacy of assuming that the fact it is an inheritance, predetermines its future use, is obvious. The advisor is concerned with making the best use of what is there—putting it at work under the most favorable conditions. Obviously he cannot utilize what is not there; neither can the educator. In this sense, heredity is a limit of education. Recognition of this fact prevents the waste of energy and the irritation that ensue from the too prevalent habit of trying to make by instruction something out of an individual which he is not naturally fitted to become. But the doctrine does not determine what use shall be made of the capacities which exist. And, except in the case of the imbecile, these original capacities are much more varied and potential, even in the case of the more stupid, than we as yet know properly how to utilize. Consequently, while a careful study of the native aptitudes and deficiencies of an individual is always a preliminary necessity, the subsequent and important step is to furnish an environment which will adequately function whatever activities are present. The relation of heredity and environment is well expressed in the case of language. If a being had no vocal organs from which issue articulate sounds, if he had no auditory or other sense-receptors and no connections between the two sets of apparatus, it would be a sheer waste of time to try to teach him to converse. He is born short in that respect, and education must accept the limitation. But if he has this native equipment, its possession in no way guarantees that he will ever talk any language or what language he will talk. The environment in which his activities occur and by which they are carried into execution settles these things. If he lived in a dumb unsocial environment where men refused to talk to one another and used only that minimum of gestures without which they could not get along, vocal language would be as unachieved by him as if he had no vocal organs. If the sounds which he makes occur in a medium of persons speaking the Chinese language, the activities which make like sounds will be selected and coordinated. This illustration may be applied to the entire range of the educability of any individual. It places the heritage from the past in its right connection with the demands and opportunities of the present.

(1) The misunderstanding of the first point usually comes from misusing the idea of heredity. People assume that heredity means that someone's past life has fully determined their main traits, and that these traits are so fixed that serious changes can barely be made. Taken this way, heredity’s influence is seen as opposed to that of the environment, which undermines the importance of the latter. However, for educational purposes, heredity refers simply to an individual’s original abilities. Education must deal with individuals as they are; recognizing that a particular person has a specific set of natural abilities is fundamental. How those abilities were developed or where they come from in one's ancestry isn’t especially important for educators, although it may be for biologists, compared to the fact that they exist now. Imagine advising someone about their inheritance of property. It's clear that assuming the inheritance determines its future use is a fallacy. The advisor focuses on making the best use of what's available—using it effectively under the best conditions. Clearly, they can’t use what isn't there; the same goes for educators. In this sense, heredity sets limits on education. Recognizing this helps prevent wasted effort and frustration that come from the common tendency to try to make someone into something they aren't naturally suited to become. However, this principle doesn’t dictate how to utilize the existing capacities. Except in cases of severe impairment, these innate abilities are generally much more diverse and potential than we currently know how to exploit. Therefore, while carefully studying an individual’s natural strengths and weaknesses is always a necessary first step, the next crucial step is to create an environment that effectively nurtures whatever activities are present. The relationship between heredity and environment is best shown through language. If a person had no vocal organs to produce speech sounds, no hearing or any other sensory receptors, and no connections between these systems, trying to teach them to speak would be pointless. They’re naturally limited in that area, and education must accept that limitation. But if they do have this natural ability, that doesn’t ensure they will ever learn to speak any particular language or which language they will speak. The environment where their activities take place and how those activities are executed determines these outcomes. If they grow up in a mute, unsocial environment where people don’t communicate and only use the bare minimum of gestures to get by, they wouldn’t develop verbal language any more than if they lacked vocal organs. If the sounds they make occur among people who speak Chinese, the activities producing similar sounds will be chosen and organized. This example can be applied to the entire scope of how educable any individual is. It properly connects past heritage with the needs and opportunities of the present.

(2) The theory that the proper subject matter of instruction is found in the culture-products of past ages (either in general, or more specifically in the particular literatures which were produced in the culture epoch which is supposed to correspond with the stage of development of those taught) affords another instance of that divorce between the process and product of growth which has been criticized. To keep the process alive, to keep it alive in ways which make it easier to keep it alive in the future, is the function of educational subject matter. But an individual can live only in the present. The present is not just something which comes after the past; much less something produced by it. It is what life is in leaving the past behind it. The study of past products will not help us understand the present, because the present is not due to the products, but to the life of which they were the products. A knowledge of the past and its heritage is of great significance when it enters into the present, but not otherwise. And the mistake of making the records and remains of the past the main material of education is that it cuts the vital connection of present and past, and tends to make the past a rival of the present and the present a more or less futile imitation of the past. Under such circumstances, culture becomes an ornament and solace; a refuge and an asylum. Men escape from the crudities of the present to live in its imagined refinements, instead of using what the past offers as an agency for ripening these crudities. The present, in short, generates the problems which lead us to search the past for suggestion, and which supplies meaning to what we find when we search. The past is the past precisely because it does not include what is characteristic in the present. The moving present includes the past on condition that it uses the past to direct its own movement. The past is a great resource for the imagination; it adds a new dimension to life, but OD condition that it be seen as the past of the present, and not as another and disconnected world. The principle which makes little of the present act of living and operation of growing, the only thing always present, naturally looks to the past because the future goal which it sets up is remote and empty. But having turned its back upon the present, it has no way of returning to it laden with the spoils of the past. A mind that is adequately sensitive to the needs and occasions of the present actuality will have the liveliest of motives for interest in the background of the present, and will never have to hunt for a way back because it will never have lost connection.

(2) The idea that the right subjects for learning come from the cultural products of earlier times (either generally or more specifically from the specific literatures produced during the cultural era that matches the developmental stage of the learners) is another example of the separation between the process and the outcomes of growth that has been criticized. Keeping the process alive and ensuring it's sustainable for the future is the role of educational content. However, a person can only live in the present. The present isn’t just what comes after the past, nor is it simply a product of it. It’s what life is as it moves beyond the past. Studying past products won’t help us understand the present because the present doesn’t emerge from those products; it arises from the life that produced them. Understanding the past and its heritage is crucial when it influences the present, but that's the extent of its relevance. The error in making the remnants of the past the primary focus of education is that it severs the essential link between the present and the past, making the past seem like a competitor to the present, and turning the present into a hollow imitation of history. In this situation, culture becomes merely decorative and comforting; a safe haven. People retreat from the harsh realities of the present to dwell on its imagined sophistication instead of leveraging what the past offers to enhance these realities. In essence, the present creates the issues that drive us to look to the past for insights, which gives meaning to our findings when we do search. The past is distinct from the present precisely because it does not encompass what is unique to today. The ongoing present includes the past only if it uses the past to guide its own progression. The past can be a valuable resource for creativity; it enriches life, but only if it is viewed as part of the present’s narrative, not as a separate and unrelated realm. The viewpoint that undervalues present living and the process of growth— the only constant— naturally looks to the past because its future aspirations seem distant and void. Yet, having turned away from the present, it finds no path back infused with insights from the past. A mind that is truly attuned to the current reality’s needs and circumstances will have a strong motivation to explore the background of the present, never needing to search for a route back since it has never lost touch.

3. Education as Reconstruction. In its contrast with the ideas both of unfolding of latent powers from within, and of the formation from without, whether by physical nature or by the cultural products of the past, the ideal of growth results in the conception that education is a constant reorganizing or reconstructing of experience. It has all the time an immediate end, and so far as activity is educative, it reaches that end—the direct transformation of the quality of experience. Infancy, youth, adult life,—all stand on the same educative level in the sense that what is really learned at any and every stage of experience constitutes the value of that experience, and in the sense that it is the chief business of life at every point to make living thus contribute to an enrichment of its own perceptible meaning.

3. Education as Reconstruction. Unlike the ideas of unlocking inner potential or being shaped by external forces, whether from nature or historical culture, the ideal of growth sees education as a continuous process of reorganizing or reconstructing experience. There is always an immediate goal, and as long as an activity is educational, it achieves that goal—the direct transformation of the quality of experience. Childhood, adolescence, and adulthood all occupy the same educational level in that what is genuinely learned at any stage of experience adds value to that experience. Moreover, it is essential at every point in life to ensure that living contributes to a deeper understanding of its own significance.

We thus reach a technical definition of education: It is that reconstruction or reorganization of experience which adds to the meaning of experience, and which increases ability to direct the course of subsequent experience. (1) The increment of meaning corresponds to the increased perception of the connections and continuities of the activities in which we are engaged. The activity begins in an impulsive form; that is, it is blind. It does not know what it is about; that is to say, what are its interactions with other activities. An activity which brings education or instruction with it makes one aware of some of the connections which had been imperceptible. To recur to our simple example, a child who reaches for a bright light gets burned. Henceforth he knows that a certain act of touching in connection with a certain act of vision (and vice-versa) means heat and pain; or, a certain light means a source of heat. The acts by which a scientific man in his laboratory learns more about flame differ no whit in principle. By doing certain things, he makes perceptible certain connections of heat with other things, which had been previously ignored. Thus his acts in relation to these things get more meaning; he knows better what he is doing or "is about" when he has to do with them; he can intend consequences instead of just letting them happen—all synonymous ways of saying the same thing. At the same stroke, the flame has gained in meaning; all that is known about combustion, oxidation, about light and temperature, may become an intrinsic part of its intellectual content.

We now have a technical definition of education: it's the process of reshaping or reorganizing experiences that adds meaning to those experiences and enhances our ability to guide future experiences. The added meaning corresponds to a greater awareness of the connections and continuity of the activities we engage in. Initially, an activity starts out impulsively, meaning it’s instinctive and unaware; it doesn’t recognize its relationship with other activities. An activity that provides education or instruction makes us aware of some previously unnoticed connections. For instance, when a child reaches for a bright light and gets burned, they learn that touching something related to seeing that light (and vice versa) can mean heat and pain; or that a certain light represents a heat source. The ways in which a scientist in the lab learns more about fire operate on the same principle. By taking specific actions, he reveals connections between heat and other things that were previously overlooked. As a result, his interactions with these elements gain more meaning; he understands better what he is doing when dealing with them and can anticipate outcomes rather than just letting them happen. All of these expressions essentially mean the same thing. At the same time, the flame becomes more meaningful; everything known about combustion, oxidation, light, and temperature can become an integral part of its intellectual significance.

(2) The other side of an educative experience is an added power of subsequent direction or control. To say that one knows what he is about, or can intend certain consequences, is to say, of course, that he can better anticipate what is going to happen; that he can, therefore, get ready or prepare in advance so as to secure beneficial consequences and avert undesirable ones. A genuinely educative experience, then, one in which instruction is conveyed and ability increased, is contradistinguished from a routine activity on one hand, and a capricious activity on the other. (a) In the latter one "does not care what happens"; one just lets himself go and avoids connecting the consequences of one's act (the evidences of its connections with other things) with the act. It is customary to frown upon such aimless random activity, treating it as willful mischief or carelessness or lawlessness. But there is a tendency to seek the cause of such aimless activities in the youth's own disposition, isolated from everything else. But in fact such activity is explosive, and due to maladjustment with surroundings. Individuals act capriciously whenever they act under external dictation, or from being told, without having a purpose of their own or perceiving the bearing of the deed upon other acts. One may learn by doing something which he does not understand; even in the most intelligent action, we do much which we do not mean, because the largest portion of the connections of the act we consciously intend are not perceived or anticipated. But we learn only because after the act is performed we note results which we had not noted before. But much work in school consists in setting up rules by which pupils are to act of such a sort that even after pupils have acted, they are not led to see the connection between the result—say the answer—and the method pursued. So far as they are concerned, the whole thing is a trick and a kind of miracle. Such action is essentially capricious, and leads to capricious habits. (b) Routine action, action which is automatic, may increase skill to do a particular thing. In so far, it might be said to have an educative effect. But it does not lead to new perceptions of bearings and connections; it limits rather than widens the meaning-horizon. And since the environment changes and our way of acting has to be modified in order successfully to keep a balanced connection with things, an isolated uniform way of acting becomes disastrous at some critical moment. The vaunted "skill" turns out gross ineptitude.

(2) The other side of an educational experience is the added ability to direct or control future actions. When someone says they know what they’re doing or can anticipate certain outcomes, it means they can better predict what will happen; thus, they can prepare in advance to achieve positive results and avoid negative ones. A truly educational experience, one that conveys knowledge and enhances abilities, is clearly different from a routine activity on one side, and from a random, impulsive activity on the other. (a) In the latter case, "one does not care what happens"; they just go with the flow and avoid linking the results of their actions (the evidence of their connections to other things) with those actions. Society typically looks down on such aimless behavior, viewing it as willful mischief, carelessness, or lawlessness. However, there’s a tendency to attribute these aimless behaviors solely to the youth's personal characteristics, disconnected from other factors. In reality, such behavior is disruptive and arises from a mismatch with their environment. Individuals act impulsively whenever they respond to external pressures or instructions, without having their own purpose or understanding how their actions relate to other outcomes. One can learn by doing something they don’t fully grasp; even in our smartest actions, we often do things we don’t intend, because the majority of the connections we consciously aim for aren’t recognized or anticipated. We learn only because, after the action is taken, we notice outcomes we hadn’t seen before. However, much of the work in schools involves establishing rules for students that don’t help them recognize the connection between the result—like the answer—and the method used. For them, the whole process feels like a trick or a miracle. Such actions are fundamentally impulsive and lead to random habits. (b) Routine actions, automatic behaviors, might improve skills for specific tasks. In that sense, they could be seen as having an educational effect. But they don’t foster new insights into relationships and connections; they limit rather than expand our understanding. And as the environment changes, our actions need to adapt to maintain a balanced connection with things; an isolated, uniform approach can become disastrous at critical moments. The praised "skill" can turn out to be significant incompetence.

The essential contrast of the idea of education as continuous reconstruction with the other one-sided conceptions which have been criticized in this and the previous chapter is that it identifies the end (the result) and the process. This is verbally self-contradictory, but only verbally. It means that experience as an active process occupies time and that its later period completes its earlier portion; it brings to light connections involved, but hitherto unperceived. The later outcome thus reveals the meaning of the earlier, while the experience as a whole establishes a bent or disposition toward the things possessing this meaning. Every such continuous experience or activity is educative, and all education resides in having such experiences.

The key difference between the idea of education as ongoing development and the other limited concepts criticized in this and the previous chapter is that it connects the outcome (the result) and the process. This may seem contradictory, but it's only a matter of wording. It highlights that experience, as an active process, takes time, with later stages completing earlier ones; it uncovers connections that were previously unnoticed. The later results clarify the significance of the earlier experiences, while the overall experience shapes a tendency or attitude towards things that hold this significance. Every continuous experience or activity is educational, and true education comes from having these experiences.

It remains only to point out (what will receive more ample attention later) that the reconstruction of experience may be social as well as personal. For purposes of simplification we have spoken in the earlier chapters somewhat as if the education of the immature which fills them with the spirit of the social group to which they belong, were a sort of catching up of the child with the aptitudes and resources of the adult group. In static societies, societies which make the maintenance of established custom their measure of value, this conception applies in the main. But not in progressive communities. They endeavor to shape the experiences of the young so that instead of reproducing current habits, better habits shall be formed, and thus the future adult society be an improvement on their own. Men have long had some intimation of the extent to which education may be consciously used to eliminate obvious social evils through starting the young on paths which shall not produce these ills, and some idea of the extent in which education may be made an instrument of realizing the better hopes of men. But we are doubtless far from realizing the potential efficacy of education as a constructive agency of improving society, from realizing that it represents not only a development of children and youth but also of the future society of which they will be the constituents.

It’s worth noting (and we’ll discuss this more later) that the way we reconstruct experiences can be both social and personal. For simplicity, earlier chapters have suggested that the education of young people, which fills them with the spirit of their social group, is mostly about catching them up to the skills and resources of adults. This idea largely holds true in static societies, where upholding established customs is valued. However, it doesn’t apply as much in progressive communities. These societies strive to shape the experiences of young people so that, instead of just copying current habits, they develop better ones. The goal is to create a future adult society that improves upon the current one. People have long recognized that education can consciously be used to address obvious social issues by guiding the young away from paths that lead to these problems. They also have some understanding of how education can be a tool for achieving better aspirations for humanity. Yet, we are likely still far from fully understanding how effective education can be as a means of improving society, realizing that it represents not just the development of children and youth, but also the future society they will help create.





Summary. Education may be conceived either retrospectively or

prospectively. That is to say, it may be treated as process of accommodating the future to the past, or as an utilization of the past for a resource in a developing future. The former finds its standards and patterns in what has gone before. The mind may be regarded as a group of contents resulting from having certain things presented. In this case, the earlier presentations constitute the material to which the later are to be assimilated. Emphasis upon the value of the early experiences of immature beings is most important, especially because of the tendency to regard them as of little account. But these experiences do not consist of externally presented material, but of interaction of native activities with the environment which progressively modifies both the activities and the environment. The defect of the Herbartian theory of formation through presentations consists in slighting this constant interaction and change. The same principle of criticism applies to theories which find the primary subject matter of study in the cultural products—especially the literary products—of man's history. Isolated from their connection with the present environment in which individuals have to act, they become a kind of rival and distracting environment. Their value lies in their use to increase the meaning of the things with which we have actively to do at the present time. The idea of education advanced in these chapters is formally summed up in the idea of continuous reconstruction of experience, an idea which is marked off from education as preparation for a remote future, as unfolding, as external formation, and as recapitulation of the past.

prospectively. In other words, it can be seen as a process of fitting the future to the past or using the past as a resource for an evolving future. The first approach finds its standards and patterns in what has happened before. The mind can be viewed as a collection of contents made up of certain things that have been presented. In this context, earlier presentations form the material that later ones will be blended with. It’s crucial to emphasize the importance of early experiences in the development of individuals, especially considering how often they’re seen as insignificant. However, these experiences are not just about external presentations; they involve the interaction of innate activities with the environment, which gradually changes both the activities and the environment. The flaw in the Herbartian theory, which focuses on formation through presentations, is that it neglects this ongoing interaction and change. The same critical principle applies to theories that prioritize cultural products—especially literary works—of human history. When these are separated from their connection to the current environment in which individuals operate, they become a sort of competing and distracting environment. Their true value lies in enhancing the meaning of the things we are actively engaged with in the present. The education concept discussed in these chapters can be summarized in the idea of the continuous reconstruction of experience, which is distinctly different from education as preparation for a distant future, as unfolding, as external formation, and as a repetition of the past.





Chapter Seven: The Democratic Conception in Education

For the most part, save incidentally, we have hitherto been concerned with education as it may exist in any social group. We have now to make explicit the differences in the spirit, material, and method of education as it operates in different types of community life. To say that education is a social function, securing direction and development in the immature through their participation in the life of the group to which they belong, is to say in effect that education will vary with the quality of life which prevails in a group. Particularly is it true that a society which not only changes but-which has the ideal of such change as will improve it, will have different standards and methods of education from one which aims simply at the perpetuation of its own customs. To make the general ideas set forth applicable to our own educational practice, it is, therefore, necessary to come to closer quarters with the nature of present social life.

For the most part, except for occasional instances, we've mainly focused on education as it exists in any social group. Now, we need to clarify the differences in the attitude, resources, and methods of education as it functions in various types of community life. Saying that education is a social function that guides and develops young people through their engagement in the life of their group means that education will differ based on the quality of life in that group. It's especially true that a society that both changes and aims for improvement will have different standards and methods of education compared to one that simply seeks to maintain its own customs. To make the general ideas we've laid out relevant to our own educational practices, we need to closely examine the nature of current social life.

1. The Implications of Human Association. Society is one word, but many things. Men associate together in all kinds of ways and for all kinds of purposes. One man is concerned in a multitude of diverse groups, in which his associates may be quite different. It often seems as if they had nothing in common except that they are modes of associated life. Within every larger social organization there are numerous minor groups: not only political subdivisions, but industrial, scientific, religious, associations. There are political parties with differing aims, social sets, cliques, gangs, corporations, partnerships, groups bound closely together by ties of blood, and so on in endless variety. In many modern states and in some ancient, there is great diversity of populations, of varying languages, religions, moral codes, and traditions. From this standpoint, many a minor political unit, one of our large cities, for example, is a congeries of loosely associated societies, rather than an inclusive and permeating community of action and thought. (See ante, p. 20.)

1. The Implications of Human Association. Society is one word, but it represents many things. People come together in all sorts of ways and for various reasons. One person can be part of many different groups, where their connections can be quite distinct. It often appears that they have nothing in common except their shared experience of social life. Within every larger social organization, there are many smaller groups: not just political divisions, but also industrial, scientific, and religious associations. There are political parties with different objectives, social circles, cliques, gangs, corporations, partnerships, and groups closely connected by family ties, and this goes on in endless variety. In many modern nations and some ancient ones, there is a great diversity of populations, with differing languages, religions, moral codes, and traditions. From this perspective, many smaller political units, such as our large cities, are a collection of loosely connected societies rather than a cohesive and integrated community of action and thought. (See ante, p. 20.)

The terms society, community, are thus ambiguous. They have both a eulogistic or normative sense, and a descriptive sense; a meaning de jure and a meaning de facto. In social philosophy, the former connotation is almost always uppermost. Society is conceived as one by its very nature. The qualities which accompany this unity, praiseworthy community of purpose and welfare, loyalty to public ends, mutuality of sympathy, are emphasized. But when we look at the facts which the term denotes instead of confining our attention to its intrinsic connotation, we find not unity, but a plurality of societies, good and bad. Men banded together in a criminal conspiracy, business aggregations that prey upon the public while serving it, political machines held together by the interest of plunder, are included. If it is said that such organizations are not societies because they do not meet the ideal requirements of the notion of society, the answer, in part, is that the conception of society is then made so "ideal" as to be of no use, having no reference to facts; and in part, that each of these organizations, no matter how opposed to the interests of other groups, has something of the praiseworthy qualities of "Society" which hold it together. There is honor among thieves, and a band of robbers has a common interest as respects its members. Gangs are marked by fraternal feeling, and narrow cliques by intense loyalty to their own codes. Family life may be marked by exclusiveness, suspicion, and jealousy as to those without, and yet be a model of amity and mutual aid within. Any education given by a group tends to socialize its members, but the quality and value of the socialization depends upon the habits and aims of the group. Hence, once more, the need of a measure for the worth of any given mode of social life. In seeking this measure, we have to avoid two extremes. We cannot set up, out of our heads, something we regard as an ideal society. We must base our conception upon societies which actually exist, in order to have any assurance that our ideal is a practicable one. But, as we have just seen, the ideal cannot simply repeat the traits which are actually found. The problem is to extract the desirable traits of forms of community life which actually exist, and employ them to criticize undesirable features and suggest improvement. Now in any social group whatever, even in a gang of thieves, we find some interest held in common, and we find a certain amount of interaction and cooperative intercourse with other groups. From these two traits we derive our standard. How numerous and varied are the interests which are consciously shared? How full and free is the interplay with other forms of association? If we apply these considerations to, say, a criminal band, we find that the ties which consciously hold the members together are few in number, reducible almost to a common interest in plunder; and that they are of such a nature as to isolate the group from other groups with respect to give and take of the values of life. Hence, the education such a society gives is partial and distorted. If we take, on the other hand, the kind of family life which illustrates the standard, we find that there are material, intellectual, aesthetic interests in which all participate and that the progress of one member has worth for the experience of other members—it is readily communicable—and that the family is not an isolated whole, but enters intimately into relationships with business groups, with schools, with all the agencies of culture, as well as with other similar groups, and that it plays a due part in the political organization and in return receives support from it. In short, there are many interests consciously communicated and shared; and there are varied and free points of contact with other modes of association.

The terms "society" and "community" are vague. They have both a positive or ideal meaning, and a more straightforward, descriptive meaning; a legal meaning and a practical meaning. In social philosophy, the positive connotation is often emphasized. Society is seen as inherently unified. The qualities associated with this unity, such as a shared purpose and welfare, loyalty to public goals, and mutual sympathy, are highlighted. However, when we examine the actual facts denoted by these terms rather than focusing solely on their ideal connotation, we discover not unity, but a diversity of societies, both good and bad. Groups forming a criminal conspiracy, business conglomerates that exploit the public while claiming to serve it, and political machines held together by the interests of theft are all included. If it is argued that such organizations aren’t societies because they don’t meet the ideal standards of what society should be, the response is partly that the definition of society is made so "ideal" that it becomes irrelevant to reality; and partly that each of these groups, no matter how much they oppose the interests of others, possesses some of the commendable qualities of "Society" that keep it bonded. There is a sense of honor among thieves, and a gang of robbers shares a common interest concerning its members. Gangs exhibit strong brotherhood, and small cliques show intense loyalty to their own rules. Family life can be characterized by exclusiveness, suspicion, and jealousy towards outsiders, yet still be an exemplification of friendship and mutual support within. Any education provided by a group tends to socialize its members, but the quality and value of that socialization depend on the group’s habits and intentions. Therefore, once again, there’s a need to measure the worth of any particular type of social life. In finding this measure, we must avoid two extremes. We cannot create an ideal society just from our imagination. We must base our understanding on real societies to ensure that our ideal is practical. However, as we noted, the ideal cannot simply repeat the characteristics of existing societies. The challenge is to identify the valuable traits of existing communities and use them to critique undesirable aspects and propose improvements. In any social group, even within a gang of thieves, there is a common interest shared, along with a level of interaction and cooperation with other groups. From these two aspects, we draw our standard. How numerous and diverse are the interests that are consciously shared? How open and extensive is the engagement with other types of associations? If we apply these considerations to, for example, a criminal gang, we find that the connections bringing the members together are few, ultimately boiling down to a shared interest in stealing; and they tend to isolate the group from others regarding the exchange of life’s values. Consequently, the education this society provides is partial and distorted. Conversely, in a type of family life that exemplifies our standard, we discover material, intellectual, and aesthetic interests in which everyone participates, and the progress of one member benefits the experiences of others—it is easily communicated—and the family isn’t an isolated unit, but is closely tied to business groups, schools, cultural institutions, as well as other similar groups, playing a vital role in the political framework and, in turn, receiving support from it. In brief, there are numerous interests that are consciously shared and communicated; and there are diverse and open points of contact with other forms of association.

I. Let us apply the first element in this criterion to a despotically governed state. It is not true there is no common interest in such an organization between governed and governors. The authorities in command must make some appeal to the native activities of the subjects, must call some of their powers into play. Talleyrand said that a government could do everything with bayonets except sit on them. This cynical declaration is at least a recognition that the bond of union is not merely one of coercive force. It may be said, however, that the activities appealed to are themselves unworthy and degrading—that such a government calls into functioning activity simply capacity for fear. In a way, this statement is true. But it overlooks the fact that fear need not be an undesirable factor in experience. Caution, circumspection, prudence, desire to foresee future events so as to avert what is harmful, these desirable traits are as much a product of calling the impulse of fear into play as is cowardice and abject submission. The real difficulty is that the appeal to fear is isolated. In evoking dread and hope of specific tangible reward—say comfort and ease—many other capacities are left untouched. Or rather, they are affected, but in such a way as to pervert them. Instead of operating on their own account they are reduced to mere servants of attaining pleasure and avoiding pain.

I. Let’s apply the first element of this criterion to a state governed by a despot. It’s not accurate to say there’s no common interest in such a system between the rulers and the ruled. Those in power must engage the natural abilities of the subjects and activate some of their strengths. Talleyrand once said that a government can do anything with bayonets except sit on them. This cynical remark at least acknowledges that the bond of union is not just about brute force. However, it can be argued that the activities being engaged are unworthy and degrading—that such a government only stirs up fear in people. In a way, this perspective is true. But it ignores the fact that fear doesn’t have to be an undesirable part of our experiences. Traits like caution, carefulness, prudence, and the desire to anticipate future events to avoid harm are all products of activating the impulse of fear, just like cowardice and total submission. The real challenge is that the appeal to fear is isolated. By invoking dread and the hope for specific tangible rewards—like comfort and ease—many other abilities are left unaddressed. Or rather, they are influenced, but in a way that distorts them. Instead of functioning on their own, they become mere tools for achieving pleasure and avoiding pain.

This is equivalent to saying that there is no extensive number of common interests; there is no free play back and forth among the members of the social group. Stimulation and response are exceedingly one-sided. In order to have a large number of values in common, all the members of the group must have an equable opportunity to receive and to take from others. There must be a large variety of shared undertakings and experiences. Otherwise, the influences which educate some into masters, educate others into slaves. And the experience of each party loses in meaning, when the free interchange of varying modes of life-experience is arrested. A separation into a privileged and a subject-class prevents social endosmosis. The evils thereby affecting the superior class are less material and less perceptible, but equally real. Their culture tends to be sterile, to be turned back to feed on itself; their art becomes a showy display and artificial; their wealth luxurious; their knowledge overspecialized; their manners fastidious rather than humane.

This means that there aren’t many common interests; members of the social group don’t interact freely with one another. Engagement and response are heavily one-sided. For a group to share a lot of values, all its members must have equal chances to give and receive from each other. There needs to be a wide range of shared activities and experiences. Otherwise, the influences that educate some people into leaders educate others into followers. Each group's experiences lose their significance when the open exchange of different life experiences is limited. A divide between a privileged class and a subordinate class hinders social interaction. The negative effects on the privileged class are less obvious and tangible, but still very real. Their culture tends to become unproductive, feeding only on itself; their art turns into superficial displays; their wealth becomes excessively luxurious; their knowledge becomes overly specialized; and their manners are more about appearance than genuine humanity.

Lack of the free and equitable intercourse which springs from a variety of shared interests makes intellectual stimulation unbalanced. Diversity of stimulation means novelty, and novelty means challenge to thought. The more activity is restricted to a few definite lines—as it is when there are rigid class lines preventing adequate interplay of experiences—the more action tends to become routine on the part of the class at a disadvantage, and capricious, aimless, and explosive on the part of the class having the materially fortunate position. Plato defined a slave as one who accepts from another the purposes which control his conduct. This condition obtains even where there is no slavery in the legal sense. It is found wherever men are engaged in activity which is socially serviceable, but whose service they do not understand and have no personal interest in. Much is said about scientific management of work. It is a narrow view which restricts the science which secures efficiency of operation to movements of the muscles. The chief opportunity for science is the discovery of the relations of a man to his work—including his relations to others who take part—which will enlist his intelligent interest in what he is doing. Efficiency in production often demands division of labor. But it is reduced to a mechanical routine unless workers see the technical, intellectual, and social relationships involved in what they do, and engage in their work because of the motivation furnished by such perceptions. The tendency to reduce such things as efficiency of activity and scientific management to purely technical externals is evidence of the one-sided stimulation of thought given to those in control of industry—those who supply its aims. Because of their lack of all-round and well-balanced social interest, there is not sufficient stimulus for attention to the human factors and relationships in industry. Intelligence is narrowed to the factors concerned with technical production and marketing of goods. No doubt, a very acute and intense intelligence in these narrow lines can be developed, but the failure to take into account the significant social factors means none the less an absence of mind, and a corresponding distortion of emotional life. II. This illustration (whose point is to be extended to all associations lacking reciprocity of interest) brings us to our second point. The isolation and exclusiveness of a gang or clique brings its antisocial spirit into relief. But this same spirit is found wherever one group has interests "of its own" which shut it out from full interaction with other groups, so that its prevailing purpose is the protection of what it has got, instead of reorganization and progress through wider relationships. It marks nations in their isolation from one another; families which seclude their domestic concerns as if they had no connection with a larger life; schools when separated from the interest of home and community; the divisions of rich and poor; learned and unlearned. The essential point is that isolation makes for rigidity and formal institutionalizing of life, for static and selfish ideals within the group. That savage tribes regard aliens and enemies as synonymous is not accidental. It springs from the fact that they have identified their experience with rigid adherence to their past customs. On such a basis it is wholly logical to fear intercourse with others, for such contact might dissolve custom. It would certainly occasion reconstruction. It is a commonplace that an alert and expanding mental life depends upon an enlarging range of contact with the physical environment. But the principle applies even more significantly to the field where we are apt to ignore it—the sphere of social contacts. Every expansive era in the history of mankind has coincided with the operation of factors which have tended to eliminate distance between peoples and classes previously hemmed off from one another. Even the alleged benefits of war, so far as more than alleged, spring from the fact that conflict of peoples at least enforces intercourse between them and thus accidentally enables them to learn from one another, and thereby to expand their horizons. Travel, economic and commercial tendencies, have at present gone far to break down external barriers; to bring peoples and classes into closer and more perceptible connection with one another. It remains for the most part to secure the intellectual and emotional significance of this physical annihilation of space.

The lack of free and fair interaction that comes from shared interests leads to unbalanced intellectual stimulation. A variety of stimuli brings novelty, and novelty challenges our thinking. When activities are limited to a few specific areas—like when strict class divisions hinder meaningful exchange of experiences—the group at a disadvantage tends to fall into routine, while the more privileged group becomes unpredictable, aimless, and volatile. Plato described a slave as someone who accepts another person's purposes that guide their actions. This idea applies even in the absence of legal slavery. It occurs whenever people engage in socially useful work without understanding its value or having personal investment in it. There's a lot of talk about scientific management of work. However, it's a narrow viewpoint that confines efficiency to just physical movements. The real opportunity for science lies in uncovering how a person relates to their work—including connections with others involved—so that they develop a genuine interest in what they do. While efficient production often requires a division of labor, it devolves into a mechanical routine unless workers grasp the technical, intellectual, and social links in their tasks and are motivated by that understanding. The tendency to simplify concepts like efficiency and scientific management to mere technical aspects reflects the limited mindset of those in control of industry—those who set its goals. Because these leaders lack a comprehensive and balanced social interest, there's insufficient motivation to address the human factors and relationships within industry. Their focus narrows to technical production and marketing of goods. While it's possible to cultivate sharp, intense intelligence within these limited areas, ignoring crucial social factors results in a lack of awareness and a corresponding distortion of emotional life. This example (which should be applied to all associations lacking mutual interest) leads us to our second point. The isolation and exclusivity of a group or clique highlight its antisocial mindset. However, this attitude exists wherever one group has its own interests that isolate it from engaging fully with others, prioritizing the protection of what it has over growth and progress through broader connections. This is evident in nations that isolate themselves from each other; families that keep their issues private as if they aren't part of a larger community; schools that detach from the interests of the home and community; and the divisions between rich and poor, educated and uneducated. The key issue is that isolation fosters rigidity and formal institutionalization of life, leading to static and selfish ideals within the group. The fact that primitive tribes view outsiders and enemies as the same is no coincidence; it stems from their commitment to traditional customs. From this viewpoint, fearing contact with others makes sense, as it could threaten those customs and necessitate change. It's widely recognized that an active, growing mental life relies on a widening range of physical interactions. This principle is even more relevant in a context that we often overlook—the realm of social connections. Throughout human history, every expansive era has coincided with factors that have reduced the distance between people and classes previously separated from one another. Even the supposed advantages of war, when they go beyond mere claims, arise from the reality that conflict between groups mandates interaction, allowing them to learn from one another and expand their understanding. Travel, as well as economic and commercial trends, have significantly diminished external barriers, bringing different peoples and classes into closer, more noticeable contact. Most importantly, we need to achieve the intellectual and emotional meaning behind this physical elimination of distance.

2. The Democratic Ideal. The two elements in our criterion both point to democracy. The first signifies not only more numerous and more varied points of shared common interest, but greater reliance upon the recognition of mutual interests as a factor in social control. The second means not only freer interaction between social groups (once isolated so far as intention could keep up a separation) but change in social habit—its continuous readjustment through meeting the new situations produced by varied intercourse. And these two traits are precisely what characterize the democratically constituted society.

2. The Democratic Ideal. The two elements in our criteria both lead to democracy. The first indicates not only a larger and more diverse range of shared interests but also a greater reliance on recognizing mutual interests as a key factor in social control. The second signifies not just freer interaction among social groups (which were previously kept apart as much as possible) but also a change in social habits—its ongoing adjustment to new situations created by diverse interactions. These two characteristics are exactly what define a society built on democratic principles.

Upon the educational side, we note first that the realization of a form of social life in which interests are mutually interpenetrating, and where progress, or readjustment, is an important consideration, makes a democratic community more interested than other communities have cause to be in deliberate and systematic education. The devotion of democracy to education is a familiar fact. The superficial explanation is that a government resting upon popular suffrage cannot be successful unless those who elect and who obey their governors are educated. Since a democratic society repudiates the principle of external authority, it must find a substitute in voluntary disposition and interest; these can be created only by education. But there is a deeper explanation. A democracy is more than a form of government; it is primarily a mode of associated living, of conjoint communicated experience. The extension in space of the number of individuals who participate in an interest so that each has to refer his own action to that of others, and to consider the action of others to give point and direction to his own, is equivalent to the breaking down of those barriers of class, race, and national territory which kept men from perceiving the full import of their activity. These more numerous and more varied points of contact denote a greater diversity of stimuli to which an individual has to respond; they consequently put a premium on variation in his action. They secure a liberation of powers which remain suppressed as long as the incitations to action are partial, as they must be in a group which in its exclusiveness shuts out many interests.

On the educational front, we first note that creating a social environment in which interests are interconnected and where progress or adjustments are significant makes a democratic community more invested in intentional and systematic education than other communities. The commitment of democracy to education is well-known. The simple explanation is that a government based on popular vote can't succeed unless those who elect and follow their leaders are educated. Since a democratic society rejects the idea of external authority, it must rely on voluntary interest and motivation, which can only be cultivated through education. But there's a deeper reason. A democracy is more than just a system of government; it primarily represents a way of living together, sharing experiences. Expanding the number of people involved in an interest, so that everyone must consider their own actions in relation to others, and think about others' actions to give meaning and direction to their own, is like breaking down the barriers of class, race, and national borders that prevented people from understanding the full impact of their activities. These increased and varied connections signify a wider range of stimuli that individuals need to respond to; as a result, they encourage more diversity in their actions. They enable the release of abilities that remain dormant as long as the motivations for action are limited, which is what happens in a group that, in its exclusivity, excludes many interests.

The widening of the area of shared concerns, and the liberation of a greater diversity of personal capacities which characterize a democracy, are not of course the product of deliberation and conscious effort. On the contrary, they were caused by the development of modes of manufacture and commerce, travel, migration, and intercommunication which flowed from the command of science over natural energy. But after greater individualization on one hand, and a broader community of interest on the other have come into existence, it is a matter of deliberate effort to sustain and extend them. Obviously a society to which stratification into separate classes would be fatal, must see to it that intellectual opportunities are accessible to all on equable and easy terms. A society marked off into classes need he specially attentive only to the education of its ruling elements. A society which is mobile, which is full of channels for the distribution of a change occurring anywhere, must see to it that its members are educated to personal initiative and adaptability. Otherwise, they will be overwhelmed by the changes in which they are caught and whose significance or connections they do not perceive. The result will be a confusion in which a few will appropriate to themselves the results of the blind and externally directed activities of others.

The expansion of shared concerns and the release of a wider variety of personal abilities that define a democracy aren’t just the result of careful planning and intentional actions. In fact, they were driven by advancements in manufacturing, trade, travel, migration, and communication that stemmed from our mastery of science over natural energy. However, once greater individualization on one side and a broader sense of community on the other have emerged, it becomes a conscious effort to maintain and enhance them. Clearly, a society where division into distinct classes could be detrimental must ensure that educational opportunities are available to everyone on fair and easy terms. In a class-based society, there’s less need to focus on educating the wider population, just the ruling class. A society that is dynamic and has numerous ways to spread changes occurring anywhere must ensure its members are educated for personal initiative and adaptability. Otherwise, they may be overwhelmed by changes they don't understand or recognize, leading to a confusion where a few individuals take advantage of the efforts and outcomes produced by others’ blind pursuits.

3. The Platonic Educational Philosophy. Subsequent chapters will be devoted to making explicit the implications of the democratic ideas in education. In the remaining portions of this chapter, we shall consider the educational theories which have been evolved in three epochs when the social import of education was especially conspicuous. The first one to be considered is that of Plato. No one could better express than did he the fact that a society is stably organized when each individual is doing that for which he has aptitude by nature in such a way as to be useful to others (or to contribute to the whole to which he belongs); and that it is the business of education to discover these aptitudes and progressively to train them for social use. Much which has been said so far is borrowed from what Plato first consciously taught the world. But conditions which he could not intellectually control led him to restrict these ideas in their application. He never got any conception of the indefinite plurality of activities which may characterize an individual and a social group, and consequently limited his view to a limited number of classes of capacities and of social arrangements. Plato's starting point is that the organization of society depends ultimately upon knowledge of the end of existence. If we do not know its end, we shall be at the mercy of accident and caprice. Unless we know the end, the good, we shall have no criterion for rationally deciding what the possibilities are which should be promoted, nor how social arrangements are to be ordered. We shall have no conception of the proper limits and distribution of activities—what he called justice—as a trait of both individual and social organization. But how is the knowledge of the final and permanent good to be achieved? In dealing with this question we come upon the seemingly insuperable obstacle that such knowledge is not possible save in a just and harmonious social order. Everywhere else the mind is distracted and misled by false valuations and false perspectives. A disorganized and factional society sets up a number of different models and standards. Under such conditions it is impossible for the individual to attain consistency of mind. Only a complete whole is fully self-consistent. A society which rests upon the supremacy of some factor over another irrespective of its rational or proportionate claims, inevitably leads thought astray. It puts a premium on certain things and slurs over others, and creates a mind whose seeming unity is forced and distorted. Education proceeds ultimately from the patterns furnished by institutions, customs, and laws. Only in a just state will these be such as to give the right education; and only those who have rightly trained minds will be able to recognize the end, and ordering principle of things. We seem to be caught in a hopeless circle. However, Plato suggested a way out. A few men, philosophers or lovers of wisdom—or truth—may by study learn at least in outline the proper patterns of true existence. If a powerful ruler should form a state after these patterns, then its regulations could be preserved. An education could be given which would sift individuals, discovering what they were good for, and supplying a method of assigning each to the work in life for which his nature fits him. Each doing his own part, and never transgressing, the order and unity of the whole would be maintained.

3. The Platonic Educational Philosophy. The upcoming chapters will clearly outline the implications of democratic ideas in education. In the rest of this chapter, we will examine the educational theories developed during three periods when the social significance of education was particularly evident. The first theory we will look at is that of Plato. No one expressed better than he did that a society is stable when each person is engaged in the work they are naturally suited for, in a way that benefits others (or contributes to the community as a whole); and it is the role of education to identify these natural aptitudes and progressively train them for societal use. Much of what has been discussed so far is drawn from what Plato first taught the world. However, circumstances beyond his intellectual control led him to limit the application of these ideas. He never fully grasped the endless variety of activities that can define an individual or a social group, which caused him to narrow his perspective to a small number of classes of abilities and social structures. Plato's starting point is that the organization of society ultimately hinges on understanding the purpose of existence. If we don't know its purpose, we will be at the mercy of chance and whim. Without knowing the ultimate good, we won't have a standard for rationally deciding which possibilities should be encouraged or how social structures should be arranged. We won't have a clear understanding of the proper limits and distribution of activities—what he called justice—as a characteristic of both individual and social organization. But how can we gain knowledge of the ultimate and lasting good? In addressing this question, we encounter the seemingly insurmountable barrier that such knowledge is only achievable within a fair and harmonious social order. In other environments, the mind is distracted and misled by false values and distorted views. A disorganized and divided society creates multiple conflicting models and standards. In such environments, it's impossible for individuals to maintain a consistent mindset. Only a complete whole can achieve true self-consistency. A society built on the dominance of one element over another, regardless of its rational or fair claims, inevitably misdirects thought. It emphasizes certain values while neglecting others, and fosters a mindset whose apparent coherence is forced and distorted. Education ultimately stems from the systems provided by institutions, customs, and laws. Only in a just society will these systems offer the right kind of education; and only those who are properly educated will be capable of recognizing the ultimate purpose and organizing principle of things. We seem to be stuck in a never-ending loop. However, Plato proposed a solution. A few individuals, philosophers or seekers of wisdom—and truth—may through study learn at least the basic patterns of true existence. If a strong ruler could establish a state based on these patterns, then its regulations could be preserved. An education could be implemented that would assess individuals, discovering their strengths and providing a method for assigning each person to the work that fits their nature. Each person doing their part, and never overstepping, would maintain the order and unity of the whole.

It would be impossible to find in any scheme of philosophic thought a more adequate recognition on one hand of the educational significance of social arrangements and, on the other, of the dependence of those arrangements upon the means used to educate the young. It would be impossible to find a deeper sense of the function of education in discovering and developing personal capacities, and training them so that they would connect with the activities of others. Yet the society in which the theory was propounded was so undemocratic that Plato could not work out a solution for the problem whose terms he clearly saw.

It would be hard to find any philosophical framework that better acknowledges, on one hand, the educational importance of social structures, and on the other, how those structures depend on the methods used to educate young people. It would also be tough to find a more profound understanding of education's role in identifying and nurturing individual abilities, and shaping them to interact with others' activities. Yet, the society in which this theory was presented was so undemocratic that Plato couldn’t develop a solution for the problem he clearly understood.

While he affirmed with emphasis that the place of the individual in society should not be determined by birth or wealth or any conventional status, but by his own nature as discovered in the process of education, he had no perception of the uniqueness of individuals. For him they fall by nature into classes, and into a very small number of classes at that. Consequently the testing and sifting function of education only shows to which one of three classes an individual belongs. There being no recognition that each individual constitutes his own class, there could be no recognition of the infinite diversity of active tendencies and combinations of tendencies of which an individual is capable. There were only three types of faculties or powers in the individual's constitution. Hence education would soon reach a static limit in each class, for only diversity makes change and progress.

While he strongly believed that a person's place in society shouldn't be decided by their birth, wealth, or any traditional status, but rather by their own nature, which is revealed through education, he was oblivious to the uniqueness of individuals. To him, people naturally fell into categories, and there were very few of them. As a result, the process of testing and sorting in education merely indicated which of the three categories a person belonged to. Since he didn't acknowledge that each person creates their own category, he failed to recognize the endless diversity of active tendencies and combinations of tendencies that an individual can possess. There were only three types of abilities or powers in a person's makeup. Therefore, education would quickly hit a standstill within each category, as only diversity fosters change and progress.

In some individuals, appetites naturally dominate; they are assigned to the laboring and trading class, which expresses and supplies human wants. Others reveal, upon education, that over and above appetites, they have a generous, outgoing, assertively courageous disposition. They become the citizen-subjects of the state; its defenders in war; its internal guardians in peace. But their limit is fixed by their lack of reason, which is a capacity to grasp the universal. Those who possess this are capable of the highest kind of education, and become in time the legislators of the state—for laws are the universals which control the particulars of experience. Thus it is not true that in intent, Plato subordinated the individual to the social whole. But it is true that lacking the perception of the uniqueness of every individual, his incommensurability with others, and consequently not recognizing that a society might change and yet be stable, his doctrine of limited powers and classes came in net effect to the idea of the subordination of individuality. We cannot better Plato's conviction that an individual is happy and society well organized when each individual engages in those activities for which he has a natural equipment, nor his conviction that it is the primary office of education to discover this equipment to its possessor and train him for its effective use. But progress in knowledge has made us aware of the superficiality of Plato's lumping of individuals and their original powers into a few sharply marked-off classes; it has taught us that original capacities are indefinitely numerous and variable. It is but the other side of this fact to say that in the degree in which society has become democratic, social organization means utilization of the specific and variable qualities of individuals, not stratification by classes. Although his educational philosophy was revolutionary, it was none the less in bondage to static ideals. He thought that change or alteration was evidence of lawless flux; that true reality was unchangeable. Hence while he would radically change the existing state of society, his aim was to construct a state in which change would subsequently have no place. The final end of life is fixed; given a state framed with this end in view, not even minor details are to be altered. Though they might not be inherently important, yet if permitted they would inure the minds of men to the idea of change, and hence be dissolving and anarchic. The breakdown of his philosophy is made apparent in the fact that he could not trust to gradual improvements in education to bring about a better society which should then improve education, and so on indefinitely. Correct education could not come into existence until an ideal state existed, and after that education would be devoted simply to its conservation. For the existence of this state he was obliged to trust to some happy accident by which philosophic wisdom should happen to coincide with possession of ruling power in the state.

In some people, appetites naturally take over; they're part of the working and trading class, which fulfills human needs. Others, through education, show that they have a generous, outgoing, and boldly courageous character, rising to become the citizens of the state—its defenders in war and its protectors in peace. However, their limits are defined by their lack of reason, which is needed to understand universal concepts. Those who possess reason can achieve the highest level of education and eventually become the lawmakers of the state—since laws are the universal principles that govern individual experiences. Therefore, it isn't entirely accurate to say that Plato aimed to subordinate the individual to society. But it is true that his failure to recognize the uniqueness of each person and their incomparable nature led to the idea of subordinating individuality through his doctrine of limited powers and classes. We can't improve upon Plato’s belief that an individual is happiest and society functions best when each person engages in activities suited to their natural abilities, nor can we disagree with his view that the main goal of education is to identify and cultivate these abilities. However, advancements in knowledge have revealed the flaws in Plato's tendency to categorize individuals and their inherent skills into rigid classes. It has taught us that original abilities are numerous and diverse. Societal progress towards democracy means that social organization should utilize the unique and varied qualities of individuals, rather than grouping them by class. While his educational philosophy was groundbreaking, it was still tied to rigid ideals. He believed that change indicated chaos; that true reality could not change. Thus, while he sought to radically reform society, he aimed to create one where change would no longer be necessary. The ultimate goal of life was fixed; if a state was designed with this goal in mind, even minor changes shouldn't occur. Even if they weren't inherently important, allowing them would condition people's minds to accept change, which could lead to chaos. The failure of his philosophy is highlighted by his lack of trust in gradual improvements in education to create a better society, which could then further enhance education in an ongoing cycle. He believed that ideal education couldn’t emerge until an ideal state was established, and after that, education would only serve to maintain it. To bring about this state, he relied on a fortunate coincidence where philosophical wisdom would align with control of power in society.

4. The "Individualistic" Ideal of the Eighteenth Century. In the eighteenth-century philosophy we find ourselves in a very different circle of ideas. "Nature" still means something antithetical to existing social organization; Plato exercised a great influence upon Rousseau. But the voice of nature now speaks for the diversity of individual talent and for the need of free development of individuality in all its variety. Education in accord with nature furnishes the goal and the method of instruction and discipline. Moreover, the native or original endowment was conceived, in extreme cases, as nonsocial or even as antisocial. Social arrangements were thought of as mere external expedients by which these nonsocial individuals might secure a greater amount of private happiness for themselves. Nevertheless, these statements convey only an inadequate idea of the true significance of the movement. In reality its chief interest was in progress and in social progress. The seeming antisocial philosophy was a somewhat transparent mask for an impetus toward a wider and freer society—toward cosmopolitanism. The positive ideal was humanity. In membership in humanity, as distinct from a state, man's capacities would be liberated; while in existing political organizations his powers were hampered and distorted to meet the requirements and selfish interests of the rulers of the state. The doctrine of extreme individualism was but the counterpart, the obverse, of ideals of the indefinite perfectibility of man and of a social organization having a scope as wide as humanity. The emancipated individual was to become the organ and agent of a comprehensive and progressive society.

4. The "Individualistic" Ideal of the Eighteenth Century. In the eighteenth-century philosophy, we find ourselves in a very different realm of ideas. "Nature" still represents something opposing the current social structure; Plato had a significant influence on Rousseau. However, the voice of nature now advocates for the diversity of individual talent and the necessity for the free development of individuality in all its forms. Education aligned with nature provides both the goal and the method of teaching and discipline. Moreover, innate or original abilities were often viewed, in extreme cases, as nonsocial or even antisocial. Social arrangements were seen as mere external means for these nonsocial individuals to achieve greater private happiness. Still, these points only partially represent the real significance of the movement. In truth, its main focus was on progress, particularly social progress. The seemingly antisocial philosophy was a somewhat transparent facade for a drive towards a broader and freer society—toward cosmopolitanism. The positive ideal was humanity. Through membership in humanity, as opposed to a state, a person's abilities would be unleashed; whereas, within existing political organizations, their potential was restricted and distorted to serve the needs and selfish interests of the state's rulers. The doctrine of extreme individualism was simply the flip side of ideals related to the indefinite perfectibility of humanity and a social organization as broad as humanity itself. The liberated individual was meant to become the agent and facilitator of a comprehensive and progressive society.

The heralds of this gospel were acutely conscious of the evils of the social estate in which they found themselves. They attributed these evils to the limitations imposed upon the free powers of man. Such limitation was both distorting and corrupting. Their impassioned devotion to emancipation of life from external restrictions which operated to the exclusive advantage of the class to whom a past feudal system consigned power, found intellectual formulation in a worship of nature. To give "nature" full swing was to replace an artificial, corrupt, and inequitable social order by a new and better kingdom of humanity. Unrestrained faith in Nature as both a model and a working power was strengthened by the advances of natural science. Inquiry freed from prejudice and artificial restraints of church and state had revealed that the world is a scene of law. The Newtonian solar system, which expressed the reign of natural law, was a scene of wonderful harmony, where every force balanced with every other. Natural law would accomplish the same result in human relations, if men would only get rid of the artificial man-imposed coercive restrictions.

The messengers of this message were very aware of the problems in the society they lived in. They believed these problems were caused by the limits set on human freedom. These restrictions were both distorting and corrupting. Their passionate commitment to freeing life from external limitations that only benefited the class that held power from a past feudal system found expression in a reverence for nature. Allowing "nature" to take its course was seen as a way to replace a corrupt and unfair social order with a new and better society for all. Their unwavering belief in Nature as both a model and a driving force was bolstered by advancements in natural science. Investigative work, free from prejudice and the artificial constraints of church and state, showed that the world operates under the rule of law. The Newtonian solar system, which illustrated the dominance of natural law, was a place of incredible harmony, where every force was balanced by another. Natural law would achieve similar results in human relationships if people would simply eliminate the coercive limitations imposed by humans.

Education in accord with nature was thought to be the first step in insuring this more social society. It was plainly seen that economic and political limitations were ultimately dependent upon limitations of thought and feeling. The first step in freeing men from external chains was to emancipate them from the internal chains of false beliefs and ideals. What was called social life, existing institutions, were too false and corrupt to be intrusted with this work. How could it be expected to undertake it when the undertaking meant its own destruction? "Nature" must then be the power to which the enterprise was to be left. Even the extreme sensationalistic theory of knowledge which was current derived itself from this conception. To insist that mind is originally passive and empty was one way of glorifying the possibilities of education. If the mind was a wax tablet to be written upon by objects, there were no limits to the possibility of education by means of the natural environment. And since the natural world of objects is a scene of harmonious "truth," this education would infallibly produce minds filled with the truth.

Education in alignment with nature was seen as the first step in creating a more social society. It was clear that economic and political limitations ultimately stemmed from limitations in thought and emotion. The initial step in freeing people from external constraints was to liberate them from the internal confines of false beliefs and ideals. What was referred to as social life and existing institutions were too deceptive and corrupt to be trusted with this task. How could it be expected to take on such a challenge when it meant its own demise? "Nature" had to be the force to carry out this mission. Even the prevailing sensationalist theory of knowledge was rooted in this idea. Arguing that the mind is originally passive and blank was one way to highlight the potential of education. If the mind is like a wax tablet to be inscribed by outside objects, then there are no limits to the possibilities of education through the natural environment. And since the natural world is a place of harmonious "truth," this education would inevitably create minds filled with truth.

5. Education as National and as Social. As soon as the first enthusiasm for freedom waned, the weakness of the theory upon the constructive side became obvious. Merely to leave everything to nature was, after all, but to negate the very idea of education; it was to trust to the accidents of circumstance. Not only was some method required but also some positive organ, some administrative agency for carrying on the process of instruction. The "complete and harmonious development of all powers," having as its social counterpart an enlightened and progressive humanity, required definite organization for its realization. Private individuals here and there could proclaim the gospel; they could not execute the work. A Pestalozzi could try experiments and exhort philanthropically inclined persons having wealth and power to follow his example. But even Pestalozzi saw that any effective pursuit of the new educational ideal required the support of the state. The realization of the new education destined to produce a new society was, after all, dependent upon the activities of existing states. The movement for the democratic idea inevitably became a movement for publicly conducted and administered schools.

5. Education as National and as Social. Once the initial excitement for freedom faded, the flaws in the theory became clear. Just relying on nature meant completely negating the idea of education; it meant depending on random circumstances. We needed not only a method but also a solid organization, an administrative body to carry out the process of instruction. The "complete and harmonious development of all powers," which had an enlightened and progressive humanity as its social counterpart, needed to be organized to become a reality. Individual efforts here and there could spread the message, but they couldn't accomplish the work on their own. Someone like Pestalozzi could experiment and encourage wealthy and influential philanthropists to follow his lead. However, even Pestalozzi recognized that effectively pursuing this new educational ideal needed support from the government. The realization of a new education aimed at creating a new society depended on the actions of existing states. The push for the democratic idea inevitably turned into a movement for schools that were publicly run and managed.

So far as Europe was concerned, the historic situation identified the movement for a state-supported education with the nationalistic movement in political life—a fact of incalculable significance for subsequent movements. Under the influence of German thought in particular, education became a civic function and the civic function was identified with the realization of the ideal of the national state. The "state" was substituted for humanity; cosmopolitanism gave way to nationalism. To form the citizen, not the "man," became the aim of education. 1 The historic situation to which reference is made is the after-effects of the Napoleonic conquests, especially in Germany. The German states felt (and subsequent events demonstrate the correctness of the belief) that systematic attention to education was the best means of recovering and maintaining their political integrity and power. Externally they were weak and divided. Under the leadership of Prussian statesmen they made this condition a stimulus to the development of an extensive and thoroughly grounded system of public education.

As far as Europe was concerned, the historic situation connected the movement for state-supported education with the nationalistic movement in politics—something that was immensely significant for future movements. Influenced particularly by German thought, education became a civic responsibility, and this civic role was linked to achieving the ideal of the national state. The "state" replaced humanity; cosmopolitanism was overshadowed by nationalism. The goal of education shifted to shaping the citizen, not just the "man." The historic situation mentioned refers to the aftermath of the Napoleonic conquests, especially in Germany. The German states believed (and subsequent events showed they were right) that focusing on education systematically was the best way to regain and maintain their political integrity and power. They were weak and divided externally. Under the leadership of Prussian statesmen, they turned this situation into a motivation to develop a comprehensive and well-established system of public education.

This change in practice necessarily brought about a change in theory. The individualistic theory receded into the background. The state furnished not only the instrumentalities of public education but also its goal. When the actual practice was such that the school system, from the elementary grades through the university faculties, supplied the patriotic citizen and soldier and the future state official and administrator and furnished the means for military, industrial, and political defense and expansion, it was impossible for theory not to emphasize the aim of social efficiency. And with the immense importance attached to the nationalistic state, surrounded by other competing and more or less hostile states, it was equally impossible to interpret social efficiency in terms of a vague cosmopolitan humanitarianism. Since the maintenance of a particular national sovereignty required subordination of individuals to the superior interests of the state both in military defense and in struggles for international supremacy in commerce, social efficiency was understood to imply a like subordination. The educational process was taken to be one of disciplinary training rather than of personal development. Since, however, the ideal of culture as complete development of personality persisted, educational philosophy attempted a reconciliation of the two ideas. The reconciliation took the form of the conception of the "organic" character of the state. The individual in his isolation is nothing; only in and through an absorption of the aims and meaning of organized institutions does he attain true personality. What appears to be his subordination to political authority and the demand for sacrifice of himself to the commands of his superiors is in reality but making his own the objective reason manifested in the state—the only way in which he can become truly rational. The notion of development which we have seen to be characteristic of institutional idealism (as in the Hegelian philosophy) was just such a deliberate effort to combine the two ideas of complete realization of personality and thoroughgoing "disciplinary" subordination to existing institutions. The extent of the transformation of educational philosophy which occurred in Germany in the generation occupied by the struggle against Napoleon for national independence, may be gathered from Kant, who well expresses the earlier individual-cosmopolitan ideal. In his treatise on Pedagogics, consisting of lectures given in the later years of the eighteenth century, he defines education as the process by which man becomes man. Mankind begins its history submerged in nature—not as Man who is a creature of reason, while nature furnishes only instinct and appetite. Nature offers simply the germs which education is to develop and perfect. The peculiarity of truly human life is that man has to create himself by his own voluntary efforts; he has to make himself a truly moral, rational, and free being. This creative effort is carried on by the educational activities of slow generations. Its acceleration depends upon men consciously striving to educate their successors not for the existing state of affairs but so as to make possible a future better humanity. But there is the great difficulty. Each generation is inclined to educate its young so as to get along in the present world instead of with a view to the proper end of education: the promotion of the best possible realization of humanity as humanity. Parents educate their children so that they may get on; princes educate their subjects as instruments of their own purposes.

This change in practice inevitably led to a change in theory. The individualistic theory faded into the background. The state provided not only the tools for public education but also its purpose. With the school system, from elementary grades to university, producing patriotic citizens, soldiers, and future state officials and administrators, as well as offering means for military, industrial, and political defense and expansion, it became impossible for theory not to stress the importance of social efficiency. And with the huge significance placed on the nationalistic state, surrounded by other competing and often hostile states, it was equally impossible to define social efficiency in vague cosmopolitan humanitarian terms. Maintaining a specific national sovereignty demanded that individuals subordinate themselves to the greater interests of the state, both for military defense and in the quest for international dominance in commerce; thus, social efficiency was understood to require a similar subordination. The educational process was viewed as one of disciplinary training rather than personal development. However, since the ideal of culture as the complete development of personality endured, educational philosophy sought a way to reconcile these two ideas. This reconciliation took shape in the idea of the "organic" nature of the state. An individual in isolation is meaningless; only through embracing the goals and significance of organized institutions does one achieve true personality. What might seem like subordination to political authority and the demand for personal sacrifice to the commands of superiors is actually a way of adopting the objective rationale expressed in the state—the only means by which one can become truly rational. The idea of development that we’ve recognized as characteristic of institutional idealism (like in Hegelian philosophy) was just such a deliberate attempt to merge the two concepts of achieving complete personality and thorough "disciplinary" subordination to existing institutions. The extent of the shift in educational philosophy seen in Germany during the generation shaped by the struggle against Napoleon for national independence can be reflected in Kant, who articulates the earlier individual-cosmopolitan ideal. In his work on Pedagogics, which comprises lectures from the late 18th century, he defines education as the process by which a person becomes fully human. Humanity begins its journey lost in nature—not as beings of reason, where nature only supplies instinct and desire. Nature merely provides the seeds that education is meant to develop and refine. The essence of genuinely human life is that people must create themselves through their own choices; they need to become truly moral, rational, and free beings. This creative effort unfolds through the educational endeavors of successive generations. Its enhancement depends on individuals intentionally striving to educate their successors not just for the current state of affairs but to enable a future improved humanity. Yet, there lies the significant challenge. Each generation tends to educate its youth to navigate the present world instead of focusing on the true purpose of education: fostering the best possible realization of humanity as humanity. Parents raise their children to thrive in life; rulers prepare their subjects as tools for their own purposes.

Who, then, shall conduct education so that humanity may improve? We must depend upon the efforts of enlightened men in their private capacity. "All culture begins with private men and spreads outward from them. Simply through the efforts of persons of enlarged inclinations, who are capable of grasping the ideal of a future better condition, is the gradual approximation of human nature to its end possible. Rulers are simply interested in such training as will make their subjects better tools for their own intentions." Even the subsidy by rulers of privately conducted schools must be carefully safeguarded. For the rulers' interest in the welfare of their own nation instead of in what is best for humanity, will make them, if they give money for the schools, wish to draw their plans. We have in this view an express statement of the points characteristic of the eighteenth century individualistic cosmopolitanism. The full development of private personality is identified with the aims of humanity as a whole and with the idea of progress. In addition we have an explicit fear of the hampering influence of a state-conducted and state-regulated education upon the attainment of these ideas. But in less than two decades after this time, Kant's philosophic successors, Fichte and Hegel, elaborated the idea that the chief function of the state is educational; that in particular the regeneration of Germany is to be accomplished by an education carried on in the interests of the state, and that the private individual is of necessity an egoistic, irrational being, enslaved to his appetites and to circumstances unless he submits voluntarily to the educative discipline of state institutions and laws. In this spirit, Germany was the first country to undertake a public, universal, and compulsory system of education extending from the primary school through the university, and to submit to jealous state regulation and supervision all private educational enterprises. Two results should stand out from this brief historical survey. The first is that such terms as the individual and the social conceptions of education are quite meaningless taken at large, or apart from their context. Plato had the ideal of an education which should equate individual realization and social coherency and stability. His situation forced his ideal into the notion of a society organized in stratified classes, losing the individual in the class. The eighteenth century educational philosophy was highly individualistic in form, but this form was inspired by a noble and generous social ideal: that of a society organized to include humanity, and providing for the indefinite perfectibility of mankind. The idealistic philosophy of Germany in the early nineteenth century endeavored again to equate the ideals of a free and complete development of cultured personality with social discipline and political subordination. It made the national state an intermediary between the realization of private personality on one side and of humanity on the other. Consequently, it is equally possible to state its animating principle with equal truth either in the classic terms of "harmonious development of all the powers of personality" or in the more recent terminology of "social efficiency." All this reinforces the statement which opens this chapter: The conception of education as a social process and function has no definite meaning until we define the kind of society we have in mind. These considerations pave the way for our second conclusion. One of the fundamental problems of education in and for a democratic society is set by the conflict of a nationalistic and a wider social aim. The earlier cosmopolitan and "humanitarian" conception suffered both from vagueness and from lack of definite organs of execution and agencies of administration. In Europe, in the Continental states particularly, the new idea of the importance of education for human welfare and progress was captured by national interests and harnessed to do a work whose social aim was definitely narrow and exclusive. The social aim of education and its national aim were identified, and the result was a marked obscuring of the meaning of a social aim.

Who will educate humanity to improve? We need to rely on the efforts of enlightened individuals working privately. "All culture begins with private individuals and spreads out from them. Only through the dedication of those with broad perspectives, who can envision a better future, can we gradually bring human nature closer to its ideal. Leaders are only interested in training that will turn their subjects into better tools for their own purposes." Even when leaders support privately-run schools financially, their interest in their own nation's welfare over what is best for humanity may lead them to impose their agendas. This reflects the defining characteristics of eighteenth-century individualistic cosmopolitanism. The full development of personal identity is linked to the goals of all of humanity and the idea of progress. Additionally, there is a clear concern that state-run education could hinder achieving these ideals. However, less than twenty years later, Kant's philosophical successors, Fichte and Hegel, argued that the primary purpose of the state is education; specifically, that Germany's rejuvenation would come from state-focused education, and that individuals are inherently selfish and irrational, driven by their desires and circumstances unless they willingly accept the educational discipline of state institutions and laws. In this context, Germany became the first country to establish a public, universal, and mandatory education system from primary school to university, closely regulating and supervising all private educational initiatives. Two key outcomes emerge from this brief historical overview. First, terms like "individual" and "social" in education are pretty meaningless without context. Plato envisioned an education that balanced individual growth with social stability and coherence. However, his circumstances pushed this ideal into a model of a society structured in hierarchical classes, which obscured individual identity within the class. The education philosophy of the eighteenth century was highly individualistic, yet this quality arose from a noble social ideal: a society designed to encompass all humanity and support the limitless betterment of people. The idealistic philosophy in early nineteenth-century Germany again sought to balance the ideals of free and complete personal development with social discipline and political subordination, positioning the national state as a bridge between the realization of private identity and collective humanity. Therefore, it is equally valid to express this guiding principle using either the classical phrase "harmonious development of all the powers of personality" or the more contemporary term "social efficiency." All of this reinforces the opening statement of this chapter: the idea of education as a social process and function lacks clear meaning until we define the type of society we are considering. These points lead us to our second conclusion. A core challenge in educating within a democratic society is the tension between national and broader social objectives. Earlier cosmopolitan and "humanitarian" perspectives were vague and lacked specific execution channels and administrative bodies. In Europe, especially within the Continental states, the new understanding of education's significance for human welfare and progress was seized by national interests, leading to efforts with a socially narrow and exclusive focus. The social purpose of education became conflated with national objectives, resulting in a significant blurring of the social aim's meaning.

This confusion corresponds to the existing situation of human intercourse. On the one hand, science, commerce, and art transcend national boundaries. They are largely international in quality and method. They involve interdependencies and cooperation among the peoples inhabiting different countries. At the same time, the idea of national sovereignty has never been as accentuated in politics as it is at the present time. Each nation lives in a state of suppressed hostility and incipient war with its neighbors. Each is supposed to be the supreme judge of its own interests, and it is assumed as matter of course that each has interests which are exclusively its own. To question this is to question the very idea of national sovereignty which is assumed to be basic to political practice and political science. This contradiction (for it is nothing less) between the wider sphere of associated and mutually helpful social life and the narrower sphere of exclusive and hence potentially hostile pursuits and purposes, exacts of educational theory a clearer conception of the meaning of "social" as a function and test of education than has yet been attained. Is it possible for an educational system to be conducted by a national state and yet the full social ends of the educative process not be restricted, constrained, and corrupted? Internally, the question has to face the tendencies, due to present economic conditions, which split society into classes some of which are made merely tools for the higher culture of others. Externally, the question is concerned with the reconciliation of national loyalty, of patriotism, with superior devotion to the things which unite men in common ends, irrespective of national political boundaries. Neither phase of the problem can be worked out by merely negative means. It is not enough to see to it that education is not actively used as an instrument to make easier the exploitation of one class by another. School facilities must be secured of such amplitude and efficiency as will in fact and not simply in name discount the effects of economic inequalities, and secure to all the wards of the nation equality of equipment for their future careers. Accomplishment of this end demands not only adequate administrative provision of school facilities, and such supplementation of family resources as will enable youth to take advantage of them, but also such modification of traditional ideals of culture, traditional subjects of study and traditional methods of teaching and discipline as will retain all the youth under educational influences until they are equipped to be masters of their own economic and social careers. The ideal may seem remote of execution, but the democratic ideal of education is a farcical yet tragic delusion except as the ideal more and more dominates our public system of education. The same principle has application on the side of the considerations which concern the relations of one nation to another. It is not enough to teach the horrors of war and to avoid everything which would stimulate international jealousy and animosity. The emphasis must be put upon whatever binds people together in cooperative human pursuits and results, apart from geographical limitations. The secondary and provisional character of national sovereignty in respect to the fuller, freer, and more fruitful association and intercourse of all human beings with one another must be instilled as a working disposition of mind. If these applications seem to be remote from a consideration of the philosophy of education, the impression shows that the meaning of the idea of education previously developed has not been adequately grasped. This conclusion is bound up with the very idea of education as a freeing of individual capacity in a progressive growth directed to social aims. Otherwise a democratic criterion of education can only be inconsistently applied.

This confusion reflects the current state of human interaction. On one hand, science, commerce, and art go beyond national borders. They are mostly international in character and approach, involving dependencies and collaboration among people from different countries. At the same time, the concept of national sovereignty has never been as emphasized in politics as it is now. Each nation operates in a climate of underlying hostility and potential conflict with its neighbors. Each is viewed as the ultimate authority on its own interests, and it’s taken for granted that these interests are entirely unique to each nation. Questioning this assumption challenges the foundational idea of national sovereignty that is considered essential to political practice and political science. This contradiction—between the broader scope of cooperative and mutually beneficial social life and the narrower focus on exclusive and potentially hostile aims—requires educational theory to develop a clearer understanding of what "social" means as a function and measure of education than has been achieved so far. Can an educational system be run by a national state without limiting, constraining, or corrupting the social goals of education? Internally, this question must address the trends, caused by current economic conditions, that divide society into classes, where some merely serve as tools for the higher culture of others. Externally, the question involves reconciling national loyalty and patriotism with a greater commitment to shared human goals, regardless of national borders. Neither aspect of the problem can be resolved through simply negative measures. It’s not enough to ensure that education isn’t actively used to facilitate the exploitation of one class by another. We need to ensure that educational resources are adequate and effective enough to genuinely offset the impacts of economic disparities and provide all of a nation’s youth with equal opportunities for their future careers. Achieving this goal requires not only a proper administrative distribution of school resources and support for families to help young people take advantage of these opportunities, but also a reevaluation of traditional cultural ideals, study subjects, teaching methods, and discipline to keep all youth engaged in educational influences until they can control their own economic and social futures. The goal may seem difficult to achieve, but the democratic ideal of education is a tragic illusion unless this ideal increasingly shapes our public educational system. The same principle applies when considering the relationships between nations. It’s not enough to teach the horrors of war and avoid anything that might fuel international jealousy and conflict. We need to focus on what unites people in collaborative human efforts and achievements, regardless of geographical boundaries. The temporary nature of national sovereignty, in relation to the broader, freer, and more fruitful interactions among all human beings, must be instilled as a mindset. If these points seem disconnected from the philosophy of education, it suggests that the previously discussed meaning of education hasn’t been fully understood. This conclusion is interconnected with the concept of education as a liberation of individual potential in a progressive journey aimed at social goals. Otherwise, a democratic standard for education can only be applied inconsistently.





Summary. Since education is a social process, and there are many kinds

of societies, a criterion for educational criticism and construction implies a particular social ideal. The two points selected by which to measure the worth of a form of social life are the extent in which the interests of a group are shared by all its members, and the fullness and freedom with which it interacts with other groups. An undesirable society, in other words, is one which internally and externally sets up barriers to free intercourse and communication of experience. A society which makes provision for participation in its good of all its members on equal terms and which secures flexible readjustment of its institutions through interaction of the different forms of associated life is in so far democratic. Such a society must have a type of education which gives individuals a personal interest in social relationships and control, and the habits of mind which secure social changes without introducing disorder. Three typical historic philosophies of education were considered from this point of view. The Platonic was found to have an ideal formally quite similar to that stated, but which was compromised in its working out by making a class rather than an individual the social unit. The so-called individualism of the eighteenth-century enlightenment was found to involve the notion of a society as broad as humanity, of whose progress the individual was to be the organ. But it lacked any agency for securing the development of its ideal as was evidenced in its falling back upon Nature. The institutional idealistic philosophies of the nineteenth century supplied this lack by making the national state the agency, but in so doing narrowed the conception of the social aim to those who were members of the same political unit, and reintroduced the idea of the subordination of the individual to the institution. 1 There is a much neglected strain in Rousseau tending intellectually in this direction. He opposed the existing state of affairs on the ground that it formed neither the citizen nor the man. Under existing conditions, he preferred to try for the latter rather than for the former. But there are many sayings of his which point to the formation of the citizen as ideally the higher, and which indicate that his own endeavor, as embodied in the Emile, was simply the best makeshift the corruption of the times permitted him to sketch.

In societies, a standard for evaluating and shaping education reflects a specific social ideal. The two criteria chosen to assess the value of a social system are the degree to which the interests of a group are shared by all its members and how fully and freely it interacts with other groups. An undesirable society, in other words, is one that creates barriers to open communication and the exchange of experiences both internally and externally. A society that allows all its members to participate in its benefits equally and that facilitates flexible adjustments of its institutions through interaction with various forms of community life is, to that extent, democratic. Such a society needs an educational approach that fosters personal investment in social relationships and governance, as well as the mindset necessary to achieve social change without causing chaos. Three distinct historical philosophies of education were examined from this perspective. The Platonic ideal was found to closely mirror this concept, but its implementation was undermined by its focus on classes rather than individuals as the foundational social unit. The so-called individualism of the eighteenth-century Enlightenment included the idea of a society as expansive as humanity itself, with individuals serving as its agents. However, it lacked a mechanism for realizing its ideals, as seen in its reliance on Nature. The institutional idealistic philosophies of the nineteenth century addressed this gap by positioning the national state as the driving force. But this narrowed the vision of social purpose to those within the same political entity and reintroduced the concept of subordinating the individual to the institution. There is an often-overlooked aspect of Rousseau's thought that moves in this direction. He critiqued the existing situation based on the belief that it failed to cultivate either the citizen or the individual. Given the prevailing conditions, he chose to pursue the development of the individual over the citizen. Yet, many of his statements suggest that the ideal formation of the citizen is superior, indicating that his own efforts, as shown in "Emile," represented merely the best solution he could devise given the corruption of his time.





Chapter Eight: Aims in Education

1. The Nature of an Aim.

The account of education given in our earlier chapters virtually anticipated the results reached in a discussion of the purport of education in a democratic community. For it assumed that the aim of education is to enable individuals to continue their education—or that the object and reward of learning is continued capacity for growth. Now this idea cannot be applied to all the members of a society except where intercourse of man with man is mutual, and except where there is adequate provision for the reconstruction of social habits and institutions by means of wide stimulation arising from equitably distributed interests. And this means a democratic society. In our search for aims in education, we are not concerned, therefore, with finding an end outside of the educative process to which education is subordinate. Our whole conception forbids. We are rather concerned with the contrast which exists when aims belong within the process in which they operate and when they are set up from without. And the latter state of affairs must obtain when social relationships are not equitably balanced. For in that case, some portions of the whole social group will find their aims determined by an external dictation; their aims will not arise from the free growth of their own experience, and their nominal aims will be means to more ulterior ends of others rather than truly their own.

The discussion about education in our earlier chapters pretty much predicted the findings about the purpose of education in a democratic society. It assumed that the goal of education is to help individuals keep learning, or that the benefit and reward of learning is ongoing growth. This concept can only apply to all members of a society when there is mutual interaction among people and when there are sufficient opportunities to reshape social habits and institutions through broad engagement from fairly distributed interests. This essentially means a democratic society. Therefore, as we look for goals in education, we aren't trying to find an endpoint outside of the educational process that education serves. Our entire understanding prohibits that. Instead, we are focused on the difference between goals that are part of the process in which they function and those that are imposed from the outside. The latter situation happens when social relationships aren't fairly balanced. In that case, some parts of the social group will have their goals defined by outside forces; their goals won't stem from their own free experiences, and their stated goals will instead serve the ulterior motives of others rather than being genuinely their own.

Our first question is to define the nature of an aim so far as it falls within an activity, instead of being furnished from without. We approach the definition by a contrast of mere results with ends. Any exhibition of energy has results. The wind blows about the sands of the desert; the position of the grains is changed. Here is a result, an effect, but not an end. For there is nothing in the outcome which completes or fulfills what went before it. There is mere spatial redistribution. One state of affairs is just as good as any other. Consequently there is no basis upon which to select an earlier state of affairs as a beginning, a later as an end, and to consider what intervenes as a process of transformation and realization.

Our first question is to define what an aim is within an activity, rather than something influenced from the outside. We start the definition by contrasting mere results with true ends. Any display of energy produces results. The wind blows the sands of the desert; the position of the grains changes. This is a result, an effect, but not an end. The outcome doesn’t complete or fulfill what came before it. It’s simply a change in location. One situation is just as valid as another. Therefore, there’s no way to identify an earlier situation as a starting point, a later one as an end, and to see what happens in between as a process of transformation and realization.

Consider for example the activities of bees in contrast with the changes in the sands when the wind blows them about. The results of the bees' actions may be called ends not because they are designed or consciously intended, but because they are true terminations or completions of what has preceded. When the bees gather pollen and make wax and build cells, each step prepares the way for the next. When cells are built, the queen lays eggs in them; when eggs are laid, they are sealed and bees brood them and keep them at a temperature required to hatch them. When they are hatched, bees feed the young till they can take care of themselves. Now we are so familiar with such facts, that we are apt to dismiss them on the ground that life and instinct are a kind of miraculous thing anyway. Thus we fail to note what the essential characteristic of the event is; namely, the significance of the temporal place and order of each element; the way each prior event leads into its successor while the successor takes up what is furnished and utilizes it for some other stage, until we arrive at the end, which, as it were, summarizes and finishes off the process. Since aims relate always to results, the first thing to look to when it is a question of aims, is whether the work assigned possesses intrinsic continuity. Or is it a mere serial aggregate of acts, first doing one thing and then another? To talk about an educational aim when approximately each act of a pupil is dictated by the teacher, when the only order in the sequence of his acts is that which comes from the assignment of lessons and the giving of directions by another, is to talk nonsense. It is equally fatal to an aim to permit capricious or discontinuous action in the name of spontaneous self-expression. An aim implies an orderly and ordered activity, one in which the order consists in the progressive completing of a process. Given an activity having a time span and cumulative growth within the time succession, an aim means foresight in advance of the end or possible termination. If bees anticipated the consequences of their activity, if they perceived their end in imaginative foresight, they would have the primary element in an aim. Hence it is nonsense to talk about the aim of education—or any other undertaking—where conditions do not permit of foresight of results, and do not stimulate a person to look ahead to see what the outcome of a given activity is to be. In the next place the aim as a foreseen end gives direction to the activity; it is not an idle view of a mere spectator, but influences the steps taken to reach the end. The foresight functions in three ways. In the first place, it involves careful observation of the given conditions to see what are the means available for reaching the end, and to discover the hindrances in the way. In the second place, it suggests the proper order or sequence in the use of means. It facilitates an economical selection and arrangement. In the third place, it makes choice of alternatives possible. If we can predict the outcome of acting this way or that, we can then compare the value of the two courses of action; we can pass judgment upon their relative desirability. If we know that stagnant water breeds mosquitoes and that they are likely to carry disease, we can, disliking that anticipated result, take steps to avert it. Since we do not anticipate results as mere intellectual onlookers, but as persons concerned in the outcome, we are partakers in the process which produces the result. We intervene to bring about this result or that.

Consider, for example, the activities of bees compared to how the wind shifts the sand. The outcomes of the bees' actions can be called ends, not because they are planned or intentionally aimed for, but because they are actual completions of what came before. When bees collect pollen, produce wax, and build cells, each step sets the stage for the next. Once the cells are built, the queen lays eggs in them; when eggs are laid, they are sealed, and the bees care for them, keeping them at the right temperature for hatching. After they hatch, bees feed the young until they can fend for themselves. We’re so familiar with these facts that we often overlook them, thinking that life and instinct are miraculous in nature. As a result, we miss the essential characteristic of the process: the importance of the timing and sequence of each element; how each previous event leads to the next, while the following event uses what has been provided to move the process forward, culminating in an end that summarizes and completes the entire process. Since aims are always related to results, the first aspect to consider regarding aims is whether the task at hand has intrinsic continuity. Or is it just a series of disconnected acts, moving one step to another without connection? Talking about an educational aim when nearly every action a student takes is determined by the teacher, where the only order in what they do comes from assignments and instructions from someone else, is just nonsense. It’s equally detrimental to an aim to allow random or disconnected actions under the guise of spontaneous self-expression. An aim entails organized activity, where the order is defined by the step-by-step completion of a process. When we have an activity that unfolds over time and builds upon itself, having an aim means planning ahead for the end or possible conclusion. If bees could foresee the results of their actions, envisioning their end with creative anticipation, they would have the fundamental aspect of an aim. Hence, it’s nonsensical to discuss the aim of education—or any other endeavor—when conditions don’t allow for anticipating outcomes and don’t encourage someone to look forward to see what the result of an activity will be. Moreover, the aim, as a foreseen end, guides the activity; it’s not just a passive observation, but it influences the steps taken to achieve the goal. Foresight operates in three ways. First, it requires careful observation of the existing conditions to see what resources are available to reach the goal and to identify any obstacles. Second, it suggests the proper order or sequence for using these resources, making it easier to choose and arrange effectively. Third, it allows for the selection of alternatives. If we can predict the outcomes of acting one way or another, we can evaluate the benefits of both actions, assessing their relative desirability. If we know stagnant water breeds mosquitoes and that they might spread disease, we can take precautions to avoid that unwanted outcome. Since we don’t anticipate results simply as intellectual observers, but as individuals invested in the consequences, we become participants in the process that leads to the result. We take action to achieve one outcome or another.

Of course these three points are closely connected with one another. We can definitely foresee results only as we make careful scrutiny of present conditions, and the importance of the outcome supplies the motive for observations. The more adequate our observations, the more varied is the scene of conditions and obstructions that presents itself, and the more numerous are the alternatives between which choice may be made. In turn, the more numerous the recognized possibilities of the situation, or alternatives of action, the more meaning does the chosen activity possess, and the more flexibly controllable is it. Where only a single outcome has been thought of, the mind has nothing else to think of; the meaning attaching to the act is limited. One only steams ahead toward the mark. Sometimes such a narrow course may be effective. But if unexpected difficulties offer themselves, one has not as many resources at command as if he had chosen the same line of action after a broader survey of the possibilities of the field. He cannot make needed readjustments readily.

These three points are definitely interconnected. We can only predict outcomes by carefully examining current conditions, and the significance of the results drives our observations. The better our observations, the more diverse the conditions and obstacles we encounter, and the more options we have to choose from. Conversely, the more possibilities we recognize in a situation—or choices for action—the more meaningful the selected activity becomes, and the easier it is to control. When only one outcome is considered, the mind has nothing else to focus on; the significance of the action is limited. It’s like just moving straight toward a goal. Sometimes this narrow approach can be effective. However, if unexpected challenges arise, you won't have as many resources to draw on as you would if you'd explored the possibilities more broadly. You'll struggle to make the necessary adjustments.

The net conclusion is that acting with an aim is all one with acting intelligently. To foresee a terminus of an act is to have a basis upon which to observe, to select, and to order objects and our own capacities. To do these things means to have a mind—for mind is precisely intentional purposeful activity controlled by perception of facts and their relationships to one another. To have a mind to do a thing is to foresee a future possibility; it is to have a plan for its accomplishment; it is to note the means which make the plan capable of execution and the obstructions in the way,—or, if it is really a mind to do the thing and not a vague aspiration—it is to have a plan which takes account of resources and difficulties. Mind is capacity to refer present conditions to future results, and future consequences to present conditions. And these traits are just what is meant by having an aim or a purpose. A man is stupid or blind or unintelligent—lacking in mind—just in the degree in which in any activity he does not know what he is about, namely, the probable consequences of his acts. A man is imperfectly intelligent when he contents himself with looser guesses about the outcome than is needful, just taking a chance with his luck, or when he forms plans apart from study of the actual conditions, including his own capacities. Such relative absence of mind means to make our feelings the measure of what is to happen. To be intelligent we must "stop, look, listen" in making the plan of an activity.

The bottom line is that acting with purpose is the same as acting intelligently. To anticipate the outcome of an action is to have a foundation for observing, selecting, and organizing objects and our own abilities. Doing these things signifies having a mind—because a mind is essentially intentional, purposeful activity guided by awareness of facts and their relationships to each other. Having the intention to do something means predicting a future possibility; it involves having a plan for achieving it; it means recognizing the means that make the plan executable and the obstacles in the way— or if it’s genuinely a mind to do the task and not just a vague wish—it involves having a plan that considers resources and challenges. The mind is the ability to connect present conditions to future outcomes, and future consequences to present situations. These characteristics define having an aim or a purpose. A person is considered stupid, blind, or unintelligent—lacking in mind—in proportion to how much they are unaware of their actions, specifically the likely outcomes of those actions. A person is less intelligent when they settle for vague guesses about what will happen instead of taking necessary risks or when they devise plans without examining the actual conditions, including their own abilities. This relative absence of mind means relying on our feelings as the standard for what will occur. To be intelligent, we must "stop, look, listen" when planning an activity.

To identify acting with an aim and intelligent activity is enough to show its value—its function in experience. We are only too given to making an entity out of the abstract noun "consciousness." We forget that it comes from the adjective "conscious." To be conscious is to be aware of what we are about; conscious signifies the deliberate, observant, planning traits of activity. Consciousness is nothing which we have which gazes idly on the scene around one or which has impressions made upon it by physical things; it is a name for the purposeful quality of an activity, for the fact that it is directed by an aim. Put the other way about, to have an aim is to act with meaning, not like an automatic machine; it is to mean to do something and to perceive the meaning of things in the light of that intent.

Identifying purposeful action and thoughtful activity is enough to demonstrate its value—its role in our experiences. We often make the mistake of treating "consciousness" as a solid entity instead of remembering that it derives from the adjective "conscious." To be conscious means being aware of our actions; it embodies the intentional, observant, and strategic aspects of activity. Consciousness isn't something that passively watches what's happening around us or simply absorbs impressions from the physical world; it's a term for the purposeful quality of our actions, indicating that they are guided by an aim. In other words, having an aim means acting with intention, rather than like a mindless machine; it means intending to do something and understanding the significance of things in light of that purpose.

2. The Criteria of Good Aims. We may apply the results of our discussion to a consideration of the criteria involved in a correct establishing of aims. (1) The aim set up must be an outgrowth of existing conditions. It must be based upon a consideration of what is already going on; upon the resources and difficulties of the situation. Theories about the proper end of our activities—educational and moral theories—often violate this principle. They assume ends lying outside our activities; ends foreign to the concrete makeup of the situation; ends which issue from some outside source. Then the problem is to bring our activities to bear upon the realization of these externally supplied ends. They are something for which we ought to act. In any case such "aims" limit intelligence; they are not the expression of mind in foresight, observation, and choice of the better among alternative possibilities. They limit intelligence because, given ready-made, they must be imposed by some authority external to intelligence, leaving to the latter nothing but a mechanical choice of means.

2. The Criteria of Good Aims. We can take what we've discussed and apply it to the criteria for properly establishing goals. (1) The goal we set must stem from the current circumstances. It needs to be based on what’s already happening, considering the resources and challenges at hand. Theories about the right objectives for our actions—whether educational or moral—often disregard this principle. They propose objectives that are detached from our activities; objectives that don’t align with the specific nature of the situation and that come from an external source. The issue then becomes how to align our actions with these externally imposed objectives. These are things we should be striving for. Ultimately, such "goals" restrict our thinking; they don’t reflect the ability to foresee, observe, and choose the best among available options. They limit our intelligence because, as pre-determined, they must be enforced by some authority outside of our understanding, leaving us with nothing more than a mechanical selection of means.

(2) We have spoken as if aims could be completely formed prior to the attempt to realize them. This impression must now be qualified. The aim as it first emerges is a mere tentative sketch. The act of striving to realize it tests its worth. If it suffices to direct activity successfully, nothing more is required, since its whole function is to set a mark in advance; and at times a mere hint may suffice. But usually—at least in complicated situations—acting upon it brings to light conditions which had been overlooked. This calls for revision of the original aim; it has to be added to and subtracted from. An aim must, then, be flexible; it must be capable of alteration to meet circumstances. An end established externally to the process of action is always rigid. Being inserted or imposed from without, it is not supposed to have a working relationship to the concrete conditions of the situation. What happens in the course of action neither confirms, refutes, nor alters it. Such an end can only be insisted upon. The failure that results from its lack of adaptation is attributed simply to the perverseness of conditions, not to the fact that the end is not reasonable under the circumstances. The value of a legitimate aim, on the contrary, lies in the fact that we can use it to change conditions. It is a method for dealing with conditions so as to effect desirable alterations in them. A farmer who should passively accept things just as he finds them would make as great a mistake as he who framed his plans in complete disregard of what soil, climate, etc., permit. One of the evils of an abstract or remote external aim in education is that its very inapplicability in practice is likely to react into a haphazard snatching at immediate conditions. A good aim surveys the present state of experience of pupils, and forming a tentative plan of treatment, keeps the plan constantly in view and yet modifies it as conditions develop. The aim, in short, is experimental, and hence constantly growing as it is tested in action.

(2) We've talked as if goals can be fully developed before we try to achieve them. This idea needs some adjustment. The goal that first comes up is just an initial outline. The effort to achieve it helps determine its value. If it successfully guides our actions, then that’s all we need, since its main purpose is to set a target ahead of time; sometimes, just a simple suggestion can be enough. But usually—especially in complex situations—acting on it reveals factors we might have missed. This requires us to rethink the original goal; we need to add and take away from it. A goal must be adaptable; it should be able to change based on circumstances. A goal set from outside the action process is always inflexible. Because it’s imposed from the outside, it doesn’t necessarily connect with the specific conditions at hand. What happens during the action neither confirms nor changes it. Such a goal can only be insisted upon. The resulting failure from its lack of adjustment is simply blamed on the stubbornness of conditions, not on the fact that the goal isn’t reasonable given the circumstances. The value of a legitimate goal, however, lies in its ability to help us change conditions. It’s a way to address situations to bring about positive changes. A farmer who just accepts things as they are would make a mistake just like one who plans without considering the soil, climate, etc. One downside of having an abstract or distant external goal in education is that its lack of practicality might lead to a random response to immediate circumstances. A good goal takes into account the current experiences of students, creates a tentative plan of action, keeps that plan in mind, and adjusts it as circumstances change. In short, the goal is experimental, and therefore it evolves as it is put to the test.

(3) The aim must always represent a freeing of activities. The term end in view is suggestive, for it puts before the mind the termination or conclusion of some process. The only way in which we can define an activity is by putting before ourselves the objects in which it terminates—as one's aim in shooting is the target. But we must remember that the object is only a mark or sign by which the mind specifies the activity one desires to carry out. Strictly speaking, not the target but hitting the target is the end in view; one takes aim by means of the target, but also by the sight on the gun. The different objects which are thought of are means of directing the activity. Thus one aims at, say, a rabbit; what he wants is to shoot straight: a certain kind of activity. Or, if it is the rabbit he wants, it is not rabbit apart from his activity, but as a factor in activity; he wants to eat the rabbit, or to show it as evidence of his marksmanship—he wants to do something with it. The doing with the thing, not the thing in isolation, is his end. The object is but a phase of the active end,—continuing the activity successfully. This is what is meant by the phrase, used above, "freeing activity."

(3) The goal should always represent a liberation of activities. The phrase "end in view" is telling, as it suggests the completion or conclusion of a process. The only way we can define an activity is by identifying the objectives that mark its conclusion—just like aiming in shooting is targeted at the bullseye. However, we must remember that the object is just a reference or marker that the mind uses to specify the activity we want to pursue. Technically, it's not the target itself, but hitting the target that is the goal; we aim with the target as our focus, but also with the sight of the gun. The various objects we think about serve as tools to guide the activity. So, if someone aims at a rabbit, their actual aim is to shoot accurately—a specific kind of action. Or if it's the rabbit they want, it isn't just the rabbit on its own, but rather as part of their action; they want to eat the rabbit or display it as proof of their marksmanship—they want to do something with it. The act of doing something with the object, rather than the object by itself, is the true objective. The object is merely a stage in the active goal—continuing the activity successfully. This is what the phrase "freeing activity" refers to.

In contrast with fulfilling some process in order that activity may go on, stands the static character of an end which is imposed from without the activity. It is always conceived of as fixed; it is something to be attained and possessed. When one has such a notion, activity is a mere unavoidable means to something else; it is not significant or important on its own account. As compared with the end it is but a necessary evil; something which must be gone through before one can reach the object which is alone worth while. In other words, the external idea of the aim leads to a separation of means from end, while an end which grows up within an activity as plan for its direction is always both ends and means, the distinction being only one of convenience. Every means is a temporary end until we have attained it. Every end becomes a means of carrying activity further as soon as it is achieved. We call it end when it marks off the future direction of the activity in which we are engaged; means when it marks off the present direction. Every divorce of end from means diminishes by that much the significance of the activity and tends to reduce it to a drudgery from which one would escape if he could. A farmer has to use plants and animals to carry on his farming activities. It certainly makes a great difference to his life whether he is fond of them, or whether he regards them merely as means which he has to employ to get something else in which alone he is interested. In the former case, his entire course of activity is significant; each phase of it has its own value. He has the experience of realizing his end at every stage; the postponed aim, or end in view, being merely a sight ahead by which to keep his activity going fully and freely. For if he does not look ahead, he is more likely to find himself blocked. The aim is as definitely a means of action as is any other portion of an activity.

In contrast to going through a process to keep an activity going, there's the fixed nature of an end that's imposed from outside the activity. It's always seen as something set in stone; an outcome to be reached and obtained. When you view it this way, activity becomes just a necessary step toward something else; it lacks significance or importance on its own. Compared to the end, it's merely a necessary evil—something that must be endured before you can get to the only thing that truly matters. In other words, the external idea of a goal creates a divide between means and ends, while a goal that develops within an activity as a guiding plan is always both an end and a means, with the difference being just a matter of convenience. Every means is a temporary end until we achieve it. Every end turns into a means to further the activity as soon as it’s reached. We call it an end when it defines the future path of the activity we’re engaged in; we call it a means when it outlines the present path. Any separation of end from means reduces the significance of the activity and tends to make it feel like a tedious chore that people would want to escape if they could. A farmer needs to use plants and animals to carry out his farming tasks. It makes a big difference in his life whether he loves them or sees them merely as tools he must use to get to something else that interests him. In the first case, his entire course of activity is meaningful; each part has its own value. He experiences the realization of his goal at every step, with the postponed aim simply acting as a guiding point to keep his activity flowing and free. Because if he doesn’t look ahead, he’s more likely to find himself stuck. The goal is just as much a means of action as any other part of an activity.

3. Applications in Education. There is nothing peculiar about educational aims. They are just like aims in any directed occupation. The educator, like the farmer, has certain things to do, certain resources with which to do, and certain obstacles with which to contend. The conditions with which the farmer deals, whether as obstacles or resources, have their own structure and operation independently of any purpose of his. Seeds sprout, rain falls, the sun shines, insects devour, blight comes, the seasons change. His aim is simply to utilize these various conditions; to make his activities and their energies work together, instead of against one another. It would be absurd if the farmer set up a purpose of farming, without any reference to these conditions of soil, climate, characteristic of plant growth, etc. His purpose is simply a foresight of the consequences of his energies connected with those of the things about him, a foresight used to direct his movements from day to day. Foresight of possible consequences leads to more careful and extensive observation of the nature and performances of the things he had to do with, and to laying out a plan—that is, of a certain order in the acts to be performed.

3. Applications in Education. There’s nothing unusual about educational goals. They’re just like goals in any directed activity. The educator, like the farmer, has specific tasks to accomplish, resources to utilize, and challenges to face. The conditions that the farmer encounters, whether they are obstacles or resources, have their own structure and function independently of his goals. Seeds grow, rain falls, the sun shines, insects invade, diseases appear, and the seasons change. His goal is simply to make the most of these various conditions; to ensure his activities and their energies work together rather than against each other. It would be ridiculous for the farmer to set a farming goal without considering these conditions of soil, climate, and the characteristics of plant growth. His goal is merely to anticipate the outcomes of his efforts in relation to those around him, using that foresight to guide his daily actions. Anticipating possible outcomes leads to more careful and thorough observation of the nature and behaviors of the things he deals with, and to creating a plan—which involves organizing the tasks he needs to perform.

It is the same with the educator, whether parent or teacher. It is as absurd for the latter to set up his "own" aims as the proper objects of the growth of the children as it would be for the farmer to set up an ideal of farming irrespective of conditions. Aims mean acceptance of responsibility for the observations, anticipations, and arrangements required in carrying on a function—whether farming or educating. Any aim is of value so far as it assists observation, choice, and planning in carrying on activity from moment to moment and hour to hour; if it gets in the way of the individual's own common sense (as it will surely do if imposed from without or accepted on authority) it does harm.

It's the same for educators, whether they are parents or teachers. It's just as ridiculous for a teacher to impose their "own" goals as the right objectives for the children's development as it would be for a farmer to pursue an ideal of farming without considering circumstances. Goals require taking responsibility for the observations, expectations, and plans needed to perform a role—whether that's farming or educating. Any goal is valuable as long as it helps with observation, decision-making, and planning to carry out actions from one moment to the next; if it interferes with a person's common sense (which it definitely will if imposed from outside or accepted simply based on authority), it causes harm.

And it is well to remind ourselves that education as such has no aims. Only persons, parents, and teachers, etc., have aims, not an abstract idea like education. And consequently their purposes are indefinitely varied, differing with different children, changing as children grow and with the growth of experience on the part of the one who teaches. Even the most valid aims which can be put in words will, as words, do more harm than good unless one recognizes that they are not aims, but rather suggestions to educators as to how to observe, how to look ahead, and how to choose in liberating and directing the energies of the concrete situations in which they find themselves. As a recent writer has said: "To lead this boy to read Scott's novels instead of old Sleuth's stories; to teach this girl to sew; to root out the habit of bullying from John's make-up; to prepare this class to study medicine,—these are samples of the millions of aims we have actually before us in the concrete work of education." Bearing these qualifications in mind, we shall proceed to state some of the characteristics found in all good educational aims. (1) An educational aim must be founded upon the intrinsic activities and needs (including original instincts and acquired habits) of the given individual to be educated. The tendency of such an aim as preparation is, as we have seen, to omit existing powers, and find the aim in some remote accomplishment or responsibility. In general, there is a disposition to take considerations which are dear to the hearts of adults and set them up as ends irrespective of the capacities of those educated. There is also an inclination to propound aims which are so uniform as to neglect the specific powers and requirements of an individual, forgetting that all learning is something which happens to an individual at a given time and place. The larger range of perception of the adult is of great value in observing the abilities and weaknesses of the young, in deciding what they may amount to. Thus the artistic capacities of the adult exhibit what certain tendencies of the child are capable of; if we did not have the adult achievements we should be without assurance as to the significance of the drawing, reproducing, modeling, coloring activities of childhood. So if it were not for adult language, we should not be able to see the import of the babbling impulses of infancy. But it is one thing to use adult accomplishments as a context in which to place and survey the doings of childhood and youth; it is quite another to set them up as a fixed aim without regard to the concrete activities of those educated.

And it’s important to remember that education itself doesn’t have specific goals. Only people—parents, teachers, and others—have goals, not an abstract concept like education. As a result, their purposes are incredibly varied, changing with different children and evolving as both the children and the teachers gain experience. Even the most valid goals that can be articulated may do more harm than good if one doesn’t recognize that these are not really goals, but rather suggestions for educators on how to observe, plan for the future, and make choices in guiding and managing the energy of the specific situations they face. As a recent writer pointed out: "To encourage this boy to read Scott’s novels instead of old Sleuth’s stories; to teach this girl to sew; to eliminate the habit of bullying from John’s behavior; to prepare this class to study medicine—these are just a few examples of the millions of goals we have in the practical work of education." Keeping these points in mind, we’ll now outline some characteristics common to all effective educational goals. (1) An educational goal must be based on the inherent activities and needs (including basic instincts and learned habits) of the individual being educated. The problem with aims focused on preparation, as we’ve observed, is that they often overlook existing abilities and focus instead on some distant achievement or responsibility. Generally, there’s a tendency to take things that matter to adults and establish them as goals without considering the capabilities of those being educated. There’s also a tendency to propose goals that are so uniform they neglect the unique abilities and needs of each individual, forgetting that all learning is a personal experience that occurs at a specific time and place. The broader perspective of adults is invaluable for recognizing the strengths and weaknesses of youth, helping to determine their potential. Thus, the artistic abilities of adults illustrate what certain tendencies of children may lead to; without adult achievements, we would lack confidence in understanding the drawing, reproducing, modeling, and coloring activities of childhood. Similarly, without adult language, we wouldn’t grasp the significance of the babbling impulses of infants. However, it's one thing to use adult achievements as a reference point to evaluate the actions of children and young people, and quite another to set them as fixed goals without considering the actual activities of those being educated.

(2) An aim must be capable of translation into a method of cooperating with the activities of those undergoing instruction. It must suggest the kind of environment needed to liberate and to organize their capacities. Unless it lends itself to the construction of specific procedures, and unless these procedures test, correct, and amplify the aim, the latter is worthless. Instead of helping the specific task of teaching, it prevents the use of ordinary judgment in observing and sizing up the situation. It operates to exclude recognition of everything except what squares up with the fixed end in view. Every rigid aim just because it is rigidly given seems to render it unnecessary to give careful attention to concrete conditions. Since it must apply anyhow, what is the use of noting details which do not count?

(2) A goal must be able to translate into a way of working together with those being taught. It should indicate the type of environment needed to free and organize their abilities. If it doesn't lead to creating specific actions, and if those actions don't test, adjust, and enhance the goal, then the goal is meaningless. Instead of aiding the specific task of teaching, it hinders the use of common sense in observing and assessing the situation. It causes people to ignore everything except what aligns with the fixed objective. Every rigid goal, because it’s inflexible, seems to make it unnecessary to pay close attention to the actual circumstances. Since it has to apply anyway, what's the point of noting details that don’t matter?

The vice of externally imposed ends has deep roots. Teachers receive them from superior authorities; these authorities accept them from what is current in the community. The teachers impose them upon children. As a first consequence, the intelligence of the teacher is not free; it is confined to receiving the aims laid down from above. Too rarely is the individual teacher so free from the dictation of authoritative supervisor, textbook on methods, prescribed course of study, etc., that he can let his mind come to close quarters with the pupil's mind and the subject matter. This distrust of the teacher's experience is then reflected in lack of confidence in the responses of pupils. The latter receive their aims through a double or treble external imposition, and are constantly confused by the conflict between the aims which are natural to their own experience at the time and those in which they are taught to acquiesce. Until the democratic criterion of the intrinsic significance of every growing experience is recognized, we shall be intellectually confused by the demand for adaptation to external aims.

The problem of imposed goals runs deep. Teachers get these goals from higher authorities, who, in turn, derive them from what's popular in the community. The teachers then pass these goals on to their students. As a result, a teacher's intelligence isn't free; it's limited to accepting the objectives set by others. It's rare for a teacher to be unencumbered by the demands of supervisors, instructional manuals, or required curriculums, allowing them to truly connect with their students and the subject matter. This lack of trust in a teacher's experience leads to a lack of confidence in students' responses. Students receive their goals through multiple layers of external pressure and are often confused by the clash between their own natural experiences and the goals they are told to accept. Unless we start recognizing the value of every meaningful experience in a democratic way, we will continue to be intellectually lost due to the pressure to conform to external objectives.

(3) Educators have to be on their guard against ends that are alleged to be general and ultimate. Every activity, however specific, is, of course, general in its ramified connections, for it leads out indefinitely into other things. So far as a general idea makes us more alive to these connections, it cannot be too general. But "general" also means "abstract," or detached from all specific context. And such abstractness means remoteness, and throws us back, once more, upon teaching and learning as mere means of getting ready for an end disconnected from the means. That education is literally and all the time its own reward means that no alleged study or discipline is educative unless it is worth while in its own immediate having. A truly general aim broadens the outlook; it stimulates one to take more consequences (connections) into account. This means a wider and more flexible observation of means. The more interacting forces, for example, the farmer takes into account, the more varied will be his immediate resources. He will see a greater number of possible starting places, and a greater number of ways of getting at what he wants to do. The fuller one's conception of possible future achievements, the less his present activity is tied down to a small number of alternatives. If one knew enough, one could start almost anywhere and sustain his activities continuously and fruitfully.

(3) Educators need to be cautious about goals that seem to be broad and ultimate. Every activity, no matter how specific, is connected to a wider range of things, as it leads indefinitely to other connections. As long as a general idea makes us more aware of these links, it can’t be too broad. However, "general" can also mean "abstract," or separated from any specific context. This kind of abstraction creates distance and brings us back to viewing teaching and learning as simply tools for preparing for an end that isn’t connected to the process itself. The idea that education is its own reward means that no supposed study or discipline is truly educational unless it is valuable in its immediate context. A genuinely broad aim enhances perspective; it encourages considering more consequences (connections). This means a more extensive and adaptable view of methods. For instance, the more factors a farmer considers, the more diverse his immediate resources will be. He’ll recognize a larger number of possible starting points and various ways to achieve his goals. The clearer one’s vision of future possibilities is, the less restricted their current actions are to a limited set of choices. If one had enough knowledge, they could begin almost anywhere and carry out their activities continuously and effectively.

Understanding then the term general or comprehensive aim simply in the sense of a broad survey of the field of present activities, we shall take up some of the larger ends which have currency in the educational theories of the day, and consider what light they throw upon the immediate concrete and diversified aims which are always the educator's real concern. We premise (as indeed immediately follows from what has been said) that there is no need of making a choice among them or regarding them as competitors. When we come to act in a tangible way we have to select or choose a particular act at a particular time, but any number of comprehensive ends may exist without competition, since they mean simply different ways of looking at the same scene. One cannot climb a number of different mountains simultaneously, but the views had when different mountains are ascended supplement one another: they do not set up incompatible, competing worlds. Or, putting the matter in a slightly different way, one statement of an end may suggest certain questions and observations, and another statement another set of questions, calling for other observations. Then the more general ends we have, the better. One statement will emphasize what another slurs over. What a plurality of hypotheses does for the scientific investigator, a plurality of stated aims may do for the instructor.

Understanding the term general or comprehensive aim simply as a broad overview of current activities, we will explore some of the major goals that are relevant in today’s educational theories and examine how they inform the immediate, practical, and varied aims that educators actually care about. We start with the idea (which follows from what we've just discussed) that there's no need to choose between them or see them as rivals. When it comes time to take action, we need to pick a specific act at a specific moment, but multiple comprehensive aims can coexist without competing, since they simply represent different perspectives on the same situation. You can’t climb several mountains at once, but the different views gained from climbing different mountains complement each other: they don’t create conflicting, competing worlds. Alternatively, one description of an aim might raise certain questions and observations, while another might lead to a different set of questions requiring additional observations. Therefore, the more general aims we have, the better. One description will highlight what another might overlook. Just as a variety of hypotheses benefits the scientific researcher, having multiple stated aims can benefit the instructor.





Summary. An aim denotes the result of any natural process brought to

consciousness and made a factor in determining present observation and choice of ways of acting. It signifies that an activity has become intelligent. Specifically it means foresight of the alternative consequences attendant upon acting in a given situation in different ways, and the use of what is anticipated to direct observation and experiment. A true aim is thus opposed at every point to an aim which is imposed upon a process of action from without. The latter is fixed and rigid; it is not a stimulus to intelligence in the given situation, but is an externally dictated order to do such and such things. Instead of connecting directly with present activities, it is remote, divorced from the means by which it is to be reached. Instead of suggesting a freer and better balanced activity, it is a limit set to activity. In education, the currency of these externally imposed aims is responsible for the emphasis put upon the notion of preparation for a remote future and for rendering the work of both teacher and pupil mechanical and slavish.

Consciousness has become a factor in determining our current observations and choices in how we act. It means that an activity has turned into a thoughtful process. Specifically, it refers to the ability to foresee the different outcomes that could arise from acting in a particular situation in various ways, and using those predictions to guide observation and experimentation. A true goal stands in contrast to one that is imposed from the outside onto an action process. The imposed aim is fixed and rigid; it does not stimulate intelligence in the current situation but is an externally dictated instruction to perform certain tasks. Instead of connecting directly to present activities, it is distant, detached from the means of achieving it. Rather than encouraging a more flexible and well-balanced activity, it limits action. In education, the prevalence of these externally imposed goals is what leads to an emphasis on preparing for a distant future, making the work of both teachers and students mechanical and obedient.





Chapter Nine: Natural Development and Social Efficiency as Aims

1. Nature as Supplying the Aim. We have just pointed out the futility of trying to establish the aim of education—some one final aim which subordinates all others to itself. We have indicated that since general aims are but prospective points of view from which to survey the existing conditions and estimate their possibilities, we might have any number of them, all consistent with one another. As matter of fact, a large number have been stated at different times, all having great local value. For the statement of aim is a matter of emphasis at a given time. And we do not emphasize things which do not require emphasis—that is, such things as are taking care of themselves fairly well. We tend rather to frame our statement on the basis of the defects and needs of the contemporary situation; we take for granted, without explicit statement which would be of no use, whatever is right or approximately so. We frame our explicit aims in terms of some alteration to be brought about. It is, then, DO paradox requiring explanation that a given epoch or generation tends to emphasize in its conscious projections just the things which it has least of in actual fact. A time of domination by authority will call out as response the desirability of great individual freedom; one of disorganized individual activities the need of social control as an educational aim.

1. Nature as Supplying the Aim. We’ve just highlighted the futility of trying to pin down a single final goal for education that overshadows all other goals. We’ve shown that since general goals are just potential perspectives from which to evaluate current conditions and assess their possibilities, we can have many of them, all of which can be consistent with each other. In fact, many have been proposed over time, each having significant local relevance. The way we state our aims is influenced by what’s important at a specific moment. We don’t focus on things that don’t need emphasis—that is, things that are managing themselves reasonably well. Instead, we tend to base our statements on the shortcomings and needs of the current situation, taking for granted whatever is functioning properly or nearly so without explicitly stating it, as that wouldn’t be useful. We articulate our aims in terms of changes we want to achieve. It is, therefore, a contradiction that a certain era or generation tends to stress exactly the things it has the least of in reality. In a time dominated by authority, there will be a call for the need for greater individual freedom; during a time of chaotic individual activity, there will be a demand for social control as an educational aim.

The actual and implicit practice and the conscious or stated aim thus balance each other. At different times such aims as complete living, better methods of language study, substitution of things for words, social efficiency, personal culture, social service, complete development of personality, encyclopedic knowledge, discipline, a esthetic contemplation, utility, etc., have served. The following discussion takes up three statements of recent influence; certain others have been incidentally discussed in the previous chapters, and others will be considered later in a discussion of knowledge and of the values of studies. We begin with a consideration that education is a process of development in accordance with nature, taking Rousseau's statement, which opposed natural to social (See ante, p. 91); and then pass over to the antithetical conception of social efficiency, which often opposes social to natural.

The actual and implied practices, along with the conscious or declared objectives, balance each other out. At different times, goals like living fully, improved language learning techniques, replacing words with actions, social effectiveness, personal growth, community service, complete personal development, broad knowledge, discipline, aesthetic appreciation, practicality, and others have been important. The following discussion addresses three recent influential statements; some have been briefly mentioned in previous chapters, while others will be examined later in relation to knowledge and the value of different studies. We begin by considering education as a natural development process, referring to Rousseau's idea that contrasts natural learning with social learning (See ante, p. 91); then we transition to the opposing viewpoint of social efficiency, which often juxtaposes social aspects with natural ones.

(1) Educational reformers disgusted with the conventionality and artificiality of the scholastic methods they find about them are prone to resort to nature as a standard. Nature is supposed to furnish the law and the end of development; ours it is to follow and conform to her ways. The positive value of this conception lies in the forcible way in which it calls attention to the wrongness of aims which do not have regard to the natural endowment of those educated. Its weakness is the ease with which natural in the sense of normal is confused with the physical. The constructive use of intelligence in foresight, and contriving, is then discounted; we are just to get out of the way and allow nature to do the work. Since no one has stated in the doctrine both its truth and falsity better than Rousseau, we shall turn to him.

(1) Educational reformers, frustrated with the conventional and artificial methods they see around them, tend to turn to nature as a standard. Nature is believed to provide the law and purpose of development; it's our job to follow and align with her ways. The strength of this idea lies in how forcefully it highlights the flaws in aims that ignore the natural abilities of those being educated. Its weakness, however, is the tendency to confuse what is natural in the sense of normal with what is physical. This leads to the undervaluation of the constructive use of intelligence in planning and problem-solving; we are simply expected to step aside and let nature take control. Since no one has articulated both the truth and falsehood of this doctrine better than Rousseau, we'll turn to him.

"Education," he says, "we receive from three sources—Nature, men, and things. The spontaneous development of our organs and capacities constitutes the education of Nature. The use to which we are taught to put this development constitutes that education given us by Men. The acquirement of personal experience from surrounding objects constitutes that of things. Only when these three kinds of education are consonant and make for the same end, does a man tend towards his true goal. If we are asked what is this end, the answer is that of Nature. For since the concurrence of the three kinds of education is necessary to their completeness, the kind which is entirely independent of our control must necessarily regulate us in determining the other two." Then he defines Nature to mean the capacities and dispositions which are inborn, "as they exist prior to the modification due to constraining habits and the influence of the opinion of others."

"Education," he says, "comes from three sources—Nature, people, and things. The natural growth of our abilities and skills is what we get from Nature. The way we learn to use these abilities comes from people. Gaining personal experience from the world around us is where we learn from things. Only when these three types of education align and work towards the same goal does a person move closer to their true purpose. If we ask what this goal is, it’s that of Nature. Since the combination of these three types of education is essential for their completeness, the one that is completely beyond our control must guide us in shaping the other two." He then explains that Nature refers to the abilities and tendencies we’re born with, "as they exist before being influenced by habits and the opinions of others."

The wording of Rousseau will repay careful study. It contains as fundamental truths as have been uttered about education in conjunction with a curious twist. It would be impossible to say better what is said in the first sentences. The three factors of educative development are (a) the native structure of our bodily organs and their functional activities; (b) the uses to which the activities of these organs are put under the influence of other persons; (c) their direct interaction with the environment. This statement certainly covers the ground. His other two propositions are equally sound; namely, (a) that only when the three factors of education are consonant and cooperative does adequate development of the individual occur, and (b) that the native activities of the organs, being original, are basic in conceiving consonance. But it requires but little reading between the lines, supplemented by other statements of Rousseau, to perceive that instead of regarding these three things as factors which must work together to some extent in order that any one of them may proceed educatively, he regards them as separate and independent operations. Especially does he believe that there is an independent and, as he says, "spontaneous" development of the native organs and faculties. He thinks that this development can go on irrespective of the use to which they are put. And it is to this separate development that education coming from social contact is to be subordinated. Now there is an immense difference between a use of native activities in accord with those activities themselves—as distinct from forcing them and perverting them—and supposing that they have a normal development apart from any use, which development furnishes the standard and norm of all learning by use. To recur to our previous illustration, the process of acquiring language is a practically perfect model of proper educative growth. The start is from native activities of the vocal apparatus, organs of hearing, etc. But it is absurd to suppose that these have an independent growth of their own, which left to itself would evolve a perfect speech. Taken literally, Rousseau's principle would mean that adults should accept and repeat the babblings and noises of children not merely as the beginnings of the development of articulate speech—which they are—but as furnishing language itself—the standard for all teaching of language.

The way Rousseau writes deserves careful attention. It contains fundamental truths about education along with a unique twist. It would be hard to express better what is said in the opening sentences. The three elements of educational development are (a) the natural structure of our bodily organs and their functions; (b) how these activities are influenced by other people; (c) their direct interaction with the environment. This statement definitely covers the key points. His other two claims are equally valid: (a) that adequate development of the individual only happens when these three elements work together and support each other, and (b) that the natural activities of the organs, being original, are essential for achieving this collaboration. However, it doesn't take much reading between the lines, along with other statements from Rousseau, to realize that instead of seeing these three aspects as factors that need to collaborate for any of them to support education, he sees them as separate and independent actions. He particularly believes there is an independent and, as he describes it, "spontaneous" development of the natural organs and faculties. He thinks this development can happen regardless of how they are used. This separate development is where education from social interactions should play a supporting role. There's a huge difference between utilizing native activities in line with those activities themselves—rather than forcing or distorting them—and assuming that they can develop normally without any usage, which then sets the standard for all learning through use. To refer back to our earlier example, the way we learn language is actually a perfect model of proper educational growth. It starts with the native activities of the vocal system, hearing organs, etc. But it's ridiculous to think these can grow independently to the point where they would naturally create perfect speech. If we take Rousseau's principle literally, it would suggest that adults should accept and mimic the babblings and sounds of children not just as the beginning stages of developing clear speech—which they are—but as the foundation of language itself—the standard for all teaching of language.

The point may be summarized by saying that Rousseau was right, introducing a much-needed reform into education, in holding that the structure and activities of the organs furnish the conditions of all teaching of the use of the organs; but profoundly wrong in intimating that they supply not only the conditions but also the ends of their development. As matter of fact, the native activities develop, in contrast with random and capricious exercise, through the uses to which they are put. And the office of the social medium is, as we have seen, to direct growth through putting powers to the best possible use. The instinctive activities may be called, metaphorically, spontaneous, in the sense that the organs give a strong bias for a certain sort of operation,—a bias so strong that we cannot go contrary to it, though by trying to go contrary we may pervert, stunt, and corrupt them. But the notion of a spontaneous normal development of these activities is pure mythology. The natural, or native, powers furnish the initiating and limiting forces in all education; they do not furnish its ends or aims. There is no learning except from a beginning in unlearned powers, but learning is not a matter of the spontaneous overflow of the unlearned powers. Rousseau's contrary opinion is doubtless due to the fact that he identified God with Nature; to him the original powers are wholly good, coming directly from a wise and good creator. To paraphrase the old saying about the country and the town, God made the original human organs and faculties, man makes the uses to which they are put. Consequently the development of the former furnishes the standard to which the latter must be subordinated. When men attempt to determine the uses to which the original activities shall be put, they interfere with a divine plan. The interference by social arrangements with Nature, God's work, is the primary source of corruption in individuals.

The main idea can be summed up by saying that Rousseau was correct in introducing a much-needed reform in education by arguing that the structure and functions of our organs provide the basis for all teaching on how to use them. However, he was completely mistaken in suggesting that these organs not only provide the conditions for development but also define its goals. In reality, natural activities develop through purposeful use, rather than random or arbitrary exercise. The role of the social environment is, as we have noted, to guide development by making the best use of our abilities. These instinctive activities can be described, metaphorically, as spontaneous since our organs naturally favor certain kinds of actions—a preference so strong that we cannot easily resist it. However, trying to resist this natural inclination could lead to misusing, stunting, or corrupting these abilities. The idea of a naturally occurring development of these activities is purely mythical. Our innate powers provide the initial and limiting forces in education; they do not determine its goals or purposes. Learning can only begin with unlearned abilities, but it is not simply the effortless expression of these abilities. Rousseau's opposing view likely stems from his belief that God and Nature are the same; he saw original human abilities as entirely good, coming from a wise and benevolent creator. To paraphrase the old saying about the country and the city, God created our original organs and faculties, while humans decide how to use them. Therefore, the development of the former sets the standard that the latter must follow. When people try to dictate how original activities should be used, they disrupt a divine plan. The disruption caused by social structures interfering with Nature, which is God's creation, is the main source of corruption in individuals.

Rousseau's passionate assertion of the intrinsic goodness of all natural tendencies was a reaction against the prevalent notion of the total depravity of innate human nature, and has had a powerful influence in modifying the attitude towards children's interests. But it is hardly necessary to say that primitive impulses are of themselves neither good nor evil, but become one or the other according to the objects for which they are employed. That neglect, suppression, and premature forcing of some instincts at the expense of others, are responsible for many avoidable ills, there can be no doubt. But the moral is not to leave them alone to follow their own "spontaneous development," but to provide an environment which shall organize them.

Rousseau's passionate belief in the inherent goodness of all natural tendencies was a response to the widespread idea of the complete depravity of human nature. This view has significantly changed how people perceive children's interests. However, it's important to note that primitive impulses are neither good nor bad on their own; they become one or the other based on how they are used. There’s no doubt that neglecting, suppressing, or forcing certain instincts too early, at the cost of others, leads to many avoidable issues. The lesson here isn’t to just let them develop on their own but to create an environment that helps organize them.

Returning to the elements of truth contained in Rousseau's statements, we find that natural development, as an aim, enables him to point the means of correcting many evils in current practices, and to indicate a number of desirable specific aims. (1) Natural development as an aim fixes attention upon the bodily organs and the need of health and vigor. The aim of natural development says to parents and teachers: Make health an aim; normal development cannot be had without regard to the vigor of the body—an obvious enough fact and yet one whose due recognition in practice would almost automatically revolutionize many of our educational practices. "Nature" is indeed a vague and metaphorical term, but one thing that "Nature" may be said to utter is that there are conditions of educational efficiency, and that till we have learned what these conditions are and have learned to make our practices accord with them, the noblest and most ideal of our aims are doomed to suffer—are verbal and sentimental rather than efficacious.

Returning to the truths in Rousseau's statements, we see that natural development as a goal allows him to highlight ways to correct many issues in current practices and to suggest several specific objectives. (1) Focusing on natural development emphasizes the importance of physical health and strength. This goal tells parents and teachers: prioritize health; normal development cannot occur without considering the body’s vitality—an obvious fact that, if fully recognized in practice, could almost automatically transform many of our educational methods. "Nature" is indeed a vague and metaphorical term, but one thing that "Nature" makes clear is that there are conditions necessary for effective education, and until we understand what these conditions are and align our practices with them, our highest and most ideal goals will struggle—they will remain just words and feelings rather than truly effective.

(2) The aim of natural development translates into the aim of respect for physical mobility. In Rousseau's words: "Children are always in motion; a sedentary life is injurious." When he says that "Nature's intention is to strengthen the body before exercising the mind" he hardly states the fact fairly. But if he had said that nature's "intention" (to adopt his poetical form of speech) is to develop the mind especially by exercise of the muscles of the body he would have stated a positive fact. In other words, the aim of following nature means, in the concrete, regard for the actual part played by use of the bodily organs in explorations, in handling of materials, in plays and games. (3) The general aim translates into the aim of regard for individual differences among children. Nobody can take the principle of consideration of native powers into account without being struck by the fact that these powers differ in different individuals. The difference applies not merely to their intensity, but even more to their quality and arrangement. As Rouseau said: "Each individual is born with a distinctive temperament. We indiscriminately employ children of different bents on the same exercises; their education destroys the special bent and leaves a dull uniformity. Therefore after we have wasted our efforts in stunting the true gifts of nature we see the short-lived and illusory brilliance we have substituted die away, while the natural abilities we have crushed do not revive."

(2) The goal of natural development translates into the goal of respecting physical movement. As Rousseau put it: "Children are always in motion; a sedentary life is harmful." When he states that "Nature's intention is to strengthen the body before exercising the mind," he doesn't fully capture the reality. If he had said that nature's "intention" (to use his poetic phrasing) is to develop the mind primarily through exercising the muscles of the body, he would have expressed a clear truth. In other words, following nature means, in practical terms, acknowledging the actual role of bodily organs in exploration, manipulating materials, and engaging in play and games. (3) The overall goal translates into respecting individual differences among children. No one can consider the principle of recognizing innate abilities without noticing that these abilities vary from person to person. The differences not only concern their intensity but also their quality and arrangement. As Rousseau noted: "Each individual is born with a unique temperament. We carelessly assign children of different dispositions to the same activities; their education stifles their unique talents and leads to a dull uniformity. Consequently, after we've squandered our efforts on suppressing true gifts from nature, we watch the fleeting and illusory brilliance we've created fade away, while the natural talents we've repressed never return."

Lastly, the aim of following nature means to note the origin, the waxing, and waning, of preferences and interests. Capacities bud and bloom irregularly; there is no even four-abreast development. We must strike while the iron is hot. Especially precious are the first dawnings of power. More than we imagine, the ways in which the tendencies of early childhood are treated fix fundamental dispositions and condition the turn taken by powers that show themselves later. Educational concern with the early years of life—as distinct from inculcation of useful arts—dates almost entirely from the time of the emphasis by Pestalozzi and Froebel, following Rousseau, of natural principles of growth. The irregularity of growth and its significance is indicated in the following passage of a student of the growth of the nervous system. "While growth continues, things bodily and mental are lopsided, for growth is never general, but is accentuated now at one spot, now at another. The methods which shall recognize in the presence of these enormous differences of endowment the dynamic values of natural inequalities of growth, and utilize them, preferring irregularity to the rounding out gained by pruning will most closely follow that which takes place in the body and thus prove most effective." 1 Observation of natural tendencies is difficult under conditions of restraint. They show themselves most readily in a child's spontaneous sayings and doings,—that is, in those he engages in when not put at set tasks and when not aware of being under observation. It does not follow that these tendencies are all desirable because they are natural; but it does follow that since they are there, they are operative and must be taken account of. We must see to it that the desirable ones have an environment which keeps them active, and that their activity shall control the direction the others take and thereby induce the disuse of the latter because they lead to nothing. Many tendencies that trouble parents when they appear are likely to be transitory, and sometimes too much direct attention to them only fixes a child's attention upon them. At all events, adults too easily assume their own habits and wishes as standards, and regard all deviations of children's impulses as evils to be eliminated. That artificiality against which the conception of following nature is so largely a protest, is the outcome of attempts to force children directly into the mold of grown-up standards.

Lastly, following nature means recognizing the origins, growth, and decline of preferences and interests. Abilities develop at different rates; there isn't a consistent, uniform progression. We need to act while opportunities are ripe. The early signs of ability are especially valuable. More than we realize, how we respond to the tendencies of early childhood shapes fundamental traits and influences how abilities emerge later. The focus on the early years of education—distinct from just teaching practical skills—mostly started with Pestalozzi and Froebel, inspired by Rousseau's natural principles of growth. The irregularity of growth and its importance is highlighted in the words of a researcher studying the nervous system: "While growth continues, physical and mental development can be uneven, as it does not happen uniformly but instead focuses on one area at a time. The methods that acknowledge these significant differences in abilities, recognize the dynamic value of natural growth disparities, and make the most of them—prioritizing unpredictability over the uniformity gained by cutting away—will align more closely with what happens in the body and thus be the most effective." Observation of natural tendencies is challenging in restricted circumstances. They are most evident in a child's spontaneous actions and words—those they express when not given specific tasks and when they don't realize they are being observed. It doesn't mean these tendencies are all good just because they're natural; however, since they exist, we need to acknowledge them. We must ensure that the desirable ones have an environment that promotes their activity and that such activity guides the others, leading to the diminishing of less useful tendencies because they don't lead anywhere. Many behaviors that concern parents when they first appear are often temporary, and focusing too much on them can actually draw a child's attention to those behaviors. In any case, adults often too easily impose their own habits and desires as benchmarks and view any differences in children's impulses as issues to be corrected. The artificiality that the idea of following nature largely protests against stems from attempts to force children into adult molds directly.

In conclusion, we note that the early history of the idea of following nature combined two factors which had no inherent connection with one another. Before the time of Rousseau educational reformers had been inclined to urge the importance of education by ascribing practically unlimited power to it. All the differences between peoples and between classes and persons among the same people were said to be due to differences of training, of exercise, and practice. Originally, mind, reason, understanding is, for all practical purposes, the same in all. This essential identity of mind means the essential equality of all and the possibility of bringing them all to the same level. As a protest against this view, the doctrine of accord with nature meant a much less formal and abstract view of mind and its powers. It substituted specific instincts and impulses and physiological capacities, differing from individual to individual (just as they differ, as Rousseau pointed out, even in dogs of the same litter), for abstract faculties of discernment, memory, and generalization. Upon this side, the doctrine of educative accord with nature has been reinforced by the development of modern biology, physiology, and psychology. It means, in effect, that great as is the significance of nurture, of modification, and transformation through direct educational effort, nature, or unlearned capacities, affords the foundation and ultimate resources for such nurture. On the other hand, the doctrine of following nature was a political dogma. It meant a rebellion against existing social institutions, customs, and ideals (See ante, p. 91). Rousseau's statement that everything is good as it comes from the hands of the Creator has its signification only in its contrast with the concluding part of the same sentence: "Everything degenerates in the hands of man." And again he says: "Natural man has an absolute value; he is a numerical unit, a complete integer and has no relation save to himself and to his fellow man. Civilized man is only a relative unit, the numerator of a fraction whose value depends upon its dominator, its relation to the integral body of society. Good political institutions are those which make a man unnatural." It is upon this conception of the artificial and harmful character of organized social life as it now exists 2 that he rested the notion that nature not merely furnishes prime forces which initiate growth but also its plan and goal. That evil institutions and customs work almost automatically to give a wrong education which the most careful schooling cannot offset is true enough; but the conclusion is not to education apart from the environment, but to provide an environment in which native powers will be put to better uses.

In conclusion, we see that the early concept of following nature was a mix of two factors that weren't inherently connected. Before Rousseau's time, educators often emphasized the importance of education by claiming it had almost limitless power. They argued that all the differences between people, as well as classes and individuals within the same society, were due to differences in training, practice, and experience. Originally, the mind, reason, and understanding were considered fundamentally the same for everyone. This essential sameness of mind supports the fundamental equality of all people and the possibility of bringing everyone to the same level. In response to this view, the idea of being in harmony with nature put forth a much less rigid and abstract understanding of the mind and its abilities. It replaced abstract faculties like discernment, memory, and generalization with specific instincts, impulses, and biological capacities that vary from person to person (as Rousseau noted, even among dogs from the same litter). On this front, the concept of education in line with nature aligns with insights from modern biology, physiology, and psychology. Essentially, while nurturing, modification, and transformation through education are significant, nature or innate abilities serves as the foundation and ultimate resources for such nurturing. On the flip side, the idea of following nature also served as a political principle. It represented a rebellion against the current social institutions, customs, and ideals (See ante, p. 91). Rousseau's claim that everything is good when it comes from the Creator only makes sense when contrasted with the rest of that sentence: "Everything degenerates in the hands of man." He further states: "Natural man has absolute value; he is a distinct entity, a complete whole, and relates only to himself and to other human beings. Civilized man, on the other hand, is just a relative unit, the numerator of a fraction whose value is determined by its relation to the greater society. Good political institutions are those that make a man unnatural." His notion of the artificial and detrimental nature of organized social life, as it currently exists, led him to believe that nature not only provides the primary forces initiating growth but also outlines its plan and purpose. It's true that harmful institutions and customs can almost automatically instill a flawed education that the best schools cannot correct; however, the solution isn't to separate education from the environment but to create an environment that allows innate abilities to be utilized more effectively.

2. Social Efficiency as Aim. A conception which made nature supply the end of a true education and society the end of an evil one, could hardly fail to call out a protest. The opposing emphasis took the form of a doctrine that the business of education is to supply precisely what nature fails to secure; namely, habituation of an individual to social control; subordination of natural powers to social rules. It is not surprising to find that the value in the idea of social efficiency resides largely in its protest against the points at which the doctrine of natural development went astray; while its misuse comes when it is employed to slur over the truth in that conception. It is a fact that we must look to the activities and achievements of associated life to find what the development of power—that is to say, efficiency—means. The error is in implying that we must adopt measures of subordination rather than of utilization to secure efficiency. The doctrine is rendered adequate when we recognize that social efficiency is attained not by negative constraint but by positive use of native individual capacities in occupations having a social meaning. (1) Translated into specific aims, social efficiency indicates the importance of industrial competency. Persons cannot live without means of subsistence; the ways in which these means are employed and consumed have a profound influence upon all the relationships of persons to one another. If an individual is not able to earn his own living and that of the children dependent upon him, he is a drag or parasite upon the activities of others. He misses for himself one of the most educative experiences of life. If he is not trained in the right use of the products of industry, there is grave danger that he may deprave himself and injure others in his possession of wealth. No scheme of education can afford to neglect such basic considerations. Yet in the name of higher and more spiritual ideals, the arrangements for higher education have often not only neglected them, but looked at them with scorn as beneath the level of educative concern. With the change from an oligarchical to a democratic society, it is natural that the significance of an education which should have as a result ability to make one's way economically in the world, and to manage economic resources usefully instead of for mere display and luxury, should receive emphasis.

2. Social Efficiency as Aim. A view that relied on nature to define what true education should achieve and considered society the goal of a flawed education would inevitably provoke a reaction. The counterargument emerged as a belief that education's role is to provide what nature overlooks; specifically, training individuals to adapt to social norms and placing natural abilities under social guidelines. It’s not surprising that the merit of the idea of social efficiency largely lies in its opposition to the mistakes of the natural development doctrine, while its misuse occurs when it glosses over the truths within that idea. We must turn to the activities and accomplishments of communal life to understand what the development of power—meaning efficiency—entails. The mistake comes from suggesting that we should focus on measures of subordination instead of utilizing individual strengths to achieve efficiency. The concept becomes valid when we understand that social efficiency is achieved not through negative restrictions but through positively leveraging individual talents in socially meaningful roles. (1) When translated into specific objectives, social efficiency highlights the significance of industrial skills. People cannot survive without basic necessities; how these necessities are used and consumed greatly affects all interpersonal relationships. If a person cannot support themselves and their dependents, they become a burden or a parasite on others' efforts. They miss crucial life experiences that are essential for learning. If they aren’t taught how to properly use industrial products, there's a serious risk they could harm both themselves and others through mishandling wealth. No educational plan can afford to overlook these fundamental issues. Yet, under the guise of pursuing higher and more spiritual goals, arrangements for advanced education have often not only ignored these considerations but also treated them with disdain as though they were beneath proper educational focus. With the shift from an oligarchical to a democratic society, it makes sense that an education aimed at enabling individuals to thrive economically and manage resources effectively, rather than using them for mere ostentation and luxury, should be emphasized.

There is, however, grave danger that in insisting upon this end, existing economic conditions and standards will be accepted as final. A democratic criterion requires us to develop capacity to the point of competency to choose and make its own career. This principle is violated when the attempt is made to fit individuals in advance for definite industrial callings, selected not on the basis of trained original capacities, but on that of the wealth or social status of parents. As a matter of fact, industry at the present time undergoes rapid and abrupt changes through the evolution of new inventions. New industries spring up, and old ones are revolutionized. Consequently an attempt to train for too specific a mode of efficiency defeats its own purpose. When the occupation changes its methods, such individuals are left behind with even less ability to readjust themselves than if they had a less definite training. But, most of all, the present industrial constitution of society is, like every society which has ever existed, full of inequities. It is the aim of progressive education to take part in correcting unfair privilege and unfair deprivation, not to perpetuate them. Wherever social control means subordination of individual activities to class authority, there is danger that industrial education will be dominated by acceptance of the status quo. Differences of economic opportunity then dictate what the future callings of individuals are to be. We have an unconscious revival of the defects of the Platonic scheme (ante, p. 89) without its enlightened method of selection.

There is, however, a serious risk that by insisting on this goal, we will accept current economic conditions and standards as final. A democratic standard requires us to develop the ability to a level where we can choose and shape our own careers. This principle is broken when we try to prepare individuals in advance for specific jobs, selected not based on their natural abilities but rather on their parents' wealth or social status. In fact, industries today are undergoing rapid and sudden changes due to new inventions. New industries emerge, and old ones are transformed. As a result, trying to train for a very specific type of efficiency defeats the purpose. When a job changes its methods, those individuals are left behind with even less ability to adapt than if they had received less specialized training. Most importantly, the current industrial structure of society, like every society that has ever existed, is full of inequalities. The goal of progressive education is to help correct unfair advantages and disadvantages, not to maintain them. Wherever social control means placing individual activities under class authority, there is a risk that industrial education will be driven by an acceptance of the status quo. Differences in economic opportunity then determine what future careers individuals will have. We see an unconscious revival of the flaws in the Platonic scheme (ante, p. 89) without its enlightened selection method.

(2) Civic efficiency, or good citizenship. It is, of course, arbitrary to separate industrial competency from capacity in good citizenship. But the latter term may be used to indicate a number of qualifications which are vaguer than vocational ability. These traits run from whatever make an individual a more agreeable companion to citizenship in the political sense: it denotes ability to judge men and measures wisely and to take a determining part in making as well as obeying laws. The aim of civic efficiency has at least the merit of protecting us from the notion of a training of mental power at large. It calls attention to the fact that power must be relative to doing something, and to the fact that the things which most need to be done are things which involve one's relationships with others.

(2) Civic efficiency, or being a good citizen. It’s somewhat arbitrary to separate workforce skills from good citizenship abilities. However, the latter term can refer to various qualities that are less defined than job skills. These traits range from what makes someone a more pleasant companion to their role as a citizen in a political sense: it involves the ability to judge people and policies wisely and to play a significant role in both creating and following laws. The goal of civic efficiency at least helps protect us from the idea of just developing mental capabilities in general. It emphasizes that power must be tied to doing something meaningful, and that the most crucial tasks often relate to our interactions with others.

Here again we have to be on guard against understanding the aim too narrowly. An over-definite interpretation would at certain periods have excluded scientific discoveries, in spite of the fact that in the last analysis security of social progress depends upon them. For scientific men would have been thought to be mere theoretical dreamers, totally lacking in social efficiency. It must be borne in mind that ultimately social efficiency means neither more nor less than capacity to share in a give and take of experience. It covers all that makes one's own experience more worth while to others, and all that enables one to participate more richly in the worthwhile experiences of others. Ability to produce and to enjoy art, capacity for recreation, the significant utilization of leisure, are more important elements in it than elements conventionally associated oftentimes with citizenship. In the broadest sense, social efficiency is nothing less than that socialization of mind which is actively concerned in making experiences more communicable; in breaking down the barriers of social stratification which make individuals impervious to the interests of others. When social efficiency is confined to the service rendered by overt acts, its chief constituent (because its only guarantee) is omitted,—intelligent sympathy or good will. For sympathy as a desirable quality is something more than mere feeling; it is a cultivated imagination for what men have in common and a rebellion at whatever unnecessarily divides them. What is sometimes called a benevolent interest in others may be but an unwitting mask for an attempt to dictate to them what their good shall be, instead of an endeavor to free them so that they may seek and find the good of their own choice. Social efficiency, even social service, are hard and metallic things when severed from an active acknowledgment of the diversity of goods which life may afford to different persons, and from faith in the social utility of encouraging every individual to make his own choice intelligent.

Here, we need to be cautious not to interpret the aim too narrowly. A too-strict interpretation could have excluded scientific discoveries at certain times, even though ultimately social progress depends on them. Scientific individuals might have been seen as just idealistic dreamers, completely lacking social effectiveness. It's important to remember that, in the end, social effectiveness means simply the ability to engage in a mutual exchange of experiences. It includes everything that makes one’s own experiences more valuable to others and everything that allows someone to participate more fully in the valuable experiences of others. The ability to create and appreciate art, the capacity for recreation, and the meaningful use of free time are more crucial components than those typically associated with citizenship. In the broadest sense, social effectiveness is nothing less than the socialization of thought that actively seeks to make experiences easier to communicate; it works to break down the barriers of social stratification that make people indifferent to the interests of others. When social effectiveness is limited to the services provided through visible actions, we miss its most essential element (because it’s the only thing that guarantees it): intelligent empathy or goodwill. Empathy, as a valued trait, is more than just feeling; it’s a trained understanding of what people share and a resistance to anything that needlessly separates them. What some might call a benevolent interest in others can be an unintentional disguise for trying to control what they should consider good, rather than a genuine effort to empower them to seek and find what they choose as good. Social effectiveness, even social service, becomes rigid and lifeless when disconnected from a genuine recognition of the diverse goods that life can offer different individuals, and from the belief in the social value of encouraging everyone to make their choices wisely.

3. Culture as Aim. Whether or not social efficiency is an aim which is consistent with culture turns upon these considerations. Culture means at least something cultivated, something ripened; it is opposed to the raw and crude. When the "natural" is identified with this rawness, culture is opposed to what is called natural development. Culture is also something personal; it is cultivation with respect to appreciation of ideas and art and broad human interests. When efficiency is identified with a narrow range of acts, instead of with the spirit and meaning of activity, culture is opposed to efficiency. Whether called culture or complete development of personality, the outcome is identical with the true meaning of social efficiency whenever attention is given to what is unique in an individual—and he would not be an individual if there were not something incommensurable about him. Its opposite is the mediocre, the average. Whenever distinctive quality is developed, distinction of personality results, and with it greater promise for a social service which goes beyond the supply in quantity of material commodities. For how can there be a society really worth serving unless it is constituted of individuals of significant personal qualities?

3. Culture as Aim. Whether social efficiency is a goal that aligns with culture depends on several factors. Culture at least means something that has been cultivated and matured; it's the opposite of being raw and unrefined. When "natural" is linked to this rawness, culture stands in contrast to what’s seen as natural development. Culture is also something personal; it's about nurturing an appreciation for ideas, art, and broad human interests. When efficiency is tied to a limited range of actions rather than the spirit and meaning behind activities, culture opposes efficiency. Whether referred to as culture or the full development of personality, the outcome matches the true significance of social efficiency whenever we focus on what is unique in an individual—and that uniqueness is what makes someone an individual; without it, he would be just average. The opposite of this uniqueness is mediocrity. When distinctive qualities are developed, it leads to a unique personality, which in turn offers a greater potential for social service that transcends merely producing material goods. For how can a society truly be worth serving if it is made up of individuals with significant personal qualities?

The fact is that the opposition of high worth of personality to social efficiency is a product of a feudally organized society with its rigid division of inferior and superior. The latter are supposed to have time and opportunity to develop themselves as human beings; the former are confined to providing external products. When social efficiency as measured by product or output is urged as an ideal in a would-be democratic society, it means that the depreciatory estimate of the masses characteristic of an aristocratic community is accepted and carried over. But if democracy has a moral and ideal meaning, it is that a social return be demanded from all and that opportunity for development of distinctive capacities be afforded all. The separation of the two aims in education is fatal to democracy; the adoption of the narrower meaning of efficiency deprives it of its essential justification.

The reality is that the conflict between the high value of individual personality and social efficiency stems from a feudal society that has a strict divide between the inferior and superior. The superior are expected to have the time and opportunities to grow as individuals, while the inferior are limited to producing external goods. When social efficiency, defined by output, is pushed as the ideal in a supposedly democratic society, it reflects the negative view of the masses typical of an aristocratic community. However, if democracy carries a moral and ideal significance, it demands that everyone contribute to society and that everyone has the chance to develop their unique abilities. Separating these two goals in education undermines democracy; adopting a narrow view of efficiency strips it of its fundamental justification.

The aim of efficiency (like any educational aim) must be included within the process of experience. When it is measured by tangible external products, and not by the achieving of a distinctively valuable experience, it becomes materialistic. Results in the way of commodities which may be the outgrowth of an efficient personality are, in the strictest sense, by-products of education: by-products which are inevitable and important, but nevertheless by-products. To set up an external aim strengthens by reaction the false conception of culture which identifies it with something purely "inner." And the idea of perfecting an "inner" personality is a sure sign of social divisions. What is called inner is simply that which does not connect with others—which is not capable of free and full communication. What is termed spiritual culture has usually been futile, with something rotten about it, just because it has been conceived as a thing which a man might have internally—and therefore exclusively. What one is as a person is what one is as associated with others, in a free give and take of intercourse. This transcends both the efficiency which consists in supplying products to others and the culture which is an exclusive refinement and polish.

The goal of efficiency (like any educational goal) needs to be part of the experience process. When it's measured by tangible external results instead of by achieving valuable experiences, it turns materialistic. The outcomes that come from an efficient personality are, in the strictest sense, by-products of education: by-products that are unavoidable and important, but still by-products. Setting an external goal reinforces the mistaken idea of culture as something purely "inner." The notion of perfecting an "inner" personality is a clear sign of social divisions. What is called inner is simply what doesn’t connect with others—which isn’t open to free and full communication. What’s referred to as spiritual culture has often been pointless, with some flaws, simply because it has been seen as something a person might possess internally—and thus exclusively. Who someone is as a person is defined by who they are in relation to others, through a free exchange of interaction. This goes beyond both the efficiency of providing products to others and the culture that is about exclusive refinement and sophistication.

Any individual has missed his calling, farmer, physician, teacher, student, who does not find that the accomplishments of results of value to others is an accompaniment of a process of experience inherently worth while. Why then should it be thought that one must take his choice between sacrificing himself to doing useful things for others, or sacrificing them to pursuit of his own exclusive ends, whether the saving of his own soul or the building of an inner spiritual life and personality? What happens is that since neither of these things is persistently possible, we get a compromise and an alternation. One tries each course by turns. There is no greater tragedy than that so much of the professedly spiritual and religious thought of the world has emphasized the two ideals of self-sacrifice and spiritual self-perfecting instead of throwing its weight against this dualism of life. The dualism is too deeply established to be easily overthrown; for that reason, it is the particular task of education at the present time to struggle in behalf of an aim in which social efficiency and personal culture are synonyms instead of antagonists.

Anyone who hasn’t found their true path—whether as a farmer, doctor, teacher, or student—has missed out if they don't realize that achieving results that benefit others comes from an experience that's inherently valuable. So why should we think that we have to choose between dedicating ourselves to doing good for others or focusing solely on our own goals, whether that's saving our own souls or developing our inner spiritual life and personality? In reality, since we can't consistently commit to either, we end up compromising and alternating between the two—trying each approach in turn. It's a tragedy that so much of today's spiritual and religious thinking emphasizes the conflicting ideals of self-sacrifice and personal development instead of challenging this duality of life. This dualism is too ingrained to easily change; therefore, the important task of education today is to advocate for a goal where social contribution and personal growth are seen as complementary rather than opposing forces.





Summary. General or comprehensive aims are points of view for surveying

the specific problems of education. Consequently it is a test of the value of the manner in which any large end is stated to see if it will translate readily and consistently into the procedures which are suggested by another. We have applied this test to three general aims: Development according to nature, social efficiency, and culture or personal mental enrichment. In each case we have seen that the aims when partially stated come into conflict with each other. The partial statement of natural development takes the primitive powers in an alleged spontaneous development as the end-all. From this point of view training which renders them useful to others is an abnormal constraint; one which profoundly modifies them through deliberate nurture is corrupting. But when we recognize that natural activities mean native activities which develop only through the uses in which they are nurtured, the conflict disappears. Similarly a social efficiency which is defined in terms of rendering external service to others is of necessity opposed to the aim of enriching the meaning of experience, while a culture which is taken to consist in an internal refinement of a mind is opposed to a socialized disposition. But social efficiency as an educational purpose should mean cultivation of power to join freely and fully in shared or common activities. This is impossible without culture, while it brings a reward in culture, because one cannot share in intercourse with others without learning—without getting a broader point of view and perceiving things of which one would otherwise be ignorant. And there is perhaps no better definition of culture than that it is the capacity for constantly expanding the range and accuracy of one's perception of meanings.

the specific problems of education. As a result, it's a way to evaluate the value of how any significant goal is stated to see if it can be easily and consistently translated into the procedures suggested by another. We have applied this evaluation to three main goals: development in line with nature, social efficiency, and culture or personal mental growth. In each case, we've observed that these goals, when stated partially, conflict with one another. The partial statement of natural development views primitive abilities as the ultimate goal in a so-called spontaneous development. From this perspective, training that makes these abilities useful to others is seen as an abnormal limitation; one that changes them through intentional nurturing is considered corrupt. However, when we understand that natural activities refer to innate activities that only develop through the contexts in which they are nurtured, this conflict disappears. Similarly, social efficiency, defined as providing external service to others, necessarily opposes the goal of enriching the meaning of experience, while a culture defined by the internal refinement of the mind conflicts with a social disposition. But social efficiency as an educational goal should mean cultivating the ability to engage freely and fully in shared activities. This is impossible without culture, and it rewards us with culture, because you can't engage with others without learning—without gaining broader perspectives and seeing things you wouldn't otherwise notice. Perhaps the best definition of culture is that it's the ability to continually expand the range and accuracy of one's understanding of meanings.

1 Donaldson, Growth of Brain, p. 356.

2 We must not forget that Rousseau had the idea of a radically different sort of society, a fraternal society whose end should be identical with the good of all its members, which he thought to be as much better than existing states as these are worse than the state of nature.

2 We must remember that Rousseau envisioned a completely different kind of society, a brotherly society aimed at the well-being of all its members, which he believed was much better than current states, just as those states are worse than the state of nature.





Chapter Ten: Interest and Discipline

1. The Meaning of the Terms. We have already noticed the difference in the attitude of a spectator and of an agent or participant. The former is indifferent to what is going on; one result is just as good as another, since each is just something to look at. The latter is bound up with what is going on; its outcome makes a difference to him. His fortunes are more or less at stake in the issue of events. Consequently he does whatever he can to influence the direction present occurrences take. One is like a man in a prison cell watching the rain out of the window; it is all the same to him. The other is like a man who has planned an outing for the next day which continuing rain will frustrate. He cannot, to be sure, by his present reactions affect to-morrow's weather, but he may take some steps which will influence future happenings, if only to postpone the proposed picnic. If a man sees a carriage coming which may run over him, if he cannot stop its movement, he can at least get out of the way if he foresees the consequence in time. In many instances, he can intervene even more directly. The attitude of a participant in the course of affairs is thus a double one: there is solicitude, anxiety concerning future consequences, and a tendency to act to assure better, and avert worse, consequences. There are words which denote this attitude: concern, interest. These words suggest that a person is bound up with the possibilities inhering in objects; that he is accordingly on the lookout for what they are likely to do to him; and that, on the basis of his expectation or foresight, he is eager to act so as to give things one turn rather than another. Interest and aims, concern and purpose, are necessarily connected. Such words as aim, intent, end, emphasize the results which are wanted and striven for; they take for granted the personal attitude of solicitude and attentive eagerness. Such words as interest, affection, concern, motivation, emphasize the bearing of what is foreseen upon the individual's fortunes, and his active desire to act to secure a possible result. They take for granted the objective changes. But the difference is but one of emphasis; the meaning that is shaded in one set of words is illuminated in the other. What is anticipated is objective and impersonal; to-morrow's rain; the possibility of being run over. But for an active being, a being who partakes of the consequences instead of standing aloof from them, there is at the same time a personal response. The difference imaginatively foreseen makes a present difference, which finds expression in solicitude and effort. While such words as affection, concern, and motive indicate an attitude of personal preference, they are always attitudes toward objects—toward what is foreseen. We may call the phase of objective foresight intellectual, and the phase of personal concern emotional and volitional, but there is no separation in the facts of the situation.

1. The Meaning of the Terms. We’ve already noticed the difference between a spectator and an agent or participant. The former is indifferent to what’s happening; any outcome is as good as another since each is just something to observe. The latter is engaged with the situation; the outcome matters to them. Their interests are more or less at stake in what happens. As a result, they do whatever they can to influence the direction of current events. One is like someone in a prison cell watching the rain outside; it doesn't mean anything to them. The other is like someone who has planned a trip for the next day that rain will ruin. They can't change tomorrow's weather with their current reactions, but they might take steps that affect future events, even if it just means postponing the planned picnic. If a person sees a carriage approaching that might run them over, even if they can't stop it, they can at least move out of the way if they anticipate the consequence in time. In many cases, they can intervene even more directly. A participant’s attitude in events is thus twofold: there’s worry, anxiety about future outcomes, and a tendency to act to ensure better outcomes and avoid worse ones. There are words that express this attitude: concern, interest. These words suggest that a person is involved with the possibilities of objects; that they are therefore on the lookout for what those objects might do to them; and that based on their expectations or foresight, they are eager to act in order to guide things in one direction rather than another. Interest and goals, concern and intention, are inherently linked. Words like aim, intent, and end highlight the results that are desired and pursued; they assume a personal attitude of care and attentive eagerness. Words like interest, affection, concern, and motivation emphasize how what is anticipated affects a person's situation, along with their active desire to influence a possible outcome. They take into account the objective changes. But the difference is just one of emphasis; the meaning that is subtle in one set of words is highlighted in the other. What is anticipated is objective and impersonal: tomorrow's rain; the possibility of being run over. However, for an active being—someone who experiences the consequences rather than standing apart from them—there's also a personal response. The difference that is imagined brings about a present impact, which is expressed in care and effort. While words like affection, concern, and motivation indicate a personal preference, they always refer to attitudes toward objects—toward what is foreseen. We might refer to the phase of objective foresight as intellectual, and the phase of personal concern as emotional and motivational, but there is no separation in the facts of the situation.

Such a separation could exist only if the personal attitudes ran their course in a world by themselves. But they are always responses to what is going on in the situation of which they are a part, and their successful or unsuccessful expression depends upon their interaction with other changes. Life activities flourish and fail only in connection with changes of the environment. They are literally bound up with these changes; our desires, emotions, and affections are but various ways in which our doings are tied up with the doings of things and persons about us. Instead of marking a purely personal or subjective realm, separated from the objective and impersonal, they indicate the non-existence of such a separate world. They afford convincing evidence that changes in things are not alien to the activities of a self, and that the career and welfare of the self are bound up with the movement of persons and things. Interest, concern, mean that self and world are engaged with each other in a developing situation.

Such a separation could only happen if personal attitudes operated in their own isolated world. However, they are always reactions to the circumstances they are part of, and whether they are expressed successfully or not depends on how they interact with other changes. Life activities thrive and fail only in relation to changes in the environment. They are literally intertwined with these changes; our desires, feelings, and affections are just different ways in which our actions are connected to the actions of people and things around us. Instead of representing a purely personal or subjective area, separated from the objective and impersonal, they show that such a separate world doesn’t exist. They provide strong evidence that changes in things are connected to the activities of the self, and that the growth and well-being of the self are linked to the movements of people and things. Interest and concern mean that the self and the world are interacting with each other in a dynamic situation.

The word interest, in its ordinary usage, expresses (i) the whole state of active development, (ii) the objective results that are foreseen and wanted, and (iii) the personal emotional inclination.

The word interest, in its everyday usage, expresses (i) the overall state of active development, (ii) the expected and desired results, and (iii) the personal emotional inclination.

(I) An occupation, employment, pursuit, business is often referred to as an interest. Thus we say that a man's interest is politics, or journalism, or philanthropy, or archaeology, or collecting Japanese prints, or banking.

(I) A job, career, activity, or business is often called an interest. So, we might say that a person's interest is politics, journalism, philanthropy, archaeology, collecting Japanese prints, or banking.

(ii) By an interest we also mean the point at which an object touches or engages a man; the point where it influences him. In some legal transactions a man has to prove "interest" in order to have a standing at court. He has to show that some proposed step concerns his affairs. A silent partner has an interest in a business, although he takes no active part in its conduct because its prosperity or decline affects his profits and liabilities.

(ii) By "interest," we also mean the point where something connects with or impacts a person; the moment it influences them. In certain legal situations, a person must demonstrate "interest" to have a standing in court. They need to show that a specific action relates to their matters. A silent partner has an interest in a business, even though they don’t actively participate in running it, because the success or failure of the business affects their profits and responsibilities.

(iii) When we speak of a man as interested in this or that the emphasis falls directly upon his personal attitude. To be interested is to be absorbed in, wrapped up in, carried away by, some object. To take an interest is to be on the alert, to care about, to be attentive. We say of an interested person both that he has lost himself in some affair and that he has found himself in it. Both terms express the engrossment of the self in an object.

(iii) When we talk about a man being interested in something, we highlight his personal attitude. To be interested means to be fully engaged, caught up in, or captivated by something. To take an interest means to be watchful, to care, and to pay attention. We describe an interested person as someone who has both lost himself in an activity and found himself in it. Both descriptions reflect how deeply the self connects with an object.

When the place of interest in education is spoken of in a depreciatory way, it will be found that the second of the meanings mentioned is first exaggerated and then isolated. Interest is taken to mean merely the effect of an object upon personal advantage or disadvantage, success or failure. Separated from any objective development of affairs, these are reduced to mere personal states of pleasure or pain. Educationally, it then follows that to attach importance to interest means to attach some feature of seductiveness to material otherwise indifferent; to secure attention and effort by offering a bribe of pleasure. This procedure is properly stigmatized as "soft" pedagogy; as a "soup-kitchen" theory of education.

When people talk about interest in education in a negative way, they often exaggerate and then isolate the second meaning mentioned. Interest is interpreted as just the impact something has on personal benefits or drawbacks, success or failure. When separated from any objective development of circumstances, these are boiled down to mere personal feelings of pleasure or pain. From an educational standpoint, this suggests that giving importance to interest means adding an element of allure to otherwise unremarkable material; securing attention and effort by offering a tempting reward of pleasure. This method is rightly criticized as "soft" pedagogy; as a "soup-kitchen" theory of education.

But the objection is based upon the fact—or assumption—that the forms of skill to be acquired and the subject matter to be appropriated have no interest on their own account: in other words, they are supposed to be irrelevant to the normal activities of the pupils. The remedy is not in finding fault with the doctrine of interest, any more than it is to search for some pleasant bait that may be hitched to the alien material. It is to discover objects and modes of action, which are connected with present powers. The function of this material in engaging activity and carrying it on consistently and continuously is its interest. If the material operates in this way, there is no call either to hunt for devices which will make it interesting or to appeal to arbitrary, semi-coerced effort.

But the objection is based on the idea—or assumption—that the skills to be learned and the subject matter to be absorbed have no value on their own: in other words, they are thought to be irrelevant to the usual activities of the students. The solution isn’t about criticizing the principle of interest, just as it isn’t about looking for some appealing incentive to attach to the unfamiliar material. Instead, it’s about finding objects and methods of action that are connected to current abilities. The role of this material in engaging activity and maintaining it consistently and continuously is its appeal. If the material works this way, there’s no need to search for tricks to make it interesting or to rely on forced, half-hearted effort.

The word interest suggests, etymologically, what is between,—that which connects two things otherwise distant. In education, the distance covered may be looked at as temporal. The fact that a process takes time to mature is so obvious a fact that we rarely make it explicit. We overlook the fact that in growth there is ground to be covered between an initial stage of process and the completing period; that there is something intervening. In learning, the present powers of the pupil are the initial stage; the aim of the teacher represents the remote limit. Between the two lie means—that is middle conditions:—acts to be performed; difficulties to be overcome; appliances to be used. Only through them, in the literal time sense, will the initial activities reach a satisfactory consummation.

The word "interest" comes from the idea of something that lies in between—connecting two things that are otherwise far apart. In education, the distance we need to cover can be seen as a matter of time. It’s so obvious that the process takes time to develop that we often don’t say it outright. We tend to ignore that growth requires a journey from an initial stage to a final stage; there’s something that needs to happen in between. In learning, the current abilities of the student are the starting point; the teacher’s goals represent the final destination. In between these two points are the means—those middle conditions: actions to be taken, challenges to be faced, tools to be used. Only by navigating these, in a literal sense of time, can the initial efforts lead to a satisfactory conclusion.

These intermediate conditions are of interest precisely because the development of existing activities into the foreseen and desired end depends upon them. To be means for the achieving of present tendencies, to be "between" the agent and his end, to be of interest, are different names for the same thing. When material has to be made interesting, it signifies that as presented, it lacks connection with purposes and present power: or that if the connection be there, it is not perceived. To make it interesting by leading one to realize the connection that exists is simply good sense; to make it interesting by extraneous and artificial inducements deserves all the bad names which have been applied to the doctrine of interest in education.

These intermediate conditions are important because the progress of current activities towards the anticipated and desired outcome relies on them. To "be" means to support ongoing trends, to exist "between" the agent and their goal, and to be of interest are different ways of expressing the same idea. When material needs to be made engaging, it indicates that it either lacks relevance to goals and current capabilities or that, even if the connection is there, it's not recognized. Making it interesting by helping someone see the existing connection is simply common sense; trying to make it interesting through unrelated and artificial incentives deserves all the negative labels that have been attached to the concept of interest in education.

So much for the meaning of the term interest. Now for that of discipline. Where an activity takes time, where many means and obstacles lie between its initiation and completion, deliberation and persistence are required. It is obvious that a very large part of the everyday meaning of will is precisely the deliberate or conscious disposition to persist and endure in a planned course of action in spite of difficulties and contrary solicitations. A man of strong will, in the popular usage of the words, is a man who is neither fickle nor half-hearted in achieving chosen ends. His ability is executive; that is, he persistently and energetically strives to execute or carry out his aims. A weak will is unstable as water.

So much for what the term "interest" means. Now let's talk about "discipline." When an activity takes time and there are many means and obstacles between its start and finish, thoughtfulness and perseverance are necessary. It's clear that a significant part of the everyday meaning of "will" is the conscious intention to keep going and stay committed to a planned course of action despite challenges and distractions. A person with strong will, in common terms, is someone who is neither inconsistent nor half-hearted in pursuing their goals. Their ability is action-oriented; they consistently and energetically work to achieve their objectives. A weak will is as unstable as water.

Clearly there are two factors in will. One has to do with the foresight of results, the other with the depth of hold the foreseen outcome has upon the person.

Clearly, there are two factors in will. One relates to the ability to anticipate results, while the other concerns how strongly the anticipated outcome affects the person.

(I) Obstinacy is persistence but it is not strength of volition. Obstinacy may be mere animal inertia and insensitiveness. A man keeps on doing a thing just because he has got started, not because of any clearly thought-out purpose. In fact, the obstinate man generally declines (although he may not be quite aware of his refusal) to make clear to himself what his proposed end is; he has a feeling that if he allowed himself to get a clear and full idea of it, it might not be worth while. Stubbornness shows itself even more in reluctance to criticize ends which present themselves than it does in persistence and energy in use of means to achieve the end. The really executive man is a man who ponders his ends, who makes his ideas of the results of his actions as clear and full as possible. The people we called weak-willed or self-indulgent always deceive themselves as to the consequences of their acts. They pick out some feature which is agreeable and neglect all attendant circumstances. When they begin to act, the disagreeable results they ignored begin to show themselves. They are discouraged, or complain of being thwarted in their good purpose by a hard fate, and shift to some other line of action. That the primary difference between strong and feeble volition is intellectual, consisting in the degree of persistent firmness and fullness with which consequences are thought out, cannot be over-emphasized.

(I) Stubbornness is persistence, but it's not a true strength of will. Stubbornness can just be a kind of mindless inertia and insensitivity. A person keeps doing something simply because they've started it, not because they have a clear plan or purpose. In fact, stubborn individuals often refuse (even if they're not fully aware) to clarify what their actual goal is; they sense that if they really thought it through, it might not seem worth it. Stubbornness is even more evident in the unwillingness to question the goals that come to mind than in the determination and effort to achieve those goals. The truly effective person is someone who thoughtfully considers their goals and strives to make their understanding of the results of their actions as clear and thorough as possible. Those we label as weak-willed or self-indulgent often fool themselves about the consequences of their actions. They focus on a single pleasing aspect while ignoring all the surrounding issues. Once they start acting, the negative outcomes they overlooked begin to appear. They feel discouraged or complain that their good intentions are being thwarted by bad luck and then switch to a different course of action. It's crucial to emphasize that the main difference between strong and weak willpower lies in the intellectual aspect, which is the level of persistent clarity and understanding with which consequences are considered.

(ii) There is, of course, such a thing as a speculative tracing out of results. Ends are then foreseen, but they do not lay deep hold of a person. They are something to look at and for curiosity to play with rather than something to achieve. There is no such thing as over-intellectuality, but there is such a thing as a one-sided intellectuality. A person "takes it out" as we say in considering the consequences of proposed lines of action. A certain flabbiness of fiber prevents the contemplated object from gripping him and engaging him in action. And most persons are naturally diverted from a proposed course of action by unusual, unforeseen obstacles, or by presentation of inducements to an action that is directly more agreeable.

(ii) There is definitely such a thing as a speculative forecasting of outcomes. Goals are anticipated, but they don’t deeply resonate with a person. They’re just something to observe and contemplate rather than something to accomplish. There’s no such thing as being overly intellectual, but one can certainly have a one-sided intellectualism. A person "takes a step back," as we say, when considering the outcomes of potential actions. A certain lack of resolve keeps the intended goal from truly gripping them and motivating them to act. Most people are naturally sidetracked from a chosen course of action by unexpected obstacles or by the allure of options that are simply more appealing.

A person who is trained to consider his actions, to undertake them deliberately, is in so far forth disciplined. Add to this ability a power to endure in an intelligently chosen course in face of distraction, confusion, and difficulty, and you have the essence of discipline. Discipline means power at command; mastery of the resources available for carrying through the action undertaken. To know what one is to do and to move to do it promptly and by use of the requisite means is to be disciplined, whether we are thinking of an army or a mind. Discipline is positive. To cow the spirit, to subdue inclination, to compel obedience, to mortify the flesh, to make a subordinate perform an uncongenial task—these things are or are not disciplinary according as they do or do not tend to the development of power to recognize what one is about and to persistence in accomplishment.

A person who is trained to think about their actions and take them deliberately is, in a sense, disciplined. If you add to this the ability to stick to a well-thought-out plan despite distractions, confusion, and challenges, you get the core of discipline. Discipline means having the power to take control; it's about mastering the resources needed to carry out the planned action. To know what needs to be done and to act on it swiftly using the necessary means is to be disciplined, whether we're talking about an army or an individual mind. Discipline is constructive. To suppress the spirit, control desires, enforce obedience, discipline oneself, or make someone else do an unpleasant task—these actions are only disciplinary if they contribute to developing the ability to understand what one is doing and to stay committed to achieving it.

It is hardly necessary to press the point that interest and discipline are connected, not opposed.

It’s hardly necessary to emphasize that interest and discipline are linked, not against each other.

(i) Even the more purely intellectual phase of trained power—apprehension of what one is doing as exhibited in consequences—is not possible without interest. Deliberation will be perfunctory and superficial where there is no interest. Parents and teachers often complain—and correctly—that children "do not want to hear, or want to understand." Their minds are not upon the subject precisely because it does not touch them; it does not enter into their concerns. This is a state of things that needs to be remedied, but the remedy is not in the use of methods which increase indifference and aversion. Even punishing a child for inattention is one way of trying to make him realize that the matter is not a thing of complete unconcern; it is one way of arousing "interest," or bringing about a sense of connection. In the long run, its value is measured by whether it supplies a mere physical excitation to act in the way desired by the adult or whether it leads the child "to think"—that is, to reflect upon his acts and impregnate them with aims.

(i) Even the more intellectual part of trained power—understanding what you're doing by looking at the outcomes—can’t happen without interest. If there’s no interest, deliberation will just be routine and shallow. Parents and teachers often complain—and they’re right—that kids "don’t want to listen or want to understand." Their minds aren’t focused on the topic because it doesn’t affect them; it’s not part of their concerns. This is something that needs to change, but the solution isn’t in methods that increase indifference and aversion. Even punishing a child for not paying attention is one way to try to make them realize that the topic does matter; it’s a way to spark "interest," or create a sense of connection. In the long run, its value is judged by whether it simply provides a physical stimulus to act as the adult wishes or whether it encourages the child "to think"—that is, to reflect on their actions and fill them with purpose.

(ii) That interest is requisite for executive persistence is even more obvious. Employers do not advertise for workmen who are not interested in what they are doing. If one were engaging a lawyer or a doctor, it would never occur to one to reason that the person engaged would stick to his work more conscientiously if it was so uncongenial to him that he did it merely from a sense of obligation. Interest measures—or rather is—the depth of the grip which the foreseen end has upon one, moving one to act for its realization.

(ii) It's even clearer that interest is essential for staying motivated at work. Employers don’t look for workers who aren’t interested in what they do. If you were hiring a lawyer or a doctor, you wouldn’t think that they would work harder if the job was so unappealing that they only did it out of obligation. Interest reflects—or rather is—the extent to which a person is connected to their goals, driving them to take action to achieve those goals.

2. The Importance of the Idea of Interest in Education. Interest represents the moving force of objects—whether perceived or presented in imagination—in any experience having a purpose. In the concrete, the value of recognizing the dynamic place of interest in an educative development is that it leads to considering individual children in their specific capabilities, needs, and preferences. One who recognizes the importance of interest will not assume that all minds work in the same way because they happen to have the same teacher and textbook. Attitudes and methods of approach and response vary with the specific appeal the same material makes, this appeal itself varying with difference of natural aptitude, of past experience, of plan of life, and so on. But the facts of interest also supply considerations of general value to the philosophy of education. Rightly understood, they put us on our guard against certain conceptions of mind and of subject matter which have had great vogue in philosophic thought in the past, and which exercise a serious hampering influence upon the conduct of instruction and discipline. Too frequently mind is set over the world of things and facts to be known; it is regarded as something existing in isolation, with mental states and operations that exist independently. Knowledge is then regarded as an external application of purely mental existences to the things to be known, or else as a result of the impressions which this outside subject matter makes on mind, or as a combination of the two. Subject matter is then regarded as something complete in itself; it is just something to be learned or known, either by the voluntary application of mind to it or through the impressions it makes on mind.

2. The Importance of the Idea of Interest in Education. Interest represents the driving force behind objects—whether seen or imagined—in any purposeful experience. Specifically, recognizing the dynamic role of interest in educational development helps us consider individual children in terms of their unique capabilities, needs, and preferences. Someone who understands the importance of interest won't assume that all minds work the same way just because they have the same teacher and textbook. Attitudes and methods of engagement vary based on the specific appeal the same material has, which itself varies due to differences in natural ability, past experiences, life plans, and so on. Additionally, the concept of interest provides important insights for the philosophy of education. When interpreted correctly, it warns us against certain views of the mind and subject matter that have been popular in philosophical thought in the past, which can seriously hinder instruction and discipline. Too often, the mind is seen as separate from the world of facts and things to be understood; it’s considered something that exists in isolation, with mental states and processes that operate independently. Knowledge is viewed as an external application of purely mental entities to the things to be understood, or as a result of the impressions that this external material makes on the mind, or as a mix of both. Subject matter is then seen as something complete in itself; it’s just something to be learned or understood, either by consciously applying the mind to it or through the impressions it leaves on the mind.

The facts of interest show that these conceptions are mythical. Mind appears in experience as ability to respond to present stimuli on the basis of anticipation of future possible consequences, and with a view to controlling the kind of consequences that are to take place. The things, the subject matter known, consist of whatever is recognized as having a bearing upon the anticipated course of events, whether assisting or retarding it. These statements are too formal to be very intelligible. An illustration may clear up their significance. You are engaged in a certain occupation, say writing with a typewriter. If you are an expert, your formed habits take care of the physical movements and leave your thoughts free to consider your topic. Suppose, however, you are not skilled, or that, even if you are, the machine does not work well. You then have to use intelligence. You do not wish to strike the keys at random and let the consequences be what they may; you wish to record certain words in a given order so as to make sense. You attend to the keys, to what you have written, to your movements, to the ribbon or the mechanism of the machine. Your attention is not distributed indifferently and miscellaneously to any and every detail. It is centered upon whatever has a bearing upon the effective pursuit of your occupation. Your look is ahead, and you are concerned to note the existing facts because and in so far as they are factors in the achievement of the result intended. You have to find out what your resources are, what conditions are at command, and what the difficulties and obstacles are. This foresight and this survey with reference to what is foreseen constitute mind. Action that does not involve such a forecast of results and such an examination of means and hindrances is either a matter of habit or else it is blind. In neither case is it intelligent. To be vague and uncertain as to what is intended and careless in observation of conditions of its realization is to be, in that degree, stupid or partially intelligent.

The relevant facts show that these ideas are mythical. The mind functions in experience as the ability to respond to current stimuli based on anticipating possible future outcomes, aiming to control what consequences occur. The subject matter involves anything recognized as influencing the expected course of events, whether it helps or hinders it. These statements can be too formal to fully understand. An example may clarify their meaning. Imagine you are doing a particular task, like typing on a typewriter. If you're skilled, your established habits take care of the physical actions, freeing your thoughts to focus on your topic. However, if you aren't skilled or if the machine is malfunctioning, you need to use your intelligence. You don't want to press the keys randomly and see what happens; you want to record specific words in a particular order to make sense. You pay attention to the keys, what you've typed, your movements, the ribbon, or the machine's mechanics. Your attention isn’t spread out over every little detail; it's focused on whatever is relevant to effectively doing your job. You look ahead and are concerned with the existing facts as they relate to achieving your intended outcome. You need to identify your resources, available conditions, and any difficulties or obstacles. This anticipation and assessment regarding what you foresee is what constitutes the mind. Action that doesn’t include such foresight and examination of means and obstacles is either habitual or blind. In either case, it lacks intelligence. Being unclear and uncertain about your intentions and careless in observing the conditions to achieve them is, to that extent, a sign of being stupid or only partially intelligent.

If we recur to the case where mind is not concerned with the physical manipulation of the instruments but with what one intends to write, the case is the same. There is an activity in process; one is taken up with the development of a theme. Unless one writes as a phonograph talks, this means intelligence; namely, alertness in foreseeing the various conclusions to which present data and considerations are tending, together with continually renewed observation and recollection to get hold of the subject matter which bears upon the conclusions to be reached. The whole attitude is one of concern with what is to be, and with what is so far as the latter enters into the movement toward the end. Leave out the direction which depends upon foresight of possible future results, and there is no intelligence in present behavior. Let there be imaginative forecast but no attention to the conditions upon which its attainment depends, and there is self-deception or idle dreaming—abortive intelligence.

If we look back at the situation where the mind isn't focused on physically manipulating the tools but instead on what one intends to write, the scenario remains the same. There's an active process happening; one is immersed in developing a theme. Unless one writes as a machine talks, this involves intelligence; specifically, being aware of the various conclusions that current data and considerations may lead to, along with constant observation and recall to grasp the subject matter relevant to the conclusions to be drawn. The entire mindset is centered on what is to come and on what exists as far as it contributes to the progression toward the goal. If we ignore the guidance that comes from anticipating possible future outcomes, there’s no intelligence in current actions. If there's imaginative foresight without attention to the conditions necessary for achieving it, then it results in self-deception or wishful thinking—ineffective intelligence.

If this illustration is typical, mind is not a name for something complete by itself; it is a name for a course of action in so far as that is intelligently directed; in so far, that is to say, as aims, ends, enter into it, with selection of means to further the attainment of aims. Intelligence is not a peculiar possession which a person owns; but a person is intelligent in so far as the activities in which he plays a part have the qualities mentioned. Nor are the activities in which a person engages, whether intelligently or not, exclusive properties of himself; they are something in which he engages and partakes. Other things, the independent changes of other things and persons, cooperate and hinder. The individual's act may be initial in a course of events, but the outcome depends upon the interaction of his response with energies supplied by other agencies. Conceive mind as anything but one factor partaking along with others in the production of consequences, and it becomes meaningless.

If this example is typical, the mind isn't something complete on its own; it's about a way of acting as long as that action is directed with intelligence. This means that intentions and goals are part of it, along with choosing methods to achieve those goals. Intelligence isn't something a person possesses; rather, a person is intelligent to the extent that their activities show those qualities. The activities a person is involved in, whether they are intelligent or not, aren't solely owned by that individual; they are experiences in which they engage and take part. Other factors, like the independent actions of other people and things, either help or get in the way. A person's action might be the starting point in a series of events, but the final result depends on how their response interacts with the influences from other sources. If you think of the mind as anything other than one part of a group contributing to the creation of outcomes, it loses its meaning.

The problem of instruction is thus that of finding material which will engage a person in specific activities having an aim or purpose of moment or interest to him, and dealing with things not as gymnastic appliances but as conditions for the attainment of ends. The remedy for the evils attending the doctrine of formal discipline previously spoken of, is not to be found by substituting a doctrine of specialized disciplines, but by reforming the notion of mind and its training. Discovery of typical modes of activity, whether play or useful occupations, in which individuals are concerned, in whose outcome they recognize they have something at stake, and which cannot be carried through without reflection and use of judgment to select material of observation and recollection, is the remedy. In short, the root of the error long prevalent in the conception of training of mind consists in leaving out of account movements of things to future results in which an individual shares, and in the direction of which observation, imagination, and memory are enlisted. It consists in regarding mind as complete in itself, ready to be directly applied to a present material.

The issue with teaching is about finding resources that will get a person involved in specific activities that have real significance or interest to them, and looking at these activities not just as exercises, but as means to achieve goals. The solution to the problems related to the earlier idea of formal discipline isn't to replace it with specialized disciplines, but rather to change how we understand the mind and its development. By identifying typical ways of engaging in activities, whether they're playful or practical, where individuals see personal stakes in the outcomes, and which require thoughtful reflection and judgment to choose relevant material to observe and remember, we can find a solution. In short, the main error historically seen in the understanding of mental training lies in ignoring the connections between current actions and future results in which a person is involved, along with the use of observation, imagination, and memory. It involves seeing the mind as something complete in itself, ready to be directly applied to whatever is at hand.

In historic practice the error has cut two ways. On one hand, it has screened and protected traditional studies and methods of teaching from intelligent criticism and needed revisions. To say that they are "disciplinary" has safeguarded them from all inquiry. It has not been enough to show that they were of no use in life or that they did not really contribute to the cultivation of the self. That they were "disciplinary" stifled every question, subdued every doubt, and removed the subject from the realm of rational discussion. By its nature, the allegation could not be checked up. Even when discipline did not accrue as matter of fact, when the pupil even grew in laxity of application and lost power of intelligent self-direction, the fault lay with him, not with the study or the methods of teaching. His failure was but proof that he needed more discipline, and thus afforded a reason for retaining the old methods. The responsibility was transferred from the educator to the pupil because the material did not have to meet specific tests; it did not have to be shown that it fulfilled any particular need or served any specific end. It was designed to discipline in general, and if it failed, it was because the individual was unwilling to be disciplined. In the other direction, the tendency was towards a negative conception of discipline, instead of an identification of it with growth in constructive power of achievement. As we have already seen, will means an attitude toward the future, toward the production of possible consequences, an attitude involving effort to foresee clearly and comprehensively the probable results of ways of acting, and an active identification with some anticipated consequences. Identification of will, or effort, with mere strain, results when a mind is set up, endowed with powers that are only to be applied to existing material. A person just either will or will not apply himself to the matter in hand. The more indifferent the subject matter, the less concern it has for the habits and preferences of the individual, the more demand there is for an effort to bring the mind to bear upon it—and hence the more discipline of will. To attend to material because there is something to be done in which the person is concerned is not disciplinary in this view; not even if it results in a desirable increase of constructive power. Application just for the sake of application, for the sake of training, is alone disciplinary. This is more likely to occur if the subject matter presented is uncongenial, for then there is no motive (so it is supposed) except the acknowledgment of duty or the value of discipline. The logical result is expressed with literal truth in the words of an American humorist: "It makes no difference what you teach a boy so long as he doesn't like it."

In the past, this mistake has had two sides. On one hand, it has shielded traditional studies and teaching methods from thoughtful criticism and necessary updates. Labeling them as "disciplinary" has protected them from any examination. It wasn't enough to prove they were useless in real life or that they didn’t genuinely help develop the individual. The term “disciplinary” silenced all questions, suppressed every doubt, and took the subject out of rational debate. By its very nature, this claim couldn't be verified. Even when discipline clearly wasn't being achieved, when a student became less diligent and lost the ability to self-direct, the blame fell on the student, not the study or the teaching methods. Their failure was just evidence that they needed more discipline, which provided justification for keeping the old methods in place. The accountability shifted from the teacher to the student because the material didn’t have to pass specific standards; there was no requirement to show that it met any particular needs or goals. It was meant to instill discipline in a general sense, and if it didn’t work, it was because the individual wasn't willing to embrace it. In the other direction, there was a tendency to view discipline negatively, rather than connecting it to growth in constructive achievement. As we’ve already discussed, will is an attitude toward the future, aimed at producing possible outcomes, involving the effort to clearly and thoroughly anticipate the likely results of actions, and an active commitment to some expected consequences. When will or effort is equated with mere strain, it happens when a mind is tasked with using its abilities only on existing material. A person simply either chooses to engage with the task or not. The more uninteresting the subject matter, and the less it relates to the individual’s habits and preferences, the more effort is required to focus on it—and therefore, the more discipline of will is needed. Engaging with material because it involves something important to the person isn’t seen as disciplinary in this perspective; not even if it results in a noticeable increase in constructive abilities. Engagement merely for the sake of engagement, just for training, is what is considered disciplinary. This is more likely to happen when the subject matter is unappealing, as then it’s assumed there’s no motivation except a sense of duty or the value of discipline. The logical conclusion is humorously expressed by an American comedian: "It makes no difference what you teach a boy so long as he doesn't like it."

The counterpart of the isolation of mind from activities dealing with objects to accomplish ends is isolation of the subject matter to be learned. In the traditional schemes of education, subject matter means so much material to be studied. Various branches of study represent so many independent branches, each having its principles of arrangement complete within itself. History is one such group of facts; algebra another; geography another, and so on till we have run through the entire curriculum. Having a ready-made existence on their own account, their relation to mind is exhausted in what they furnish it to acquire. This idea corresponds to the conventional practice in which the program of school work, for the day, month, and successive years, consists of "studies" all marked off from one another, and each supposed to be complete by itself—for educational purposes at least.

The opposite of separating the mind from activities focused on achieving goals is separating the subject matter to be learned. In traditional education, subject matter refers to the material that needs to be studied. Different subjects represent independent areas, each with its own set of principles fully developed on their own. History is one group of facts, algebra is another, geography is yet another, and so on, until we've covered the whole curriculum. With their own established existence, their connection to the mind is limited to what they provide for learning. This idea aligns with the usual practice where the day's, month's, and subsequent years' school programs consist of “studies” that are entirely distinct from each other, each considered to be self-sufficient—for educational purposes, at least.

Later on a chapter is devoted to the special consideration of the meaning of the subject matter of instruction. At this point, we need only to say that, in contrast with the traditional theory, anything which intelligence studies represents things in the part which they play in the carrying forward of active lines of interest. Just as one "studies" his typewriter as part of the operation of putting it to use to effect results, so with any fact or truth. It becomes an object of study—that is, of inquiry and reflection—when it figures as a factor to be reckoned with in the completion of a course of events in which one is engaged and by whose outcome one is affected. Numbers are not objects of study just because they are numbers already constituting a branch of learning called mathematics, but because they represent qualities and relations of the world in which our action goes on, because they are factors upon which the accomplishment of our purposes depends. Stated thus broadly, the formula may appear abstract. Translated into details, it means that the act of learning or studying is artificial and ineffective in the degree in which pupils are merely presented with a lesson to be learned. Study is effectual in the degree in which the pupil realizes the place of the numerical truth he is dealing with in carrying to fruition activities in which he is concerned. This connection of an object and a topic with the promotion of an activity having a purpose is the first and the last word of a genuine theory of interest in education.

Later on, a chapter will focus on the specific meaning of the subject matter in instruction. Here, we just need to highlight that, unlike traditional theory, anything that intelligence studies represents is based on its role in advancing active interests. Just like someone "studies" their typewriter as part of using it to achieve results, the same goes for any fact or truth. It becomes an object of study—that is, inquiry and reflection—when it plays a role in the sequence of events the person is involved in and which affects the outcome. Numbers aren't studied just because they're numbers constituting a branch of learning called mathematics but because they represent qualities and relationships in the world where our actions take place, and they are factors that our goals depend on. Stated this broadly, it might sound abstract. But in practical terms, it means that the process of learning or studying is artificial and ineffective when students are merely given a lesson to memorize. Studying is effective to the extent that students understand how the numerical truths they're working with relate to their activities. This connection between an object and a subject with purposeful activity is the fundamental principle of a genuine educational theory of interest.

3. Some Social Aspects of the Question. While the theoretical errors of which we have been speaking have their expressions in the conduct of schools, they are themselves the outcome of conditions of social life. A change confined to the theoretical conviction of educators will not remove the difficulties, though it should render more effective efforts to modify social conditions. Men's fundamental attitudes toward the world are fixed by the scope and qualities of the activities in which they partake. The ideal of interest is exemplified in the artistic attitude. Art is neither merely internal nor merely external; merely mental nor merely physical. Like every mode of action, it brings about changes in the world. The changes made by some actions (those which by contrast may be called mechanical) are external; they are shifting things about. No ideal reward, no enrichment of emotion and intellect, accompanies them. Others contribute to the maintenance of life, and to its external adornment and display. Many of our existing social activities, industrial and political, fall in these two classes. Neither the people who engage in them, nor those who are directly affected by them, are capable of full and free interest in their work. Because of the lack of any purpose in the work for the one doing it, or because of the restricted character of its aim, intelligence is not adequately engaged. The same conditions force many people back upon themselves. They take refuge in an inner play of sentiment and fancies. They are aesthetic but not artistic, since their feelings and ideas are turned upon themselves, instead of being methods in acts which modify conditions. Their mental life is sentimental; an enjoyment of an inner landscape. Even the pursuit of science may become an asylum of refuge from the hard conditions of life—not a temporary retreat for the sake of recuperation and clarification in future dealings with the world. The very word art may become associated not with specific transformation of things, making them more significant for mind, but with stimulations of eccentric fancy and with emotional indulgences. The separation and mutual contempt of the "practical" man and the man of theory or culture, the divorce of fine and industrial arts, are indications of this situation. Thus interest and mind are either narrowed, or else made perverse. Compare what was said in an earlier chapter about the one-sided meanings which have come to attach to the ideas of efficiency and of culture.

3. Some Social Aspects of the Question. The theoretical errors we've discussed show up in how schools operate, but they're actually a result of our social conditions. Just changing what educators believe won't solve the problems; it might actually make efforts to change social conditions more effective. People's core attitudes toward the world are shaped by the range and quality of their activities. The ideal of interest is reflected in the artistic mindset. Art isn't just about internal feelings or external objects; it's not just mental or just physical. Like every action, art creates changes in the world. Some actions, which we might call mechanical, lead to external changes; they're just about rearranging things without bringing any real rewards or enriching our emotions or intellect. Others help sustain life and enhance its external beauty. Many of our current social activities, whether in industry or politics, fall into these categories. Neither those who participate in them nor those affected by them can fully engage in their work. Due to a lack of purpose, or because the goals are too limited, people's intelligence isn't fully activated. These same conditions often push people back into themselves, leading them to find solace in inner feelings and fantasies. They become aesthetic but not artistic since their emotions and thoughts focus inward rather than driving actions that change their circumstances. Their mental lives turn sentimental, filled with a personal inner landscape. Even the pursuit of science can turn into a refuge from tough life conditions, rather than a brief escape meant to help clarify future actions in the world. The term art can end up linked not to transforming things to make them more meaningful, but to quirky fantasies and emotional self-indulgence. The divide and mutual disdain between the "practical" person and the person of theory or culture, along with the separation of fine and industrial arts, reflect this scenario. As a result, interest and intellect either become limited or distorted. Compare this with what was discussed in an earlier chapter about the narrow meanings that have developed around the ideas of efficiency and culture.

This state of affairs must exist so far as society is organized on a basis of division between laboring classes and leisure classes. The intelligence of those who do things becomes hard in the unremitting struggle with things; that of those freed from the discipline of occupation becomes luxurious and effeminate. Moreover, the majority of human beings still lack economic freedom. Their pursuits are fixed by accident and necessity of circumstance; they are not the normal expression of their own powers interacting with the needs and resources of the environment. Our economic conditions still relegate many men to a servile status. As a consequence, the intelligence of those in control of the practical situation is not liberal. Instead of playing freely upon the subjugation of the world for human ends, it is devoted to the manipulation of other men for ends that are non-human in so far as they are exclusive.

This situation exists as long as society is structured around a divide between working classes and leisure classes. The intelligence of those who create and produce becomes rigid in their constant battle with their tasks; meanwhile, those who are free from the demands of work develop a more indulgent and soft nature. Additionally, most people still lack economic freedom. Their paths are often determined by chance and necessity rather than being a true reflection of their abilities interacting with their environment's needs and resources. Our economic conditions still force many individuals into a subordinate role. As a result, the intelligence of those in power over these practical matters is not progressive. Instead of being used to thoughtfully engage with the world for human benefit, it is focused on manipulating others for purposes that are non-human because they are exclusionary.

This state of affairs explains many things in our historic educational traditions. It throws light upon the clash of aims manifested in different portions of the school system; the narrowly utilitarian character of most elementary education, and the narrowly disciplinary or cultural character of most higher education. It accounts for the tendency to isolate intellectual matters till knowledge is scholastic, academic, and professionally technical, and for the widespread conviction that liberal education is opposed to the requirements of an education which shall count in the vocations of life. But it also helps define the peculiar problem of present education. The school cannot immediately escape from the ideals set by prior social conditions. But it should contribute through the type of intellectual and emotional disposition which it forms to the improvement of those conditions. And just here the true conceptions of interest and discipline are full of significance. Persons whose interests have been enlarged and intelligence trained by dealing with things and facts in active occupations having a purpose (whether in play or work) will be those most likely to escape the alternatives of an academic and aloof knowledge and a hard, narrow, and merely "practical" practice. To organize education so that natural active tendencies shall be fully enlisted in doing something, while seeing to it that the doing requires observation, the acquisition of information, and the use of a constructive imagination, is what most needs to be done to improve social conditions. To oscillate between drill exercises that strive to attain efficiency in outward doing without the use of intelligence, and an accumulation of knowledge that is supposed to be an ultimate end in itself, means that education accepts the present social conditions as final, and thereby takes upon itself the responsibility for perpetuating them. A reorganization of education so that learning takes place in connection with the intelligent carrying forward of purposeful activities is a slow work. It can only be accomplished piecemeal, a step at a time. But this is not a reason for nominally accepting one educational philosophy and accommodating ourselves in practice to another. It is a challenge to undertake the task of reorganization courageously and to keep at it persistently.

This situation clarifies a lot about our historical educational traditions. It sheds light on the conflicting objectives seen in different parts of the school system; the overly practical nature of most elementary education, and the highly disciplinary or cultural focus of most higher education. It explains the tendency to separate intellectual topics until knowledge becomes either scholastic, academic, and technically professional, and the widespread belief that liberal education goes against the needs of an education that is valuable in the workforce. However, it also helps define the unique challenges of current education. Schools can’t instantly break free from the ideals set by earlier social conditions. But they should play a role in improving those conditions through the type of intellectual and emotional outlook they nurture. This is where the true meanings of interest and discipline become important. Individuals whose interests have expanded and whose intelligence has been developed through active, purposeful engagement with things and facts (whether through play or work) are the ones most likely to avoid the extremes of detached, academic knowledge and a rigid, narrow, purely "practical" approach. Organizing education to fully engage natural active tendencies in meaningful activities, while ensuring that these activities require observation, gathering information, and using creative thinking, is essential for improving social conditions. Swinging between repetitive drills aimed at efficiency without thinking, and an accumulation of knowledge viewed as an ultimate goal, suggests that education accepts current social conditions as permanent and takes on the responsibility of sustaining them. Reforming education to ensure that learning occurs alongside the intelligent pursuit of purposeful activities is a gradual process. It can only be done bit by bit, step by step. But this is not an excuse to nominally embrace one educational philosophy while practically adhering to another. It is a call to take on the challenge of reorganization with courage and to persist in the effort.





Summary. Interest and discipline are correlative aspects of activity

having an aim. Interest means that one is identified with the objects which define the activity and which furnish the means and obstacles to its realization. Any activity with an aim implies a distinction between an earlier incomplete phase and later completing phase; it implies also intermediate steps. To have an interest is to take things as entering into such a continuously developing situation, instead of taking them in isolation. The time difference between the given incomplete state of affairs and the desired fulfillment exacts effort in transformation, it demands continuity of attention and endurance. This attitude is what is practically meant by will. Discipline or development of power of continuous attention is its fruit. The significance of this doctrine for the theory of education is twofold. On the one hand it protects us from the notion that mind and mental states are something complete in themselves, which then happen to be applied to some ready-made objects and topics so that knowledge results. It shows that mind and intelligent or purposeful engagement in a course of action into which things enter are identical. Hence to develop and train mind is to provide an environment which induces such activity. On the other side, it protects us from the notion that subject matter on its side is something isolated and independent. It shows that subject matter of learning is identical with all the objects, ideas, and principles which enter as resources or obstacles into the continuous intentional pursuit of a course of action. The developing course of action, whose end and conditions are perceived, is the unity which holds together what are often divided into an independent mind on one side and an independent world of objects and facts on the other.

Having a goal. Interest means that you're connected to the things that define the activity and provide both the means and challenges for achieving it. Any goal-oriented activity indicates a difference between an earlier incomplete stage and a later finished stage; it also implies intermediate steps. To have interest is to view things as part of an ongoing process rather than in isolation. The gap between the current incomplete situation and the desired outcome requires effort for transformation; it demands sustained attention and perseverance. This mindset is what we actually refer to as will. The discipline or development of the ability to maintain continuous attention is its result. The importance of this concept for education theory is twofold. On one hand, it prevents us from thinking that the mind and mental states are standalone entities that are simply applied to ready-made objects and topics to produce knowledge. It demonstrates that the mind and intelligent or purposeful involvement in an action are the same. Therefore, developing and training the mind means creating an environment that encourages such activity. On the other hand, it prevents us from believing that the subject matter itself is something isolated and independent. It shows that the subject matter of learning consists of all the objects, ideas, and principles that serve as resources or challenges in the ongoing, purposeful pursuit of an action. The developing course of action, with its perceived goals and conditions, is the unity that connects what are often seen as separate: an independent mind on one side and an independent world of objects and facts on the other.





Chapter Eleven: Experience and Thinking

1. The Nature of Experience. The nature of experience can be understood only by noting that it includes an active and a passive element peculiarly combined. On the active hand, experience is trying—a meaning which is made explicit in the connected term experiment. On the passive, it is undergoing. When we experience something we act upon it, we do something with it; then we suffer or undergo the consequences. We do something to the thing and then it does something to us in return: such is the peculiar combination. The connection of these two phases of experience measures the fruitfulness or value of the experience. Mere activity does not constitute experience. It is dispersive, centrifugal, dissipating. Experience as trying involves change, but change is meaningless transition unless it is consciously connected with the return wave of consequences which flow from it. When an activity is continued into the undergoing of consequences, when the change made by action is reflected back into a change made in us, the mere flux is loaded with significance. We learn something. It is not experience when a child merely sticks his finger into a flame; it is experience when the movement is connected with the pain which he undergoes in consequence. Henceforth the sticking of the finger into flame means a burn. Being burned is a mere physical change, like the burning of a stick of wood, if it is not perceived as a consequence of some other action. Blind and capricious impulses hurry us on heedlessly from one thing to another. So far as this happens, everything is writ in water. There is none of that cumulative growth which makes an experience in any vital sense of that term. On the other hand, many things happen to us in the way of pleasure and pain which we do not connect with any prior activity of our own. They are mere accidents so far as we are concerned. There is no before or after to such experience; no retrospect nor outlook, and consequently no meaning. We get nothing which may be carried over to foresee what is likely to happen next, and no gain in ability to adjust ourselves to what is coming—no added control. Only by courtesy can such an experience be called experience. To "learn from experience" is to make a backward and forward connection between what we do to things and what we enjoy or suffer from things in consequence. Under such conditions, doing becomes a trying; an experiment with the world to find out what it is like; the undergoing becomes instruction—discovery of the connection of things.

1. The Nature of Experience. The nature of experience can only be understood by recognizing that it includes both an active and a passive element closely intertwined. On the active side, experience is about trying—a meaning that becomes clear when connected to the term experiment. Passively, it is about undergoing. When we experience something, we act on it, we do something with it; then we feel or go through the consequences. We do something to the thing, and then it responds to us: this is the unique combination. The connection between these two aspects of experience determines its value or significance. Just being active doesn’t make it an experience. It can be scattered, aimless, and wasteful. Experience as trying involves change, but change doesn’t mean anything unless it's consciously linked to the consequences that come from it. When an activity continues into experiencing the results, when the change caused by our actions reflects back into a change within us, the simple flow of events gains meaning. We learn something. It’s not experience when a child just sticks his finger in a flame; it’s experience when that action is tied to the pain he feels as a result. From then on, sticking a finger in fire signifies getting burned. Being burned is just a physical change, like the burning of a piece of wood, unless it's recognized as a result of some other action. Blind and random impulses push us thoughtlessly from one thing to another. As long as this happens, nothing is lasting. There is no growth that creates a meaningful experience in any real sense. On the flip side, many things happen to us in terms of pleasure and pain that we don't connect to any previous actions on our part. They are just random occurrences as far as we're concerned. There is no timeline to such experiences; no reflection or future consideration, and thus no meaning. We gain nothing useful for predicting what might happen next, and no improvement in our ability to adapt to what comes next—no added control. Only politely can such an occurrence be called experience. To "learn from experience" means to make connections between what we do to things and what we enjoy or suffer from them as a result. Under these conditions, doing becomes an experiment; an attempt to understand the world around us; and undergoing becomes learning—discovering the links between things.

Two conclusions important for education follow. (1) Experience is primarily an active-passive affair; it is not primarily cognitive. But (2) the measure of the value of an experience lies in the perception of relationships or continuities to which it leads up. It includes cognition in the degree in which it is cumulative or amounts to something, or has meaning. In schools, those under instruction are too customarily looked upon as acquiring knowledge as theoretical spectators, minds which appropriate knowledge by direct energy of intellect. The very word pupil has almost come to mean one who is engaged not in having fruitful experiences but in absorbing knowledge directly. Something which is called mind or consciousness is severed from the physical organs of activity. The former is then thought to be purely intellectual and cognitive; the latter to be an irrelevant and intruding physical factor. The intimate union of activity and undergoing its consequences which leads to recognition of meaning is broken; instead we have two fragments: mere bodily action on one side, and meaning directly grasped by "spiritual" activity on the other.

Two important conclusions for education can be drawn. (1) Experience is mainly about being active and passive; it’s not just about thinking. But (2) the value of an experience is measured by the relationships or continuities it reveals. It involves thinking only to the extent that it builds up or means something. In schools, students are often viewed as theoretical observers who acquire knowledge solely through intellectual effort. The term pupil has almost come to refer to someone who is focused not on having meaningful experiences but on directly absorbing knowledge. What we call mind or consciousness is often separated from the physical organs of action. The former is thought to be purely intellectual and cognitive, while the latter is seen as an irrelevant and distracting physical aspect. The close relationship between action and experiencing its consequences, which fosters the understanding of meaning, has been disrupted; instead, we end up with two parts: mere physical action on one side and meaning understood through “spiritual” activity on the other.

It would be impossible to state adequately the evil results which have flowed from this dualism of mind and body, much less to exaggerate them. Some of the more striking effects, may, however, be enumerated. (a) In part bodily activity becomes an intruder. Having nothing, so it is thought, to do with mental activity, it becomes a distraction, an evil to be contended with. For the pupil has a body, and brings it to school along with his mind. And the body is, of necessity, a wellspring of energy; it has to do something. But its activities, not being utilized in occupation with things which yield significant results, have to be frowned upon. They lead the pupil away from the lesson with which his "mind" ought to be occupied; they are sources of mischief. The chief source of the "problem of discipline" in schools is that the teacher has often to spend the larger part of the time in suppressing the bodily activities which take the mind away from its material. A premium is put on physical quietude; on silence, on rigid uniformity of posture and movement; upon a machine-like simulation of the attitudes of intelligent interest. The teachers' business is to hold the pupils up to these requirements and to punish the inevitable deviations which occur.

It’s impossible to fully express the harmful consequences that have come from this separation of mind and body, let alone to exaggerate them. However, some of the more noticeable effects can be listed. (a) First, physical activity often becomes an unwelcome distraction. It’s thought to have nothing to do with mental activities, so it’s viewed as a problem to deal with. Students have bodies that they bring to school along with their minds. The body, by its nature, generates energy; it has to do something. Yet, when its activities aren’t engaged in productive tasks that lead to meaningful outcomes, they’re discouraged. These activities divert students from the lessons their “minds” should focus on, becoming sources of trouble. The main issue of “discipline” in schools arises because teachers often have to spend most of their time suppressing physical activities that distract from learning. There’s a strong emphasis on being physically quiet, on maintaining silence, and on rigidly uniform postures and movements, mimicking the behaviors of engaged learners. Teachers are tasked with enforcing these standards and punishing the inevitable breaks from them.

The nervous strain and fatigue which result with both teacher and pupil are a necessary consequence of the abnormality of the situation in which bodily activity is divorced from the perception of meaning. Callous indifference and explosions from strain alternate. The neglected body, having no organized fruitful channels of activity, breaks forth, without knowing why or how, into meaningless boisterousness, or settles into equally meaningless fooling—both very different from the normal play of children. Physically active children become restless and unruly; the more quiescent, so-called conscientious ones spend what energy they have in the negative task of keeping their instincts and active tendencies suppressed, instead of in a positive one of constructive planning and execution; they are thus educated not into responsibility for the significant and graceful use of bodily powers, but into an enforced duty not to give them free play. It may be seriously asserted that a chief cause for the remarkable achievements of Greek education was that it was never misled by false notions into an attempted separation of mind and body.

The nervous strain and fatigue that both teachers and students experience are a necessary result of the unusual situation where physical activity is disconnected from meaningful understanding. There are alternating phases of cold indifference and bursts of stress. The neglected body, lacking organized and productive ways to engage, erupts into uncontrollable chaos or settles into pointless antics—both very different from normal childhood play. Physically active kids become restless and disruptive; the more passive, supposedly diligent ones waste their energy on the negative task of suppressing their instincts and active impulses, rather than engaging in constructive planning and execution. As a result, they aren’t educated to take responsibility for the meaningful and graceful use of their physical abilities, but rather to feel obligated to restrict their natural expression. It can be strongly argued that a major reason for the impressive successes of Greek education was that it never fell prey to misguided ideas about separating mind and body.

(b) Even, however, with respect to the lessons which have to be learned by the application of "mind," some bodily activities have to be used. The senses—especially the eye and ear—have to be employed to take in what the book, the map, the blackboard, and the teacher say. The lips and vocal organs, and the hands, have to be used to reproduce in speech and writing what has been stowed away. The senses are then regarded as a kind of mysterious conduit through which information is conducted from the external world into the mind; they are spoken of as gateways and avenues of knowledge. To keep the eyes on the book and the ears open to the teacher's words is a mysterious source of intellectual grace. Moreover, reading, writing, and figuring—important school arts—demand muscular or motor training. The muscles of eye, hand, and vocal organs accordingly have to be trained to act as pipes for carrying knowledge back out of the mind into external action. For it happens that using the muscles repeatedly in the same way fixes in them an automatic tendency to repeat.

(b) Even when it comes to learning lessons through the use of "mind," some physical activities are necessary. The senses—especially sight and hearing—must be utilized to take in what the book, the map, the blackboard, and the teacher convey. The lips, vocal cords, and hands need to be engaged to express in speech and writing what has been absorbed. The senses are seen as a sort of mysterious pathway through which information moves from the outside world into the mind; they are described as gateways and channels of knowledge. Keeping the eyes on the book and ears open to the teacher's words is a mysterious source of intellectual insight. Additionally, reading, writing, and calculating—essential skills in school—require physical or motor training. Therefore, the muscles of the eyes, hands, and vocal cords must be trained to act as conduits for taking knowledge from the mind back into action. This is because using the muscles repeatedly in the same way creates an automatic tendency to repeat those actions.

The obvious result is a mechanical use of the bodily activities which (in spite of the generally obtrusive and interfering character of the body in mental action) have to be employed more or less. For the senses and muscles are used not as organic participants in having an instructive experience, but as external inlets and outlets of mind. Before the child goes to school, he learns with his hand, eye, and ear, because they are organs of the process of doing something from which meaning results. The boy flying a kite has to keep his eye on the kite, and has to note the various pressures of the string on his hand. His senses are avenues of knowledge not because external facts are somehow "conveyed" to the brain, but because they are used in doing something with a purpose. The qualities of seen and touched things have a bearing on what is done, and are alertly perceived; they have a meaning. But when pupils are expected to use their eyes to note the form of words, irrespective of their meaning, in order to reproduce them in spelling or reading, the resulting training is simply of isolated sense organs and muscles. It is such isolation of an act from a purpose which makes it mechanical. It is customary for teachers to urge children to read with expression, so as to bring out the meaning. But if they originally learned the sensory-motor technique of reading—the ability to identify forms and to reproduce the sounds they stand for—by methods which did not call for attention to meaning, a mechanical habit was established which makes it difficult to read subsequently with intelligence. The vocal organs have been trained to go their own way automatically in isolation; and meaning cannot be tied on at will. Drawing, singing, and writing may be taught in the same mechanical way; for, we repeat, any way is mechanical which narrows down the bodily activity so that a separation of body from mind—that is, from recognition of meaning—is set up. Mathematics, even in its higher branches, when undue emphasis is put upon the technique of calculation, and science, when laboratory exercises are given for their own sake, suffer from the same evil.

The obvious outcome is a mechanical use of physical activities which, despite the generally prominent and intrusive nature of the body during mental activity, have to be utilized to some extent. The senses and muscles are not engaged as active participants in acquiring knowledge, but rather as external inputs and outputs for the mind. Before children start school, they learn using their hands, eyes, and ears because these are tools in the process of doing something that leads to understanding. A boy flying a kite needs to keep an eye on the kite and feel the various tensions of the string in his hand. His senses are pathways to knowledge not because external facts are simply "sent" to the brain, but because they're involved in purposeful action. The qualities of the things he sees and touches influence what he does and are keenly noticed; they have significance. However, when students are expected to focus on the appearance of words without regard for their meaning, just to reproduce them in spelling or reading, the resulting training only engages isolated sense organs and muscles. This isolation of an action from a purpose renders it mechanical. It's common for teachers to encourage children to read with expression to convey meaning. But if they originally learned the sensory-motor skills of reading—the ability to recognize forms and reproduce the sounds they represent—without paying attention to meaning, a mechanical habit develops that makes it hard to read thoughtfully later on. The vocal organs become conditioned to function automatically in isolation, and meaning can't simply be attached at will. Drawing, singing, and writing can also be taught in a mechanical way; as we emphasize, any approach is mechanical if it limits physical activity to the point where the mind is separated from the body—that is, from recognizing meaning. Mathematics, even at more advanced levels, when too much focus is placed on calculation techniques, and science, when lab exercises are done for their own sake, also suffer from this same problem.

(c) On the intellectual side, the separation of "mind" from direct occupation with things throws emphasis on things at the expense of relations or connections. It is altogether too common to separate perceptions and even ideas from judgments. The latter are thought to come after the former in order to compare them. It is alleged that the mind perceives things apart from relations; that it forms ideas of them in isolation from their connections—with what goes before and comes after. Then judgment or thought is called upon to combine the separated items of "knowledge" so that their resemblance or causal connection shall be brought out. As matter of fact, every perception and every idea is a sense of the bearings, use, and cause, of a thing. We do not really know a chair or have an idea of it by inventorying and enumerating its various isolated qualities, but only by bringing these qualities into connection with something else—the purpose which makes it a chair and not a table; or its difference from the kind of chair we are accustomed to, or the "period" which it represents, and so on. A wagon is not perceived when all its parts are summed up; it is the characteristic connection of the parts which makes it a wagon. And these connections are not those of mere physical juxtaposition; they involve connection with the animals that draw it, the things that are carried on it, and so on. Judgment is employed in the perception; otherwise the perception is mere sensory excitation or else a recognition of the result of a prior judgment, as in the case of familiar objects.

(c) Intellectually, the division of "mind" from direct engagement with things puts more focus on objects at the cost of relationships or connections. It's very common to separate perceptions and even ideas from judgments, thinking that the latter come after the former to compare them. It’s claimed that the mind perceives things independently of their relationships, that it forms ideas about them without considering what comes before or after. Then judgment or thought has to combine these separated bits of "knowledge" to reveal their similarities or causal connections. In reality, every perception and idea involves an understanding of how a thing relates, its use, and its cause. We truly understand a chair or have an idea of it not by listing its individual qualities, but by connecting those qualities to something else—like the purpose that defines it as a chair instead of a table, its differences from other types of chairs we're used to, or the "period" it represents, and so on. A wagon isn’t understood just by adding up its parts; it’s the specific way those parts connect that identifies it as a wagon. And these connections aren’t just about physical proximity; they include links to the animals that pull it, the items that are transported on it, and more. Judgment is involved in the perception; otherwise, perception is just sensory stimulation or a recognition of what was previously judged, as with familiar objects.

Words, the counters for ideals, are, however, easily taken for ideas. And in just the degree in which mental activity is separated from active concern with the world, from doing something and connecting the doing with what is undergone, words, symbols, come to take the place of ideas. The substitution is the more subtle because some meaning is recognized. But we are very easily trained to be content with a minimum of meaning, and to fail to note how restricted is our perception of the relations which confer significance. We get so thoroughly used to a kind of pseudo-idea, a half perception, that we are not aware how half-dead our mental action is, and how much keener and more extensive our observations and ideas would be if we formed them under conditions of a vital experience which required us to use judgment: to hunt for the connections of the thing dealt with. There is no difference of opinion as to the theory of the matter. All authorities agree that that discernment of relationships is the genuinely intellectual matter; hence, the educative matter. The failure arises in supposing that relationships can become perceptible without experience—without that conjoint trying and undergoing of which we have spoken. It is assumed that "mind" can grasp them if it will only give attention, and that this attention may be given at will irrespective of the situation. Hence the deluge of half-observations, of verbal ideas, and unassimilated "knowledge" which afflicts the world. An ounce of experience is better than a ton of theory simply because it is only in experience that any theory has vital and verifiable significance. An experience, a very humble experience, is capable of generating and carrying any amount of theory (or intellectual content), but a theory apart from an experience cannot be definitely grasped even as theory. It tends to become a mere verbal formula, a set of catchwords used to render thinking, or genuine theorizing, unnecessary and impossible. Because of our education we use words, thinking they are ideas, to dispose of questions, the disposal being in reality simply such an obscuring of perception as prevents us from seeing any longer the difficulty.

Words, which are meant to represent ideals, are often confused with the ideas themselves. When our mental activity is disconnected from actively engaging with the world—when we stop doing things and linking those actions to our experiences—words and symbols start to replace actual ideas. This substitution is subtle because some meaning is still recognized. However, we easily become satisfied with a shallow understanding and overlook how limited our perception is regarding the relationships that provide significance. We become so accustomed to a kind of fake idea, a half-understanding, that we don’t realize how stagnant our mental processes are. If we approached our thoughts through meaningful experiences that demanded our judgment—by exploring the connections involved—our observations and ideas would be much sharper and broader. There is complete agreement among experts that recognizing relationships is the essence of intellectual engagement and education. The misunderstanding comes from the belief that relationships can be perceived without firsthand experience—without that combination of trying and experiencing we mentioned earlier. It is assumed that the "mind" can understand them if only it focuses, and that this focus can be achieved regardless of the circumstances. This leads to a flood of superficial observations, verbal ideas, and unprocessed "knowledge" saturating our society. A little bit of experience is more valuable than tons of theory because only through experience can any theory acquire real meaning and validation. Even a simple experience can generate and support vast amounts of theory (or intellectual content), but a theory disconnected from experience cannot truly be understood, even as a theory. It risks becoming nothing more than a verbal formula, a collection of buzzwords that makes genuine thinking and theorizing unnecessary and impossible. Due to our education, we often use words, thinking they are ideas, to sidestep questions, which in reality just obscures our perception and prevents us from recognizing the underlying difficulties.

2. Reflection in Experience. Thought or reflection, as we have already seen virtually if not explicitly, is the discernment of the relation between what we try to do and what happens in consequence. No experience having a meaning is possible without some element of thought. But we may contrast two types of experience according to the proportion of reflection found in them. All our experiences have a phase of "cut and try" in them—what psychologists call the method of trial and error. We simply do something, and when it fails, we do something else, and keep on trying till we hit upon something which works, and then we adopt that method as a rule of thumb measure in subsequent procedure. Some experiences have very little else in them than this hit and miss or succeed process. We see that a certain way of acting and a certain consequence are connected, but we do not see how they are. We do not see the details of the connection; the links are missing. Our discernment is very gross. In other cases we push our observation farther. We analyze to see just what lies between so as to bind together cause and effect, activity and consequence. This extension of our insight makes foresight more accurate and comprehensive. The action which rests simply upon the trial and error method is at the mercy of circumstances; they may change so that the act performed does not operate in the way it was expected to. But if we know in detail upon what the result depends, we can look to see whether the required conditions are there. The method extends our practical control. For if some of the conditions are missing, we may, if we know what the needed antecedents for an effect are, set to work to supply them; or, if they are such as to produce undesirable effects as well, we may eliminate some of the superfluous causes and economize effort.

2. Reflection in Experience. Thinking or reflecting, as we have seen almost if not explicitly, is understanding the relationship between what we try to do and what happens as a result. No meaningful experience is possible without some element of thought. However, we can distinguish between two types of experience based on the amount of reflection involved. All our experiences include a "trial and error" phase—what psychologists refer to as the method of trial and error. We take an action, and when it doesn't work, we try something else until we find something that does work, at which point we adopt that method as a rule of thumb for future actions. Some experiences rely almost entirely on this hit-and-miss or success-and-failure process. We recognize that a specific action leads to certain outcomes, but we don't fully understand how they are connected. We miss the details of that connection; the links are unclear. Our understanding is very basic. In other situations, we dig deeper into our observations. We analyze to uncover what lies between, connecting cause and effect, action and outcome. This deeper insight enhances our foresight, making it more precise and thorough. Actions based solely on trial and error are vulnerable to changing circumstances; they could change in a way that alters the expected outcome. However, if we understand in detail what influences the result, we can check if the necessary conditions are in place. This method enhances our practical control. If some of the conditions are missing, we can work to provide them, or if they are likely to lead to negative effects as well, we can eliminate unnecessary causes and save effort.

In discovery of the detailed connections of our activities and what happens in consequence, the thought implied in cut and try experience is made explicit. Its quantity increases so that its proportionate value is very different. Hence the quality of the experience changes; the change is so significant that we may call this type of experience reflective—that is, reflective par excellence. The deliberate cultivation of this phase of thought constitutes thinking as a distinctive experience. Thinking, in other words, is the intentional endeavor to discover specific connections between something which we do and the consequences which result, so that the two become continuous. Their isolation, and consequently their purely arbitrary going together, is canceled; a unified developing situation takes its place. The occurrence is now understood; it is explained; it is reasonable, as we say, that the thing should happen as it does.

In discovering the detailed connections between our actions and their consequences, the idea behind trial and error becomes clear. Its quantity increases, leading to a very different proportional value. As a result, the quality of the experience changes; this change is so significant that we can call this type of experience reflective—truly reflective. The intentional cultivation of this phase of thought defines thinking as a unique experience. In other words, thinking is the purposeful effort to uncover specific links between what we do and the resulting consequences, allowing the two to become interconnected. Their separation, and thus their random combination, is eliminated; a cohesive developing situation takes its place. The occurrence is now understood; it is explained; it makes sense, as we say, that things happen the way they do.

Thinking is thus equivalent to an explicit rendering of the intelligent element in our experience. It makes it possible to act with an end in view. It is the condition of our having aims. As soon as an infant begins to expect he begins to use something which is now going on as a sign of something to follow; he is, in however simple a fashion, judging. For he takes one thing as evidence of something else, and so recognizes a relationship. Any future development, however elaborate it may be, is only an extending and a refining of this simple act of inference. All that the wisest man can do is to observe what is going on more widely and more minutely and then select more carefully from what is noted just those factors which point to something to happen. The opposites, once more, to thoughtful action are routine and capricious behavior. The former accepts what has been customary as a full measure of possibility and omits to take into account the connections of the particular things done. The latter makes the momentary act a measure of value, and ignores the connections of our personal action with the energies of the environment. It says, virtually, "things are to be just as I happen to like them at this instant," as routine says in effect "let things continue just as I have found them in the past." Both refuse to acknowledge responsibility for the future consequences which flow from present action. Reflection is the acceptance of such responsibility.

Thinking is essentially a clear expression of the intelligent aspect of our experiences. It allows us to act with a purpose in mind. It is the basis for setting our goals. When a baby starts to expect things, they begin to use current events as signs of what’s to come; in a basic way, they are judging. They take one thing as proof of another and recognize a connection. Any future growth, no matter how complex, is just an expansion and refinement of this basic act of inference. The wisest individuals simply observe the world more broadly and in greater detail, then carefully choose the factors that indicate future events. The opposite of thoughtful action is routine behavior and impulsive actions. Routine accepts what has always been done as the only possibility, ignoring the connections between specific actions. Impulsive actions base value on the immediate moment and overlook how our actions relate to the environment’s forces. It essentially says, "things should be how I want them right now," while routine implies, "let things stay as I’ve known them." Both avoid taking responsibility for the future results that come from present actions. Reflection is the acknowledgment of that responsibility.

The starting point of any process of thinking is something going on, something which just as it stands is incomplete or unfulfilled. Its point, its meaning lies literally in what it is going to be, in how it is going to turn out. As this is written, the world is filled with the clang of contending armies. For an active participant in the war, it is clear that the momentous thing is the issue, the future consequences, of this and that happening. He is identified, for the time at least, with the issue; his fate hangs upon the course things are taking. But even for an onlooker in a neutral country, the significance of every move made, of every advance here and retreat there, lies in what it portends. To think upon the news as it comes to us is to attempt to see what is indicated as probable or possible regarding an outcome. To fill our heads, like a scrapbook, with this and that item as a finished and done-for thing, is not to think. It is to turn ourselves into a piece of registering apparatus. To consider the bearing of the occurrence upon what may be, but is not yet, is to think. Nor will the reflective experience be different in kind if we substitute distance in time for separation in space. Imagine the war done with, and a future historian giving an account of it. The episode is, by assumption, past. But he cannot give a thoughtful account of the war save as he preserves the time sequence; the meaning of each occurrence, as he deals with it, lies in what was future for it, though not for the historian. To take it by itself as a complete existence is to take it unreflectively. Reflection also implies concern with the issue—a certain sympathetic identification of our own destiny, if only dramatic, with the outcome of the course of events. For the general in the war, or a common soldier, or a citizen of one of the contending nations, the stimulus to thinking is direct and urgent. For neutrals, it is indirect and dependent upon imagination. But the flagrant partisanship of human nature is evidence of the intensity of the tendency to identify ourselves with one possible course of events, and to reject the other as foreign. If we cannot take sides in overt action, and throw in our little weight to help determine the final balance, we take sides emotionally and imaginatively. We desire this or that outcome. One wholly indifferent to the outcome does not follow or think about what is happening at all. From this dependence of the act of thinking upon a sense of sharing in the consequences of what goes on, flows one of the chief paradoxes of thought. Born in partiality, in order to accomplish its tasks it must achieve a certain detached impartiality. The general who allows his hopes and desires to affect his observations and interpretations of the existing situation will surely make a mistake in calculation. While hopes and fears may be the chief motive for a thoughtful following of the war on the part of an onlooker in a neutral country, he too will think ineffectively in the degree in which his preferences modify the stuff of his observations and reasonings. There is, however, no incompatibility between the fact that the occasion of reflection lies in a personal sharing in what is going on and the fact that the value of the reflection lies upon keeping one's self out of the data. The almost insurmountable difficulty of achieving this detachment is evidence that thinking originates in situations where the course of thinking is an actual part of the course of events and is designed to influence the result. Only gradually and with a widening of the area of vision through a growth of social sympathies does thinking develop to include what lies beyond our direct interests: a fact of great significance for education.

The starting point of any thinking process is something happening, something that, as it is right now, is incomplete or unfulfilled. Its point, its meaning, literally lies in what it will become, in how it will turn out. As this is written, the world is filled with the noise of clashing armies. For someone actively involved in the war, it’s clear that the most important thing is the issue at stake, the potential future outcomes of this or that event. They are connected, at least for now, with the issue; their fate depends on how things unfold. But even for someone observing from a neutral country, the significance of each move made, each advance here or retreat there, lies in what it might mean for the future. To reflect on the news as it arrives is to try to envision what outcomes are likely or possible. Filling our minds, like a scrapbook, with this and that finished item is not true thinking. It turns us into mere recording devices. To consider how events impact what might be, but isn’t yet, is real thinking. The reflective experience won’t change fundamentally if we swap time distance for geographical distance. Picture the war over, and a future historian recounting it. The episode is, by assumption, in the past. But they cannot provide a thoughtful account of the war unless they maintain the order of events; the meaning of each occurrence, as they discuss it, is tied to what was future for it, even if not for the historian. To see it as a complete existence is to engage with it unreflectively. Reflection also requires concern for the issue—a certain empathetic connection of our own fate, even if just dramatically, with the outcome of events. For the general in the war, a common soldier, or a citizen of one of the warring nations, the motivation to think is direct and urgent. For neutrals, it’s indirect and relies on imagination. However, the blatant bias of human nature shows how strongly we tend to align ourselves with one possible outcome and dismiss the other as not our own. If we can’t take sides in action and add our small influence to the final outcome, we take sides emotionally and imaginatively. We hope for this or that result. Someone completely indifferent to the outcome doesn’t follow or think about what’s happening at all. This connection between thinking and a sense of sharing in the consequences of events leads to a key paradox of thought. Arising from bias, thinking must achieve a certain detached impartiality to fulfill its purpose. A general who lets his hopes and desires affect his observations and interpretations of the current situation will likely miscalculate. While hopes and fears might strongly motivate a neutral observer to follow the war thoughtfully, they too will think ineffectively to the extent that their preferences skew their observations and reasoning. However, there’s no contradiction between the idea that the reason for reflection comes from a personal involvement in what’s happening and that the value of that reflection lies in keeping personal bias out of the data. The almost insurmountable challenge of achieving this detachment indicates that thinking originates in situations where the act of thinking is an actual part of the events and aims to influence the outcome. Only gradually, and as the scope of vision expands through increased social sympathy, does thinking grow to encompass what lies beyond our immediate interests: a crucial aspect for education.

To say that thinking occurs with reference to situations which are still going on, and incomplete, is to say that thinking occurs when things are uncertain or doubtful or problematic. Only what is finished, completed, is wholly assured. Where there is reflection there is suspense. The object of thinking is to help reach a conclusion, to project a possible termination on the basis of what is already given. Certain other facts about thinking accompany this feature. Since the situation in which thinking occurs is a doubtful one, thinking is a process of inquiry, of looking into things, of investigating. Acquiring is always secondary, and instrumental to the act of inquiring. It is seeking, a quest, for something that is not at hand. We sometimes talk as if "original research" were a peculiar prerogative of scientists or at least of advanced students. But all thinking is research, and all research is native, original, with him who carries it on, even if everybody else in the world already is sure of what he is still looking for.

Thinking happens in situations that are ongoing and unresolved, meaning it takes place when things are uncertain, doubtful, or problematic. Only what is finished and complete is entirely certain. Where there is reflection, there's also suspense. The purpose of thinking is to help reach a conclusion and envision a possible outcome based on what's already known. There are other aspects of thinking related to this characteristic. Since the situation in which thinking happens is uncertain, thinking becomes a process of inquiry—looking into things and investigating. Gaining knowledge is always secondary and serves the act of inquiring. It's a search, a quest for something that's not immediately available. We sometimes think of "original research" as something unique to scientists or advanced students. However, all thinking is research, and all research is inherent and original to the person conducting it, even if everyone else in the world is already confident about what they are still exploring.

It also follows that all thinking involves a risk. Certainty cannot be guaranteed in advance. The invasion of the unknown is of the nature of an adventure; we cannot be sure in advance. The conclusions of thinking, till confirmed by the event, are, accordingly, more or less tentative or hypothetical. Their dogmatic assertion as final is unwarranted, short of the issue, in fact. The Greeks acutely raised the question: How can we learn? For either we know already what we are after, or else we do not know. In neither case is learning possible; on the first alternative because we know already; on the second, because we do not know what to look for, nor if, by chance, we find it can we tell that it is what we were after. The dilemma makes no provision for coming to know, for learning; it assumes either complete knowledge or complete ignorance. Nevertheless the twilight zone of inquiry, of thinking, exists. The possibility of hypothetical conclusions, of tentative results, is the fact which the Greek dilemma overlooked. The perplexities of the situation suggest certain ways out. We try these ways, and either push our way out, in which case we know we have found what we were looking for, or the situation gets darker and more confused—in which case, we know we are still ignorant. Tentative means trying out, feeling one's way along provisionally. Taken by itself, the Greek argument is a nice piece of formal logic. But it is also true that as long as men kept a sharp disjunction between knowledge and ignorance, science made only slow and accidental advance. Systematic advance in invention and discovery began when men recognized that they could utilize doubt for purposes of inquiry by forming conjectures to guide action in tentative explorations, whose development would confirm, refute, or modify the guiding conjecture. While the Greeks made knowledge more than learning, modern science makes conserved knowledge only a means to learning, to discovery. To recur to our illustration. A commanding general cannot base his actions upon either absolute certainty or absolute ignorance. He has a certain amount of information at hand which is, we will assume, reasonably trustworthy. He then infers certain prospective movements, thus assigning meaning to the bare facts of the given situation. His inference is more or less dubious and hypothetical. But he acts upon it. He develops a plan of procedure, a method of dealing with the situation. The consequences which directly follow from his acting this way rather than that test and reveal the worth of his reflections. What he already knows functions and has value in what he learns. But will this account apply in the case of the one in a neutral country who is thoughtfully following as best he can the progress of events? In form, yes, though not of course in content. It is self-evident that his guesses about the future indicated by present facts, guesses by which he attempts to supply meaning to a multitude of disconnected data, cannot be the basis of a method which shall take effect in the campaign. That is not his problem. But in the degree in which he is actively thinking, and not merely passively following the course of events, his tentative inferences will take effect in a method of procedure appropriate to his situation. He will anticipate certain future moves, and will be on the alert to see whether they happen or not. In the degree in which he is intellectually concerned, or thoughtful, he will be actively on the lookout; he will take steps which although they do not affect the campaign, modify in some degree his subsequent actions. Otherwise his later "I told you so" has no intellectual quality at all; it does not mark any testing or verification of prior thinking, but only a coincidence that yields emotional satisfaction—and includes a large factor of self-deception. The case is comparable to that of an astronomer who from given data has been led to foresee (infer) a future eclipse. No matter how great the mathematical probability, the inference is hypothetical—a matter of probability. 1 The hypothesis as to the date and position of the anticipated eclipse becomes the material of forming a method of future conduct. Apparatus is arranged; possibly an expedition is made to some far part of the globe. In any case, some active steps are taken which actually change some physical conditions. And apart from such steps and the consequent modification of the situation, there is no completion of the act of thinking. It remains suspended. Knowledge, already attained knowledge, controls thinking and makes it fruitful.

It also follows that all thinking involves some risk. We can't guarantee certainty in advance. Diving into the unknown is like going on an adventure; we can never be completely sure ahead of time. The conclusions we draw from thinking, until confirmed by actual events, are essentially tentative or hypothetical. Claiming them as final is unwarranted, and misses the point, really. The Greeks raised an important question: How can we learn? Because either we already know what we're looking for, or we don't know at all. In either scenario, learning isn't possible; in the first case, it's because we already know; in the second, it's because we have no clue what to search for, and even if we find something, we can't tell if it's what we meant to discover. This dilemma doesn't allow for gaining knowledge or learning; it assumes either total knowledge or total ignorance. However, there exists a gray area of inquiry and thinking. The possibility of tentative conclusions and provisional results is something the Greek dilemma overlooked. The complexities of the situation suggest certain ways out. We try these avenues, and either find our way out, confirming that we discovered what we were looking for, or the situation becomes darker and more confusing—indicating that we are still in the dark. Being tentative means trying things out, feeling our way along as we go. On its own, the Greek argument is just a nice piece of formal logic. But it's also true that as long as people maintained a strict divide between knowledge and ignorance, scientific progress was slow and accidental. Systematic progress in invention and discovery began when people recognized that they could use doubt as a tool for inquiry, forming conjectures to guide activity in tentative explorations, which would confirm, refute, or adjust the guiding conjecture. While the Greeks emphasized knowledge more than learning, modern science views established knowledge merely as a means to facilitate learning and discovery. To revisit our example, a commanding general can't base his actions on absolute certainty or complete ignorance. He has some information on hand that we’ll assume is fairly reliable. He then infers certain potential movements, adding meaning to the bare facts of the situation. His inference is somewhat uncertain and hypothetical. But he acts on it. He develops a plan of action, a method for addressing the situation. The outcomes that directly follow from his chosen actions test and reveal the validity of his thoughts. What he already knows is useful and valuable in what he learns. But would this apply to someone in a neutral country, thoughtfully following the events as best they can? Formally, yes, though not in content. It's obvious that his predictions about the future, based on present facts—predictions by which he tries to provide meaning to a bunch of unrelated data—cannot serve as a method to affect the campaign. That’s not his issue. However, to the extent that he is actively thinking and not just passively observing the events, his tentative inferences will lead to a method of action suitable for his situation. He'll anticipate certain future moves and remain alert to see if they happen. The more intellectually engaged or thoughtful he is, the more actively he will watch; he will take steps which, while not affecting the campaign, will somewhat alter his future actions. Otherwise, his later “I told you so” lacks any intellectual substance; it doesn’t signify any testing or validation of prior thoughts, but only a coincidence that brings emotional satisfaction—and involves a good deal of self-deception. This is similar to an astronomer who, based on given data, predicts (infers) an upcoming eclipse. No matter how high the mathematical probability, the inference remains hypothetical—a matter of probability. The hypothesis regarding the time and position of the predicted eclipse becomes the foundation for forming a future action plan. Equipment is set up; perhaps an expedition is organized to a remote part of the world. In any case, some active measures are taken that actually change physical conditions. And without such measures and the subsequent changes to the situation, the act of thinking remains incomplete. It is left hanging. Knowledge, already acquired knowledge, shapes thinking and makes it productive.

So much for the general features of a reflective experience. They are (i) perplexity, confusion, doubt, due to the fact that one is implicated in an incomplete situation whose full character is not yet determined; (ii) a conjectural anticipation—a tentative interpretation of the given elements, attributing to them a tendency to effect certain consequences; (iii) a careful survey (examination, inspection, exploration, analysis) of all attainable consideration which will define and clarify the problem in hand; (iv) a consequent elaboration of the tentative hypothesis to make it more precise and more consistent, because squaring with a wider range of facts; (v) taking one stand upon the projected hypothesis as a plan of action which is applied to the existing state of affairs: doing something overtly to bring about the anticipated result, and thereby testing the hypothesis. It is the extent and accuracy of steps three and four which mark off a distinctive reflective experience from one on the trial and error plane. They make thinking itself into an experience. Nevertheless, we never get wholly beyond the trial and error situation. Our most elaborate and rationally consistent thought has to be tried in the world and thereby tried out. And since it can never take into account all the connections, it can never cover with perfect accuracy all the consequences. Yet a thoughtful survey of conditions is so careful, and the guessing at results so controlled, that we have a right to mark off the reflective experience from the grosser trial and error forms of action.

That covers the general features of a reflective experience. They are (i) perplexity, confusion, and doubt, because one is involved in an incomplete situation whose full nature isn't fully determined yet; (ii) a speculative anticipation—a tentative interpretation of the given elements, assigning them a tendency to bring about certain outcomes; (iii) a thorough examination (review, inspection, exploration, analysis) of all possible considerations that will define and clarify the problem at hand; (iv) a subsequent refinement of the tentative hypothesis to make it more precise and consistent, aligning with a broader range of facts; (v) taking a position on the proposed hypothesis as an action plan that is applied to the existing situation: doing something clearly to achieve the expected result, and thereby testing the hypothesis. The depth and precision of steps three and four distinguish a reflective experience from one based on trial and error. They transform thinking into an experience. However, we never completely escape the trial and error phase. Our most elaborate and logically consistent thoughts still need to be tested in the real world. Since they can never account for all connections, they can't perfectly predict all consequences. Nevertheless, a thoughtful assessment of circumstances is careful, and the predictions of results are controlled enough that we can distinguish the reflective experience from the more basic trial and error forms of action.





Summary. In determining the place of thinking in experience we first

noted that experience involves a connection of doing or trying with something which is undergone in consequence. A separation of the active doing phase from the passive undergoing phase destroys the vital meaning of an experience. Thinking is the accurate and deliberate instituting of connections between what is done and its consequences. It notes not only that they are connected, but the details of the connection. It makes connecting links explicit in the form of relationships. The stimulus to thinking is found when we wish to determine the significance of some act, performed or to be performed. Then we anticipate consequences. This implies that the situation as it stands is, either in fact or to us, incomplete and hence indeterminate. The projection of consequences means a proposed or tentative solution. To perfect this hypothesis, existing conditions have to be carefully scrutinized and the implications of the hypothesis developed—an operation called reasoning. Then the suggested solution—the idea or theory—has to be tested by acting upon it. If it brings about certain consequences, certain determinate changes, in the world, it is accepted as valid. Otherwise it is modified, and another trial made. Thinking includes all of these steps,—the sense of a problem, the observation of conditions, the formation and rational elaboration of a suggested conclusion, and the active experimental testing. While all thinking results in knowledge, ultimately the value of knowledge is subordinate to its use in thinking. For we live not in a settled and finished world, but in one which is going on, and where our main task is prospective, and where retrospect—and all knowledge as distinct from thought is retrospect—is of value in the solidity, security, and fertility it affords our dealings with the future.

Experience involves a connection between doing or trying something and what happens as a result. Separating the active part of doing from the passive part of experiencing undermines the true meaning of an experience. Thinking is the careful and intentional process of connecting actions with their outcomes. It not only recognizes that these are linked, but also examines the details of that connection. It clarifies these links as relationships. The motivation to think arises when we want to understand the significance of an action, whether it has already been taken or is still to come. Then we anticipate the outcomes. This suggests that the current situation is, either in reality or from our perspective, incomplete and therefore uncertain. Projecting outcomes leads to a proposed or tentative solution. To refine this hypothesis, we have to closely examine the existing conditions and explore the implications of the hypothesis—this process is known as reasoning. Finally, the proposed solution—the idea or theory—needs to be tested through action. If it leads to specific, measurable changes in the world, it is accepted as valid. If not, it gets revised, and another attempt is made. Thinking encompasses all these steps: identifying a problem, observing conditions, forming and thoughtfully elaborating a proposed conclusion, and actively testing it through experimentation. While all thinking contributes to knowledge, the ultimate importance of that knowledge lies in its application in thinking. We don’t live in a fixed and finished world, but in one that is constantly evolving, where our primary focus is on what’s ahead. Retrospection—and all knowledge as separate from thought is retrospective—holds value only in the stability, security, and potential it provides for navigating the future.

1 It is most important for the practice of science that men in many cases can calculate the degree of probability and the amount of probable error involved, but that does alter the features of the situation as described. It refines them.

1 It’s crucial for scientific practice that people can often compute the likelihood and the extent of potential error involved, but that does change the characteristics of the situation as described. It sharpens them.





Chapter Twelve: Thinking in Education

1. The Essentials of Method. No one doubts, theoretically, the importance of fostering in school good habits of thinking. But apart from the fact that the acknowledgment is not so great in practice as in theory, there is not adequate theoretical recognition that all which the school can or need do for pupils, so far as their minds are concerned (that is, leaving out certain specialized muscular abilities), is to develop their ability to think. The parceling out of instruction among various ends such as acquisition of skill (in reading, spelling, writing, drawing, reciting); acquiring information (in history and geography), and training of thinking is a measure of the ineffective way in which we accomplish all three. Thinking which is not connected with increase of efficiency in action, and with learning more about ourselves and the world in which we live, has something the matter with it just as thought (See ante, p. 147). And skill obtained apart from thinking is not connected with any sense of the purposes for which it is to be used. It consequently leaves a man at the mercy of his routine habits and of the authoritative control of others, who know what they are about and who are not especially scrupulous as to their means of achievement. And information severed from thoughtful action is dead, a mind-crushing load. Since it simulates knowledge and thereby develops the poison of conceit, it is a most powerful obstacle to further growth in the grace of intelligence. The sole direct path to enduring improvement in the methods of instruction and learning consists in centering upon the conditions which exact, promote, and test thinking. Thinking is the method of intelligent learning, of learning that employs and rewards mind. We speak, legitimately enough, about the method of thinking, but the important thing to bear in mind about method is that thinking is method, the method of intelligent experience in the course which it takes.

1. The Essentials of Method. Everyone agrees, in theory, on the importance of developing good thinking habits in school. However, the acknowledgment of this importance isn't as strong in practice as it is in theory. There is also not enough theoretical recognition that what schools can and should do for students, in terms of their minds (excluding certain specialized physical skills), is to enhance their ability to think. The division of instruction among various goals like acquiring skills (in reading, spelling, writing, drawing, reciting), gaining information (in history and geography), and training students to think shows how ineffective we are at achieving all three. Thinking that isn't linked to improving efficiency in action and to learning more about ourselves and the world is flawed (See ante, p. 147). Also, skill learned without thinking is disconnected from any understanding of its intended purpose. This leaves a person vulnerable to their routine habits and the control of others who know what they’re doing and aren’t particularly careful about how they achieve their goals. Information that is separate from thoughtful action is pointless, a crushing burden. Since it pretends to be knowledge and nurtures the toxic illusion of superiority, it becomes a significant barrier to further development of intelligence. The only clear path to lasting improvement in teaching and learning methods is to focus on the conditions that demand, encourage, and evaluate thinking. Thinking is the method of intelligent learning, the kind that engages and rewards the mind. We often refer to the method of thinking, but what’s crucial to remember is that thinking itself is the method, the approach to intelligent experience along the way it unfolds.

I. The initial stage of that developing experience which is called thinking is experience. This remark may sound like a silly truism. It ought to be one; but unfortunately it is not. On the contrary, thinking is often regarded both in philosophic theory and in educational practice as something cut off from experience, and capable of being cultivated in isolation. In fact, the inherent limitations of experience are often urged as the sufficient ground for attention to thinking. Experience is then thought to be confined to the senses and appetites; to a mere material world, while thinking proceeds from a higher faculty (of reason), and is occupied with spiritual or at least literary things. So, oftentimes, a sharp distinction is made between pure mathematics as a peculiarly fit subject matter of thought (since it has nothing to do with physical existences) and applied mathematics, which has utilitarian but not mental value.

I. The first stage of the developing process called thinking is experience. This statement might seem like a simple truth. It should be, but unfortunately, it isn't. On the contrary, thinking is often seen in both philosophical theory and educational practice as something separate from experience, capable of being developed in isolation. In reality, the limitations of experience are frequently cited as a reason to focus on thinking. Experience is thought to be limited to the senses and desires, confined to a purely material world, while thinking is seen as stemming from a higher ability (reason) and dealing with spiritual or at least abstract concepts. Often, a clear distinction is made between pure mathematics, which is considered especially appropriate for thought (since it doesn't involve physical realities), and applied mathematics, which has practical uses but is seen as lacking mental value.

Speaking generally, the fundamental fallacy in methods of instruction lies in supposing that experience on the part of pupils may be assumed. What is here insisted upon is the necessity of an actual empirical situation as the initiating phase of thought. Experience is here taken as previously defined: trying to do something and having the thing perceptibly do something to one in return. The fallacy consists in supposing that we can begin with ready-made subject matter of arithmetic, or geography, or whatever, irrespective of some direct personal experience of a situation. Even the kindergarten and Montessori techniques are so anxious to get at intellectual distinctions, without "waste of time," that they tend to ignore—or reduce—the immediate crude handling of the familiar material of experience, and to introduce pupils at once to material which expresses the intellectual distinctions which adults have made. But the first stage of contact with any new material, at whatever age of maturity, must inevitably be of the trial and error sort. An individual must actually try, in play or work, to do something with material in carrying out his own impulsive activity, and then note the interaction of his energy and that of the material employed. This is what happens when a child at first begins to build with blocks, and it is equally what happens when a scientific man in his laboratory begins to experiment with unfamiliar objects.

Speaking generally, the main mistake in teaching methods is assuming that students have prior experience. What's really important is starting with a real-world situation as the beginning point of thinking. Experience is understood here as trying to do something and having that activity visibly affect you in return. The error is in thinking we can jump right into ready-made subjects like math or geography, without a direct personal experience of a relevant situation. Even approaches like kindergarten and Montessori are so eager to reach intellectual concepts without "wasting time" that they often overlook or downplay the immediate, hands-on engagement with familiar materials. Instead, they introduce students directly to materials that reflect the intellectual distinctions adults have made. However, the initial engagement with any new material, no matter how experienced the learner is, has to involve trial and error. A person must actually try, whether in play or work, to do something with the materials while acting on their own impulses, and then observe how their actions interact with the materials they're using. This is what happens when a child first starts building with blocks, and it's the same process when a scientist begins experimenting with unfamiliar objects in a lab.

Hence the first approach to any subject in school, if thought is to be aroused and not words acquired, should be as unscholastic as possible. To realize what an experience, or empirical situation, means, we have to call to mind the sort of situation that presents itself outside of school; the sort of occupations that interest and engage activity in ordinary life. And careful inspection of methods which are permanently successful in formal education, whether in arithmetic or learning to read, or studying geography, or learning physics or a foreign language, will reveal that they depend for their efficiency upon the fact that they go back to the type of the situation which causes reflection out of school in ordinary life. They give the pupils something to do, not something to learn; and the doing is of such a nature as to demand thinking, or the intentional noting of connections; learning naturally results.

So, the first way to approach any subject in school, if you want to spark thinking instead of just memorizing words, should be as relatable as possible. To understand what an experience or real-life situation means, we need to think about the types of situations we encounter outside of school—like the kinds of activities that capture our interest and engage us in everyday life. A close look at methods that consistently work well in education—whether it’s in math, learning to read, studying geography, learning physics, or picking up a foreign language—shows that their effectiveness comes from connecting back to situations that prompt reflection outside of school in real life. They give students something to do rather than just something to learn, and this doing is designed to encourage thinking and making connections; learning naturally follows.

That the situation should be of such a nature as to arouse thinking means of course that it should suggest something to do which is not either routine or capricious—something, in other words, presenting what is new (and hence uncertain or problematic) and yet sufficiently connected with existing habits to call out an effective response. An effective response means one which accomplishes a perceptible result, in distinction from a purely haphazard activity, where the consequences cannot be mentally connected with what is done. The most significant question which can be asked, accordingly, about any situation or experience proposed to induce learning is what quality of problem it involves.

For a situation to be thought-provoking, it needs to encourage actions that are neither routine nor random—something that introduces new ideas (and is therefore uncertain or problematic) but is still linked to established habits, prompting a meaningful response. A meaningful response is one that leads to noticeable outcomes, unlike random activities where the results can't be logically tied to the actions taken. Therefore, the most important question to ask about any situation or experience designed to promote learning is what kind of problem it presents.

At first thought, it might seem as if usual school methods measured well up to the standard here set. The giving of problems, the putting of questions, the assigning of tasks, the magnifying of difficulties, is a large part of school work. But it is indispensable to discriminate between genuine and simulated or mock problems. The following questions may aid in making such discrimination. (a) Is there anything but a problem? Does the question naturally suggest itself within some situation or personal experience? Or is it an aloof thing, a problem only for the purposes of conveying instruction in some school topic? Is it the sort of trying that would arouse observation and engage experimentation outside of school? (b) Is it the pupil's own problem, or is it the teacher's or textbook's problem, made a problem for the pupil only because he cannot get the required mark or be promoted or win the teacher's approval, unless he deals with it? Obviously, these two questions overlap. They are two ways of getting at the same point: Is the experience a personal thing of such a nature as inherently to stimulate and direct observation of the connections involved, and to lead to inference and its testing? Or is it imposed from without, and is the pupil's problem simply to meet the external requirement? Such questions may give us pause in deciding upon the extent to which current practices are adapted to develop reflective habits. The physical equipment and arrangements of the average schoolroom are hostile to the existence of real situations of experience. What is there similar to the conditions of everyday life which will generate difficulties? Almost everything testifies to the great premium put upon listening, reading, and the reproduction of what is told and read. It is hardly possible to overstate the contrast between such conditions and the situations of active contact with things and persons in the home, on the playground, in fulfilling of ordinary responsibilities of life. Much of it is not even comparable with the questions which may arise in the mind of a boy or girl in conversing with others or in reading books outside of the school. No one has ever explained why children are so full of questions outside of the school (so that they pester grown-up persons if they get any encouragement), and the conspicuous absence of display of curiosity about the subject matter of school lessons. Reflection on this striking contrast will throw light upon the question of how far customary school conditions supply a context of experience in which problems naturally suggest themselves. No amount of improvement in the personal technique of the instructor will wholly remedy this state of things. There must be more actual material, more stuff, more appliances, and more opportunities for doing things, before the gap can be overcome. And where children are engaged in doing things and in discussing what arises in the course of their doing, it is found, even with comparatively indifferent modes of instruction, that children's inquiries are spontaneous and numerous, and the proposals of solution advanced, varied, and ingenious.

At first glance, it may seem like traditional school methods measure up to the standards we expect. Assigning problems, asking questions, assigning tasks, and emphasizing difficulties is a big part of school work. However, it's crucial to distinguish between real problems and fake or superficial ones. The following questions can help with this distinction. (a) Is there anything beyond just a problem? Does the question arise naturally from a situation or personal experience? Or is it something distant, a problem created just for teaching some school subject? Is it the kind of challenge that would encourage exploration and experimentation outside of school? (b) Is this the student's own problem, or is it the teacher's or textbook's problem, which becomes an issue for the student only because they need to pass a test, get promoted, or earn the teacher's approval? Clearly, these two questions overlap. They're two ways of reaching the same conclusion: Is the experience personal enough to naturally inspire curiosity and investigation of related connections, leading to conclusions and testing them? Or is it imposed from the outside, with the student's only challenge being to meet those external requirements? These questions prompt us to consider how well current practices are suited to fostering reflective habits. The typical physical setup of a classroom often hinders real, experiential learning. What aspect of everyday life generates real challenges? Almost everything underscores the high value placed on listening, reading, and reproducing what’s been said or read. The contrast between these classroom conditions and the dynamic interaction with things and people at home, on the playground, or while handling everyday responsibilities is stark. Much of it doesn’t even compare to the questions that might arise for a child while chatting with others or reading books outside of school. No one has clarified why children are so curious outside of school (to the point of annoying adults if they get any encouragement) while showing a noticeable lack of curiosity about school lessons. Thinking about this striking contrast will shed light on how far typical school settings provide a context for experiences where problems naturally come up. No amount of fine-tuning of the teacher's personal techniques will completely fix this situation. There needs to be more real materials, more substance, more tools, and more opportunities for doing things before the gap can be closed. When children are actively engaged in doing things and discussing what comes up during their activities, even with relatively unexciting teaching methods, their questions are spontaneous and plentiful, and their proposed solutions are varied and clever.

As a consequence of the absence of the materials and occupations which generate real problems, the pupil's problems are not his; or, rather, they are his only as a pupil, not as a human being. Hence the lamentable waste in carrying over such expertness as is achieved in dealing with them to the affairs of life beyond the schoolroom. A pupil has a problem, but it is the problem of meeting the peculiar requirements set by the teacher. His problem becomes that of finding out what the teacher wants, what will satisfy the teacher in recitation and examination and outward deportment. Relationship to subject matter is no longer direct. The occasions and material of thought are not found in the arithmetic or the history or geography itself, but in skillfully adapting that material to the teacher's requirements. The pupil studies, but unconsciously to himself the objects of his study are the conventions and standards of the school system and school authority, not the nominal "studies." The thinking thus evoked is artificially one-sided at the best. At its worst, the problem of the pupil is not how to meet the requirements of school life, but how to seem to meet them—or, how to come near enough to meeting them to slide along without an undue amount of friction. The type of judgment formed by these devices is not a desirable addition to character. If these statements give too highly colored a picture of usual school methods, the exaggeration may at least serve to illustrate the point: the need of active pursuits, involving the use of material to accomplish purposes, if there are to be situations which normally generate problems occasioning thoughtful inquiry.

Due to the lack of materials and experiences that create real challenges, the issues students face aren’t truly theirs; they’re only relevant to them as students, not as individuals. This results in a frustrating waste of expertise gained from engaging with these problems, as it doesn’t translate to real-life situations outside the classroom. A student has a problem, but it’s merely about meeting the specific demands set by the teacher. Their real challenge is figuring out what the teacher expects, what will impress them during class discussions, tests, and overall behavior. The connection to the subject matter becomes indirect. The situations and content for thought don’t come from the math, history, or geography itself, but from skillfully tailoring that content to fit the teacher’s criteria. Students study, but they’re often unaware that their focus is on the norms and standards of the school system and its authorities rather than the so-called "subjects." The thinking that results from this is at best artificially limited. At its worst, the student’s concern isn’t truly about fulfilling the school’s demands, but rather about appearing to meet them—basically, how to get by without too much trouble. The type of judgment formed through these methods isn’t a valuable contribution to character. If these observations oversimplify regular school practices, the exaggeration at least highlights the point: there’s a need for hands-on activities that involve using materials to achieve goals, in order to create situations that naturally spark thoughtful inquiry.

II. There must be data at command to supply the considerations required in dealing with the specific difficulty which has presented itself. Teachers following a "developing" method sometimes tell children to think things out for themselves as if they could spin them out of their own heads. The material of thinking is not thoughts, but actions, facts, events, and the relations of things. In other words, to think effectively one must have had, or now have, experiences which will furnish him resources for coping with the difficulty at hand. A difficulty is an indispensable stimulus to thinking, but not all difficulties call out thinking. Sometimes they overwhelm and submerge and discourage. The perplexing situation must be sufficiently like situations which have already been dealt with so that pupils will have some control of the meanings of handling it. A large part of the art of instruction lies in making the difficulty of new problems large enough to challenge thought, and small enough so that, in addition to the confusion naturally attending the novel elements, there shall be luminous familiar spots from which helpful suggestions may spring.

II. There needs to be data available to provide the necessary considerations for addressing the specific challenge that has come up. Teachers using a "developing" method sometimes tell kids to figure things out on their own, as if they can just come up with answers out of thin air. The material for thinking isn’t just thoughts; it’s actions, facts, events, and the relationships between things. In other words, to think effectively, one must have had, or currently have, experiences that will provide resources for handling the challenge at hand. A challenge is a crucial trigger for thinking, but not all challenges stimulate thought. Sometimes they can overwhelm, confuse, and discourage. The confusing situation needs to be similar enough to ones that have already been handled so that students can grasp its meaning. A big part of effective teaching is ensuring that the difficulty of new problems is significant enough to inspire thought while also being manageable enough that, alongside the inevitable confusion from new elements, there are recognizable familiar points that can offer helpful insights.

In one sense, it is a matter of indifference by what psychological means the subject matter for reflection is provided. Memory, observation, reading, communication, are all avenues for supplying data. The relative proportion to be obtained from each is a matter of the specific features of the particular problem in hand. It is foolish to insist upon observation of objects presented to the senses if the student is so familiar with the objects that he could just as well recall the facts independently. It is possible to induce undue and crippling dependence upon sense-presentations. No one can carry around with him a museum of all the things whose properties will assist the conduct of thought. A well-trained mind is one that has a maximum of resources behind it, so to speak, and that is accustomed to go over its past experiences to see what they yield. On the other hand, a quality or relation of even a familiar object may previously have been passed over, and be just the fact that is helpful in dealing with the question. In this case direct observation is called for. The same principle applies to the use to be made of observation on one hand and of reading and "telling" on the other. Direct observation is naturally more vivid and vital. But it has its limitations; and in any case it is a necessary part of education that one should acquire the ability to supplement the narrowness of his immediately personal experiences by utilizing the experiences of others. Excessive reliance upon others for data (whether got from reading or listening) is to be depreciated. Most objectionable of all is the probability that others, the book or the teacher, will supply solutions ready-made, instead of giving material that the student has to adapt and apply to the question in hand for himself.

In a way, it doesn't really matter how we get the material for our reflections. Memory, observation, reading, and communication are all ways to gather information. The right balance from each source depends on the specific aspects of the problem at hand. It's pointless to insist on observing objects with our senses if the student already knows them well enough to recall the facts on their own. Relying too much on what we sense can be limiting. No one can carry a museum of all the things that could help them think better. A well-trained mind has a wealth of resources at its disposal and regularly reflects on past experiences to see what they can offer. However, even with familiar objects, a quality or relationship might have been overlooked and could be exactly what’s needed for the question at hand. In this case, direct observation is important. The same idea applies to how we use observation versus reading and discussion. Direct observation is usually more engaging and impactful, but it has its limits. It's essential in education to develop the ability to expand beyond our personal experiences by learning from others. Nonetheless, depending too much on others for information—whether through reading or listening—is discouraged. The worst part is when others, like books or teachers, provide ready-made solutions instead of offering material that students need to analyze and apply to their own questions.

There is no inconsistency in saying that in schools there is usually both too much and too little information supplied by others. The accumulation and acquisition of information for purposes of reproduction in recitation and examination is made too much of. "Knowledge," in the sense of information, means the working capital, the indispensable resources, of further inquiry; of finding out, or learning, more things. Frequently it is treated as an end itself, and then the goal becomes to heap it up and display it when called for. This static, cold-storage ideal of knowledge is inimical to educative development. It not only lets occasions for thinking go unused, but it swamps thinking. No one could construct a house on ground cluttered with miscellaneous junk. Pupils who have stored their "minds" with all kinds of material which they have never put to intellectual uses are sure to be hampered when they try to think. They have no practice in selecting what is appropriate, and no criterion to go by; everything is on the same dead static level. On the other hand, it is quite open to question whether, if information actually functioned in experience through use in application to the student's own purposes, there would not be need of more varied resources in books, pictures, and talks than are usually at command.

There’s no contradiction in saying that schools often provide both too much and too little information. The focus on gathering and acquiring information for the sake of memorization and tests is overemphasized. "Knowledge," in terms of information, is the essential resource for further inquiry and learning more. Often, it’s treated as an end goal, with the aim of accumulating it and showing it off when needed. This static, storage-focused view of knowledge hinders real educational growth. It not only wastes opportunities for thinking, but also overwhelms it. No one can build a house on a site filled with random junk. Students who have filled their "minds" with all sorts of material that they haven’t used intellectually will struggle when they need to think. They lack practice in picking what’s relevant, and have no standards to follow; everything is just stuck at the same dead level. Conversely, it’s debatable whether, if information actually worked in real life through its application to the student’s own needs, there wouldn’t be a need for a wider range of resources like books, images, and discussions than what is typically available.

III. The correlate in thinking of facts, data, knowledge already acquired, is suggestions, inferences, conjectured meanings, suppositions, tentative explanations:—ideas, in short. Careful observation and recollection determine what is given, what is already there, and hence assured. They cannot furnish what is lacking. They define, clarify, and locate the question; they cannot supply its answer. Projection, invention, ingenuity, devising come in for that purpose. The data arouse suggestions, and only by reference to the specific data can we pass upon the appropriateness of the suggestions. But the suggestions run beyond what is, as yet, actually given in experience. They forecast possible results, things to do, not facts (things already done). Inference is always an invasion of the unknown, a leap from the known.

III. The connection between thinking about facts, data, and knowledge we already have is made up of suggestions, inferences, guessed meanings, assumptions, and tentative explanations—essentially, ideas. Careful observation and memory help us identify what is present and certain. They can’t provide what’s missing. They help define, clarify, and pinpoint the question but can’t give us the answer. That’s where projection, invention, creativity, and planning come in. The data spark suggestions, and we can only judge those suggestions' relevance by referring back to the specific data. However, these suggestions often go beyond what is currently known or experienced. They predict possible outcomes and actions, rather than facts (which are things that have already occurred). Inference is always a venture into the unknown, a jump from what we already know.

In this sense, a thought (what a thing suggests but is not as it is presented) is creative,—an incursion into the novel. It involves some inventiveness. What is suggested must, indeed, be familiar in some context; the novelty, the inventive devising, clings to the new light in which it is seen, the different use to which it is put. When Newton thought of his theory of gravitation, the creative aspect of his thought was not found in its materials. They were familiar; many of them commonplaces—sun, moon, planets, weight, distance, mass, square of numbers. These were not original ideas; they were established facts. His originality lay in the use to which these familiar acquaintances were put by introduction into an unfamiliar context. The same is true of every striking scientific discovery, every great invention, every admirable artistic production. Only silly folk identify creative originality with the extraordinary and fanciful; others recognize that its measure lies in putting everyday things to uses which had not occurred to others. The operation is novel, not the materials out of which it is constructed.

In this way, a thought (what something suggests but isn’t exactly how it’s presented) is creative—an entry into the new. It requires some inventiveness. What’s suggested must be familiar in some context; the novelty, the inventive nature, comes from the new perspective in which it’s viewed and the different purpose it serves. When Newton came up with his theory of gravitation, the creative part of his thought wasn’t found in its materials. They were familiar; many were common concepts—sun, moon, planets, weight, distance, mass, square of numbers. These were not original ideas; they were established facts. His originality lay in how these familiar elements were used by placing them into an unfamiliar context. The same applies to every remarkable scientific discovery, every great invention, every impressive artistic work. Only foolish people equate creative originality with the extraordinary and imaginative; others recognize that its true value lies in finding new uses for everyday things that hadn’t been thought of before. The process is novel, not the materials it’s built from.

The educational conclusion which follows is that all thinking is original in a projection of considerations which have not been previously apprehended. The child of three who discovers what can be done with blocks, or of six who finds out what he can make by putting five cents and five cents together, is really a discoverer, even though everybody else in the world knows it. There is a genuine increment of experience; not another item mechanically added on, but enrichment by a new quality. The charm which the spontaneity of little children has for sympathetic observers is due to perception of this intellectual originality. The joy which children themselves experience is the joy of intellectual constructiveness—of creativeness, if the word may be used without misunderstanding. The educational moral I am chiefly concerned to draw is not, however, that teachers would find their own work less of a grind and strain if school conditions favored learning in the sense of discovery and not in that of storing away what others pour into them; nor that it would be possible to give even children and youth the delights of personal intellectual productiveness—true and important as are these things. It is that no thought, no idea, can possibly be conveyed as an idea from one person to another. When it is told, it is, to the one to whom it is told, another given fact, not an idea. The communication may stimulate the other person to realize the question for himself and to think out a like idea, or it may smother his intellectual interest and suppress his dawning effort at thought. But what he directly gets cannot be an idea. Only by wrestling with the conditions of the problem at first hand, seeking and finding his own way out, does he think. When the parent or teacher has provided the conditions which stimulate thinking and has taken a sympathetic attitude toward the activities of the learner by entering into a common or conjoint experience, all has been done which a second party can do to instigate learning. The rest lies with the one directly concerned. If he cannot devise his own solution (not of course in isolation, but in correspondence with the teacher and other pupils) and find his own way out he will not learn, not even if he can recite some correct answer with one hundred per cent accuracy. We can and do supply ready-made "ideas" by the thousand; we do not usually take much pains to see that the one learning engages in significant situations where his own activities generate, support, and clinch ideas—that is, perceived meanings or connections. This does not mean that the teacher is to stand off and look on; the alternative to furnishing ready-made subject matter and listening to the accuracy with which it is reproduced is not quiescence, but participation, sharing, in an activity. In such shared activity, the teacher is a learner, and the learner is, without knowing it, a teacher—and upon the whole, the less consciousness there is, on either side, of either giving or receiving instruction, the better. IV. Ideas, as we have seen, whether they be humble guesses or dignified theories, are anticipations of possible solutions. They are anticipations of some continuity or connection of an activity and a consequence which has not as yet shown itself. They are therefore tested by the operation of acting upon them. They are to guide and organize further observations, recollections, and experiments. They are intermediate in learning, not final. All educational reformers, as we have had occasion to remark, are given to attacking the passivity of traditional education. They have opposed pouring in from without, and absorbing like a sponge; they have attacked drilling in material as into hard and resisting rock. But it is not easy to secure conditions which will make the getting of an idea identical with having an experience which widens and makes more precise our contact with the environment. Activity, even self-activity, is too easily thought of as something merely mental, cooped up within the head, or finding expression only through the vocal organs.

The educational conclusion that follows is that all thinking is original in the sense that it involves considerations that haven’t been encountered before. A three-year-old who discovers what can be done with blocks, or a six-year-old who realizes what he can create by combining five cents and another five cents, is genuinely a discoverer, even if everyone else already knows it. There is a true increase in experience; it’s not just another fact added mechanically, but an enrichment through a new quality. The appeal that the spontaneity of young children has for empathetic observers comes from recognizing this intellectual originality. The joy that children themselves feel is the joy of intellectual creativity—of being creative, if the term can be used clearly. However, the educational point I want to emphasize is not that teachers would find their work less burdensome if school conditions encouraged learning through discovery instead of merely memorizing what others tell them, nor that it would be feasible to give children the pleasure of personal intellectual productivity—although these are true and important points. The key takeaway is that no thought or idea can truly be passed from one person to another as an idea. When it’s communicated, it becomes just another fact to the listener, not an idea. This communication might spark the listener to explore the question for themselves and come up with a similar idea, or it might stifle their intellectual curiosity and hinder their emerging thought efforts. But what they directly receive can’t be an idea. Only by grappling with the problem’s conditions firsthand, searching for and finding their own solutions, do they really think. When a parent or teacher sets the stage for thinking and engages supportively with the learner's activities through shared experiences, they have done everything that a second party can do to encourage learning. The rest depends on the learner. If they can’t create their own solution (not in isolation, but in collaboration with the teacher and other students) and navigate their own way through the problem, they won’t learn, even if they can accurately recite a correct answer. We can readily supply thousands of pre-made "ideas"; however, we typically don’t put in enough effort to ensure that the learner encounters meaningful situations where their own activities generate, support, and solidify ideas—that is, understood meanings or connections. This doesn’t mean that the teacher should just observe; the alternative to providing a bunch of pre-made subject matter and evaluating how accurately it’s reproduced is not to be passive, but to participate and share in an activity. In such shared activities, the teacher is learning, and the learner, often unknowingly, is teaching—and generally, the less awareness there is, on either side, of giving or receiving instruction, the better. Ideas, as we’ve seen, whether they are simple guesses or sophisticated theories, are anticipations of possible solutions. They are forecasts of some continuity or connection between an activity and a consequence that hasn’t yet been realized. Thus, they are tested when acted upon. They are meant to guide and organize further observations, memories, and experiments. They are intermediate steps in learning, not final conclusions. All educational reformers, as we’ve noted, tend to criticize the passivity of traditional education. They oppose the act of simply pouring information from outside in and absorbing it like a sponge; they criticize drilling facts in as if they were hard and unyielding rock. But creating conditions where gaining an idea is the same as having an experience that broadens and sharpens our interaction with the environment is challenging. Activity, even self-generated activity, is often mistakenly viewed as merely mental, confined to the mind, or expressed solely through spoken words.

While the need of application of ideas gained in study is acknowledged by all the more successful methods of instruction, the exercises in application are sometimes treated as devices for fixing what has already been learned and for getting greater practical skill in its manipulation. These results are genuine and not to be despised. But practice in applying what has been gained in study ought primarily to have an intellectual quality. As we have already seen, thoughts just as thoughts are incomplete. At best they are tentative; they are suggestions, indications. They are standpoints and methods for dealing with situations of experience. Till they are applied in these situations they lack full point and reality. Only application tests them, and only testing confers full meaning and a sense of their reality. Short of use made of them, they tend to segregate into a peculiar world of their own. It may be seriously questioned whether the philosophies (to which reference has been made in section 2 of chapter X) which isolate mind and set it over against the world did not have their origin in the fact that the reflective or theoretical class of men elaborated a large stock of ideas which social conditions did not allow them to act upon and test. Consequently men were thrown back into their own thoughts as ends in themselves.

While everyone recognizes that putting ideas learned in study into practice is essential for effective teaching methods, these application exercises are sometimes viewed merely as ways to reinforce what has already been learned and improve practical skills in handling that knowledge. These outcomes are valuable and should not be overlooked. However, practice in applying learned concepts should primarily have an intellectual component. As we’ve already noted, thoughts, just as thoughts, are incomplete. At best, they are tentative; they are suggestions and indications. They serve as perspectives and methods for addressing real-life situations. Until they are applied in these situations, they lack full significance and reality. Only application can test them, and only through testing do they gain full meaning and a sense of reality. Without being utilized, they tend to retreat into a unique world of their own. It can be seriously questioned whether the philosophies mentioned in section 2 of chapter X, which separate the mind from the world, originated because the reflective or theoretical thinkers developed a vast array of ideas that social conditions prevented them from acting on and testing. As a result, these thinkers were left to their own thoughts as ends in themselves.

However this may be, there can be no doubt that a peculiar artificiality attaches to much of what is learned in schools. It can hardly be said that many students consciously think of the subject matter as unreal; but it assuredly does not possess for them the kind of reality which the subject matter of their vital experiences possesses. They learn not to expect that sort of reality of it; they become habituated to treating it as having reality for the purposes of recitations, lessons, and examinations. That it should remain inert for the experiences of daily life is more or less a matter of course. The bad effects are twofold. Ordinary experience does not receive the enrichment which it should; it is not fertilized by school learning. And the attitudes which spring from getting used to and accepting half-understood and ill-digested material weaken vigor and efficiency of thought.

However this may be, there's no doubt that a certain artificiality comes with much of what is learned in schools. It's not accurate to say that many students consciously view the subject matter as fake; still, it definitely doesn't hold the same kind of reality as the subject matter of their real-life experiences. They learn not to expect that kind of reality from it; they get used to treating it as if it has real significance for the purposes of recitations, lessons, and tests. That it should remain inactive in their daily lives is somewhat expected. The negative effects are twofold. Everyday experiences don't get the enrichment they deserve; they're not enhanced by school learning. And the attitudes formed by getting accustomed to and accepting poorly understood and poorly digested material weaken the strength and effectiveness of thought.

If we have dwelt especially on the negative side, it is for the sake of suggesting positive measures adapted to the effectual development of thought. Where schools are equipped with laboratories, shops, and gardens, where dramatizations, plays, and games are freely used, opportunities exist for reproducing situations of life, and for acquiring and applying information and ideas in the carrying forward of progressive experiences. Ideas are not segregated, they do not form an isolated island. They animate and enrich the ordinary course of life. Information is vitalized by its function; by the place it occupies in direction of action. The phrase "opportunities exist" is used purposely. They may not be taken advantage of; it is possible to employ manual and constructive activities in a physical way, as means of getting just bodily skill; or they may be used almost exclusively for "utilitarian," i.e., pecuniary, ends. But the disposition on the part of upholders of "cultural" education to assume that such activities are merely physical or professional in quality, is itself a product of the philosophies which isolate mind from direction of the course of experience and hence from action upon and with things. When the "mental" is regarded as a self-contained separate realm, a counterpart fate befalls bodily activity and movements. They are regarded as at the best mere external annexes to mind. They may be necessary for the satisfaction of bodily needs and the attainment of external decency and comfort, but they do not occupy a necessary place in mind nor enact an indispensable role in the completion of thought. Hence they have no place in a liberal education—i.e., one which is concerned with the interests of intelligence. If they come in at all, it is as a concession to the material needs of the masses. That they should be allowed to invade the education of the elite is unspeakable. This conclusion follows irresistibly from the isolated conception of mind, but by the same logic it disappears when we perceive what mind really is—namely, the purposive and directive factor in the development of experience. While it is desirable that all educational institutions should be equipped so as to give students an opportunity for acquiring and testing ideas and information in active pursuits typifying important social situations, it will, doubtless, be a long time before all of them are thus furnished. But this state of affairs does not afford instructors an excuse for folding their hands and persisting in methods which segregate school knowledge. Every recitation in every subject gives an opportunity for establishing cross connections between the subject matter of the lesson and the wider and more direct experiences of everyday life. Classroom instruction falls into three kinds. The least desirable treats each lesson as an independent whole. It does not put upon the student the responsibility of finding points of contact between it and other lessons in the same subject, or other subjects of study. Wiser teachers see to it that the student is systematically led to utilize his earlier lessons to help understand the present one, and also to use the present to throw additional light upon what has already been acquired. Results are better, but school subject matter is still isolated. Save by accident, out-of-school experience is left in its crude and comparatively irreflective state. It is not subject to the refining and expanding influences of the more accurate and comprehensive material of direct instruction. The latter is not motivated and impregnated with a sense of reality by being intermingled with the realities of everyday life. The best type of teaching bears in mind the desirability of affecting this interconnection. It puts the student in the habitual attitude of finding points of contact and mutual bearings.

If we've focused on the negatives, it's to point towards positive steps that can effectively nurture thought. In schools with labs, workshops, and gardens, where dramatizations, performances, and games are widely used, there are chances to recreate life situations and learn to apply knowledge and ideas in real experiences. Ideas aren't isolated; they don't exist in a vacuum. They enrich daily life. Knowledge gains life through its role and the way it guides action. The phrase “opportunities exist” is intentional. They might not be utilized; manual and hands-on activities can be used just for physical skills or primarily for financial gain. However, the assumption by supporters of “cultural” education that these activities are only physical or professional reflects a belief system that separates the mind from practical experiences and from working with the world around us. When “mental” is seen as a separate domain, physical activities are viewed as mere add-ons to the mind. They may meet physical needs and provide comfort, but they don’t hold a necessary role in thought or contribute significantly to understanding. Therefore, they don't belong in a liberal education meant to nurture intelligence. If they are included, it’s seen as catering to the material needs of the broader population, which is considered unacceptable for the elite's education. This conclusion stems from a narrow view of the mind, but it shifts when we recognize that the mind is actually the purposeful and guiding force in shaping experiences. While it’s ideal for all educational institutions to provide students with chances to engage with ideas and information through meaningful activities that reflect real social scenarios, it will likely be a long time before all have such resources. Nevertheless, this situation doesn’t excuse educators from continuing methods that separate knowledge from its real-life context. Every lesson provides an opportunity to connect it to broader experiences outside of school. Classroom instruction generally falls into three categories. The least effective treats each lesson as a standalone topic, not encouraging students to find connections with other lessons or subjects. More insightful teachers ensure that students are guided to apply past lessons to understand current ones, and to use current learning to deepen their understanding of what they've previously studied. While results are improved, school subjects still remain isolated. Typically, outside experiences remain raw and unreflected upon, lacking the refining and broadening effects of the detailed and structured instruction provided in class. This instruction doesn’t draw its relevance from the everyday world. The best teaching is aware of the importance of linking concepts together. It encourages students to consistently look for connections and relationships between topics.





Summary. Processes of instruction are unified in the degree in which

they center in the production of good habits of thinking. While we may speak, without error, of the method of thought, the important thing is that thinking is the method of an educative experience. The essentials of method are therefore identical with the essentials of reflection. They are first that the pupil have a genuine situation of experience—that there be a continuous activity in which he is interested for its own sake; secondly, that a genuine problem develop within this situation as a stimulus to thought; third, that he possess the information and make the observations needed to deal with it; fourth, that suggested solutions occur to him which he shall be responsible for developing in an orderly way; fifth, that he have opportunity and occasion to test his ideas by application, to make their meaning clear and to discover for himself their validity.

they focus on developing good thinking habits. While we can correctly discuss the method of thinking, what's crucial is that thinking itself is the method of an educational experience. The key elements of method are therefore the same as the key elements of reflection. First, the student must have a real experience to engage with—there has to be ongoing activity that interests him for its own sake; second, a genuine problem should arise within this situation to spark thought; third, he needs to have the information and make the observations necessary to address it; fourth, he should come up with potential solutions that he will take responsibility for organizing; fifth, he must have the chance to test his ideas through application, clarify their meaning, and determine their validity on his own.





Chapter Thirteen: The Nature of Method

1. The Unity of Subject Matter and Method.

The trinity of school topics is subject matter, methods, and administration or government. We have been concerned with the two former in recent chapters. It remains to disentangle them from the context in which they have been referred to, and discuss explicitly their nature. We shall begin with the topic of method, since that lies closest to the considerations of the last chapter. Before taking it up, it may be well, however, to call express attention to one implication of our theory; the connection of subject matter and method with each other. The idea that mind and the world of things and persons are two separate and independent realms—a theory which philosophically is known as dualism—carries with it the conclusion that method and subject matter of instruction are separate affairs. Subject matter then becomes a ready-made systematized classification of the facts and principles of the world of nature and man. Method then has for its province a consideration of the ways in which this antecedent subject matter may be best presented to and impressed upon the mind; or, a consideration of the ways in which the mind may be externally brought to bear upon the matter so as to facilitate its acquisition and possession. In theory, at least, one might deduce from a science of the mind as something existing by itself a complete theory of methods of learning, with no knowledge of the subjects to which the methods are to be applied. Since many who are actually most proficient in various branches of subject matter are wholly innocent of these methods, this state of affairs gives opportunity for the retort that pedagogy, as an alleged science of methods of the mind in learning, is futile;—a mere screen for concealing the necessity a teacher is under of profound and accurate acquaintance with the subject in hand.

The three main topics in education are subject matter, methods, and administration or governance. We’ve focused on the first two in the previous chapters. Now, we need to separate them from their context and discuss their nature more explicitly. We’ll start with methods, since that’s most relevant to our last chapter. Before we dive in, it’s important to highlight one implication of our theory: the connection between subject matter and method. The belief that the mind and the world of things and people are two separate, independent realms—known philosophically as dualism—leads to the conclusion that the method and subject matter of instruction are distinct issues. Subject matter then becomes a pre-made, organized system for classifying the facts and principles of nature and humanity. Method, on the other hand, involves considering how this prior subject matter can be best presented to and understood by the mind; or how the mind can engage with the material in ways that aid in its learning and retention. In theory, one could derive a complete learning methods theory solely from the science of the mind, without any knowledge of the subjects the methods apply to. Since many people who excel in various subjects have no awareness of these methods, it opens up the argument that pedagogy, as a supposed science of learning methods, is pointless—just a way to hide the necessity for teachers to have a deep and accurate understanding of their subject.

But since thinking is a directed movement of subject matter to a completing issue, and since mind is the deliberate and intentional phase of the process, the notion of any such split is radically false. The fact that the material of a science is organized is evidence that it has already been subjected to intelligence; it has been methodized, so to say. Zoology as a systematic branch of knowledge represents crude, scattered facts of our ordinary acquaintance with animals after they have been subjected to careful examination, to deliberate supplementation, and to arrangement to bring out connections which assist observation, memory, and further inquiry. Instead of furnishing a starting point for learning, they mark out a consummation. Method means that arrangement of subject matter which makes it most effective in use. Never is method something outside of the material.

But since thinking is a directed movement of subject matter towards a complete conclusion, and since the mind represents the intentional and deliberate part of the process, the idea of any such division is completely wrong. The fact that the material of a science is organized shows that it has already been processed by intelligence; it has been methodically arranged, so to speak. Zoology, as a systematic field of knowledge, takes the raw, scattered facts we typically know about animals and subjects them to careful examination, intentional supplementation, and organization to highlight connections that aid in observation, memory, and further exploration. Instead of providing a starting point for learning, they define an end goal. Method involves the arrangement of subject matter in a way that makes it most effective for use. Method is never something separate from the material.

How about method from the standpoint of an individual who is dealing with subject matter? Again, it is not something external. It is simply an effective treatment of material—efficiency meaning such treatment as utilizes the material (puts it to a purpose) with a minimum of waste of time and energy. We can distinguish a way of acting, and discuss it by itself; but the way exists only as way-of-dealing-with-material. Method is not antithetical to subject matter; it is the effective direction of subject matter to desired results. It is antithetical to random and ill-considered action,—ill-considered signifying ill-adapted.

What about method from the perspective of someone working with the subject matter? Again, it’s not something external. It’s simply an effective way to handle material—efficiency means using the material (putting it to good use) while wasting as little time and energy as possible. We can identify a specific way of acting and discuss it on its own; however, that way only exists as a method of dealing with material. Method is not opposed to subject matter; it’s the effective guidance of subject matter toward achieving desired results. It stands in contrast to random and poorly thought-out actions—where "poorly thought-out" means not well-suited.

The statement that method means directed movement of subject matter towards ends is formal. An illustration may give it content. Every artist must have a method, a technique, in doing his work. Piano playing is not hitting the keys at random. It is an orderly way of using them, and the order is not something which exists ready-made in the musician's hands or brain prior to an activity dealing with the piano. Order is found in the disposition of acts which use the piano and the hands and brain so as to achieve the result intended. It is the action of the piano directed to accomplish the purpose of the piano as a musical instrument. It is the same with "pedagogical" method. The only difference is that the piano is a mechanism constructed in advance for a single end; while the material of study is capable of indefinite uses. But even in this regard the illustration may apply if we consider the infinite variety of kinds of music which a piano may produce, and the variations in technique required in the different musical results secured. Method in any case is but an effective way of employing some material for some end.

The idea that method means focusing the movement of ideas towards specific goals is somewhat formal. A clear example can bring it to life. Every artist needs to have a method or technique for their work. Playing the piano isn't just about randomly pressing the keys. It's a structured way of using them, and this structure doesn't exist fully formed in the musician's hands or mind before they start playing. Order comes from how the actions involving the piano, hands, and mind are arranged to achieve the desired outcome. It's about using the piano to fulfill its purpose as a musical instrument. The same goes for "pedagogical" methods. The only difference is that the piano is a device designed for a single purpose, while study materials can be used in countless ways. However, this example still holds if we think about the endless types of music a piano can produce and the different techniques needed to achieve various musical effects. In any case, method is simply an effective way of using some material to achieve a specific goal.

These considerations may be generalized by going back to the conception of experience. Experience as the perception of the connection between something tried and something undergone in consequence is a process. Apart from effort to control the course which the process takes, there is no distinction of subject matter and method. There is simply an activity which includes both what an individual does and what the environment does. A piano player who had perfect mastery of his instrument would have no occasion to distinguish between his contribution and that of the piano. In well-formed, smooth-running functions of any sort,—skating, conversing, hearing music, enjoying a landscape,—there is no consciousness of separation of the method of the person and of the subject matter. In whole-hearted play and work there is the same phenomenon.

These ideas can be broadened by revisiting the concept of experience. Experience, seen as the awareness of the relationship between something attempted and the outcome that follows, is a process. Aside from the effort to guide the direction this process takes, there is no difference between the content and the method. It's simply an activity that encompasses both what a person does and what the environment contributes. A pianist who has complete control over their instrument wouldn’t feel the need to separate their performance from the piano’s sounds. In well-executed, seamless activities—like skating, chatting, listening to music, or appreciating a landscape—there's no awareness of a divide between the person’s approach and the content. The same phenomenon occurs in genuine play and work.

When we reflect upon an experience instead of just having it, we inevitably distinguish between our own attitude and the objects toward which we sustain the attitude. When a man is eating, he is eating food. He does not divide his act into eating and food. But if he makes a scientific investigation of the act, such a discrimination is the first thing he would effect. He would examine on the one hand the properties of the nutritive material, and on the other hand the acts of the organism in appropriating and digesting. Such reflection upon experience gives rise to a distinction of what we experience (the experienced) and the experiencing—the how. When we give names to this distinction we have subject matter and method as our terms. There is the thing seen, heard, loved, hated, imagined, and there is the act of seeing, hearing, loving, hating, imagining, etc.

When we think about an experience instead of just going through it, we naturally separate our own feelings from the things we feel those feelings toward. When someone is eating, they are eating food. They don't split their action into eating and the food. But if they were to scientifically analyze the act, making that distinction would be the first step. They would look at the properties of the food on one side and the body's actions in taking it in and digesting it on the other. This kind of reflection leads to a difference between what we experience (the experienced) and the act of experiencing—the how. When we label this difference, we refer to it as subject matter and method. There is the thing that is seen, heard, loved, hated, imagined, and there is the act of seeing, hearing, loving, hating, imagining, etc.

This distinction is so natural and so important for certain purposes, that we are only too apt to regard it as a separation in existence and not as a distinction in thought. Then we make a division between a self and the environment or world. This separation is the root of the dualism of method and subject matter. That is, we assume that knowing, feeling, willing, etc., are things which belong to the self or mind in its isolation, and which then may be brought to bear upon an independent subject matter. We assume that the things which belong in isolation to the self or mind have their own laws of operation irrespective of the modes of active energy of the object. These laws are supposed to furnish method. It would be no less absurd to suppose that men can eat without eating something, or that the structure and movements of the jaws, throat muscles, the digestive activities of stomach, etc., are not what they are because of the material with which their activity is engaged. Just as the organs of the organism are a continuous part of the very world in which food materials exist, so the capacities of seeing, hearing, loving, imagining are intrinsically connected with the subject matter of the world. They are more truly ways in which the environment enters into experience and functions there than they are independent acts brought to bear upon things. Experience, in short, is not a combination of mind and world, subject and object, method and subject matter, but is a single continuous interaction of a great diversity (literally countless in number) of energies.

This distinction is so natural and important for certain purposes that we often mistakenly see it as a separation in existence rather than a distinction in thought. We create a divide between the self and the environment or world. This separation is the root of the dualism between method and subject matter. In other words, we think of knowing, feeling, willing, and so on, as things belonging to the self or mind in isolation, which can then be applied to an independent subject matter. We assume that the aspects that belong to the self or mind in isolation have their own laws of operation, separate from the active energies of the object. These laws are thought to provide method. It would be just as ridiculous to think that people can eat without consuming something, or that the structure and movements of the jaws, throat muscles, digestive activities of the stomach, etc., don’t relate to the materials they interact with. Just as the organs of the body are a continuous part of the world in which food exists, the abilities to see, hear, love, and imagine are intrinsically connected to the subject matter of the world. They more accurately represent how the environment becomes part of our experience and functions there, rather than being independent actions applied to things. Experience, in short, is not a combination of mind and world, subject and object, method and subject matter, but a single, continuous interaction of a wide range (literally countless) of energies.

For the purpose of controlling the course or direction which the moving unity of experience takes we draw a mental distinction between the how and the what. While there is no way of walking or of eating or of learning over and above the actual walking, eating, and studying, there are certain elements in the act which give the key to its more effective control. Special attention to these elements makes them more obvious to perception (letting other factors recede for the time being from conspicuous recognition). Getting an idea of how the experience proceeds indicates to us what factors must be secured or modified in order that it may go on more successfully. This is only a somewhat elaborate way of saying that if a man watches carefully the growth of several plants, some of which do well and some of which amount to little or nothing, he may be able to detect the special conditions upon which the prosperous development of a plant depends. These conditions, stated in an orderly sequence, would constitute the method or way or manner of its growth. There is no difference between the growth of a plant and the prosperous development of an experience. It is not easy, in either case, to seize upon just the factors which make for its best movement. But study of cases of success and failure and minute and extensive comparison, helps to seize upon causes. When we have arranged these causes in order, we have a method of procedure or a technique.

To control the direction that our experiences take, we make a mental distinction between how and what. While there's no different way of walking, eating, or learning other than the actual actions themselves, certain elements in these actions help us understand how to control them more effectively. By focusing on these elements, they become clearer to us while other factors fade into the background for the moment. Understanding how the experience unfolds shows us what aspects need to be adjusted or secured to make it more successful. This is similar to saying that if someone carefully observes the growth of various plants, some thriving while others struggle, they may be able to identify the specific conditions that lead to a plant's healthy growth. These conditions, presented in a logical order, would define the method of growth. There's no real difference between how a plant grows and how an experience develops successfully. However, pinpointing the key factors for optimal growth isn't easy in either case. But studying successes and failures along with careful comparisons can clarify the causes. Once we arrange these causes in a sequence, we establish a method or technique for our approach.

A consideration of some evils in education that flow from the isolation of method from subject matter will make the point more definite.

Considering some issues in education that arise from separating method from subject matter will clarify the point further.

(I) In the first place, there is the neglect (of which we have spoken) of concrete situations of experience. There can be no discovery of a method without cases to be studied. The method is derived from observation of what actually happens, with a view to seeing that it happen better next time. But in instruction and discipline, there is rarely sufficient opportunity for children and youth to have the direct normal experiences from which educators might derive an idea of method or order of best development. Experiences are had under conditions of such constraint that they throw little or no light upon the normal course of an experience to its fruition. "Methods" have then to be authoritatively recommended to teachers, instead of being an expression of their own intelligent observations. Under such circumstances, they have a mechanical uniformity, assumed to be alike for all minds. Where flexible personal experiences are promoted by providing an environment which calls out directed occupations in work and play, the methods ascertained will vary with individuals—for it is certain that each individual has something characteristic in his way of going at things.

(I) First of all, there’s the neglect we’ve talked about regarding real-life experiences. You can’t discover a method without specific cases to study. The method comes from observing what actually happens, with the goal of improving it next time. However, in teaching and discipline, there’s rarely enough opportunity for kids and young people to have the direct, normal experiences that educators could learn from to develop a method or the best way to grow. Experiences are often had under such strict conditions that they shed little or no light on how an experience normally unfolds to its completion. As a result, “methods” must be officially recommended to teachers instead of being based on their own thoughtful observations. In such situations, they tend to have a mechanical uniformity, assumed to be the same for all minds. When we promote flexible personal experiences by creating an environment that encourages focused activities in work and play, the methods developed will vary by individual—because it’s clear that each person has a unique way of approaching things.

(ii) In the second place, the notion of methods isolated from subject matter is responsible for the false conceptions of discipline and interest already noted. When the effective way of managing material is treated as something ready-made apart from material, there are just three possible ways in which to establish a relationship lacking by assumption. One is to utilize excitement, shock of pleasure, tickling the palate. Another is to make the consequences of not attending painful; we may use the menace of harm to motivate concern with the alien subject matter. Or a direct appeal may be made to the person to put forth effort without any reason. We may rely upon immediate strain of "will." In practice, however, the latter method is effectual only when instigated by fear of unpleasant results. (iii) In the third place, the act of learning is made a direct and conscious end in itself. Under normal conditions, learning is a product and reward of occupation with subject matter. Children do not set out, consciously, to learn walking or talking. One sets out to give his impulses for communication and for fuller intercourse with others a show. He learns in consequence of his direct activities. The better methods of teaching a child, say, to read, follow the same road. They do not fix his attention upon the fact that he has to learn something and so make his attitude self-conscious and constrained. They engage his activities, and in the process of engagement he learns: the same is true of the more successful methods in dealing with number or whatever. But when the subject matter is not used in carrying forward impulses and habits to significant results, it is just something to be learned. The pupil's attitude to it is just that of having to learn it. Conditions more unfavorable to an alert and concentrated response would be hard to devise. Frontal attacks are even more wasteful in learning than in war. This does not mean, however, that students are to be seduced unaware into preoccupation with lessons. It means that they shall be occupied with them for real reasons or ends, and not just as something to be learned. This is accomplished whenever the pupil perceives the place occupied by the subject matter in the fulfilling of some experience.

(ii) Secondly, the idea that methods can be separated from the subject matter leads to misconceptions about discipline and interest, as previously mentioned. When the best way to handle material is viewed as something that exists separately from that material, there are only three ways to create a connection that isn’t inherently there. One is to use excitement or the thrill of pleasure to engage interest. Another is to make the consequences of not engaging painful; we might use the threat of negative outcomes to push someone to care about the unfamiliar subject matter. Or we can directly ask someone to put in effort without giving them a reason. We might rely on sheer determination or willpower. However, in practice, the last method usually only works when driven by fear of unpleasant consequences. (iii) Thirdly, the act of learning becomes a direct and conscious goal. Normally, learning is a result and reward of engaging with the subject matter. Children don’t intentionally set out to learn how to walk or talk. Instead, they aim to express their need to communicate and connect with others. They learn as a result of their actions. The most effective ways to teach a child, for instance, how to read follow this same path. They don’t force the child to focus on the fact that they have to learn something, which would make them self-conscious and tense. Instead, they engage the child’s activities, and through that engagement, the child learns. This is also true for effective methods in teaching math or any other subject. But when the subject matter isn’t used to push forward impulses and habits towards meaningful results, it just becomes something to memorize. The student’s attitude toward it turns into just needing to learn it. It would be challenging to create conditions that are less conducive to active and focused responses. Direct confrontations are even more unproductive in learning than in battle. This doesn’t mean, however, that students should be unwittingly lured into focusing on lessons. It means they should be engaged with lessons for genuine reasons or goals, not just as something to memorize. This is achieved whenever the student sees how the subject matter plays a role in completing an experience.

(iv) In the fourth place, under the influence of the conception of the separation of mind and material, method tends to be reduced to a cut and dried routine, to following mechanically prescribed steps. No one can tell in how many schoolrooms children reciting in arithmetic or grammar are compelled to go through, under the alleged sanction of method, certain preordained verbal formulae. Instead of being encouraged to attack their topics directly, experimenting with methods that seem promising and learning to discriminate by the consequences that accrue, it is assumed that there is one fixed method to be followed. It is also naively assumed that if the pupils make their statements and explanations in a certain form of "analysis," their mental habits will in time conform. Nothing has brought pedagogical theory into greater disrepute than the belief that it is identified with handing out to teachers recipes and models to be followed in teaching. Flexibility and initiative in dealing with problems are characteristic of any conception to which method is a way of managing material to develop a conclusion. Mechanical rigid woodenness is an inevitable corollary of any theory which separates mind from activity motivated by a purpose.

(iv) Fourth, influenced by the idea of separating mind from material, method tends to be reduced to a rigid routine, following prescribed steps mechanically. It's hard to say how many classrooms have kids reciting in arithmetic or grammar, forced to go through predetermined verbal formulas under the guise of method. Instead of being encouraged to engage directly with their subjects, experimenting with promising methods and learning to make distinctions based on outcomes, it’s assumed there’s one fixed method to follow. It’s also naively believed that if students express their statements and explanations in a certain form of "analysis," their thinking habits will eventually adapt. Nothing has harmed educational theory more than the belief that it equates to giving teachers recipes and models to follow. Flexibility and initiative in problem-solving are essential to any approach where method is a way to manage material to reach a conclusion. Mechanical rigidity is an inevitable result of any theory that separates mind from purposeful action.

2. Method as General and as Individual. In brief, the method of teaching is the method of an art, of action intelligently directed by ends. But the practice of a fine art is far from being a matter of extemporized inspirations. Study of the operations and results of those in the past who have greatly succeeded is essential. There is always a tradition, or schools of art, definite enough to impress beginners, and often to take them captive. Methods of artists in every branch depend upon thorough acquaintance with materials and tools; the painter must know canvas, pigments, brushes, and the technique of manipulation of all his appliances. Attainment of this knowledge requires persistent and concentrated attention to objective materials. The artist studies the progress of his own attempts to see what succeeds and what fails. The assumption that there are no alternatives between following ready-made rules and trusting to native gifts, the inspiration of the moment and undirected "hard work," is contradicted by the procedures of every art.

2. Method as General and as Individual. In short, teaching is an art form, driven by goals and purposeful action. However, practicing a fine art isn't just about spontaneous inspiration. It's crucial to learn from the operations and outcomes of those who have succeeded greatly in the past. There's always a tradition or a school of thought that's clear enough to make an impression on beginners and often can captivate them. The methods of artists in every field rely on a deep understanding of materials and tools; for instance, a painter needs to know about canvas, paints, brushes, and how to manipulate all these tools. Gaining this knowledge takes dedicated and focused attention to the materials at hand. The artist evaluates the progress of their work to determine what succeeds and what doesn't. The idea that one must choose between following established rules and relying solely on natural talent, momentary inspiration, and unstructured "hard work" is challenged by the practices in every art form.

Such matters as knowledge of the past, of current technique, of materials, of the ways in which one's own best results are assured, supply the material for what may be called general method. There exists a cumulative body of fairly stable methods for reaching results, a body authorized by past experience and by intellectual analysis, which an individual ignores at his peril. As was pointed out in the discussion of habit-forming (ante, p. 49), there is always a danger that these methods will become mechanized and rigid, mastering an agent instead of being powers at command for his own ends. But it is also true that the innovator who achieves anything enduring, whose work is more than a passing sensation, utilizes classic methods more than may appear to himself or to his critics. He devotes them to new uses, and in so far transforms them.

Knowledge of the past, understanding current techniques and materials, and knowing how to achieve your best results provide the foundation for what we can call a general method. There is an established set of relatively stable methods for achieving results, validated by past experiences and intellectual analysis, that one overlooks at their own risk. As noted in the discussion on habit formation (ante, p. 49), there’s always a risk that these methods can become mechanical and inflexible, controlling a person instead of being tools they can wield for their own purposes. However, it’s also true that the innovator who creates something lasting, whose work is more than just a fleeting trend, relies on classic methods more than they might realize or admit. They adapt these methods for new purposes, thus transforming them.

Education also has its general methods. And if the application of this remark is more obvious in the case of the teacher than of the pupil, it is equally real in the case of the latter. Part of his learning, a very important part, consists in becoming master of the methods which the experience of others has shown to be more efficient in like cases of getting knowledge. 1 These general methods are in no way opposed to individual initiative and originality—to personal ways of doing things. On the contrary they are reinforcements of them. For there is radical difference between even the most general method and a prescribed rule. The latter is a direct guide to action; the former operates indirectly through the enlightenment it supplies as to ends and means. It operates, that is to say, through intelligence, and not through conformity to orders externally imposed. Ability to use even in a masterly way an established technique gives no warranty of artistic work, for the latter also depends upon an animating idea.

Education has its general methods. While it may be more obvious how this applies to teachers than to students, it’s equally relevant for the latter. A significant part of a student's learning involves mastering techniques that others have found to be effective for gaining knowledge. These general methods do not oppose individual initiative and originality or personal approaches. In fact, they support them. There is a fundamental difference between even the broadest method and a strict rule. The latter provides direct instructions for action, while the former works indirectly by clarifying goals and methods. It functions through intelligence, rather than through mere obedience to imposed rules. The ability to expertly use an established technique doesn’t guarantee artistic work, as the latter also relies on an inspiring idea.

If knowledge of methods used by others does not directly tell us what to do, or furnish ready-made models, how does it operate? What is meant by calling a method intellectual? Take the case of a physician. No mode of behavior more imperiously demands knowledge of established modes of diagnosis and treatment than does his. But after all, cases are like, not identical. To be used intelligently, existing practices, however authorized they may be, have to be adapted to the exigencies of particular cases. Accordingly, recognized procedures indicate to the physician what inquiries to set on foot for himself, what measures to try. They are standpoints from which to carry on investigations; they economize a survey of the features of the particular case by suggesting the things to be especially looked into. The physician's own personal attitudes, his own ways (individual methods) of dealing with the situation in which he is concerned, are not subordinated to the general principles of procedure, but are facilitated and directed by the latter. The instance may serve to point out the value to the teacher of a knowledge of the psychological methods and the empirical devices found useful in the past. When they get in the way of his own common sense, when they come between him and the situation in which he has to act, they are worse than useless. But if he has acquired them as intellectual aids in sizing up the needs, resources, and difficulties of the unique experiences in which he engages, they are of constructive value. In the last resort, just because everything depends upon his own methods of response, much depends upon how far he can utilize, in making his own response, the knowledge which has accrued in the experience of others. As already intimated, every word of this account is directly applicable also to the method of the pupil, the way of learning. To suppose that students, whether in the primary school or in the university, can be supplied with models of method to be followed in acquiring and expounding a subject is to fall into a self-deception that has lamentable consequences. (See ante, p. 169.) One must make his own reaction in any case. Indications of the standardized or general methods used in like cases by others—particularly by those who are already experts—are of worth or of harm according as they make his personal reaction more intelligent or as they induce a person to dispense with exercise of his own judgment. If what was said earlier (See p. 159) about originality of thought seemed overstrained, demanding more of education than the capacities of average human nature permit, the difficulty is that we lie under the incubus of a superstition. We have set up the notion of mind at large, of intellectual method that is the same for all. Then we regard individuals as differing in the quantity of mind with which they are charged. Ordinary persons are then expected to be ordinary. Only the exceptional are allowed to have originality. The measure of difference between the average student and the genius is a measure of the absence of originality in the former. But this notion of mind in general is a fiction. How one person's abilities compare in quantity with those of another is none of the teacher's business. It is irrelevant to his work. What is required is that every individual shall have opportunities to employ his own powers in activities that have meaning. Mind, individual method, originality (these are convertible terms) signify the quality of purposive or directed action. If we act upon this conviction, we shall secure more originality even by the conventional standard than now develops. Imposing an alleged uniform general method upon everybody breeds mediocrity in all but the very exceptional. And measuring originality by deviation from the mass breeds eccentricity in them. Thus we stifle the distinctive quality of the many, and save in rare instances (like, say, that of Darwin) infect the rare geniuses with an unwholesome quality.

If knowing how others do things doesn’t directly tell us what to do or give us ready-made examples, how does it work? What do we mean by calling a method intellectual? Take a doctor, for example. No behavior demands a deep understanding of established diagnostic and treatment methods more than his does. But ultimately, cases are similar, not identical. To be used wisely, established practices, no matter how recognized, must be adjusted to meet the unique challenges of specific cases. Therefore, accepted procedures guide the doctor on what questions to investigate and what steps to take. They provide perspectives for conducting investigations and streamline the assessment of the unique case by suggesting key aspects to focus on. The doctor’s personal views and individual methods for handling the situation aren’t overshadowed by general principles; instead, those principles enhance and guide his approach. This example highlights the importance for teachers to understand psychological methods and practical techniques that have proven useful in the past. When these methods hinder his common sense or obstruct his ability to respond to a situation, they are more harmful than helpful. However, if he sees them as tools to assess the needs, resources, and challenges of his unique experiences, they become valuable. Ultimately, because his own methods of responding are crucial, much relies on how well he can apply the knowledge gained from others’ experiences. As previously mentioned, everything discussed also applies to students and their learning processes. Assuming that students, whether in elementary school or university, can simply be given methods to follow for learning and interpreting a subject leads to a misguided belief with unfortunate consequences. Everyone must formulate their own reactions regardless. Guidelines of the standardized or general methods used by others—especially by experts—are either beneficial or detrimental based on whether they make one’s personal reaction more insightful or encourage a person to abandon their judgment. If earlier comments about the originality of thought appeared exaggerated, demanding more from education than what an average person can handle, the issue lies in the burden of a misconception. We’ve created the idea of a universal mind, of a single intellectual method applicable to all, and then view individuals as varying only in the degree of intellect they possess. Ordinary individuals are expected to be just that—ordinary. Only the exceptional are seen as possessing originality. The difference between an average student and a genius reflects the lack of originality in the former. But this concept of a general mind is a myth. How one person’s abilities stack up against another’s isn’t the responsibility of the teacher—it’s irrelevant to their job. What matters is that every individual has the opportunity to use their unique abilities in meaningful activities. Mind, individual method, and originality (these terms can be used interchangeably) refer to the quality of purposeful or directed action. If we act on this belief, we will encourage more originality, according to conventional standards, than we currently see. Imposing a supposed uniform method on everyone stifles creativity except in the most exceptional cases. And using deviations from the norm as a measure of originality fosters eccentricity. This way, we hinder the unique traits of many and, except in rare circumstances (like Darwin, for instance), negatively impact even the exceptional geniuses.

3. The Traits of Individual Method. The most general features of the method of knowing have been given in our chapter on thinking. They are the features of the reflective situation: Problem, collection and analysis of data, projection and elaboration of suggestions or ideas, experimental application and testing; the resulting conclusion or judgment. The specific elements of an individual's method or way of attack upon a problem are found ultimately in his native tendencies and his acquired habits and interests. The method of one will vary from that of another (and properly vary) as his original instinctive capacities vary, as his past experiences and his preferences vary. Those who have already studied these matters are in possession of information which will help teachers in understanding the responses different pupils make, and help them in guiding these responses to greater efficiency. Child-study, psychology, and a knowledge of social environment supplement the personal acquaintance gained by the teacher. But methods remain the personal concern, approach, and attack of an individual, and no catalogue can ever exhaust their diversity of form and tint.

3. The Traits of Individual Method. The most general features of the method of knowing have been discussed in our chapter on thinking. These features include the reflective situation: identifying the problem, collecting and analyzing data, brainstorming and developing suggestions or ideas, applying experiments and testing; and finally, reaching a conclusion or judgment. The specific elements of an individual's approach to a problem ultimately stem from their natural tendencies as well as their learned habits and interests. Each person's method will differ from others (and appropriately so) depending on their instinctive abilities, past experiences, and preferences. Those who have studied these topics are equipped with knowledge that can assist teachers in understanding the varied responses of different students and in guiding those responses toward greater effectiveness. Insights from child-study, psychology, and an understanding of the social environment enhance the personal familiarity that a teacher has. However, methods remain a personal matter, influenced by one's own approach and methods of tackling challenges, and no list can ever capture their full diversity and nuance.

Some attitudes may be named, however,-which are central in effective intellectual ways of dealing with subject matter. Among the most important are directness, open-mindedness, single-mindedness (or whole-heartedness), and responsibility.

Some attitudes can be identified that are essential for effectively engaging with subject matter. Some of the most important are directness, open-mindedness, dedication (or whole-heartedness), and responsibility.

1. It is easier to indicate what is meant by directness through negative terms than in positive ones. Self-consciousness, embarrassment, and constraint are its menacing foes. They indicate that a person is not immediately concerned with subject matter. Something has come between which deflects concern to side issues. A self-conscious person is partly thinking about his problem and partly about what others think of his performances. Diverted energy means loss of power and confusion of ideas. Taking an attitude is by no means identical with being conscious of one's attitude. The former is spontaneous, naive, and simple. It is a sign of whole-souled relationship between a person and what he is dealing with. The latter is not of necessity abnormal. It is sometimes the easiest way of correcting a false method of approach, and of improving the effectiveness of the means one is employing,—as golf players, piano players, public speakers, etc., have occasionally to give especial attention to their position and movements. But this need is occasional and temporary. When it is effectual a person thinks of himself in terms of what is to be done, as one means among others of the realization of an end—as in the case of a tennis player practicing to get the "feel" of a stroke. In abnormal cases, one thinks of himself not as part of the agencies of execution, but as a separate object—as when the player strikes an attitude thinking of the impression it will make upon spectators, or is worried because of the impression he fears his movements give rise to.

1. It's easier to explain what directness means by talking about what it isn't rather than what it is. Self-consciousness, embarrassment, and awkwardness are its biggest enemies. They show that a person isn't fully focused on the topic at hand. Something is getting in the way, distracting attention to unrelated issues. A self-conscious person is partly thinking about their own problem and partly about how others perceive their actions. This distraction drains energy, leading to a loss of clarity and power. Taking a stance is not the same as being aware of that stance. The former is spontaneous, naive, and straightforward. It shows a genuine connection between a person and what they're engaging with. The latter isn't necessarily abnormal; sometimes it's the easiest way to correct an incorrect approach and enhance the effectiveness of one's methods—like when golfers, pianists, or public speakers need to pay special attention to their positions and movements. However, this need is temporary and situational. When it's effective, a person thinks of themselves in relation to what needs to be done, like a tennis player practicing to get a good feel for a stroke. In more unusual cases, someone thinks of themselves not as part of the action but as a separate entity—like when a player poses, considering the impression they’ll leave on the audience, or when they're anxious about how their movements might be perceived.

Confidence is a good name for what is intended by the term directness. It should not be confused, however, with self-confidence which may be a form of self-consciousness—or of "cheek." Confidence is not a name for what one thinks or feels about his attitude it is not reflex. It denotes the straightforwardness with which one goes at what he has to do. It denotes not conscious trust in the efficacy of one's powers but unconscious faith in the possibilities of the situation. It signifies rising to the needs of the situation. We have already pointed out (See p. 169) the objections to making students emphatically aware of the fact that they are studying or learning. Just in the degree in which they are induced by the conditions to be so aware, they are not studying and learning. They are in a divided and complicated attitude. Whatever methods of a teacher call a pupil's attention off from what he has to do and transfer it to his own attitude towards what he is doing impair directness of concern and action. Persisted in, the pupil acquires a permanent tendency to fumble, to gaze about aimlessly, to look for some clew of action beside that which the subject matter supplies. Dependence upon extraneous suggestions and directions, a state of foggy confusion, take the place of that sureness with which children (and grown-up people who have not been sophisticated by "education") confront the situations of life.

Confidence is a fitting term for what is meant by directness. It shouldn’t be confused with self-confidence, which can sometimes be a form of self-awareness or even audacity. Confidence isn’t about how one feels or thinks about their attitude; it’s not reflexive. It refers to the straightforwardness with which someone approaches their tasks. It suggests an unconscious belief in the potential of a situation, rather than a conscious trust in one's abilities. It means rising to meet the demands of the moment. We have already pointed out (See p. 169) the drawbacks of making students overly aware that they are studying or learning. The more they are made to feel this, the less they are genuinely engaged in studying and learning. They end up in a conflicted and divided mindset. Any teaching method that distracts a student from the task at hand and shifts their attention to their own feelings about what they're doing undermines their directness of concern and action. If this continues, the student develops a lasting tendency to fumble, to wander off mentally, or to seek out some external clue for action beyond what the subject matter provides. This leads to reliance on outside suggestions and creates a state of confusion that replaces the confidence with which children (and adults who haven’t been overly influenced by "education") approach life’s challenges.

2. Open-mindedness. Partiality is, as we have seen, an accompaniment of the existence of interest, since this means sharing, partaking, taking sides in some movement. All the more reason, therefore, for an attitude of mind which actively welcomes suggestions and relevant information from all sides. In the chapter on Aims it was shown that foreseen ends are factors in the development of a changing situation. They are the means by which the direction of action is controlled. They are subordinate to the situation, therefore, not the situation to them. They are not ends in the sense of finalities to which everything must be bent and sacrificed. They are, as foreseen, means of guiding the development of a situation. A target is not the future goal of shooting; it is the centering factor in a present shooting. Openness of mind means accessibility of mind to any and every consideration that will throw light upon the situation that needs to be cleared up, and that will help determine the consequences of acting this way or that. Efficiency in accomplishing ends which have been settled upon as unalterable can coexist with a narrowly opened mind. But intellectual growth means constant expansion of horizons and consequent formation of new purposes and new responses. These are impossible without an active disposition to welcome points of view hitherto alien; an active desire to entertain considerations which modify existing purposes. Retention of capacity to grow is the reward of such intellectual hospitality. The worst thing about stubbornness of mind, about prejudices, is that they arrest development; they shut the mind off from new stimuli. Open-mindedness means retention of the childlike attitude; closed-mindedness means premature intellectual old age.

2. Open-mindedness. Bias is, as we've seen, a consequence of having interests since that involves sharing, participating, and taking sides in certain movements. There's even more reason to have a mindset that actively welcomes suggestions and relevant information from all directions. In the chapter on Goals, it was shown that anticipated outcomes play a role in the evolution of a changing situation. They are the means by which we control the direction of our actions. Therefore, they are secondary to the situation, not the other way around. They aren’t final goals that everything must conform to and sacrifice for. They are, as anticipated, ways to guide the development of a situation. A target isn't just the end goal of shooting; it's what we focus on in the present moment. Being open-minded means being receptive to any and all ideas that can clarify the situation that needs attention, and that can help determine the consequences of acting one way or another. Being effective in achieving goals that have been deemed unchangeable can occur alongside a closed mind. However, intellectual growth means constantly broadening our horizons and creating new purposes and responses. This is impossible without an active willingness to accept viewpoints that were previously unfamiliar, as well as a genuine desire to consider ideas that adjust our existing goals. Maintaining the ability to grow is the reward of such intellectual openness. The downside of stubbornness and prejudice is that they halt development; they block the mind from new influences. Open-mindedness retains a childlike attitude; closed-mindedness leads to premature intellectual aging.

Exorbitant desire for uniformity of procedure and for prompt external results are the chief foes which the open-minded attitude meets in school. The teacher who does not permit and encourage diversity of operation in dealing with questions is imposing intellectual blinders upon pupils—restricting their vision to the one path the teacher's mind happens to approve. Probably the chief cause of devotion to rigidity of method is, however, that it seems to promise speedy, accurately measurable, correct results. The zeal for "answers" is the explanation of much of the zeal for rigid and mechanical methods. Forcing and overpressure have the same origin, and the same result upon alert and varied intellectual interest.

An excessive desire for consistency in procedures and quick external results are the main challenges that an open-minded approach faces in school. A teacher who doesn’t allow or encourage different ways of tackling questions is limiting students' thinking—restricting their perspective to the one approach the teacher favors. The main reason for the commitment to strict methods is that they seem to promise fast, easily measurable, correct results. The obsession with "answers" explains much of the enthusiasm for rigid and mechanical methods. Coercion and excessive pressure stem from the same source and have the same negative effect on vibrant and diverse intellectual engagement.

Open-mindedness is not the same as empty-mindedness. To hang out a sign saying "Come right in; there is no one at home" is not the equivalent of hospitality. But there is a kind of passivity, willingness to let experiences accumulate and sink in and ripen, which is an essential of development. Results (external answers or solutions) may be hurried; processes may not be forced. They take their own time to mature. Were all instructors to realize that the quality of mental process, not the production of correct answers, is the measure of educative growth something hardly less than a revolution in teaching would be worked.

Open-mindedness is not the same as being vacant-minded. Hanging up a sign that says "Come on in; no one's home" isn’t true hospitality. However, there’s a kind of passivity, a willingness to let experiences build up, sink in, and develop, which is crucial for growth. Results (external answers or solutions) can be rushed, but processes shouldn’t be forced. They take their own time to mature. If all instructors understood that the quality of thought processes, not just the production of correct answers, is what really measures educational growth, it would lead to something close to a revolution in teaching.

3. Single-mindedness. So far as the word is concerned, much that was said under the head of "directness" is applicable. But what the word is here intended to convey is completeness of interest, unity of purpose; the absence of suppressed but effectual ulterior aims for which the professed aim is but a mask. It is equivalent to mental integrity. Absorption, engrossment, full concern with subject matter for its own sake, nurture it. Divided interest and evasion destroy it.

3. Single-mindedness. As far as the term is concerned, much of what was mentioned under "directness" applies here as well. However, what this word is meant to convey is a complete interest and unified purpose; it means there are no hidden motives masking the stated goal. It represents mental integrity. Being absorbed, fully engaged, and genuinely invested in the subject for its own sake nurtures it. Divided interests and avoidance destroy it.

Intellectual integrity, honesty, and sincerity are at bottom not matters of conscious purpose but of quality of active response. Their acquisition is fostered of course by conscious intent, but self-deception is very easy. Desires are urgent. When the demands and wishes of others forbid their direct expression they are easily driven into subterranean and deep channels. Entire surrender, and wholehearted adoption of the course of action demanded by others are almost impossible. Deliberate revolt or deliberate attempts to deceive others may result. But the more frequent outcome is a confused and divided state of interest in which one is fooled as to one's own real intent. One tries to serve two masters at once. Social instincts, the strong desire to please others and get their approval, social training, the general sense of duty and of authority, apprehension of penalty, all lead to a half-hearted effort to conform, to "pay attention to the lesson," or whatever the requirement is. Amiable individuals want to do what they are expected to do. Consciously the pupil thinks he is doing this. But his own desires are not abolished. Only their evident exhibition is suppressed. Strain of attention to what is hostile to desire is irksome; in spite of one's conscious wish, the underlying desires determine the main course of thought, the deeper emotional responses. The mind wanders from the nominal subject and devotes itself to what is intrinsically more desirable. A systematized divided attention expressing the duplicity of the state of desire is the result. One has only to recall his own experiences in school or at the present time when outwardly employed in actions which do not engage one's desires and purposes, to realize how prevalent is this attitude of divided attention—double-mindedness. We are so used to it that we take it for granted that a considerable amount of it is necessary. It may be; if so, it is the more important to face its bad intellectual effects. Obvious is the loss of energy of thought immediately available when one is consciously trying (or trying to seem to try) to attend to one matter, while unconsciously one's imagination is spontaneously going out to more congenial affairs. More subtle and more permanently crippling to efficiency of intellectual activity is a fostering of habitual self-deception, with the confused sense of reality which accompanies it. A double standard of reality, one for our own private and more or less concealed interests, and another for public and acknowledged concerns, hampers, in most of us, integrity and completeness of mental action. Equally serious is the fact that a split is set up between conscious thought and attention and impulsive blind affection and desire. Reflective dealings with the material of instruction is constrained and half-hearted; attention wanders. The topics to which it wanders are unavowed and hence intellectually illicit; transactions with them are furtive. The discipline that comes from regulating response by deliberate inquiry having a purpose fails; worse than that, the deepest concern and most congenial enterprises of the imagination (since they center about the things dearest to desire) are casual, concealed. They enter into action in ways which are unacknowledged. Not subject to rectification by consideration of consequences, they are demoralizing.

Intellectual integrity, honesty, and sincerity aren't really about having a conscious purpose; they're about how actively we respond. Sure, we can develop these qualities through intentional effort, but it's easy to deceive ourselves. Our desires can feel urgent. When the demands and wishes of others prevent us from expressing those desires directly, they often get pushed down into hidden parts of our minds. Fully giving in to what others want or wholeheartedly following their lead is nearly impossible. This may lead to outright rebellion or attempts to mislead others, but more often than not, the result is a confusing split within ourselves where we aren't clear about our true intentions. We end up trying to please two masters at the same time. Our social instincts—like the strong desire to make others happy or gain their approval, along with our upbringing and sense of duty or authority, and fear of punishment—push us towards a half-hearted effort to conform, to "pay attention to the lesson," or whatever the requirement is. Nice people want to fulfill expectations. Consciously, students might think they are doing just that. But their own desires don’t disappear; they are only kept out of sight. Straining to focus on what contradicts our desires is frustrating; despite one’s conscious intentions, our deeper desires end up guiding our thoughts and emotional responses. The mind drifts away from the surface topic to what feels more appealing. This results in a divided attention that reflects the conflicting nature of our desires. Just think back to your own school experiences or even now, when you find yourself engaged in tasks that don’t align with your desires and goals, and you’ll see how common this divided attention—this double-mindedness—really is. We're so accustomed to it that we assume a certain level of it is necessary. It might be; if that’s the case, it’s even more crucial to confront its negative effects on our thinking. The immediate energy of thought is clearly diminished when we’re consciously trying (or pretending to try) to focus on one thing, while our imagination is instinctively drifting towards more appealing interests. More subtly, and with longer-lasting effects on our intellectual effectiveness, we end up fostering habitual self-deception alongside a confused sense of reality. Having two standards of reality—one for our private, often hidden interests, and another for public and acknowledged matters—hinders, for many of us, our integrity and the completeness of our thinking. Equally troubling is the divide that forms between our conscious thoughts and attention versus our impulsive, blind feelings and desires. Our engagement with the material we’re supposed to learn becomes forced and half-hearted; our focus drifts. The topics it shifts to are repressed and thus intellectually off-limits; our interactions with them are sneaky. The discipline that should come from responding thoughtfully with purpose fails; worse, our deepest interests and most enjoyable imaginative pursuits—being tied to what we desire most—occur casually and hidden away. They come into play in unacknowledged ways. Since they’re not subject to evaluation based on their consequences, they ultimately lead to a loss of direction.

School conditions favorable to this division of mind between avowed, public, and socially responsible undertakings, and private, ill-regulated, and suppressed indulgences of thought are not hard to find. What is sometimes called "stern discipline," i.e., external coercive pressure, has this tendency. Motivation through rewards extraneous to the thing to be done has a like effect. Everything that makes schooling merely preparatory (See ante, p. 55) works in this direction. Ends being beyond the pupil's present grasp, other agencies have to be found to procure immediate attention to assigned tasks. Some responses are secured, but desires and affections not enlisted must find other outlets. Not less serious is exaggerated emphasis upon drill exercises designed to produce skill in action, independent of any engagement of thought—exercises have no purpose but the production of automatic skill. Nature abhors a mental vacuum. What do teachers imagine is happening to thought and emotion when the latter get no outlet in the things of immediate activity? Were they merely kept in temporary abeyance, or even only calloused, it would not be a matter of so much moment. But they are not abolished; they are not suspended; they are not suppressed—save with reference to the task in question. They follow their own chaotic and undisciplined course. What is native, spontaneous, and vital in mental reaction goes unused and untested, and the habits formed are such that these qualities become less and less available for public and avowed ends.

School conditions that encourage a split between openly acknowledged, public, and socially responsible activities, and private, poorly managed, and suppressed thoughts are easy to find. What some refer to as "stern discipline," meaning external pressure, contributes to this divide. Motivation through rewards unrelated to the task at hand has a similar effect. Everything that turns schooling into something purely preparatory (See ante, p. 55) supports this trend. With goals being out of the student's reach, other methods must be employed to get immediate focus on assigned tasks. Some responses are obtained, but the desires and feelings that aren’t engaged must find other outlets. An exaggerated focus on drill exercises aimed at developing skills without involving thought—where exercises exist solely to create automatic skill—is equally concerning. Nature doesn’t tolerate a mental void. What do teachers think happens to thoughts and emotions when they don’t have an outlet in immediate activities? If they were simply put on hold or somewhat hardened, it wouldn’t be such a big issue. But they aren’t erased; they aren’t paused; they aren’t suppressed—except with regard to the task at hand. They proceed along their own chaotic and unmanaged paths. What is natural, spontaneous, and essential in mental reactions remains unused and untested, and the habits formed make these qualities increasingly unavailable for public and acknowledged purposes.

4. Responsibility. By responsibility as an element in intellectual attitude is meant the disposition to consider in advance the probable consequences of any projected step and deliberately to accept them: to accept them in the sense of taking them into account, acknowledging them in action, not yielding a mere verbal assent. Ideas, as we have seen, are intrinsically standpoints and methods for bringing about a solution of a perplexing situation; forecasts calculated to influence responses. It is only too easy to think that one accepts a statement or believes a suggested truth when one has not considered its implications; when one has made but a cursory and superficial survey of what further things one is committed to by acceptance. Observation and recognition, belief and assent, then become names for lazy acquiescence in what is externally presented.

4. Responsibility. By responsibility as a part of intellectual attitude, we mean the tendency to think ahead about the possible outcomes of any planned action and to consciously accept them: to accept them in the sense of taking them into consideration, acknowledging them in practice, not just agreeing in words. Ideas, as we have discussed, are essentially perspectives and methods for resolving a tricky situation; projections intended to shape responses. It’s all too easy to believe that one accepts a statement or agrees with a proposed truth when one hasn’t thought about its implications; when one has only taken a quick and superficial look at what else one is committing to by agreeing. Observation and recognition, belief and agreement, then become just labels for lazy acceptance of what is presented from the outside.

It would be much better to have fewer facts and truths in instruction—that is, fewer things supposedly accepted,—if a smaller number of situations could be intellectually worked out to the point where conviction meant something real—some identification of the self with the type of conduct demanded by facts and foresight of results. The most permanent bad results of undue complication of school subjects and congestion of school studies and lessons are not the worry, nervous strain, and superficial acquaintance that follow (serious as these are), but the failure to make clear what is involved in really knowing and believing a thing. Intellectual responsibility means severe standards in this regard. These standards can be built up only through practice in following up and acting upon the meaning of what is acquired.

It would be much better to have fewer facts and truths in education—that is, fewer things that are just assumed—if a limited number of situations could be intellectually worked through to the point where conviction really matters—where there's a real connection between the self and the kind of behavior demanded by facts and anticipation of outcomes. The most lasting negative effects of overcomplicating school subjects and cramming too much into lessons aren't just the stress, anxiety, and shallow understanding that follow (although these are serious), but the failure to clarify what it actually means to truly know and believe something. Intellectual responsibility requires high standards in this area. These standards can only be developed through practice in exploring and acting on the meaning of what we learn.

Intellectual thoroughness is thus another name for the attitude we are considering. There is a kind of thoroughness which is almost purely physical: the kind that signifies mechanical and exhausting drill upon all the details of a subject. Intellectual thoroughness is seeing a thing through. It depends upon a unity of purpose to which details are subordinated, not upon presenting a multitude of disconnected details. It is manifested in the firmness with which the full meaning of the purpose is developed, not in attention, however "conscientious" it may be, to the steps of action externally imposed and directed.

Intellectual thoroughness is another way to describe the attitude we're discussing. There’s a type of thoroughness that is almost entirely physical, which involves rigorous and exhausting practice on all the details of a subject. Intellectual thoroughness means understanding something completely. It relies on a unified goal to which all details are secondary, rather than on presenting a bunch of unrelated details. It shows in the strength with which the overall meaning of the goal is expressed, not in the attention paid, no matter how "diligent" it might be, to the externally imposed steps of action.





Summary. Method is a statement of the way the subject matter of an

experience develops most effectively and fruitfully. It is derived, accordingly, from observation of the course of experiences where there is no conscious distinction of personal attitude and manner from material dealt with. The assumption that method is something separate is connected with the notion of the isolation of mind and self from the world of things. It makes instruction and learning formal, mechanical, constrained. While methods are individualized, certain features of the normal course of an experience to its fruition may be discriminated, because of the fund of wisdom derived from prior experiences and because of general similarities in the materials dealt with from time to time. Expressed in terms of the attitude of the individual the traits of good method are straightforwardness, flexible intellectual interest or open-minded will to learn, integrity of purpose, and acceptance of responsibility for the consequences of one's activity including thought.

Experience develops most effectively and productively. It comes from observing the course of experiences where there’s no conscious separation between personal attitude and the material being dealt with. The idea that method is something separate is linked to the notion that the mind and self are isolated from the world of things. This makes instruction and learning formal, mechanical, and constrained. While methods can be tailored to individuals, certain features of a typical experience leading to its completion can be identified, due to the wisdom gained from past experiences and general similarities in the materials encountered over time. In terms of individual attitude, the traits of good method are straightforwardness, flexible intellectual interest or an open-minded willingness to learn, integrity of purpose, and acceptance of responsibility for the outcomes of one’s actions, including thoughts.

1 This point is developed below in a discussion of what are termed psychological and logical methods respectively. See p. 219.

1 This point is explained further in a discussion about what are called psychological and logical methods, respectively. See p. 219.





Chapter Fourteen: The Nature of Subject Matter

1. Subject Matter of Educator and of Learner. So far as the nature of subject matter in principle is concerned, there is nothing to add to what has been said (See ante, p. 134). It consists of the facts observed, recalled, read, and talked about, and the ideas suggested, in course of a development of a situation having a purpose. This statement needs to be rendered more specific by connecting it with the materials of school instruction, the studies which make up the curriculum. What is the significance of our definition in application to reading, writing, mathematics, history, nature study, drawing, singing, physics, chemistry, modern and foreign languages, and so on? Let us recur to two of the points made earlier in our discussion. The educator's part in the enterprise of education is to furnish the environment which stimulates responses and directs the learner's course. In last analysis, all that the educator can do is modify stimuli so that response will as surely as is possible result in the formation of desirable intellectual and emotional dispositions. Obviously studies or the subject matter of the curriculum have intimately to do with this business of supplying an environment. The other point is the necessity of a social environment to give meaning to habits formed. In what we have termed informal education, subject matter is carried directly in the matrix of social intercourse. It is what the persons with whom an individual associates do and say. This fact gives a clew to the understanding of the subject matter of formal or deliberate instruction. A connecting link is found in the stories, traditions, songs, and liturgies which accompany the doings and rites of a primitive social group. They represent the stock of meanings which have been precipitated out of previous experience, which are so prized by the group as to be identified with their conception of their own collective life. Not being obviously a part of the skill exhibited in the daily occupations of eating, hunting, making war and peace, constructing rugs, pottery, and baskets, etc., they are consciously impressed upon the young; often, as in the initiation ceremonies, with intense emotional fervor. Even more pains are consciously taken to perpetuate the myths, legends, and sacred verbal formulae of the group than to transmit the directly useful customs of the group just because they cannot be picked up, as the latter can be in the ordinary processes of association.

1. Subject Matter of Educator and of Learner. In terms of the essence of subject matter, there’s nothing new to add to what has already been discussed (See ante, p. 134). It includes the facts that are observed, remembered, read, and discussed, along with the ideas that arise during the development of a purposeful situation. This needs to be clarified by connecting it to the materials used in school instruction, which make up the curriculum. What does our definition mean when applied to reading, writing, math, history, nature study, art, music, physics, chemistry, modern and foreign languages, and so forth? Let’s revisit two points mentioned earlier in our discussion. The educator’s role in the educational process is to create an environment that encourages responses and guides the learner's path. Ultimately, all an educator can do is adjust stimuli so that responses lead to the development of desired intellectual and emotional traits. Clearly, the subjects or curriculum materials are closely linked to the task of providing an environment. The other point is the need for a social environment to give meaning to established habits. In what we refer to as informal education, subject matter is carried within social interactions. It involves what the people an individual associates with do and say. This gives insight into the subject matter of formal education. A connection is found in the stories, traditions, songs, and rituals that accompany the actions and ceremonies of a primitive social group. These represent the accumulated meanings derived from past experiences, which are valued by the group and tied to their understanding of their collective existence. While not directly part of the skills involved in daily activities like eating, hunting, or crafting rugs, pottery, and baskets, they are intentionally impressed upon the young, often with deep emotional intensity during initiation ceremonies. More effort is consciously made to preserve the myths, legends, and sacred phrases of the group than to pass down the directly useful customs simply because these cannot be as easily learned through regular social interactions.

As the social group grows more complex, involving a greater number of acquired skills which are dependent, either in fact or in the belief of the group, upon standard ideas deposited from past experience, the content of social life gets more definitely formulated for purposes of instruction. As we have previously noted, probably the chief motive for consciously dwelling upon the group life, extracting the meanings which are regarded as most important and systematizing them in a coherent arrangement, is just the need of instructing the young so as to perpetuate group life. Once started on this road of selection, formulation, and organization, no definite limit exists. The invention of writing and of printing gives the operation an immense impetus. Finally, the bonds which connect the subject matter of school study with the habits and ideals of the social group are disguised and covered up. The ties are so loosened that it often appears as if there were none; as if subject matter existed simply as knowledge on its own independent behoof, and as if study were the mere act of mastering it for its own sake, irrespective of any social values. Since it is highly important for practical reasons to counter-act this tendency (See ante, p. 8) the chief purposes of our theoretical discussion are to make clear the connection which is so readily lost from sight, and to show in some detail the social content and function of the chief constituents of the course of study.

As social groups become more complex, involving more skills that depend, either factually or in the group's belief, on established ideas from past experiences, the content of social life becomes more clearly defined for teaching purposes. As we've noted before, the main reason for focusing on group life, extracting the most important meanings, and organizing them coherently is the need to educate the young to ensure the continuation of group life. Once we start down the path of selection, formulation, and organization, there’s no clear endpoint. The invention of writing and printing greatly accelerates this process. Ultimately, the connections between what is studied in school and the habits and ideals of the social group become obscured. The links are so weakened that it often seems like there are none—like the subject matter exists solely as knowledge for its own sake, and studying is merely about mastering it without regard to any social values. Because it's crucial for practical reasons to counteract this trend (See ante, p. 8), the main goals of our theoretical discussion are to clarify the connection that is so easily overlooked and to detail the social content and function of the key components of the curriculum.

The points need to be considered from the standpoint of instructor and of student. To the former, the significance of a knowledge of subject matter, going far beyond the present knowledge of pupils, is to supply definite standards and to reveal to him the possibilities of the crude activities of the immature. (i) The material of school studies translates into concrete and detailed terms the meanings of current social life which it is desirable to transmit. It puts clearly before the instructor the essential ingredients of the culture to be perpetuated, in such an organized form as to protect him from the haphazard efforts he would be likely to indulge in if the meanings had not been standardized. (ii) A knowledge of the ideas which have been achieved in the past as the outcome of activity places the educator in a position to perceive the meaning of the seeming impulsive and aimless reactions of the young, and to provide the stimuli needed to direct them so that they will amount to something. The more the educator knows of music the more he can perceive the possibilities of the inchoate musical impulses of a child. Organized subject matter represents the ripe fruitage of experiences like theirs, experiences involving the same world, and powers and needs similar to theirs. It does not represent perfection or infallible wisdom; but it is the best at command to further new experiences which may, in some respects at least, surpass the achievements embodied in existing knowledge and works of art.

The points need to be considered from both the teacher's and the student's perspectives. For the teacher, understanding the subject matter, well beyond what the students currently know, is crucial for establishing clear standards and recognizing the potential in the raw, immature activities of the students. (i) The curriculum translates the complexities of modern social life into clear and specific concepts that should be taught. It clearly outlines for the teacher the vital components of the culture that needs to be passed on, organized in a way that protects them from random efforts they might engage in if these meanings weren’t standardized. (ii) Having knowledge of the concepts developed in the past through various activities allows the educator to see the significance behind the seemingly impulsive and aimless reactions of young people, and to provide the necessary encouragement to channel those reactions into productive outcomes. The more the educator understands music, the better they can recognize the potential in a child's initial musical instincts. Organized subject matter represents the valuable outcomes of experiences similar to theirs, involving the same world and possessing similar powers and needs. It doesn’t claim to be perfect or infallibly wise; it’s simply the best available to support new experiences that might, in some ways, surpass the achievements contained in current knowledge and works of art.

From the standpoint of the educator, in other words, the various studies represent working resources, available capital. Their remoteness from the experience of the young is not, however, seeming; it is real. The subject matter of the learner is not, therefore, it cannot be, identical with the formulated, the crystallized, and systematized subject matter of the adult; the material as found in books and in works of art, etc. The latter represents the possibilities of the former; not its existing state. It enters directly into the activities of the expert and the educator, not into that of the beginner, the learner. Failure to bear in mind the difference in subject matter from the respective standpoints of teacher and student is responsible for most of the mistakes made in the use of texts and other expressions of preexistent knowledge.

From the educator's perspective, the various studies are working resources and available capital. However, their disconnect from young people's experiences is not just a matter of appearance; it's real. The subject matter for learners is not, and cannot be, the same as the formulated, refined, and organized subject matter that adults deal with, such as what's found in books and works of art. The latter represents potential for the former, not its current situation. It directly relates to the activities of experts and educators, but not to beginners or learners. Ignoring the differences in subject matter from the perspectives of teacher and student leads to most of the mistakes made in using texts and other existing knowledge.

The need for a knowledge of the constitution and functions, in the concrete, of human nature is great just because the teacher's attitude to subject matter is so different from that of the pupil. The teacher presents in actuality what the pupil represents only in posse. That is, the teacher already knows the things which the student is only learning. Hence the problem of the two is radically unlike. When engaged in the direct act of teaching, the instructor needs to have subject matter at his fingers' ends; his attention should be upon the attitude and response of the pupil. To understand the latter in its interplay with subject matter is his task, while the pupil's mind, naturally, should be not on itself but on the topic in hand. Or to state the same point in a somewhat different manner: the teacher should be occupied not with subject matter in itself but in its interaction with the pupils' present needs and capacities. Hence simple scholarship is not enough. In fact, there are certain features of scholarship or mastered subject matter—taken by itself—which get in the way of effective teaching unless the instructor's habitual attitude is one of concern with its interplay in the pupil's own experience. In the first place, his knowledge extends indefinitely beyond the range of the pupil's acquaintance. It involves principles which are beyond the immature pupil's understanding and interest. In and of itself, it may no more represent the living world of the pupil's experience than the astronomer's knowledge of Mars represents a baby's acquaintance with the room in which he stays. In the second place, the method of organization of the material of achieved scholarship differs from that of the beginner. It is not true that the experience of the young is unorganized—that it consists of isolated scraps. But it is organized in connection with direct practical centers of interest. The child's home is, for example, the organizing center of his geographical knowledge. His own movements about the locality, his journeys abroad, the tales of his friends, give the ties which hold his items of information together. But the geography of the geographer, of the one who has already developed the implications of these smaller experiences, is organized on the basis of the relationship which the various facts bear to one another—not the relations which they bear to his house, bodily movements, and friends. To the one who is learned, subject matter is extensive, accurately defined, and logically interrelated. To the one who is learning, it is fluid, partial, and connected through his personal occupations. 1 The problem of teaching is to keep the experience of the student moving in the direction of what the expert already knows. Hence the need that the teacher know both subject matter and the characteristic needs and capacities of the student.

The need to understand the constitution and functions of human nature is significant because the teacher's perspective on the subject is so different from that of the student. The teacher knows the material in depth, while the student is only beginning to grasp it. This creates fundamentally different challenges for both. When teaching directly, the instructor must have a thorough command of the subject and focus on the student's attitude and responses. It's the teacher's job to comprehend how the student interacts with the material, while the student's attention should be directed toward the topic at hand. In other words, the teacher should concern themselves not just with the subject matter itself but with how it connects to the student’s current needs and abilities. Therefore, mere academic knowledge isn't enough. In fact, some aspects of academic knowledge can hinder effective teaching unless the instructor is genuinely focused on its relevance to the student's experiences. Firstly, the teacher's knowledge goes far beyond what the student is familiar with, including principles that the immature student may not yet understand or find interesting. In isolation, this knowledge may not reflect the student's real-world experiences any more than an astronomer's understanding of Mars aligns with a baby's familiarity with their room. Secondly, the way that academic knowledge is organized differs from how beginners perceive information. It’s not accurate to say that young people's experiences are unorganized or consist solely of disjointed pieces. Instead, their understanding is linked to direct, practical interests. For instance, a child's home serves as the central point of their geographical knowledge. Their own movements in the area, travels, and stories from friends create connections that hold their information together. Conversely, the experienced geographer's knowledge is organized based on how different facts relate to one another, rather than how they connect to home, physical movements, and friendships. For someone well-versed in a subject, the material is broad, clearly defined, and logically interconnected. For someone still learning, it's fluid, incomplete, and tied to personal experiences. The challenge of teaching is to guide the student’s experiences toward what the expert already knows. For this reason, it's essential for the teacher to understand both the subject matter and the unique needs and abilities of the student.

2. The Development of Subject Matter in the Learner. It is possible, without doing violence to the facts, to mark off three fairly typical stages in the growth of subject matter in the experience of the learner. In its first estate, knowledge exists as the content of intelligent ability—power to do. This kind of subject matter, or known material, is expressed in familiarity or acquaintance with things. Then this material gradually is surcharged and deepened through communicated knowledge or information. Finally, it is enlarged and worked over into rationally or logically organized material—that of the one who, relatively speaking, is expert in the subject.

2. The Development of Subject Matter in the Learner. It is possible, without distorting the facts, to identify three fairly typical stages in how a learner's understanding of subject matter develops. In the first stage, knowledge exists as the ability to act—it's the power to do something. This type of subject matter, or familiar material, is shown through an understanding or acquaintance with things. Next, this knowledge gradually becomes richer and deeper through shared information or communicated knowledge. Finally, it expands and gets structured into logically organized material by someone who is, relatively speaking, an expert in the subject.

I. The knowledge which comes first to persons, and that remains most deeply ingrained, is knowledge of how to do; how to walk, talk, read, write, skate, ride a bicycle, manage a machine, calculate, drive a horse, sell goods, manage people, and so on indefinitely. The popular tendency to regard instinctive acts which are adapted to an end as a sort of miraculous knowledge, while unjustifiable, is evidence of the strong tendency to identify intelligent control of the means of action with knowledge. When education, under the influence of a scholastic conception of knowledge which ignores everything but scientifically formulated facts and truths, fails to recognize that primary or initial subject matter always exists as matter of an active doing, involving the use of the body and the handling of material, the subject matter of instruction is isolated from the needs and purposes of the learner, and so becomes just a something to be memorized and reproduced upon demand. Recognition of the natural course of development, on the contrary, always sets out with situations which involve learning by doing. Arts and occupations form the initial stage of the curriculum, corresponding as they do to knowing how to go about the accomplishment of ends. Popular terms denoting knowledge have always retained the connection with ability in action lost by academic philosophies. Ken and can are allied words. Attention means caring for a thing, in the sense of both affection and of looking out for its welfare. Mind means carrying out instructions in action—as a child minds his mother—and taking care of something—as a nurse minds the baby. To be thoughtful, considerate, means to heed the claims of others. Apprehension means dread of undesirable consequences, as well as intellectual grasp. To have good sense or judgment is to know the conduct a situation calls for; discernment is not making distinctions for the sake of making them, an exercise reprobated as hair splitting, but is insight into an affair with reference to acting. Wisdom has never lost its association with the proper direction of life. Only in education, never in the life of farmer, sailor, merchant, physician, or laboratory experimenter, does knowledge mean primarily a store of information aloof from doing. Having to do with things in an intelligent way issues in acquaintance or familiarity. The things we are best acquainted with are the things we put to frequent use—such things as chairs, tables, pen, paper, clothes, food, knives and forks on the commonplace level, differentiating into more special objects according to a person's occupations in life. Knowledge of things in that intimate and emotional sense suggested by the word acquaintance is a precipitate from our employing them with a purpose. We have acted with or upon the thing so frequently that we can anticipate how it will act and react—such is the meaning of familiar acquaintance. We are ready for a familiar thing; it does not catch us napping, or play unexpected tricks with us. This attitude carries with it a sense of congeniality or friendliness, of ease and illumination; while the things with which we are not accustomed to deal are strange, foreign, cold, remote, "abstract."

I. The first kind of knowledge people gain, which also stays with them the longest, is practical knowledge—like how to walk, talk, read, write, skate, ride a bike, operate a machine, do calculations, drive a horse, sell goods, manage people, and more. The common tendency to view instinctive actions that achieve specific goals as some sort of miraculous knowledge, while not justified, shows a strong inclination to connect smart control over actions with knowledge. When education, influenced by traditional views that focus only on scientifically formulated facts and truths, fails to understand that basic knowledge always involves active doing—using the body and handling materials—the subject matter of instruction becomes disconnected from the learner's needs and purposes. As a result, it turns into just something to memorize and repeat on command. Recognizing the natural development process, on the other hand, always starts with situations that require learning through doing. Arts and occupations make up the initial part of the curriculum, as they correspond to knowing how to achieve goals. Common terms for knowledge have maintained their link to the ability to act that academic philosophies have lost. "Ken" and "can" are related words. "Attention" means caring for something, in terms of both affection and concern for its well-being. "Mind" refers to executing instructions in action—like a child listening to their mother—and taking care of something—like a nurse caring for a baby. To be thoughtful and considerate means to pay attention to the needs of others. "Apprehension" means not just fearing negative outcomes but also understanding them intellectually. Having good sense or judgment means knowing how to act appropriately in a situation; discernment isn't about making distinctions just for the sake of it—which is seen as nitpicking—but is about having insight into a situation with respect to taking action. Wisdom has always been associated with guiding one's life properly. In education, as opposed to the experiences of farmers, sailors, merchants, doctors, or lab researchers, knowledge is often seen primarily as a collection of information detached from action. Engaging with things intelligently leads to familiarity. We know best the things we use often—like chairs, tables, pens, paper, clothes, food, and utensils—differentiating into more specific objects based on a person's life circumstances. Our knowledge of things in that deep, emotional sense, suggested by the term "acquaintance," comes from our purposeful engagement with them. We have interacted with these things so many times that we can predict how they will behave—this is the meaning of familiar acquaintance. We are prepared for familiar things; they don’t catch us off guard or act unexpectedly. This attitude brings a sense of comfort and friendliness, while things we aren’t used to experiencing feel strange, unfamiliar, cold, distant, or "abstract."

II. But it is likely that elaborate statements regarding this primary stage of knowledge will darken understanding. It includes practically all of our knowledge which is not the result of deliberate technical study. Modes of purposeful doing include dealings with persons as well as things. Impulses of communication and habits of intercourse have to be adapted to maintaining successful connections with others; a large fund of social knowledge accrues. As a part of this intercommunication one learns much from others. They tell of their experiences and of the experiences which, in turn, have been told them. In so far as one is interested or concerned in these communications, their matter becomes a part of one's own experience. Active connections with others are such an intimate and vital part of our own concerns that it is impossible to draw sharp lines, such as would enable us to say, "Here my experience ends; there yours begins." In so far as we are partners in common undertakings, the things which others communicate to us as the consequences of their particular share in the enterprise blend at once into the experience resulting from our own special doings. The ear is as much an organ of experience as the eye or hand; the eye is available for reading reports of what happens beyond its horizon. Things remote in space and time affect the issue of our actions quite as much as things which we can smell and handle. They really concern us, and, consequently, any account of them which assists us in dealing with things at hand falls within personal experience.

II. However, detailed explanations about this initial stage of knowledge might confuse understanding. It encompasses almost all of our knowledge that doesn't come from intentional technical study. Ways of doing things purposefully include interactions with both people and objects. Communication impulses and social habits need to be adjusted to keep successful relationships; a substantial amount of social knowledge builds up. Through this interaction, we learn a lot from others. They share their experiences and those they've heard from others. As long as we care about these conversations, their content becomes part of our own experience. Our connections with others are so close and essential to our lives that it's impossible to draw clear boundaries, like saying, "Here my experience ends; there yours begins." As we collaborate on shared goals, the information others provide as a result of their role in that effort instantly merges with the experiences we gain from our own unique actions. The ear plays a crucial role in our experiences just like the eye or the hand; the eye can also read reports of events happening beyond its view. Distant things in space and time influence the outcomes of our actions just as much as things we can smell and touch. They truly matter to us, and therefore, any account of them that helps us manage what's right in front of us is part of personal experience.

Information is the name usually given to this kind of subject matter. The place of communication in personal doing supplies us with a criterion for estimating the value of informational material in school. Does it grow naturally out of some question with which the student is concerned? Does it fit into his more direct acquaintance so as to increase its efficacy and deepen its meaning? If it meets these two requirements, it is educative. The amount heard or read is of no importance—the more the better, provided the student has a need for it and can apply it in some situation of his own.

Information is the term typically used for this type of content. The role of communication in personal experience gives us a way to assess the value of informational material in school. Does it arise naturally from a question that the student is interested in? Does it connect with their direct experiences in a way that enhances its effectiveness and deepens its meaning? If it meets these two criteria, it is educational. The quantity of what is heard or read doesn't matter—the more, the better, as long as the student has a need for it and can apply it in their own situation.

But it is not so easy to fulfill these requirements in actual practice as it is to lay them down in theory. The extension in modern times of the area of intercommunication; the invention of appliances for securing acquaintance with remote parts of the heavens and bygone events of history; the cheapening of devices, like printing, for recording and distributing information—genuine and alleged—have created an immense bulk of communicated subject matter. It is much easier to swamp a pupil with this than to work it into his direct experiences. All too frequently it forms another strange world which just overlies the world of personal acquaintance. The sole problem of the student is to learn, for school purposes, for purposes of recitations and promotions, the constituent parts of this strange world. Probably the most conspicuous connotation of the word knowledge for most persons to-day is just the body of facts and truths ascertained by others; the material found in the rows and rows of atlases, cyclopedias, histories, biographies, books of travel, scientific treatises, on the shelves of libraries.

But it's not so easy to meet these requirements in real life as it is to outline them in theory. The expansion of communication in modern times, the invention of tools for exploring distant parts of the universe and past events in history, and the reduced costs of methods like printing for recording and sharing information—both true and false—have created an enormous amount of communicated content. It’s much easier to overwhelm a student with this information than to connect it to their personal experiences. Too often, it creates a separate, unfamiliar world that exists alongside their personal reality. The main challenge for the student is to memorize, for school assignments, recitations, and promotions, the components of this unfamiliar world. For most people today, the most noticeable meaning of the word knowledge is simply the collection of facts and truths discovered by others; the materials found in the countless atlases, encyclopedias, histories, biographies, travel books, and scientific papers on library shelves.

The imposing stupendous bulk of this material has unconsciously influenced men's notions of the nature of knowledge itself. The statements, the propositions, in which knowledge, the issue of active concern with problems, is deposited, are taken to be themselves knowledge. The record of knowledge, independent of its place as an outcome of inquiry and a resource in further inquiry, is taken to be knowledge. The mind of man is taken captive by the spoils of its prior victories; the spoils, not the weapons and the acts of waging the battle against the unknown, are used to fix the meaning of knowledge, of fact, and truth.

The impressive and massive nature of this material has unknowingly shaped people's ideas about what knowledge really is. The statements and propositions that contain knowledge, which come from actively engaging with problems, are assumed to be knowledge itself. The record of knowledge, separate from its role as the result of investigation and a tool for further exploration, is accepted as knowledge. The human mind is held hostage by the rewards of its past successes; these rewards, not the tools and the actions taken to confront the unknown, are used to define the meaning of knowledge, fact, and truth.

If this identification of knowledge with propositions stating information has fastened itself upon logicians and philosophers, it is not surprising that the same ideal has almost dominated instruction. The "course of study" consists largely of information distributed into various branches of study, each study being subdivided into lessons presenting in serial cutoff portions of the total store. In the seventeenth century, the store was still small enough so that men set up the ideal of a complete encyclopedic mastery of it. It is now so bulky that the impossibility of any one man's coming into possession of it all is obvious. But the educational ideal has not been much affected. Acquisition of a modicum of information in each branch of learning, or at least in a selected group, remains the principle by which the curriculum, from elementary school through college, is formed; the easier portions being assigned to the earlier years, the more difficult to the later. The complaints of educators that learning does not enter into character and affect conduct; the protests against memoriter work, against cramming, against gradgrind preoccupation with "facts," against devotion to wire-drawn distinctions and ill-understood rules and principles, all follow from this state of affairs. Knowledge which is mainly second-hand, other men's knowledge, tends to become merely verbal. It is no objection to information that it is clothed in words; communication necessarily takes place through words. But in the degree in which what is communicated cannot be organized into the existing experience of the learner, it becomes mere words: that is, pure sense-stimuli, lacking in meaning. Then it operates to call out mechanical reactions, ability to use the vocal organs to repeat statements, or the hand to write or to do "sums."

If the idea of knowledge being linked to statements of information has taken hold among logicians and philosophers, it's no wonder that this concept has also largely influenced education. The "curriculum" mainly consists of information divided into different subjects, with each subject broken down into lessons that present pieces of the total knowledge in a sequential manner. In the seventeenth century, the amount of knowledge was small enough that people aspired to have a complete encyclopedic understanding. Now, the volume of knowledge is so vast that it's clear no one individual can possibly grasp it all. However, the educational ideal hasn't changed much. Gaining a basic level of information in each subject, or at least in a chosen few, continues to be the guiding principle for curriculums, from elementary school through college; easier topics are taught in earlier years, while more complex ones are reserved for later. Educators complain that learning doesn't shape character or influence behavior; they criticize rote learning, cramming, a narrow focus on "facts," and excessive attention to overly detailed distinctions and poorly understood rules and principles—all stemming from this situation. Knowledge that is primarily second-hand and derived from others tends to become just words. While there's nothing wrong with information being expressed in words—since communication relies on them—if what is communicated can't be integrated into a learner's existing experiences, it becomes just empty words: essentially, mere sensory input without meaning. This leads to mechanical responses, like the ability to repeat statements verbally or write down answers or perform calculations.

To be informed is to be posted; it is to have at command the subject matter needed for an effective dealing with a problem, and for giving added significance to the search for solution and to the solution itself. Informational knowledge is the material which can be fallen back upon as given, settled, established, assured in a doubtful situation. It is a kind of bridge for mind in its passage from doubt to discovery. It has the office of an intellectual middleman. It condenses and records in available form the net results of the prior experiences of mankind, as an agency of enhancing the meaning of new experiences. When one is told that Brutus assassinated Caesar, or that the length of the year is three hundred sixty-five and one fourth days, or that the ratio of the diameter of the circle to its circumference is 3.1415. . . one receives what is indeed knowledge for others, but for him it is a stimulus to knowing. His acquisition of knowledge depends upon his response to what is communicated.

To be informed means to be updated; it’s having the information needed to effectively tackle a problem and to add more meaning to the search for solutions and to the solutions themselves. Informational knowledge is the resource we can rely on when things are uncertain, something that is known, established, and reliable. It acts as a bridge for the mind moving from doubt to discovery. It serves as an intellectual intermediary, summarizing and recording in an accessible way the collective experiences of humanity, enhancing the understanding of new experiences. When someone learns that Brutus killed Caesar, or that a year is three hundred sixty-five and a quarter days long, or that the ratio of a circle's diameter to its circumference is 3.1415..., what they receive is knowledge that others have shared, but for them, it sparks curiosity to learn more. Their gain of knowledge relies on how they respond to what is shared with them.

3. Science or Rationalized Knowledge. Science is a name for knowledge in its most characteristic form. It represents in its degree, the perfected outcome of learning,—its consummation. What is known, in a given case, is what is sure, certain, settled, disposed of; that which we think with rather than that which we think about. In its honorable sense, knowledge is distinguished from opinion, guesswork, speculation, and mere tradition. In knowledge, things are ascertained; they are so and not dubiously otherwise. But experience makes us aware that there is difference between intellectual certainty of subject matter and our certainty. We are made, so to speak, for belief; credulity is natural. The undisciplined mind is averse to suspense and intellectual hesitation; it is prone to assertion. It likes things undisturbed, settled, and treats them as such without due warrant. Familiarity, common repute, and congeniality to desire are readily made measuring rods of truth. Ignorance gives way to opinionated and current error,—a greater foe to learning than ignorance itself. A Socrates is thus led to declare that consciousness of ignorance is the beginning of effective love of wisdom, and a Descartes to say that science is born of doubting.

3. Science or Rationalized Knowledge. Science is the term for knowledge in its most basic and refined form. It represents the ultimate outcome of learning—its peak. What we know, in any situation, is what is certain, established, handled; it’s what we think with rather than what we think about. In a positive sense, knowledge is different from opinion, guesswork, speculation, and mere tradition. In knowledge, things are verified; they are as they are and not uncertainly otherwise. However, experience teaches us that there is a difference between intellectual certainty about a subject and our own certainty. We are naturally inclined to believe; being gullible is part of human nature. An untrained mind dislikes uncertainty and hesitation; it tends to make assertions. It prefers things to be settled and treats them as such without proper evidence. Familiarity, popular belief, and personal desire often serve as benchmarks for truth. Ignorance gives way to biased and prevalent mistakes—a bigger enemy to learning than ignorance itself. A Socrates would therefore say that awareness of one’s own ignorance is the beginning of a true love for wisdom, and a Descartes would state that science arises from doubt.

We have already dwelt upon the fact that subject matter, or data, and ideas have to have their worth tested experimentally: that in themselves they are tentative and provisional. Our predilection for premature acceptance and assertion, our aversion to suspended judgment, are signs that we tend naturally to cut short the process of testing. We are satisfied with superficial and immediate short-visioned applications. If these work out with moderate satisfactoriness, we are content to suppose that our assumptions have been confirmed. Even in the case of failure, we are inclined to put the blame not on the inadequacy and incorrectness of our data and thoughts, but upon our hard luck and the hostility of circumstance. We charge the evil consequence not to the error of our schemes and our incomplete inquiry into conditions (thereby getting material for revising the former and stimulus for extending the latter) but to untoward fate. We even plume ourselves upon our firmness in clinging to our conceptions in spite of the way in which they work out.

We have already talked about how subject matter, or data, and ideas need to be tested for value through experiments: they are tentative and temporary on their own. Our tendency to quickly accept and assert things, along with our dislike for holding off on judgment, shows that we naturally want to rush the testing process. We settle for superficial and immediate short-sighted applications. If these seem to work out well enough, we convince ourselves that our assumptions have been proven right. Even when we encounter failure, we tend to blame it not on the flaws and inaccuracies in our data and ideas, but on bad luck and external circumstances. We attribute negative outcomes not to mistakes in our plans and our incomplete exploration of factors (which could help us adjust our ideas and encourage further investigation) but to unfortunate fate. We even take pride in our stubbornness for sticking to our beliefs, despite how they turn out.

Science represents the safeguard of the race against these natural propensities and the evils which flow from them. It consists of the special appliances and methods which the race has slowly worked out in order to conduct reflection under conditions whereby its procedures and results are tested. It is artificial (an acquired art), not spontaneous; learned, not native. To this fact is due the unique, the invaluable place of science in education, and also the dangers which threaten its right use. Without initiation into the scientific spirit one is not in possession of the best tools which humanity has so far devised for effectively directed reflection. One in that case not merely conducts inquiry and learning without the use of the best instruments, but fails to understand the full meaning of knowledge. For he does not become acquainted with the traits that mark off opinion and assent from authorized conviction. On the other hand, the fact that science marks the perfecting of knowing in highly specialized conditions of technique renders its results, taken by themselves, remote from ordinary experience—a quality of aloofness that is popularly designated by the term abstract. When this isolation appears in instruction, scientific information is even more exposed to the dangers attendant upon presenting ready-made subject matter than are other forms of information.

Science is our defense against these natural tendencies and the problems that arise from them. It includes the specific tools and methods that humanity has gradually developed to ensure that our thoughts are examined in ways that test their processes and outcomes. It’s something we learn (an acquired skill), not something innate; it’s educated knowledge, not instinctive. This is why science holds such a vital, irreplaceable role in education, but it also brings risks to its proper use. Without being introduced to the scientific mindset, you don’t have access to the best tools humanity has created for focused thinking. In this case, not only do you engage in inquiry and learning without the best instruments, but you also miss out on fully grasping what knowledge means. This means you won’t recognize the difference between mere opinion and informed belief. Conversely, because science represents the advancement of understanding in highly specialized techniques, its findings can seem detached from everyday experiences—this distance is often referred to as being abstract. When this separation appears in teaching, scientific knowledge is even more vulnerable to the risks of presenting pre-packaged content compared to other types of information.

Science has been defined in terms of method of inquiry and testing. At first sight, this definition may seem opposed to the current conception that science is organized or systematized knowledge. The opposition, however, is only seeming, and disappears when the ordinary definition is completed. Not organization but the kind of organization effected by adequate methods of tested discovery marks off science. The knowledge of a farmer is systematized in the degree in which he is competent. It is organized on the basis of relation of means to ends—practically organized. Its organization as knowledge (that is, in the eulogistic sense of adequately tested and confirmed) is incidental to its organization with reference to securing crops, live-stock, etc. But scientific subject matter is organized with specific reference to the successful conduct of the enterprise of discovery, to knowing as a specialized undertaking. Reference to the kind of assurance attending science will shed light upon this statement. It is rational assurance,—logical warranty. The ideal of scientific organization is, therefore, that every conception and statement shall be of such a kind as to follow from others and to lead to others. Conceptions and propositions mutually imply and support one another. This double relation of "leading to and confirming" is what is meant by the terms logical and rational. The everyday conception of water is more available for ordinary uses of drinking, washing, irrigation, etc., than the chemist's notion of it. The latter's description of it as H20 is superior from the standpoint of place and use in inquiry. It states the nature of water in a way which connects it with knowledge of other things, indicating to one who understands it how the knowledge is arrived at and its bearings upon other portions of knowledge of the structure of things. Strictly speaking, it does not indicate the objective relations of water any more than does a statement that water is transparent, fluid, without taste or odor, satisfying to thirst, etc. It is just as true that water has these relations as that it is constituted by two molecules of hydrogen in combination with one of oxygen. But for the particular purpose of conducting discovery with a view to ascertainment of fact, the latter relations are fundamental. The more one emphasizes organization as a mark of science, then, the more he is committed to a recognition of the primacy of method in the definition of science. For method defines the kind of organization in virtue of which science is science.

Science has been defined as a method of inquiry and testing. At first glance, this definition might seem to conflict with the modern view that science is organized or systematized knowledge. However, this conflict is only apparent and disappears when we expand the traditional definition. It's not just organization but rather the type of organization achieved through proper methods of tested discovery that distinguishes science. A farmer's knowledge is systematized to the extent of their competence. It's organized based on the relationship between means and ends—essentially, it's practically organized. Its organization as knowledge (that is, in the sense of being adequately tested and confirmed) is secondary to its organization aimed at securing crops, livestock, etc. But scientific subject matter is organized specifically to ensure the success of the discovery process, regarding knowing as a specialized effort. Referring to the level of certainty associated with science provides clarity on this point. It offers rational assurance—logical validation. Therefore, the ideal of scientific organization is that every concept and statement should logically follow from others and lead to new ones. Concepts and propositions mutually imply and support each other. This dual relationship of "leading to and confirming" is what we mean by logical and rational. The everyday understanding of water is more useful for common activities like drinking, washing, and irrigation than the chemist’s definition. The chemist’s description of water as H2O is superior in the context of inquiry since it explains the nature of water in a way that connects it with knowledge of other subjects, showing how this knowledge is reached and its relevance to understanding the structure of things. Strictly speaking, it does not define the objective properties of water any more than saying that water is transparent, fluid, tasteless, odorless, and quenching. It's equally true that water has these properties as it is made up of two hydrogen molecules combined with one oxygen molecule. However, for the specific purpose of conducting discovery to ascertain facts, the latter relations are fundamental. Thus, the more one emphasizes organization as a hallmark of science, the more they acknowledge the importance of method in defining science. Method defines the type of organization that makes science what it is.

4. Subject Matter as Social. Our next chapters will take up various school activities and studies and discuss them as successive stages in that evolution of knowledge which we have just been discussing. It remains to say a few words upon subject matter as social, since our prior remarks have been mainly concerned with its intellectual aspect. A difference in breadth and depth exists even in vital knowledge; even in the data and ideas which are relevant to real problems and which are motivated by purposes. For there is a difference in the social scope of purposes and the social importance of problems. With the wide range of possible material to select from, it is important that education (especially in all its phases short of the most specialized) should use a criterion of social worth. All information and systematized scientific subject matter have been worked out under the conditions of social life and have been transmitted by social means. But this does not prove that all is of equal value for the purposes of forming the disposition and supplying the equipment of members of present society. The scheme of a curriculum must take account of the adaptation of studies to the needs of the existing community life; it must select with the intention of improving the life we live in common so that the future shall be better than the past. Moreover, the curriculum must be planned with reference to placing essentials first, and refinements second. The things which are socially most fundamental, that is, which have to do with the experiences in which the widest groups share, are the essentials. The things which represent the needs of specialized groups and technical pursuits are secondary. There is truth in the saying that education must first be human and only after that professional. But those who utter the saying frequently have in mind in the term human only a highly specialized class: the class of learned men who preserve the classic traditions of the past. They forget that material is humanized in the degree in which it connects with the common interests of men as men. Democratic society is peculiarly dependent for its maintenance upon the use in forming a course of study of criteria which are broadly human. Democracy cannot flourish where the chief influences in selecting subject matter of instruction are utilitarian ends narrowly conceived for the masses, and, for the higher education of the few, the traditions of a specialized cultivated class. The notion that the "essentials" of elementary education are the three R's mechanically treated, is based upon ignorance of the essentials needed for realization of democratic ideals. Unconsciously it assumes that these ideals are unrealizable; it assumes that in the future, as in the past, getting a livelihood, "making a living," must signify for most men and women doing things which are not significant, freely chosen, and ennobling to those who do them; doing things which serve ends unrecognized by those engaged in them, carried on under the direction of others for the sake of pecuniary reward. For preparation of large numbers for a life of this sort, and only for this purpose, are mechanical efficiency in reading, writing, spelling and figuring, together with attainment of a certain amount of muscular dexterity, "essentials." Such conditions also infect the education called liberal, with illiberality. They imply a somewhat parasitic cultivation bought at the expense of not having the enlightenment and discipline which come from concern with the deepest problems of common humanity. A curriculum which acknowledges the social responsibilities of education must present situations where problems are relevant to the problems of living together, and where observation and information are calculated to develop social insight and interest.

4. Subject Matter as Social. Our upcoming chapters will explore various school activities and studies, discussing them as different stages in the evolution of knowledge we've just covered. Before we move on, it’s important to address the social aspect of subject matter, as our earlier focus has mainly been on its intellectual side. There is a difference in both breadth and depth within essential knowledge; even the data and ideas related to real problems driven by specific purposes differ. This is due to the varying social scope of purposes and the importance of different problems. Given the wide range of materials available to choose from, it’s crucial that education (especially in all its phases before reaching the most specialized levels) uses a criterion of social value. All information and organized scientific subject matter have been developed within the context of social life and communicated through social means. However, this doesn’t indicate that everything holds equal value for equipping individuals for today's society. Curriculum design must take into account how studies meet the needs of the current community, choosing materials that aim to enhance our shared experience to ensure a better future. Furthermore, the curriculum should prioritize essentials over refinements. The most fundamental social aspects—those related to experiences shared by wide groups—are the essentials. In contrast, the needs of specialized groups and technical fields are secondary. There is truth in the saying that education should first be human and only then professional. However, those who commonly express this saying often interpret "human" to mean a highly specialized group: the intellectuals who maintain classical traditions from the past. They overlook that material becomes humanized to the extent it connects with the common interests of people. A democratic society critically relies on using broadly human criteria when forming a course of study. Democracy can't thrive if the main influences in selecting educational content are narrowly utilitarian goals for the masses and the established traditions of a specialized cultured elite for higher education. The idea that the "essentials" of elementary education are simply the three R's handled mechanically stems from a misunderstanding of what is truly essential for achieving democratic ideals. This assumption unconsciously suggests that these ideals are unattainable; it implies that in the future, as in the past, earning a living for most people means engaging in activities that lack significance, personal choice, and dignity; doing tasks aimed at goals unrecognized by those involved, carried out under the direction of others just for monetary gain. For preparing large numbers of individuals for this kind of life, and for this purpose alone, mechanical skills in reading, writing, spelling, and arithmetic, along with a certain level of physical proficiency, are considered "essentials." Such conditions also taint liberal education with a lack of generosity. They suggest a somewhat parasitic cultivation achieved at the cost of not experiencing the understanding and discipline that come from grappling with the most profound issues of our shared humanity. A curriculum that recognizes the social responsibilities of education must create situations where the problems are connected to living together and where observation and information are geared toward developing social insight and interest.





Summary. The subject matter of education consists primarily of the

meanings which supply content to existing social life. The continuity of social life means that many of these meanings are contributed to present activity by past collective experience. As social life grows more complex, these factors increase in number and import. There is need of special selection, formulation, and organization in order that they may be adequately transmitted to the new generation. But this very process tends to set up subject matter as something of value just by itself, apart from its function in promoting the realization of the meanings implied in the present experience of the immature. Especially is the educator exposed to the temptation to conceive his task in terms of the pupil's ability to appropriate and reproduce the subject matter in set statements, irrespective of its organization into his activities as a developing social member. The positive principle is maintained when the young begin with active occupations having a social origin and use, and proceed to a scientific insight in the materials and laws involved, through assimilating into their more direct experience the ideas and facts communicated by others who have had a larger experience. 1 Since the learned man should also still be a learner, it will be understood that these contrasts are relative, not absolute. But in the earlier stages of learning at least they are practically all-important.

Meanings provide content to current social life. The ongoing nature of social life means that many of these meanings come from shared experiences in the past. As social life becomes more complex, the factors contributing to it also increase in number and significance. There’s a need for careful selection, formulation, and organization to ensure these meanings are properly passed on to the new generation. However, this process often leads to subject matter being viewed as valuable in and of itself, separate from its role in helping younger individuals grasp the meanings in their current experiences. Educators, in particular, can be tempted to focus on a student’s ability to grasp and repeat the subject matter in fixed statements, without linking it to their development as active members of society. The effective approach involves starting with activities rooted in social origins and purposes, and moving toward a scientific understanding of the materials and laws involved, by absorbing ideas and facts shared by those with greater experience. Since knowledgeable individuals should also continue to learn, it’s important to recognize that these distinctions are relative, not absolute. However, in the earlier stages of learning, these distinctions are crucial.





Chapter Fifteen: Play and Work in the Curriculum

1. The Place of Active Occupations in Education. In consequence partly of the efforts of educational reformers, partly of increased interest in child-psychology, and partly of the direct experience of the schoolroom, the course of study has in the past generation undergone considerable modification. The desirability of starting from and with the experience and capacities of learners, a lesson enforced from all three quarters, has led to the introduction of forms of activity, in play and work, similar to those in which children and youth engage outside of school. Modern psychology has substituted for the general, ready-made faculties of older theory a complex group of instinctive and impulsive tendencies. Experience has shown that when children have a chance at physical activities which bring their natural impulses into play, going to school is a joy, management is less of a burden, and learning is easier. Sometimes, perhaps, plays, games, and constructive occupations are resorted to only for these reasons, with emphasis upon relief from the tedium and strain of "regular" school work. There is no reason, however, for using them merely as agreeable diversions. Study of mental life has made evident the fundamental worth of native tendencies to explore, to manipulate tools and materials, to construct, to give expression to joyous emotion, etc. When exercises which are prompted by these instincts are a part of the regular school program, the whole pupil is engaged, the artificial gap between life in school and out is reduced, motives are afforded for attention to a large variety of materials and processes distinctly educative in effect, and cooperative associations which give information in a social setting are provided. In short, the grounds for assigning to play and active work a definite place in the curriculum are intellectual and social, not matters of temporary expediency and momentary agreeableness. Without something of the kind, it is not possible to secure the normal estate of effective learning; namely, that knowledge-getting be an outgrowth of activities having their own end, instead of a school task. More specifically, play and work correspond, point for point, with the traits of the initial stage of knowing, which consists, as we saw in the last chapter, in learning how to do things and in acquaintance with things and processes gained in the doing. It is suggestive that among the Greeks, till the rise of conscious philosophy, the same word, techne, was used for art and science. Plato gave his account of knowledge on the basis of an analysis of the knowledge of cobblers, carpenters, players of musical instruments, etc., pointing out that their art (so far as it was not mere routine) involved an end, mastery of material or stuff worked upon, control of appliances, and a definite order of procedure—all of which had to be known in order that there be intelligent skill or art.

1. The Role of Active Activities in Education. Due in part to the efforts of educational reformers, growing interest in child psychology, and direct experiences in the classroom, the curriculum has changed significantly over the past generation. Emphasizing the importance of building on the experiences and abilities of students—which has been highlighted by all three influences—has led to the incorporation of activities in play and work that resemble what children and young people do outside of school. Modern psychology has replaced the older theory of general, pre-determined abilities with a more complex understanding of instinctual and impulsive tendencies. Experience has shown that when children engage in physical activities that activate their natural impulses, going to school becomes enjoyable, management becomes easier, and learning is more effective. Sometimes, play, games, and hands-on activities are used simply to alleviate the monotony and pressure of traditional schoolwork. However, there’s no reason to view them just as pleasant distractions. Research into mental processes has highlighted the intrinsic value of natural tendencies to explore, manipulate tools and materials, create, and express joy. When activities driven by these instincts are included in the regular school schedule, students are fully engaged, the artificial divide between school life and real life diminishes, and motivations for focusing on a wide array of educational materials and processes are created, along with social interactions that provide information in a collaborative context. In short, the rationale for giving play and active work a specific role in the curriculum is based on intellectual and social needs, not just on temporary convenience and momentary enjoyment. Without such activities, achieving effective learning is impossible; real knowledge acquisition should stem from activities that have their own purpose, rather than being just a school task. More specifically, play and work align perfectly with the characteristics of the initial stage of learning, which, as noted in the last chapter, involves learning to do things and gaining familiarity with things and processes through that doing. It’s interesting that among the Greeks, until the emergence of conscious philosophy, the same word, techne, was used for both art and science. Plato discussed knowledge based on an analysis of the skills of cobblers, carpenters, musicians, and others, noting that their craft—except where it was purely routine—entailed an objective, mastery of the materials used, control of tools, and a specific order of operations—all of which were necessary for achieving knowledgeable skill or art.

Doubtless the fact that children normally engage in play and work out of school has seemed to many educators a reason why they should concern themselves in school with things radically different. School time seemed too precious to spend in doing over again what children were sure to do any way. In some social conditions, this reason has weight. In pioneer times, for example, outside occupations gave a definite and valuable intellectual and moral training. Books and everything concerned with them were, on the other hand, rare and difficult of access; they were the only means of outlet from a narrow and crude environment. Wherever such conditions obtain, much may be said in favor of concentrating school activity upon books. The situation is very different, however, in most communities to-day. The kinds of work in which the young can engage, especially in cities, are largely anti-educational. That prevention of child labor is a social duty is evidence on this point. On the other hand, printed matter has been so cheapened and is in such universal circulation, and all the opportunities of intellectual culture have been so multiplied, that the older type of book work is far from having the force it used to possess.

There's no doubt that the fact that children typically play and work outside of school has led many educators to believe that school should focus on entirely different things. School time seemed too valuable to spend on activities that kids would do anyway. In some social contexts, this reasoning holds water. For instance, back in pioneer times, outdoor work provided important intellectual and moral training. On the other hand, books and related materials were scarce and hard to come by; they were the only way to escape a narrow and rough environment. In such situations, it makes sense to focus school activities on books. However, today’s circumstances in most communities are quite different. The types of work available to young people, especially in cities, are often not educational. The need to prevent child labor underscores this point. Conversely, printed materials have become so affordable and widely available, and opportunities for intellectual growth have increased so much, that traditional book work no longer has the same significance it once did.

But it must not be forgotten that an educational result is a by-product of play and work in most out-of-school conditions. It is incidental, not primary. Consequently the educative growth secured is more or less accidental. Much work shares in the defects of existing industrial society—defects next to fatal to right development. Play tends to reproduce and affirm the crudities, as well as the excellencies, of surrounding adult life. It is the business of the school to set up an environment in which play and work shall be conducted with reference to facilitating desirable mental and moral growth. It is not enough just to introduce plays and games, hand work and manual exercises. Everything depends upon the way in which they are employed.

But it shouldn't be overlooked that educational results are often a by-product of play and work in most out-of-school settings. They are incidental, not the main focus. As a result, the educational growth achieved is somewhat random. Much of the work reflects the flaws of our current industrial society—flaws that can severely hinder proper development. Play often reproduces and reinforces both the roughness and the strengths of adult life around us. It's the school's job to create an environment where play and work can be conducted in a way that promotes positive mental and moral growth. It's not enough to simply introduce games and activities; what's crucial is how they are utilized.

2. Available Occupations. A bare catalogue of the list of activities which have already found their way into schools indicates what a rich field is at hand. There is work with paper, cardboard, wood, leather, cloth, yarns, clay and sand, and the metals, with and without tools. Processes employed are folding, cutting, pricking, measuring, molding, modeling, pattern-making, heating and cooling, and the operations characteristic of such tools as the hammer, saw, file, etc. Outdoor excursions, gardening, cooking, sewing, printing, book-binding, weaving, painting, drawing, singing, dramatization, story-telling, reading and writing as active pursuits with social aims (not as mere exercises for acquiring skill for future use), in addition to a countless variety of plays and games, designate some of the modes of occupation.

2. Available Occupations. A quick look at the activities already included in schools shows how diverse the options are. There's work involving paper, cardboard, wood, leather, fabric, yarns, clay, sand, and metals, both with and without tools. The techniques used include folding, cutting, pricking, measuring, molding, modeling, making patterns, heating, cooling, and using tools like hammers, saws, and files. Outdoor activities, gardening, cooking, sewing, printing, bookbinding, weaving, painting, drawing, singing, acting, storytelling, reading, and writing are all active pursuits with social goals—not just exercises to develop skills for later use—along with countless types of games and play, all representing different ways to be occupied.

The problem of the educator is to engage pupils in these activities in such ways that while manual skill and technical efficiency are gained and immediate satisfaction found in the work, together with preparation for later usefulness, these things shall be subordinated to education—that is, to intellectual results and the forming of a socialized disposition. What does this principle signify? In the first place, the principle rules out certain practices. Activities which follow definite prescription and dictation or which reproduce without modification ready-made models, may give muscular dexterity, but they do not require the perception and elaboration of ends, nor (what is the same thing in other words) do they permit the use of judgment in selecting and adapting means. Not merely manual training specifically so called but many traditional kindergarten exercises have erred here. Moreover, opportunity for making mistakes is an incidental requirement. Not because mistakes are ever desirable, but because overzeal to select material and appliances which forbid a chance for mistakes to occur, restricts initiative, reduces judgment to a minimum, and compels the use of methods which are so remote from the complex situations of life that the power gained is of little availability. It is quite true that children tend to exaggerate their powers of execution and to select projects that are beyond them. But limitation of capacity is one of the things which has to be learned; like other things, it is learned through the experience of consequences. The danger that children undertaking too complex projects will simply muddle and mess, and produce not merely crude results (which is a minor matter) but acquire crude standards (which is an important matter) is great. But it is the fault of the teacher if the pupil does not perceive in due season the inadequacy of his performances, and thereby receive a stimulus to attempt exercises which will perfect his powers. Meantime it is more important to keep alive a creative and constructive attitude than to secure an external perfection by engaging the pupil's action in too minute and too closely regulated pieces of work. Accuracy and finish of detail can be insisted upon in such portions of a complex work as are within the pupil's capacity.

The educator's challenge is to involve students in activities that not only develop manual skills and technical efficiency, providing immediate satisfaction and preparing them for future usefulness, but also prioritize education—meaning intellectual growth and fostering a social awareness. What does this principle mean? Firstly, it excludes certain practices. Activities that strictly follow instructions or simply reproduce existing models may boost physical dexterity, but they do not encourage the understanding and development of goals, nor do they allow for the use of judgment in choosing and adapting methods. Not only traditional manual training but many standard kindergarten activities have made this mistake. Moreover, allowing for mistakes is an essential requirement. Not because mistakes are ever good, but because being overly eager to choose materials and tools that eliminate the chance of mistakes limits initiative, minimizes judgment, and forces the use of methods so distant from real-life situations that the skills gained are of little practical use. It's true that children often overestimate their abilities and choose projects that are too ambitious for them. However, learning the limits of one's abilities is something they need to understand; like other lessons, it's learned through experiencing the results of their actions. There is a significant risk that children who tackle overly complicated projects will not only create rough outcomes (which is less concerning) but also develop poor standards (which is crucial). However, it is the teacher’s responsibility to ensure that the student recognizes their shortcomings in a timely manner and is motivated to take on tasks that will enhance their skills. In the meantime, it's more important to nurture a creative and constructive mindset than to achieve superficial perfection by having the student engage in overly detailed and controlled tasks. Precision and attention to detail can be emphasized in parts of a complex project that the student is capable of managing.

Unconscious suspicion of native experience and consequent overdoing of external control are shown quite as much in the material supplied as in the matter of the teacher's orders. The fear of raw material is shown in laboratory, manual training shop, Froebelian kindergarten, and Montessori house of childhood. The demand is for materials which have already been subjected to the perfecting work of mind: a demand which shows itself in the subject matter of active occupations quite as well as in academic book learning. That such material will control the pupil's operations so as to prevent errors is true. The notion that a pupil operating with such material will somehow absorb the intelligence that went originally to its shaping is fallacious. Only by starting with crude material and subjecting it to purposeful handling will he gain the intelligence embodied in finished material. In practice, overemphasis upon formed material leads to an exaggeration of mathematical qualities, since intellect finds its profit in physical things from matters of size, form, and proportion and the relations that flow from them. But these are known only when their perception is a fruit of acting upon purposes which require attention to them. The more human the purpose, or the more it approximates the ends which appeal in daily experience, the more real the knowledge. When the purpose of the activity is restricted to ascertaining these qualities, the resulting knowledge is only technical.

Unconscious doubts about native experience and excessive reliance on external control are evident both in the materials provided and in the teacher's instructions. The fear of unprocessed materials is apparent in laboratories, workshops, kindergartens, and Montessori classrooms. There is a demand for materials that have already undergone refinement by the intellect: a demand that shows up in both hands-on activities and academic learning. It's true that such materials can guide a student's actions and minimize mistakes. However, the belief that a student using these materials will somehow absorb the understanding that went into their creation is misleading. Only by starting with raw materials and engaging with them purposefully can a student gain the insights embedded in finished products. In practice, putting too much emphasis on pre-made materials can lead to an inflated perception of mathematical concepts, as intellect benefits from physical things related to size, shape, and proportion along with the connections that arise from them. But these concepts can only be understood when their perception results from actions driven by intentions that require attention to them. The more human and relevant the goal of the activity, or the more it relates to everyday experiences, the more genuine the understanding. When the aim of the activity is simply to identify these qualities, the resulting knowledge is purely technical.

To say that active occupations should be concerned primarily with wholes is another statement of the same principle. Wholes for purposes of education are not, however, physical affairs. Intellectually the existence of a whole depends upon a concern or interest; it is qualitative, the completeness of appeal made by a situation. Exaggerated devotion to formation of efficient skill irrespective of present purpose always shows itself in devising exercises isolated from a purpose. Laboratory work is made to consist of tasks of accurate measurement with a view to acquiring knowledge of the fundamental units of physics, irrespective of contact with the problems which make these units important; or of operations designed to afford facility in the manipulation of experimental apparatus. The technique is acquired independently of the purposes of discovery and testing which alone give it meaning. Kindergarten employments are calculated to give information regarding cubes, spheres, etc., and to form certain habits of manipulation of material (for everything must always be done "just so"), the absence of more vital purposes being supposedly compensated for by the alleged symbolism of the material used. Manual training is reduced to a series of ordered assignments calculated to secure the mastery of one tool after another and technical ability in the various elements of construction—like the different joints. It is argued that pupils must know how to use tools before they attack actual making,—assuming that pupils cannot learn how in the process of making. Pestalozzi's just insistence upon the active use of the senses, as a substitute for memorizing words, left behind it in practice schemes for "object lessons" intended to acquaint pupils with all the qualities of selected objects. The error is the same: in all these cases it is assumed that before objects can be intelligently used, their properties must be known. In fact, the senses are normally used in the course of intelligent (that is, purposeful) use of things, since the qualities perceived are factors to be reckoned with in accomplishment. Witness the different attitude of a boy in making, say, a kite, with respect to the grain and other properties of wood, the matter of size, angles, and proportion of parts, to the attitude of a pupil who has an object-lesson on a piece of wood, where the sole function of wood and its properties is to serve as subject matter for the lesson.

Saying that active jobs should focus mainly on whole experiences is just another way of expressing the same principle. However, in education, these wholes aren’t just about physical things. Intellectually, a whole depends on an interest or concern; it's about the quality and completeness of how a situation engages us. When there's an overemphasis on developing efficient skills without regard for the current purpose, it often results in exercises disconnected from any meaningful context. For example, laboratory work tends to consist of precise measurement tasks aimed at understanding fundamental units of physics, without linking them to the real problems that make these units significant, or it involves activities designed to improve handling of experimental equipment. The techniques learned are detached from the purposes of discovery and testing that give them real significance. Kindergarten activities aim to teach concepts about cubes, spheres, etc., and to instill specific habits of handling materials (since everything must be done “just so”), presuming that the lack of deeper purposes is somehow offset by the supposed symbolism of the materials. Manual training gets reduced to a series of structured tasks aimed at mastering one tool after another and developing technical skills in various construction elements, like different joints. It’s argued that students need to know how to use tools before they start building, assuming they can't learn that in the process of making. Pestalozzi rightly stressed the importance of using the senses actively instead of just memorizing words, but this led to "object lessons" designed to familiarize students with the qualities of selected objects. The mistake is the same: it’s assumed that students must understand an object's properties before they can use it intelligently. In reality, our senses are typically engaged when we purposefully use things, as the qualities we perceive play a crucial role in what we achieve. For instance, consider how a boy making a kite thinks about the grain and properties of the wood, the size, angles, and proportions of parts, compared to a student who’s having an object lesson focused on a piece of wood, where the wood and its properties are merely the subject of discussion.

The failure to realize that the functional development of a situation alone constitutes a "whole" for the purpose of mind is the cause of the false notions which have prevailed in instruction concerning the simple and the complex. For the person approaching a subject, the simple thing is his purpose—the use he desires to make of material, tool, or technical process, no matter how complicated the process of execution may be. The unity of the purpose, with the concentration upon details which it entails, confers simplicity upon the elements which have to be reckoned with in the course of action. It furnishes each with a single meaning according to its service in carrying on the whole enterprise. After one has gone through the process, the constituent qualities and relations are elements, each possessed with a definite meaning of its own. The false notion referred to takes the standpoint of the expert, the one for whom elements exist; isolates them from purposeful action, and presents them to beginners as the "simple" things. But it is time for a positive statement. Aside from the fact that active occupations represent things to do, not studies, their educational significance consists in the fact that they may typify social situations. Men's fundamental common concerns center about food, shelter, clothing, household furnishings, and the appliances connected with production, exchange, and consumption.

The failure to understand that the practical development of a situation is what makes it a "whole" in the mind is the reason behind the misconceptions that have existed in teaching about the simple and the complex. For someone learning about a topic, the simple aspect is their goal—the use they want to make of materials, tools, or technical processes, regardless of how complicated the execution might be. The unity of purpose, along with the focus on the details it requires, gives simplicity to the elements involved in the process. It provides each element with a specific meaning based on its role in completing the entire task. Once the process is completed, the qualities and relationships become elements, each with its own clear meaning. The misconception mentioned earlier looks at things from an expert's perspective, where elements exist separately from action, and presents them to beginners as the "simple" things. However, it’s time for a clear statement. Aside from the fact that active work represents tasks rather than studies, their educational value lies in the possibility that they can represent real-life social situations. The fundamental concerns of people revolve around food, shelter, clothing, household items, and the tools related to production, exchange, and consumption.

Representing both the necessities of life and the adornments with which the necessities have been clothed, they tap instincts at a deep level; they are saturated with facts and principles having a social quality.

Representing both the essential needs of life and the embellishments that have been added to them, they connect with instincts on a deep level; they are filled with facts and principles that have a social dimension.

To charge that the various activities of gardening, weaving, construction in wood, manipulation of metals, cooking, etc., which carry over these fundamental human concerns into school resources, have a merely bread and butter value is to miss their point. If the mass of mankind has usually found in its industrial occupations nothing but evils which had to be endured for the sake of maintaining existence, the fault is not in the occupations, but in the conditions under which they are carried on. The continually increasing importance of economic factors in contemporary life makes it the more needed that education should reveal their scientific content and their social value. For in schools, occupations are not carried on for pecuniary gain but for their own content. Freed from extraneous associations and from the pressure of wage-earning, they supply modes of experience which are intrinsically valuable; they are truly liberalizing in quality.

To claim that activities like gardening, weaving, woodworking, metalworking, and cooking— which incorporate these basic human interests into school resources— have only a basic survival value misses the mark. If most people have often seen their jobs as nothing but burdens to endure for survival, the problem lies not in the jobs themselves but in the conditions under which they are done. As economic factors become increasingly significant in modern life, it is essential for education to expose their scientific value and social significance. In schools, these activities aren’t done for profit but for their inherent value. Removed from outside influences and the pressure of earning a living, they offer experiences that are genuinely valuable; they are truly enriching.

Gardening, for example, need not be taught either for the sake of preparing future gardeners, or as an agreeable way of passing time. It affords an avenue of approach to knowledge of the place farming and horticulture have had in the history of the race and which they occupy in present social organization. Carried on in an environment educationally controlled, they are means for making a study of the facts of growth, the chemistry of soil, the role of light, air, and moisture, injurious and helpful animal life, etc. There is nothing in the elementary study of botany which cannot be introduced in a vital way in connection with caring for the growth of seeds. Instead of the subject matter belonging to a peculiar study called botany, it will then belong to life, and will find, moreover, its natural correlations with the facts of soil, animal life, and human relations. As students grow mature, they will perceive problems of interest which may be pursued for the sake of discovery, independent of the original direct interest in gardening—problems connected with the germination and nutrition of plants, the reproduction of fruits, etc., thus making a transition to deliberate intellectual investigations.

Gardening, for instance, doesn’t have to be taught just to prepare future gardeners or as a pleasant way to spend time. It offers a way to understand the significance of farming and horticulture in our history and their role in today’s society. When done in a controlled educational environment, gardening becomes a means for studying growth, soil chemistry, the impact of light, air, and moisture, as well as beneficial and harmful wildlife, etc. There’s nothing in basic botany that can’t be introduced in a meaningful way while tending to seed growth. Rather than being seen as a separate subject called botany, it will be part of life and will naturally connect with soil facts, animal life, and human relationships. As students mature, they will notice interesting problems they can explore for the sake of discovery, independent of their initial interest in gardening—challenges related to plant germination and nutrition, fruit reproduction, etc., thus shifting toward more intentional intellectual inquiries.

The illustration is intended to apply, of course, to other school occupations,—wood-working, cooking, and on through the list. It is pertinent to note that in the history of the race the sciences grew gradually out from useful social occupations. Physics developed slowly out of the use of tools and machines; the important branch of physics known as mechanics testifies in its name to its original associations. The lever, wheel, inclined plane, etc., were among the first great intellectual discoveries of mankind, and they are none the less intellectual because they occurred in the course of seeking for means of accomplishing practical ends. The great advance of electrical science in the last generation was closely associated, as effect and as cause, with application of electric agencies to means of communication, transportation, lighting of cities and houses, and more economical production of goods. These are social ends, moreover, and if they are too closely associated with notions of private profit, it is not because of anything in them, but because they have been deflected to private uses:—a fact which puts upon the school the responsibility of restoring their connection, in the mind of the coming generation, with public scientific and social interests. In like ways, chemistry grew out of processes of dying, bleaching, metal working, etc., and in recent times has found innumerable new uses in industry.

The illustration is meant to relate to other school activities—woodworking, cooking, and so on. It's important to recognize that throughout history, sciences developed gradually from useful social activities. Physics emerged slowly from the use of tools and machines; the significant area of physics known as mechanics reflects its original connections. The lever, wheel, inclined plane, and similar inventions were some of the first major intellectual breakthroughs of humanity, and they are no less intellectual just because they were discovered while trying to achieve practical goals. The significant progress in electrical science over the last generation was closely linked, both as a result and a cause, to the use of electric technologies for communication, transportation, lighting cities and homes, and producing goods more efficiently. These are social objectives, and if they are too closely tied to private profit, it's not due to the nature of the technologies themselves but rather because they have been diverted to personal use. This highlights the responsibility of schools to restore their connection, in the minds of future generations, to public scientific and social interests. Similarly, chemistry originated from processes like dyeing, bleaching, and metalworking, and in recent times, it has found countless new applications in industry.

Mathematics is now a highly abstract science; geometry, however, means literally earth-measuring: the practical use of number in counting to keep track of things and in measuring is even more important to-day than in the times when it was invented for these purposes. Such considerations (which could be duplicated in the history of any science) are not arguments for a recapitulation of the history of the race or for dwelling long in the early rule of thumb stage. But they indicate the possibilities—greater to-day than ever before—of using active occupations as opportunities for scientific study. The opportunities are just as great on the social side, whether we look at the life of collective humanity in its past or in its future. The most direct road for elementary students into civics and economics is found in consideration of the place and office of industrial occupations in social life. Even for older students, the social sciences would be less abstract and formal if they were dealt with less as sciences (less as formulated bodies of knowledge) and more in their direct subject-matter as that is found in the daily life of the social groups in which the student shares.

Mathematics is now a very abstract science; however, geometry literally means earth-measuring. The practical use of numbers for counting things and measuring is more important today than it was when it was first created for those purposes. These considerations (which could apply to the history of any science) aren't reasons to revisit the history of humanity or to linger long in the early, basic methods. But they show the possibilities—greater today than ever before—of using hands-on activities as chances for scientific study. The opportunities are just as significant on the social side, whether we look at collective humanity's past or future. The most straightforward way for elementary students to engage with civics and economics is by considering the role of industrial jobs in social life. Even for older students, social sciences would be less abstract and formal if they were approached not just as sciences (not just as structured bodies of knowledge) but more in relation to their direct subject matter as it appears in the daily lives of the social groups to which the student belongs.

Connection of occupations with the method of science is at least as close as with its subject matter. The ages when scientific progress was slow were the ages when learned men had contempt for the material and processes of everyday life, especially for those concerned with manual pursuits. Consequently they strove to develop knowledge out of general principles—almost out of their heads—by logical reasons. It seems as absurd that learning should come from action on and with physical things, like dropping acid on a stone to see what would happen, as that it should come from sticking an awl with waxed thread through a piece of leather. But the rise of experimental methods proved that, given control of conditions, the latter operation is more typical of the right way of knowledge than isolated logical reasonings. Experiment developed in the seventeenth and succeeding centuries and became the authorized way of knowing when men's interests were centered in the question of control of nature for human uses. The active occupations in which appliances are brought to bear upon physical things with the intention of effecting useful changes is the most vital introduction to the experimental method.

The connection between jobs and the scientific method is just as strong as the connection to its subject matter. In times when scientific progress was slow, educated people looked down on the materials and processes of everyday life, especially those tied to manual labor. As a result, they tried to develop knowledge based on general principles—almost completely from their own reasoning. It seemed just as ridiculous to think that knowledge could come from interacting with physical things, like pouring acid on a rock to see what would happen, as it did to believe it could come from pushing a pointed tool with waxed thread through a piece of leather. However, the emergence of experimental methods showed that, when conditions are controlled, the latter approach is actually more representative of the true path to knowledge than isolated logical reasoning. Experimentation, which became established in the seventeenth century and beyond, became the accepted way of understanding when people's interests shifted toward controlling nature for human use. The hands-on work that uses tools to manipulate physical materials with the aim of creating beneficial changes is the most important introduction to the experimental method.

3. Work and Play. What has been termed active occupation includes both play and work. In their intrinsic meaning, play and industry are by no means so antithetical to one another as is often assumed, any sharp contrast being due to undesirable social conditions. Both involve ends consciously entertained and the selection and adaptations of materials and processes designed to effect the desired ends. The difference between them is largely one of time-span, influencing the directness of the connection of means and ends. In play, the interest is more direct—a fact frequently indicated by saying that in play the activity is its own end, instead of its having an ulterior result. The statement is correct, but it is falsely taken, if supposed to mean that play activity is momentary, having no element of looking ahead and none of pursuit. Hunting, for example, is one of the commonest forms of adult play, but the existence of foresight and the direction of present activity by what one is watching for are obvious. When an activity is its own end in the sense that the action of the moment is complete in itself, it is purely physical; it has no meaning (See p. 77). The person is either going through motions quite blindly, perhaps purely imitatively, or else is in a state of excitement which is exhausting to mind and nerves. Both results may be seen in some types of kindergarten games where the idea of play is so highly symbolic that only the adult is conscious of it. Unless the children succeed in reading in some quite different idea of their own, they move about either as if in a hypnotic daze, or they respond to a direct excitation.

3. Work and Play. Active engagement includes both play and work. In their true essence, play and work are not as opposed to each other as commonly believed; any stark difference usually stems from unfavorable social conditions. Both involve goals that are consciously pursued and the selection and adaptation of materials and processes aimed at achieving those goals. The difference between them mainly lies in the time span, which affects how directly means connect to ends. In play, the interest is more immediate—a point often made by saying that in play, the activity is its own purpose rather than having a hidden outcome. While this statement is true, it can be misleading if interpreted to mean that play is fleeting, with no anticipation or pursuit involved. For instance, hunting is one of the most common forms of adult play, but it clearly involves foresight and directing current actions based on what one is looking for. When an activity is its own end in the sense that the moment's action stands alone, it is purely physical; it lacks meaning (See p. 77). The person is either mindlessly going through the motions, perhaps merely imitating, or is in a state of excitement that drains the mind and nerves. Both outcomes can be observed in certain types of kindergarten games where the concept of play is so symbolic that only the adult realizes it. Unless the children manage to interpret it in a completely different way on their own, they either move around as if in a trance or react to a direct stimulus.

The point of these remarks is that play has an end in the sense of a directing idea which gives point to the successive acts. Persons who play are not just doing something (pure physical movement); they are trying to do or effect something, an attitude that involves anticipatory forecasts which stimulate their present responses. The anticipated result, however, is rather a subsequent action than the production of a specific change in things. Consequently play is free, plastic. Where some definite external outcome is wanted, the end has to be held to with some persistence, which increases as the contemplated result is complex and requires a fairly long series of intermediate adaptations. When the intended act is another activity, it is not necessary to look far ahead and it is possible to alter it easily and frequently. If a child is making a toy boat, he must hold on to a single end and direct a considerable number of acts by that one idea. If he is just "playing boat" he may change the material that serves as a boat almost at will, and introduce new factors as fancy suggests. The imagination makes what it will of chairs, blocks, leaves, chips, if they serve the purpose of carrying activity forward.

The main idea here is that play has a purpose in the form of a guiding idea that gives meaning to the different actions taken. People who are playing aren't just moving around aimlessly; they are trying to achieve something, which involves predicting outcomes that influence their current actions. However, the expected result is more about future actions than making a specific change in their environment. As a result, play is flexible and adaptable. When a clear external outcome is desired, it requires sticking to that goal, especially as it becomes more complicated and needs a longer series of adjustments. If the intended action is another type of activity, it doesn't require a long-term plan and can be changed easily and often. For example, if a child is building a toy boat, they need to focus on one specific goal and guide many actions based on that idea. But if the child is just "playing boat," they can change the materials they use for the boat freely and introduce new elements as their imagination leads them. The imagination allows for all sorts of possibilities with chairs, blocks, leaves, and chips, as long as they help keep the play going.

From a very early age, however, there is no distinction of exclusive periods of play activity and work activity, but only one of emphasis. There are definite results which even young children desire, and try to bring to pass. Their eager interest in sharing the occupations of others, if nothing else, accomplishes this. Children want to "help"; they are anxious to engage in the pursuits of adults which effect external changes: setting the table, washing dishes, helping care for animals, etc. In their plays, they like to construct their own toys and appliances. With increasing maturity, activity which does not give back results of tangible and visible achievement loses its interest. Play then changes to fooling and if habitually indulged in is demoralizing. Observable results are necessary to enable persons to get a sense and a measure of their own powers. When make-believe is recognized to be make-believe, the device of making objects in fancy alone is too easy to stimulate intense action. One has only to observe the countenance of children really playing to note that their attitude is one of serious absorption; this attitude cannot be maintained when things cease to afford adequate stimulation.

From a very early age, there isn’t a clear distinction between play and work, only a difference in focus. Young children have specific outcomes they want to achieve and actively try to make them happen. Their enthusiastic interest in taking part in what others are doing certainly helps with this. Kids want to "help"; they’re eager to get involved in adult activities that cause visible changes, like setting the table, washing dishes, or taking care of animals. In their play, they enjoy creating their own toys and tools. As they grow older, activities that don't produce tangible or noticeable results become less interesting. Play then turns into mere goofing around, which can be demoralizing if it happens too often. Seeing visible outcomes is important for individuals to understand and gauge their own abilities. When pretend play is recognized as just that, the act of creating imaginary objects alone isn’t enough to inspire meaningful engagement. Just watch the expressions of children truly immersed in play to see that they are seriously focused; this level of engagement is hard to maintain if the activities stop providing enough stimulation.

When fairly remote results of a definite character are foreseen and enlist persistent effort for their accomplishment, play passes into work. Like play, it signifies purposeful activity and differs not in that activity is subordinated to an external result, but in the fact that a longer course of activity is occasioned by the idea of a result. The demand for continuous attention is greater, and more intelligence must be shown in selecting and shaping means. To extend this account would be to repeat what has been said under the caption of aim, interest, and thinking. It is pertinent, however, to inquire why the idea is so current that work involves subordination of an activity to an ulterior material result. The extreme form of this subordination, namely drudgery, offers a clew. Activity carried on under conditions of external pressure or coercion is not carried on for any significance attached to the doing. The course of action is not intrinsically satisfying; it is a mere means for avoiding some penalty, or for gaining some reward at its conclusion. What is inherently repulsive is endured for the sake of averting something still more repulsive or of securing a gain hitched on by others. Under unfree economic conditions, this state of affairs is bound to exist. Work or industry offers little to engage the emotions and the imagination; it is a more or less mechanical series of strains. Only the hold which the completion of the work has upon a person will keep him going. But the end should be intrinsic to the action; it should be its end—a part of its own course. Then it affords a stimulus to effort very different from that arising from the thought of results which have nothing to do with the intervening action. As already mentioned, the absence of economic pressure in schools supplies an opportunity for reproducing industrial situations of mature life under conditions where the occupation can be carried on for its own sake. If in some cases, pecuniary recognition is also a result of an action, though not the chief motive for it, that fact may well increase the significance of the occupation. Where something approaching drudgery or the need of fulfilling externally imposed tasks exists, the demand for play persists, but tends to be perverted. The ordinary course of action fails to give adequate stimulus to emotion and imagination. So in leisure time, there is an imperious demand for their stimulation by any kind of means; gambling, drink, etc., may be resorted to. Or, in less extreme cases, there is recourse to idle amusement; to anything which passes time with immediate agreeableness. Recreation, as the word indicates, is recuperation of energy. No demand of human nature is more urgent or less to be escaped. The idea that the need can be suppressed is absolutely fallacious, and the Puritanic tradition which disallows the need has entailed an enormous crop of evils. If education does not afford opportunity for wholesome recreation and train capacity for seeking and finding it, the suppressed instincts find all sorts of illicit outlets, sometimes overt, sometimes confined to indulgence of the imagination. Education has no more serious responsibility than making adequate provision for enjoyment of recreative leisure; not only for the sake of immediate health, but still more if possible for the sake of its lasting effect upon habits of mind. Art is again the answer to this demand.

When specific outcomes that require ongoing effort are anticipated, play transitions into work. Like play, it involves purposeful activity and differs not because the activity is directed towards an external result, but because the idea of a result prompts a longer duration of activity. The need for continuous focus increases, and more thought must be given to choosing and manipulating the means. Expanding on this would be redundant since it parallels what has been discussed regarding goals, interests, and thinking. However, it's relevant to ask why the notion that work requires subordination of an activity to a secondary material outcome is so prevalent. The most extreme form of this subordination, called drudgery, provides a clue. Activity conducted under external pressure or coercion isn't performed for any value attached to the task itself. The process isn't fundamentally satisfying; it serves merely as a means to avoid some penalty or to gain a reward at the end. What is inherently unpleasant is endured to prevent something even more unpleasant or to secure a benefit dictated by others. Under oppressive economic conditions, this situation is unavoidable. Work or labor offers little to engage emotions and imagination; it is a more or less mechanical series of stresses. Only the completion of the task can motivate a person to continue. However, the objective should be integral to the action; it should be part of its course. Then, it provides a motivation for effort that is very different from the motivation stemming from thoughts of results unrelated to the action itself. As previously mentioned, the absence of economic pressure in schools creates an opportunity to replicate adult industrial situations under conditions where the work can be done for its own sake. If, in some cases, monetary recognition arises from an action, though not as the main motive, this can enhance the significance of the activity. When something resembling drudgery or the requirement to meet externally imposed tasks exists, the desire for play continues but tends to get distorted. The typical course of action fails to adequately stimulate emotions and imagination. Thus, in leisure time, there’s a strong demand for stimulation through any means possible; activities like gambling, drinking, etc., may be pursued. Or, in less extreme situations, people turn to trivial entertainment; anything that makes time pass while being immediately enjoyable. Recreation, as the term suggests, is about recovering energy. No human need is more pressing or less avoidable. The belief that this need can be ignored is completely misguided, and the Puritan tradition that denies this need has led to numerous problems. If education does not provide opportunities for healthy recreation and develop the ability to seek and engage in it, suppressed instincts will find all sorts of illicit expressions, sometimes openly and sometimes only indulging in imagination. Education's most serious responsibility is to ensure there's adequate opportunity for enjoying recreational leisure, not only for immediate well-being but even more for its lasting impact on mental habits. Art again serves as the response to this demand.





Summary. In the previous chapter we found that the primary subject

matter of knowing is that contained in learning how to do things of a fairly direct sort. The educational equivalent of this principle is the consistent use of simple occupations which appeal to the powers of youth and which typify general modes of social activity. Skill and information about materials, tools, and laws of energy are acquired while activities are carried on for their own sake. The fact that they are socially representative gives a quality to the skill and knowledge gained which makes them transferable to out-of-school situations. It is important not to confuse the psychological distinction between play and work with the economic distinction. Psychologically, the defining characteristic of play is not amusement nor aimlessness. It is the fact that the aim is thought of as more activity in the same line, without defining continuity of action in reference to results produced. Activities as they grow more complicated gain added meaning by greater attention to specific results achieved. Thus they pass gradually into work. Both are equally free and intrinsically motivated, apart from false economic conditions which tend to make play into idle excitement for the well to do, and work into uncongenial labor for the poor. Work is psychologically simply an activity which consciously includes regard for consequences as a part of itself; it becomes constrained labor when the consequences are outside of the activity as an end to which activity is merely a means. Work which remains permeated with the play attitude is art—in quality if not in conventional designation.

The essence of understanding comes from learning how to do things in a straightforward way. The educational equivalent of this idea is the consistent use of simple tasks that engage young people's abilities and reflect general social activities. Skills and knowledge about materials, tools, and energy principles are developed while engaging in activities for their own sake. The social relevance of these activities adds value to the skills and knowledge acquired, making them applicable in real-life situations outside of school. It's important not to mix up the psychological difference between play and work with the economic difference. Psychologically, play is characterized not by fun or aimlessness but by the idea that the goal is to engage in more of the same type of activity, without focusing on the outcomes produced. As activities become more complex, they take on additional meaning by emphasizing specific results achieved, gradually shifting into work. Both play and work are equally free and intrinsically motivated, aside from misleading economic conditions that turn play into mere idle fun for the wealthy and work into undesirable labor for the less fortunate. Psychologically, work is simply an activity that intentionally considers its consequences as part of itself; it becomes constrained labor when the outcomes are seen as external to the activity, serving merely as a means to an end. When work is infused with the mindset of play, it becomes art—either in quality or in its common label.





Chapter Sixteen: The Significance of Geography and History

1. Extension of Meaning of Primary Activities. Nothing is more striking than the difference between an activity as merely physical and the wealth of meanings which the same activity may assume. From the outside, an astronomer gazing through a telescope is like a small boy looking through the same tube. In each case, there is an arrangement of glass and metal, an eye, and a little speck of light in the distance. Yet at a critical moment, the activity of an astronomer might be concerned with the birth of a world, and have whatever is known about the starry heavens as its significant content. Physically speaking, what man has effected on this globe in his progress from savagery is a mere scratch on its surface, not perceptible at a distance which is slight in comparison with the reaches even of the solar system. Yet in meaning what has been accomplished measures just the difference of civilization from savagery. Although the activities, physically viewed, have changed somewhat, this change is slight in comparison with the development of the meanings attaching to the activities. There is no limit to the meaning which an action may come to possess. It all depends upon the context of perceived connections in which it is placed; the reach of imagination in realizing connections is inexhaustible. The advantage which the activity of man has in appropriating and finding meanings makes his education something else than the manufacture of a tool or the training of an animal. The latter increase efficiency; they do not develop significance. The final educational importance of such occupations in play and work as were considered in the last chapter is that they afford the most direct instrumentalities for such extension of meaning. Set going under adequate conditions they are magnets for gathering and retaining an indefinitely wide scope of intellectual considerations. They provide vital centers for the reception and assimilation of information. When information is purveyed in chunks simply as information to be retained for its own sake, it tends to stratify over vital experience. Entering as a factor into an activity pursued for its own sake—whether as a means or as a widening of the content of the aim—it is informing. The insight directly gained fuses with what is told. Individual experience is then capable of taking up and holding in solution the net results of the experience of the group to which he belongs—including the results of sufferings and trials over long stretches of time. And such media have no fixed saturation point where further absorption is impossible. The more that is taken in, the greater capacity there is for further assimilation. New receptiveness follows upon new curiosity, and new curiosity upon information gained.

1. Extension of Meaning of Primary Activities. Nothing is more striking than the difference between an activity as purely physical and the wealth of meanings that same activity can embody. From an outside perspective, an astronomer looking through a telescope appears similar to a small boy doing the same. In both cases, there’s a setup of glass and metal, an eye, and a little speck of light in the distance. Yet at a crucial moment, the astronomer's activity could relate to the birth of a world, with everything known about the starry heavens as its significant content. Physically speaking, the impact humans have made on this planet during their evolution from savagery is just a minor scratch on its surface, barely noticeable compared to the vast distances of even our solar system. However, in terms of meaning, what has been achieved highlights the clear difference between civilization and savagery. While the physical activities have changed somewhat, this change is minor compared to the evolution of the meanings linked to those activities. There’s no limit to the meaning that an action can take on. It all depends on the context and perceived connections in which it is situated; the potential for imagination to realize connections is endless. The advantage of human activity in creating and discovering meanings makes education something more than just making a tool or training an animal. The latter enhances efficiency; they don’t develop significance. The key educational value of such activities in play and work, discussed in the last chapter, is that they provide the most direct means for extending meaning. When stimulated under the right conditions, they act like magnets for collecting and maintaining a potentially vast array of intellectual considerations. They establish vital centers for receiving and absorbing information. When information is delivered merely as facts to be memorized, it tends to layer over essential experiences. But when incorporated into an activity pursued for its own sake—whether as a means or as an expansion of the aim’s content—it becomes enlightening. The insights gained directly merge with what is being explained. Individual experience can then absorb and integrate the cumulative results of the group’s experiences, including the outcomes of hardships and struggles over long periods. And these mediums have no definitive saturation point where further absorption becomes impossible. The more that is taken in, the greater the capacity for additional assimilation. New openness comes from new curiosity, and new curiosity arises from the information gained.

The meanings with which activities become charged, concern nature and man. This is an obvious truism, which however gains meaning when translated into educational equivalents. So translated, it signifies that geography and history supply subject matter which gives background and outlook, intellectual perspective, to what might otherwise be narrow personal actions or mere forms of technical skill. With every increase of ability to place our own doings in their time and space connections, our doings gain in significant content. We realize that we are citizens of no mean city in discovering the scene in space of which we are denizens, and the continuous manifestation of endeavor in time of which we are heirs and continuers. Thus our ordinary daily experiences cease to be things of the moment and gain enduring substance. Of course if geography and history are taught as ready-made studies which a person studies simply because he is sent to school, it easily happens that a large number of statements about things remote and alien to everyday experience are learned. Activity is divided, and two separate worlds are built up, occupying activity at divided periods. No transmutation takes place; ordinary experience is not enlarged in meaning by getting its connections; what is studied is not animated and made real by entering into immediate activity. Ordinary experience is not even left as it was, narrow but vital. Rather, it loses something of its mobility and sensitiveness to suggestions. It is weighed down and pushed into a corner by a load of unassimilated information. It parts with its flexible responsiveness and alert eagerness for additional meaning. Mere amassing of information apart from the direct interests of life makes mind wooden; elasticity disappears.

The meanings behind our activities relate to both nature and humanity. This is a basic truth, but it becomes meaningful when we apply it to education. In that context, it means that geography and history provide content that offers background and perspective, broadening our understanding beyond just personal actions or technical skills. As we learn to connect our actions to their time and place, those actions become more meaningful. We come to realize we're part of something bigger as we discover the environment we live in and the ongoing efforts of those who came before us. This transforms our everyday experiences from fleeting moments into something lasting. However, if geography and history are taught as mere subjects to be memorized because it's required in school, students often end up learning many facts that feel distant from their actual lives. This creates a divide, leading to two separate worlds that occupy our time separately. There’s no transformation happening; our everyday experiences don’t gain meaning through understanding their connections, and what we study doesn’t come alive through immediate engagement. Rather than remaining narrow yet vital, ordinary experiences become less flexible and responsive. They’re burdened with excess information that doesn’t integrate well. This weighs them down, reducing their ability to seek out deeper meaning. Simply accumulating information without tying it to real-life interests makes the mind rigid; flexibility fades away.

Normally every activity engaged in for its own sake reaches out beyond its immediate self. It does not passively wait for information to be bestowed which will increase its meaning; it seeks it out. Curiosity is not an accidental isolated possession; it is a necessary consequence of the fact that an experience is a moving, changing thing, involving all kinds of connections with other things. Curiosity is but the tendency to make these conditions perceptible. It is the business of educators to supply an environment so that this reaching out of an experience may be fruitfully rewarded and kept continuously active. Within a certain kind of environment, an activity may be checked so that the only meaning which accrues is of its direct and tangible isolated outcome. One may cook, or hammer, or walk, and the resulting consequences may not take the mind any farther than the consequences of cooking, hammering, and walking in the literal—or physical—sense. But nevertheless the consequences of the act remain far-reaching. To walk involves a displacement and reaction of the resisting earth, whose thrill is felt wherever there is matter. It involves the structure of the limbs and the nervous system; the principles of mechanics. To cook is to utilize heat and moisture to change the chemical relations of food materials; it has a bearing upon the assimilation of food and the growth of the body. The utmost that the most learned men of science know in physics, chemistry, physiology is not enough to make all these consequences and connections perceptible. The task of education, once more, is to see to it that such activities are performed in such ways and under such conditions as render these conditions as perceptible as possible. To "learn geography" is to gain in power to perceive the spatial, the natural, connections of an ordinary act; to "learn history" is essentially to gain in power to recognize its human connections. For what is called geography as a formulated study is simply the body of facts and principles which have been discovered in other men's experience about the natural medium in which we live, and in connection with which the particular acts of our life have an explanation. So history as a formulated study is but the body of known facts about the activities and sufferings of the social groups with which our own lives are continuous, and through reference to which our own customs and institutions are illuminated.

Typically, every activity done for its own sake extends beyond its immediate purpose. It doesn't just passively wait for information to enhance its meaning; it actively searches for it. Curiosity isn't a random, isolated trait; it's a natural result of the fact that experiences are dynamic and involve various connections with other things. Curiosity is simply the tendency to make these connections noticeable. It's the role of educators to create an environment where this exploration of experiences can be rewarding and remain actively engaged. In certain environments, an activity may be limited so that the only meaning derived is from its direct, tangible, isolated result. One might cook, or hammer, or walk, and the effects may not lead the mind beyond the straightforward outcomes of cooking, hammering, and walking in a literal, physical sense. However, the implications of these actions are extensive. Walking involves movement and interaction with the earth, whose effects are felt everywhere there's matter. It includes the mechanics of limbs and the nervous system. Cooking means using heat and moisture to alter the chemical properties of food, affecting how we digest and grow. Even the most knowledgeable scientists in physics, chemistry, and physiology can't fully reveal all these implications and connections. The objective of education is to ensure that such activities are conducted in ways and under conditions that make these connections as perceivable as possible. To "learn geography" means enhancing one's ability to understand the spatial and natural relationships of everyday actions; to "learn history" fundamentally means increasing one's ability to recognize its human connections. Geography as a formal study is simply the collection of facts and principles discovered through the experiences of others regarding the natural environment we inhabit and how our everyday actions relate to it. Similarly, history as a formal study is the compilation of known facts about the activities and struggles of the social groups that connect with our own lives, helping to clarify our customs and institutions.

2. The Complementary Nature of History and Geography. History and geography—including in the latter, for reasons about to be mentioned, nature study—are the information studies par excellence of the schools. Examination of the materials and the method of their use will make clear that the difference between penetration of this information into living experience and its mere piling up in isolated heaps depends upon whether these studies are faithful to the interdependence of man and nature which affords these studies their justification. Nowhere, however, is there greater danger that subject matter will be accepted as appropriate educational material simply because it has become customary to teach and learn it. The idea of a philosophic reason for it, because of the function of the material in a worthy transformation of experience, is looked upon as a vain fancy, or as supplying a high-sounding phraseology in support of what is already done. The words "history" and "geography" suggest simply the matter which has been traditionally sanctioned in the schools. The mass and variety of this matter discourage an attempt to see what it really stands for, and how it can be so taught as to fulfill its mission in the experience of pupils. But unless the idea that there is a unifying and social direction in education is a farcical pretense, subjects that bulk as large in the curriculum as history and geography, must represent a general function in the development of a truly socialized and intellectualized experience. The discovery of this function must be employed as a criterion for trying and sifting the facts taught and the methods used.

2. The Complementary Nature of History and Geography. History and geography—including nature study for reasons that will be explained—are the premier subjects in schools. Analyzing the materials and how they’re used will show that the difference between truly integrating this information into lived experience and just accumulating it in disconnected piles depends on whether these subjects honor the relationship between humans and nature that gives them their purpose. However, there’s a significant risk that content will be accepted as suitable educational material simply because it’s traditionally taught. The notion of a philosophical reason for it, based on how the material helps transform experience meaningfully, is often dismissed as an empty idea or as just fancy wording for what is already practiced. The terms "history" and "geography" merely bring to mind topics that have been typically sanctioned in schools. The sheer amount and variety of material can make it hard to understand what it truly represents and how it can be taught to fulfill its role in students' experiences. But unless we consider that there is a unifying and social purpose in education to be a ridiculous notion, subjects as significant in the curriculum as history and geography must serve a general purpose in developing a genuinely socialized and intellectual experience. Identifying this purpose should be used as a standard for evaluating the facts taught and the methods applied.

The function of historical and geographical subject matter has been stated; it is to enrich and liberate the more direct and personal contacts of life by furnishing their context, their background and outlook. While geography emphasizes the physical side and history the social, these are only emphases in a common topic, namely, the associated life of men. For this associated life, with its experiments, its ways and means, its achievements and failures, does not go on in the sky nor yet in a vacuum. It takes place on the earth. This setting of nature does not bear to social activities the relation that the scenery of a theatrical performance bears to a dramatic representation; it enters into the very make-up of the social happenings that form history. Nature is the medium of social occurrences. It furnishes original stimuli; it supplies obstacles and resources. Civilization is the progressive mastery of its varied energies. When this interdependence of the study of history, representing the human emphasis, with the study of geography, representing the natural, is ignored, history sinks to a listing of dates with an appended inventory of events, labeled "important"; or else it becomes a literary phantasy—for in purely literary history the natural environment is but stage scenery.

The role of historical and geographical topics has been outlined; it’s to enhance and free the more direct and personal connections in life by providing their context, background, and perspective. While geography focuses on the physical aspects and history on the social ones, these are merely different angles of a shared subject, which is the collective life of people. This collective life, with its trials, methods, successes, and failures, doesn’t occur in the sky or in isolation. It happens on Earth. This natural setting is not merely a backdrop to social activities like scenery is to a play; it is a fundamental part of the social events that create history. Nature is the medium for social occurrences. It provides initial impulses; it presents challenges and resources. Civilization is the ongoing mastery of these varied forces. When the connection between the study of history, highlighting human experiences, and the study of geography, highlighting the natural world, is overlooked, history degenerates into a mere list of dates accompanied by a catalog of events marked as "important"; or it becomes literary fiction—because, in purely literary history, the natural environment is just decorative backdrop.

Geography, of course, has its educative influence in a counterpart connection of natural facts with social events and their consequences. The classic definition of geography as an account of the earth as the home of man expresses the educational reality. But it is easier to give this definition than it is to present specific geographical subject matter in its vital human bearings. The residence, pursuits, successes, and failures of men are the things that give the geographic data their reason for inclusion in the material of instruction. But to hold the two together requires an informed and cultivated imagination. When the ties are broken, geography presents itself as that hodge-podge of unrelated fragments too often found. It appears as a veritable rag-bag of intellectual odds and ends: the height of a mountain here, the course of a river there, the quantity of shingles produced in this town, the tonnage of the shipping in that, the boundary of a county, the capital of a state. The earth as the home of man is humanizing and unified; the earth viewed as a miscellany of facts is scattering and imaginatively inert. Geography is a topic that originally appeals to imagination—even to the romantic imagination. It shares in the wonder and glory that attach to adventure, travel, and exploration. The variety of peoples and environments, their contrast with familiar scenes, furnishes infinite stimulation. The mind is moved from the monotony of the customary. And while local or home geography is the natural starting point in the reconstructive development of the natural environment, it is an intellectual starting point for moving out into the unknown, not an end in itself. When not treated as a basis for getting at the large world beyond, the study of the home geography becomes as deadly as do object lessons which simply summarize the properties of familiar objects. The reason is the same. The imagination is not fed, but is held down to recapitulating, cataloguing, and refining what is already known. But when the familiar fences that mark the limits of the village proprietors are signs that introduce an understanding of the boundaries of great nations, even fences are lighted with meaning. Sunlight, air, running water, inequality of earth's surface, varied industries, civil officers and their duties—all these things are found in the local environment. Treated as if their meaning began and ended in those confines, they are curious facts to be laboriously learned. As instruments for extending the limits of experience, bringing within its scope peoples and things otherwise strange and unknown, they are transfigured by the use to which they are put. Sunlight, wind, stream, commerce, political relations come from afar and lead the thoughts afar. To follow their course is to enlarge the mind not by stuffing it with additional information, but by remaking the meaning of what was previously a matter of course.

Geography obviously has an educational impact by connecting natural facts with social events and their outcomes. The traditional definition of geography as the study of the earth as the home of humanity reflects this educational truth. However, it’s easier to state this definition than it is to present specific geographical topics in their crucial human context. The living conditions, activities, achievements, and failures of people give geographic data its significance in education. But linking these elements requires a well-informed and imaginative perspective. When those connections are lost, geography becomes a jumble of unrelated facts, often resulting in a chaotic collection of trivia: a mountain's height here, a river's path there, the number of shingles produced in one town, the shipping tonnage in another, a county's boundary, a state’s capital. The earth as humanity’s home is unifying and meaningful; when seen merely as a collection of facts, geography feels scattered and uninspiring. Geography originally captures the imagination—even the romantic imagination. It embodies the awe and excitement connected to adventure, travel, and exploration. The diversity of people and places, along with their contrast to familiar surroundings, provides endless inspiration. It moves the mind beyond the dullness of the ordinary. While local geography is a natural starting point for understanding the environment, it's an intellectual springboard for exploring the unknown, not a destination itself. If not treated as a foundation for reaching the broader world, studying local geography becomes as tedious as object lessons that merely repeat what we already know. The reason is the same: the imagination isn’t engaged; it’s limited to restating, listing, and dissecting familiar information. Yet when the familiar boundaries of a village signal an understanding of the borders of great nations, even those fences carry significance. Sunlight, air, flowing water, the unevenness of the earth's surface, diverse industries, and civil responsibilities—all these elements exist in the local environment. When viewed as if their significance starts and ends within those limits, they are simply tedious facts to memorize. However, when they serve as tools to expand our experiences and introduce us to unfamiliar peoples and things, their meaning transforms. Sunlight, wind, streams, commerce, and political relationships come from distant places and lead our thoughts beyond. Following their trajectories expands our minds not just by adding more information but by reshaping the significance of what we once saw as commonplace.

The same principle coordinates branches, or phases, of geographical study which tend to become specialized and separate. Mathematical or astronomical, physiographic, topographic, political, commercial, geography, all make their claims. How are they to be adjusted? By an external compromise that crowds in so much of each? No other method is to be found unless it be constantly borne in mind that the educational center of gravity is in the cultural or humane aspects of the subject. From this center, any material becomes relevant in so far as it is needed to help appreciate the significance of human activities and relations. The differences of civilization in cold and tropical regions, the special inventions, industrial and political, of peoples in the temperate regions, cannot be understood without appeal to the earth as a member of the solar system. Economic activities deeply influence social intercourse and political organization on one side, and reflect physical conditions on the other. The specializations of these topics are for the specialists; their interaction concerns man as a being whose experience is social.

The same principle connects different branches or phases of geographical study that tend to become specialized and separate. Mathematical, astronomical, physiographic, topographic, political, and commercial geography all make their claims. How do we reconcile them? By finding a middle ground that incorporates aspects of each? There's no other method unless we consistently remember that the core focus of education lies in the cultural or human aspects of the subject. From this core, any material becomes relevant as far as it helps us appreciate the significance of human activities and relationships. The differences in civilization between cold and tropical regions, as well as the unique inventions—industrial and political—of people in temperate regions cannot be understood without considering the Earth as a part of the solar system. Economic activities greatly influence social interactions and political organization on one side, while reflecting physical conditions on the other. The specializations of these topics are meant for experts; their interconnections are relevant to humans as social beings.

To include nature study within geography doubtless seems forced; verbally, it is. But in educational idea there is but one reality, and it is pity that in practice we have two names: for the diversity of names tends to conceal the identity of meaning. Nature and the earth should be equivalent terms, and so should earth study and nature study. Everybody knows that nature study has suffered in schools from scrappiness of subject matter, due to dealing with a large number of isolated points. The parts of a flower have been studied, for example, apart from the flower as an organ; the flower apart from the plant; the plant apart from the soil, air, and light in which and through which it lives. The result is an inevitable deadness of topics to which attention is invited, but which are so isolated that they do not feed imagination. The lack of interest is so great that it was seriously proposed to revive animism, to clothe natural facts and events with myths in order that they might attract and hold the mind. In numberless cases, more or less silly personifications were resorted to. The method was silly, but it expressed a real need for a human atmosphere. The facts had been torn to pieces by being taken out of their context. They no longer belonged to the earth; they had no abiding place anywhere. To compensate, recourse was had to artificial and sentimental associations. The real remedy is to make nature study a study of nature, not of fragments made meaningless through complete removal from the situations in which they are produced and in which they operate. When nature is treated as a whole, like the earth in its relations, its phenomena fall into their natural relations of sympathy and association with human life, and artificial substitutes are not needed.

Incorporating nature study into geography might seem forced; at first glance, it really does. However, in educational terms, there's only one reality, and it's unfortunate that we have two different names in practice: the variety of names tends to obscure the shared meaning. Nature and the earth should be seen as equivalent concepts, just like earth study and nature study. It's well known that nature study in schools has suffered from fragmented content, focusing on a large number of isolated topics. For instance, the parts of a flower have been examined separately from the flower as a whole; the flower has been studied apart from the plant; and the plant has been looked at without considering the soil, air, and light it relies on to thrive. This approach leads to a lack of engagement with subjects that are so detached they fail to inspire imagination. The disinterest is so significant that there were even serious suggestions to revive animism, dressing natural facts and events in myths to make them more appealing and engaging. In countless instances, overly simplistic personifications were used. While the method was misguided, it highlighted a real need for a more human context. The facts had been disconnected from their context; they no longer felt tied to the earth and had no lasting home. To compensate, people turned to artificial and sentimental connections. The real solution is to transform nature study into a comprehensive study of nature itself, rather than merely examining fragments that lose their meaning when removed from the situations in which they occur. When nature is viewed as a whole, like the earth in its interconnectedness, its phenomena align naturally with human life, eliminating the need for artificial replacements.

3. History and Present Social Life. The segregation which kills the vitality of history is divorce from present modes and concerns of social life. The past just as past is no longer our affair. If it were wholly gone and done with, there would be only one reasonable attitude toward it. Let the dead bury their dead. But knowledge of the past is the key to understanding the present. History deals with the past, but this past is the history of the present. An intelligent study of the discovery, explorations, colonization of America, of the pioneer movement westward, of immigration, etc., should be a study of the United States as it is to-day: of the country we now live in. Studying it in process of formation makes much that is too complex to be directly grasped open to comprehension. Genetic method was perhaps the chief scientific achievement of the latter half of the nineteenth century. Its principle is that the way to get insight into any complex product is to trace the process of its making,—to follow it through the successive stages of its growth. To apply this method to history as if it meant only the truism that the present social state cannot be separated from its past, is one-sided. It means equally that past events cannot be separated from the living present and retain meaning. The true starting point of history is always some present situation with its problems.

3. History and Present Social Life. The separation that stifles the vitality of history is the disconnect from today's social life. The past, simply as the past, is no longer relevant to us. If it were completely over and done with, there would be only one reasonable approach: let the dead bury their dead. However, understanding the past is essential for grasping the present. History is about the past, but that past informs the history of the present. A thoughtful examination of the discovery, exploration, and colonization of America, the westward pioneer movement, immigration, and so on, should reflect the United States as it exists today—the country we live in now. Studying history as it unfolds makes complex issues more accessible to understanding. The genetic method was possibly the most significant scientific advancement of the late nineteenth century. Its core idea is that to gain insight into any complex outcome, one should trace its development—following it through its various growth stages. To apply this method to history, suggesting that the current social state cannot be divorced from its past, is too simplistic. It also implies that past events cannot be divorced from the living present and still retain significance. The true starting point of history is always a current situation with its associated challenges.

This general principle may be briefly applied to a consideration of its bearing upon a number of points. The biographical method is generally recommended as the natural mode of approach to historical study. The lives of great men, of heroes and leaders, make concrete and vital historic episodes otherwise abstract and incomprehensible. They condense into vivid pictures complicated and tangled series of events spread over so much space and time that only a highly trained mind can follow and unravel them. There can be no doubt of the psychological soundness of this principle. But it is misused when employed to throw into exaggerated relief the doings of a few individuals without reference to the social situations which they represent. When a biography is related just as an account of the doings of a man isolated from the conditions that aroused him and to which his activities were a response, we do not have a study of history, for we have no study of social life, which is an affair of individuals in association. We get only a sugar coating which makes it easier to swallow certain fragments of information. Much attention has been given of late to primitive life as an introduction to learning history. Here also there is a right and a wrong way of conceiving its value. The seemingly ready-made character and the complexity of present conditions, their apparently hard and fast character, is an almost insuperable obstacle to gaining insight into their nature. Recourse to the primitive may furnish the fundamental elements of the present situation in immensely simplified form. It is like unraveling a cloth so complex and so close to the eyes that its scheme cannot be seen, until the larger coarser features of the pattern appear. We cannot simplify the present situations by deliberate experiment, but resort to primitive life presents us with the sort of results we should desire from an experiment. Social relationships and modes of organized action are reduced to their lowest terms. When this social aim is overlooked, however, the study of primitive life becomes simply a rehearsing of sensational and exciting features of savagery. Primitive history suggests industrial history. For one of the chief reasons for going to more primitive conditions to resolve the present into more easily perceived factors is that we may realize how the fundamental problems of procuring subsistence, shelter, and protection have been met; and by seeing how these were solved in the earlier days of the human race, form some conception of the long road which has had to be traveled, and of the successive inventions by which the race has been brought forward in culture. We do not need to go into disputes regarding the economic interpretation of history to realize that the industrial history of mankind gives insight into two important phases of social life in a way which no other phase of history can possibly do. It presents us with knowledge of the successive inventions by which theoretical science has been applied to the control of nature in the interests of security and prosperity of social life. It thus reveals the successive causes of social progress. Its other service is to put before us the things that fundamentally concern all men in common—the occupations and values connected with getting a living. Economic history deals with the activities, the career, and fortunes of the common man as does no other branch of history. The one thing every individual must do is to live; the one thing that society must do is to secure from each individual his fair contribution to the general well being and see to it that a just return is made to him.

This general principle can be briefly applied to several points. The biographical method is usually suggested as the natural way to approach historical study. The lives of great people, heroes, and leaders make concrete and important historical events that would otherwise be abstract and hard to understand. They create vivid images from complicated and tangled series of events spread over so much time and space that only a highly trained mind can follow and make sense of them. There’s no doubt about the psychological validity of this principle. However, it’s misused when it focuses too much on a few individuals without considering the social contexts they represent. When a biography is told as just an account of one person's actions, detached from the circumstances that inspired them and to which their actions were a response, we don’t get a study of history; we lack a study of social life, which involves individuals in relationships with each other. We only get a surface-level view that makes it easier to digest certain pieces of information. Recently, there’s been a lot of interest in primitive life as a way to learn history. There’s a right and a wrong way to understand its value. The seemingly straightforward and complex nature of current conditions, with their apparent rigidity, poses a significant challenge to understanding their essence. Looking back to primitive life can provide fundamental elements of our present situation in a much simpler form. It’s like unraveling a fabric that’s so intricate and close to the eye that you can’t see the overall design until the larger, coarser aspects become visible. We can’t simplify present situations through intentional experiments, but examining primitive life gives us the kinds of insights we would hope to gain from such experiments. Social interactions and organized actions are distilled to their most basic components. However, when this social goal is overlooked, studying primitive life boils down to just recapping the sensational and thrilling aspects of savagery. Primitive history points to industrial history. One main reason for examining more primitive conditions to break down the present into more understandable factors is to see how fundamental issues of securing food, shelter, and protection have been addressed; by observing how these were resolved in the early days of humanity, we can grasp the lengthy journey that has led to our current cultural advancements and the successive innovations that have moved humanity forward. We don’t need to dive into debates over the economic interpretation of history to understand that the industrial history of mankind offers insights into two key aspects of social life in a way no other historical phase can. It provides knowledge of the various inventions that have applied theoretical science to control nature for the sake of security and social well-being, thereby revealing the consecutive causes of social progress. Its other role is to highlight the issues that fundamentally affect all people— the jobs and values associated with making a living. Economic history addresses the actions, careers, and fortunes of common people in a way that no other historical branch does. The one thing every person must do is survive; the one thing society must ensure is that each person contributes fairly to the overall well-being and receives a just return in exchange.

Economic history is more human, more democratic, and hence more liberalizing than political history. It deals not with the rise and fall of principalities and powers, but with the growth of the effective liberties, through command of nature, of the common man for whom powers and principalities exist.

Economic history is more focused on people, more democratic, and therefore more liberating than political history. It doesn’t just look at the rise and fall of rulers and empires; it examines how the real freedoms of everyday people have expanded through their control over nature, the very people for whom those rulers and empires exist.

Industrial history also offers a more direct avenue of approach to the realization of the intimate connection of man's struggles, successes, and failures with nature than does political history—to say nothing of the military history into which political history so easily runs when reduced to the level of youthful comprehension. For industrial history is essentially an account of the way in which man has learned to utilize natural energy from the time when men mostly exploited the muscular energies of other men to the time when, in promise if not in actuality, the resources of nature are so under command as to enable men to extend a common dominion over her. When the history of work, when the conditions of using the soil, forest, mine, of domesticating and cultivating grains and animals, of manufacture and distribution, are left out of account, history tends to become merely literary—a systematized romance of a mythical humanity living upon itself instead of upon the earth.

Industrial history provides a more direct way to understand how people's struggles, successes, and failures are linked to nature, compared to political history—especially considering how political history often turns into military history when simplified for a younger audience. Industrial history is fundamentally about how humans have learned to harness natural energy, starting from the time when people mainly relied on the physical strength of others to the point where, at least in theory, we have control over nature's resources to expand our collective influence. When we ignore the history of work, the use of land, forests, and mines, as well as the domestication and cultivation of crops and animals, along with manufacturing and distribution, history risks becoming just a literary narrative—a stylized story of an imaginary humanity that exists in isolation rather than in relation to the earth.

Perhaps the most neglected branch of history in general education is intellectual history. We are only just beginning to realize that the great heroes who have advanced human destiny are not its politicians, generals, and diplomatists, but the scientific discoverers and inventors who have put into man's hands the instrumentalities of an expanding and controlled experience, and the artists and poets who have celebrated his struggles, triumphs, and defeats in such language, pictorial, plastic, or written, that their meaning is rendered universally accessible to others. One of the advantages of industrial history as a history of man's progressive adaptation of natural forces to social uses is the opportunity which it affords for consideration of advance in the methods and results of knowledge. At present men are accustomed to eulogize intelligence and reason in general terms; their fundamental importance is urged. But pupils often come away from the conventional study of history, and think either that the human intellect is a static quantity which has not progressed by the invention of better methods, or else that intelligence, save as a display of personal shrewdness, is a negligible historic factor. Surely no better way could be devised of instilling a genuine sense of the part which mind has to play in life than a study of history which makes plain how the entire advance of humanity from savagery to civilization has been dependent upon intellectual discoveries and inventions, and the extent to which the things which ordinarily figure most largely in historical writings have been side issues, or even obstructions for intelligence to overcome.

One of the most overlooked areas of history in education is intellectual history. We're just starting to understand that the real heroes who have shaped humanity aren't just politicians, generals, and diplomats, but the scientific innovators and inventors who have given us the tools for a broader and more controlled understanding of our experiences. It's also the artists and poets who have captured our struggles, victories, and failures in language, images, and written forms that make these experiences accessible to everyone. A key benefit of studying industrial history—focused on how humans have adapted natural forces for social purposes—is that it allows us to reflect on advancements in our methods and knowledge outcomes. Nowadays, people often praise intelligence and reason in general terms, emphasizing their crucial role. However, students frequently leave traditional history classes believing either that human intellect is static and hasn't improved with better methods, or that intelligence, unless it's just personal cleverness, is not a significant historical factor. There’s really no better way to foster a true appreciation of the role of intellect in life than through a historical study that clearly shows how humanity's progress from savagery to civilization has relied on intellectual discoveries and inventions, and how the elements that are typically emphasized in history books have often been secondary, or even obstacles that intelligence has had to navigate.

Pursued in this fashion, history would most naturally become of ethical value in teaching. Intelligent insight into present forms of associated life is necessary for a character whose morality is more than colorless innocence. Historical knowledge helps provide such insight. It is an organ for analysis of the warp and woof of the present social fabric, of making known the forces which have woven the pattern. The use of history for cultivating a socialized intelligence constitutes its moral significance. It is possible to employ it as a kind of reservoir of anecdotes to be drawn on to inculcate special moral lessons on this virtue or that vice. But such teaching is not so much an ethical use of history as it is an effort to create moral impressions by means of more or less authentic material. At best, it produces a temporary emotional glow; at worst, callous indifference to moralizing. The assistance which may be given by history to a more intelligent sympathetic understanding of the social situations of the present in which individuals share is a permanent and constructive moral asset.

Pursued this way, history would naturally become an ethical tool in education. Understanding current forms of social life is essential for a character whose morality goes beyond simple innocence. Historical knowledge provides that understanding. It serves as a means to analyze the complex fabric of today's society, revealing the forces that have shaped it. Using history to develop a social awareness is where its moral value lies. It can be treated like a collection of stories to teach specific moral lessons about virtues or vices. However, this approach is less about ethically using history and more about creating moral impressions through somewhat genuine material. At best, it offers a fleeting emotional experience; at worst, it leads to a cold indifference to moral lessons. The help that history offers in fostering a more insightful and empathetic understanding of present social issues is a lasting and valuable moral resource.





Summary. It is the nature of an experience to have implications which

go far beyond what is at first consciously noted in it. Bringing these connections or implications to consciousness enhances the meaning of the experience. Any experience, however trivial in its first appearance, is capable of assuming an indefinite richness of significance by extending its range of perceived connections. Normal communication with others is the readiest way of effecting this development, for it links up the net results of the experience of the group and even the race with the immediate experience of an individual. By normal communication is meant that in which there is a joint interest, a common interest, so that one is eager to give and the other to take. It contrasts with telling or stating things simply for the sake of impressing them upon another, merely in order to test him to see how much he has retained and can literally reproduce.

go far beyond what is initially noticed. Bringing these connections or implications to awareness enhances the meaning of the experience. Any experience, no matter how trivial it seems at first, can take on a wealth of significance by expanding its perceived connections. Regular communication with others is the easiest way to achieve this, as it links the collective experiences of the group and even humanity with an individual’s immediate experience. By regular communication, we mean interactions that revolve around shared interests, where one person is eager to share and the other to engage. This is different from merely telling or stating things just to impress someone, to test how much they've remembered and can repeat back.

Geography and history are the two great school resources for bringing about the enlargement of the significance of a direct personal experience. The active occupations described in the previous chapter reach out in space and time with respect to both nature and man. Unless they are taught for external reasons or as mere modes of skill their chief educational value is that they provide the most direct and interesting roads out into the larger world of meanings stated in history and geography. While history makes human implications explicit and geography natural connections, these subjects are two phases of the same living whole, since the life of men in association goes on in nature, not as an accidental setting, but as the material and medium of development.

Geography and history are two important resources in education that help expand the meaning of personal experiences. The active activities mentioned in the previous chapter connect to both time and space in relation to nature and humanity. If these subjects are taught just for external reasons or as simple skills, their main educational benefit is that they offer the most straightforward and engaging paths into the broader world of meanings found in history and geography. While history clarifies human implications and geography shows natural connections, these subjects are two aspects of the same living whole, as human life in communities occurs within nature, not as a random backdrop, but as the foundation and medium for growth.





Chapter Seventeen: Science in the Course of Study

1. The Logical and the Psychological. By science is meant, as already stated, that knowledge which is the outcome of methods of observation, reflection, and testing which are deliberately adopted to secure a settled, assured subject matter. It involves an intelligent and persistent endeavor to revise current beliefs so as to weed out what is erroneous, to add to their accuracy, and, above all, to give them such shape that the dependencies of the various facts upon one another may be as obvious as possible. It is, like all knowledge, an outcome of activity bringing about certain changes in the environment. But in its case, the quality of the resulting knowledge is the controlling factor and not an incident of the activity. Both logically and educationally, science is the perfecting of knowing, its last stage.

1. The Logical and the Psychological. When we talk about science, we're referring to knowledge that comes from specific methods of observation, reflection, and testing. These methods are intentionally chosen to provide reliable and established subject matter. It involves a thoughtful and ongoing effort to reassess existing beliefs to eliminate inaccuracies, enhance their precision, and, most importantly, to structure them in a way that clearly shows how different facts relate to one another. Like all knowledge, it emerges from activities that bring about changes in our environment. However, in this case, the quality of the knowledge produced is the key factor, rather than just a byproduct of the activity. Both logically and educationally, science represents the refinement of understanding, marking its final stage.

Science, in short, signifies a realization of the logical implications of any knowledge. Logical order is not a form imposed upon what is known; it is the proper form of knowledge as perfected. For it means that the statement of subject matter is of a nature to exhibit to one who understands it the premises from which it follows and the conclusions to which it points (See ante, p. 190). As from a few bones the competent zoologist reconstructs an animal; so from the form of a statement in mathematics or physics the specialist in the subject can form an idea of the system of truths in which it has its place.

Science, in simple terms, is understanding the logical consequences of any knowledge. Logical order isn't just a structure imposed on what we know; it’s the essential form of knowledge at its best. This means that the way we present the subject matter is designed to show anyone who understands it the premises it’s based on and the conclusions it leads to (See ante, p. 190). Just as a skilled zoologist can reconstruct an animal from a few bones, a specialist in mathematics or physics can grasp the broader system of truths that a statement fits into.

To the non-expert, however, this perfected form is a stumbling block. Just because the material is stated with reference to the furtherance of knowledge as an end in itself, its connections with the material of everyday life are hidden. To the layman the bones are a mere curiosity. Until he had mastered the principles of zoology, his efforts to make anything out of them would be random and blind. From the standpoint of the learner scientific form is an ideal to be achieved, not a starting point from which to set out. It is, nevertheless, a frequent practice to start in instruction with the rudiments of science somewhat simplified. The necessary consequence is an isolation of science from significant experience. The pupil learns symbols without the key to their meaning. He acquires a technical body of information without ability to trace its connections with the objects and operations with which he is familiar—often he acquires simply a peculiar vocabulary. There is a strong temptation to assume that presenting subject matter in its perfected form provides a royal road to learning. What more natural than to suppose that the immature can be saved time and energy, and be protected from needless error by commencing where competent inquirers have left off? The outcome is written large in the history of education. Pupils begin their study of science with texts in which the subject is organized into topics according to the order of the specialist. Technical concepts, with their definitions, are introduced at the outset. Laws are introduced at a very early stage, with at best a few indications of the way in which they were arrived at. The pupils learn a "science" instead of learning the scientific way of treating the familiar material of ordinary experience. The method of the advanced student dominates college teaching; the approach of the college is transferred into the high school, and so down the line, with such omissions as may make the subject easier.

To non-experts, however, this polished version is a hurdle. Just because the material is presented with the aim of knowledge as an end in itself, its connections to everyday life are obscured. To the average person, the bones are merely a curiosity. Until they grasp the principles of zoology, their attempts to make sense of them will be random and misguided. From the learner's perspective, scientific form is something to strive for, not a jumping-off point. Yet, it is common to begin teaching with a simplified version of the basics of science. The inevitable result is that science becomes detached from meaningful experiences. Students learn symbols without understanding what they mean. They accumulate technical information but struggle to connect it to the objects and actions they know—often, they just end up with a specific jargon. There's a strong temptation to think that presenting information in its refined form is a shortcut to learning. It's only natural to believe that beginners can save time and effort, and avoid unnecessary mistakes by starting where knowledgeable inquirers have left off. The consequences are clear in the history of education. Students start their science studies with texts that organize the subject according to a specialist's order. Technical concepts and definitions are introduced right away. Laws are presented very early, with maybe just a few hints about how they were developed. Students learn a "science" rather than the scientific approach to understanding the familiar aspects of everyday life. The methods of advanced students dominate college teaching; the college approach is pushed down into high school, and so on, with whatever omissions might make the subject easier.

The chronological method which begins with the experience of the learner and develops from that the proper modes of scientific treatment is often called the "psychological" method in distinction from the logical method of the expert or specialist. The apparent loss of time involved is more than made up for by the superior understanding and vital interest secured. What the pupil learns he at least understands. Moreover by following, in connection with problems selected from the material of ordinary acquaintance, the methods by which scientific men have reached their perfected knowledge, he gains independent power to deal with material within his range, and avoids the mental confusion and intellectual distaste attendant upon studying matter whose meaning is only symbolic. Since the mass of pupils are never going to become scientific specialists, it is much more important that they should get some insight into what scientific method means than that they should copy at long range and second hand the results which scientific men have reached. Students will not go so far, perhaps, in the "ground covered," but they will be sure and intelligent as far as they do go. And it is safe to say that the few who go on to be scientific experts will have a better preparation than if they had been swamped with a large mass of purely technical and symbolically stated information. In fact, those who do become successful men of science are those who by their own power manage to avoid the pitfalls of a traditional scholastic introduction into it.

The chronological method that starts with the learner's experience and builds from that to the appropriate scientific approaches is often referred to as the "psychological" method, in contrast to the logical method used by experts or specialists. Any apparent loss of time is more than compensated for by the deeper understanding and genuine interest gained. What the student learns, they at least comprehend. Furthermore, by engaging with problems drawn from everyday experiences and following the methods that scientists have used to achieve their advanced knowledge, students develop the ability to handle material relevant to them and steer clear of the confusion and dislike that come with studying content that only has symbolic meaning. Since most students are unlikely to become scientific specialists, it’s much more valuable for them to have some insight into what the scientific method entails than to merely replicate, from a distance, the findings that scientists have arrived at. Students may not cover as much ground, but they will be certain and thoughtful in the areas they do explore. It’s reasonable to say that those few who eventually become scientific experts will be better prepared than if they had been overwhelmed with a lot of purely technical and symbolically defined information. In fact, those who succeed as scientists are typically the ones who, through their own efforts, avoid the traps of a traditional academic introduction to the field.

The contrast between the expectations of the men who a generation or two ago strove, against great odds, to secure a place for science in education, and the result generally achieved is painful. Herbert Spencer, inquiring what knowledge is of most worth, concluded that from all points of view scientific knowledge is most valuable. But his argument unconsciously assumed that scientific knowledge could be communicated in a ready-made form. Passing over the methods by which the subject matter of our ordinary activities is transmuted into scientific form, it ignored the method by which alone science is science. Instruction has too often proceeded upon an analogous plan. But there is no magic attached to material stated in technically correct scientific form. When learned in this condition it remains a body of inert information. Moreover its form of statement removes it further from fruitful contact with everyday experiences than does the mode of statement proper to literature. Nevertheless that the claims made for instruction in science were unjustifiable does not follow. For material so taught is not science to the pupil.

The difference between what the men who fought hard a generation or two ago to establish a place for science in education expected and the actual results is disheartening. Herbert Spencer, when asking what knowledge is the most valuable, concluded that scientific knowledge holds the most worth from every perspective. However, his argument unintentionally took for granted that scientific knowledge could be easily delivered in a finished form. It overlooked the processes through which the content of our everyday activities is transformed into scientific understanding and ignored the method that is essential for defining science itself. Teaching has often followed a similar flawed approach. But there's no magic in material presented in technically correct scientific language. When learned this way, it simply becomes a collection of lifeless facts. Additionally, this kind of presentation distances it even more from meaningful interaction with everyday experiences than the way literature is presented. Still, it doesn't mean that the claims made for science education were unjustified. The material taught in this manner does not represent science to the learner.

Contact with things and laboratory exercises, while a great improvement upon textbooks arranged upon the deductive plan, do not of themselves suffice to meet the need. While they are an indispensable portion of scientific method, they do not as a matter of course constitute scientific method. Physical materials may be manipulated with scientific apparatus, but the materials may be disassociated in themselves and in the ways in which they are handled, from the materials and processes used out of school. The problems dealt with may be only problems of science: problems, that is, which would occur to one already initiated in the science of the subject. Our attention may be devoted to getting skill in technical manipulation without reference to the connection of laboratory exercises with a problem belonging to subject matter. There is sometimes a ritual of laboratory instruction as well as of heathen religion. 1 It has been mentioned, incidentally, that scientific statements, or logical form, implies the use of signs or symbols. The statement applies, of course, to all use of language. But in the vernacular, the mind proceeds directly from the symbol to the thing signified. Association with familiar material is so close that the mind does not pause upon the sign. The signs are intended only to stand for things and acts. But scientific terminology has an additional use. It is designed, as we have seen, not to stand for the things directly in their practical use in experience, but for the things placed in a cognitive system. Ultimately, of course, they denote the things of our common sense acquaintance. But immediately they do not designate them in their common context, but translated into terms of scientific inquiry. Atoms, molecules, chemical formulae, the mathematical propositions in the study of physics—all these have primarily an intellectual value and only indirectly an empirical value. They represent instruments for the carrying on of science. As in the case of other tools, their significance can be learned only by use. We cannot procure understanding of their meaning by pointing to things, but only by pointing to their work when they are employed as part of the technique of knowledge. Even the circle, square, etc., of geometry exhibit a difference from the squares and circles of familiar acquaintance, and the further one proceeds in mathematical science the greater the remoteness from the everyday empirical thing. Qualities which do not count for the pursuit of knowledge about spatial relations are left out; those which are important for this purpose are accentuated. If one carries his study far enough, he will find even the properties which are significant for spatial knowledge giving way to those which facilitate knowledge of other things—perhaps a knowledge of the general relations of number. There will be nothing in the conceptual definitions even to suggest spatial form, size, or direction. This does not mean that they are unreal mental inventions, but it indicates that direct physical qualities have been transmuted into tools for a special end—the end of intellectual organization. In every machine the primary state of material has been modified by subordinating it to use for a purpose. Not the stuff in its original form but in its adaptation to an end is important. No one would have a knowledge of a machine who could enumerate all the materials entering into its structure, but only he who knew their uses and could tell why they are employed as they are. In like fashion one has a knowledge of mathematical conceptions only when he sees the problems in which they function and their specific utility in dealing with these problems. "Knowing" the definitions, rules, formulae, etc., is like knowing the names of parts of a machine without knowing what they do. In one case, as in the other, the meaning, or intellectual content, is what the element accomplishes in the system of which it is a member.

Interaction with materials and hands-on lab work, while a significant improvement over textbooks that follow a purely deductive approach, alone do not fully satisfy the need. They are a crucial part of the scientific method, but they do not automatically represent scientific method itself. Physical materials can be manipulated using scientific tools, but those materials might be disconnected from their practical applications outside the classroom. The problems we tackle may only be scientific issues—situations that arise only for those already familiar with the science in question. We might focus on developing technical skills without considering how lab exercises relate to real subject matter problems. Sometimes, there’s a routine in lab instruction that resembles the rituals of ancient religions. It has been noted that scientific statements or logical forms require the use of signs or symbols. This applies to all forms of communication. However, in everyday language, the mind quickly moves from the symbol to what it represents. Our connection with familiar material is so tight that we don't pause to think about the sign. Signs are meant to represent objects and actions. However, scientific terminology serves an additional purpose. It is intended, as we've established, not to directly signify things as they are used in experience, but to place these things within a system of knowledge. Ultimately, they refer to concepts we know from everyday experience, but at first, they do not indicate them in their usual context; they are rephrased in terms of scientific inquiry. Atoms, molecules, chemical formulas, and mathematical propositions in physics all primarily carry intellectual significance and only indirectly relate to empirical value. They act as tools for conducting science. Similar to other tools, their importance can only be understood through their use. We cannot grasp their meaning just by pointing to objects; we must demonstrate their function when they are part of the knowledge-gathering process. Even basic shapes like circles and squares in geometry differ from the familiar shapes we know, and as we dive deeper into mathematics, there’s even more separation from everyday items. Characteristics that aren't relevant for understanding spatial relations are excluded; those that are significant for this purpose are emphasized. If one pursues their studies extensively, they will find that even the features vital for spatial understanding transition to those that are more important for comprehending other concepts—perhaps, an understanding of numerical relationships. Conceptual definitions won't even hint at spatial form, size, or direction. This doesn't imply that these concepts are unreal fabrications; rather, it suggests that direct physical qualities have been transformed into tools for a specific purpose—intellectual organization. In every machine, the initial state of material has been altered to serve a particular end. It’s not the material in its original form that matters, but how it is adapted for a purpose. No one truly understands a machine just by listing all the materials that make it up; only someone familiar with their functions knows why they are utilized in specific ways. Similarly, one only comprehends mathematical concepts when they recognize the problems those concepts address and their specific usefulness in solving those problems. "Knowing" definitions, rules, formulas, etc., is like knowing the names of parts of a machine without understanding their roles. In both instances, the meaning or intellectual substance lies in what the element achieves within the system it belongs to.

2. Science and Social Progress. Assuming that the development of the direct knowledge gained in occupations of social interest is carried to a perfected logical form, the question arises as to its place in experience. In general, the reply is that science marks the emancipation of mind from devotion to customary purposes and makes possible the systematic pursuit of new ends. It is the agency of progress in action. Progress is sometimes thought of as consisting in getting nearer to ends already sought. But this is a minor form of progress, for it requires only improvement of the means of action or technical advance. More important modes of progress consist in enriching prior purposes and in forming new ones. Desires are not a fixed quantity, nor does progress mean only an increased amount of satisfaction. With increased culture and new mastery of nature, new desires, demands for new qualities of satisfaction, show themselves, for intelligence perceives new possibilities of action. This projection of new possibilities leads to search for new means of execution, and progress takes place; while the discovery of objects not already used leads to suggestion of new ends.

2. Science and Social Progress. Assuming that the development of the direct knowledge gained in socially relevant occupations is refined into a perfected logical form, a question arises about its role in our experience. Generally, the answer is that science represents the liberation of the mind from traditional purposes and enables the systematic pursuit of new goals. It serves as the driving force behind progress in action. Progress is sometimes seen as getting closer to goals that have already been sought after. However, this is a minor form of progress, as it requires only improved methods or technical advancements. More significant forms of progress involve enriching previous goals and creating new ones. Desires are not fixed; progress doesn't just mean an increase in the amount of satisfaction. With greater cultural awareness and new control over nature, new desires and demands for different types of satisfaction emerge, as intelligence recognizes new possibilities for action. This exploration of new possibilities leads to the search for new methods of execution, resulting in progress; meanwhile, the discovery of previously unused objects suggests new goals.

That science is the chief means of perfecting control of means of action is witnessed by the great crop of inventions which followed intellectual command of the secrets of nature. The wonderful transformation of production and distribution known as the industrial revolution is the fruit of experimental science. Railways, steamboats, electric motors, telephone and telegraph, automobiles, aeroplanes and dirigibles are conspicuous evidences of the application of science in life. But none of them would be of much importance without the thousands of less sensational inventions by means of which natural science has been rendered tributary to our daily life.

Science is the main way to enhance our ability to take action, which is evident from the great number of inventions that emerged after we began to understand the secrets of nature. The amazing changes in production and distribution known as the Industrial Revolution are the result of experimental science. Railways, steamboats, electric motors, telephones and telegraphs, cars, airplanes, and airships are clear examples of how science has been applied in real life. However, none of these would be as important without the thousands of less flashy inventions that have integrated natural science into our everyday lives.

It must be admitted that to a considerable extent the progress thus procured has been only technical: it has provided more efficient means for satisfying preexistent desires, rather than modified the quality of human purposes. There is, for example, no modern civilization which is the equal of Greek culture in all respects. Science is still too recent to have been absorbed into imaginative and emotional disposition. Men move more swiftly and surely to the realization of their ends, but their ends too largely remain what they were prior to scientific enlightenment. This fact places upon education the responsibility of using science in a way to modify the habitual attitude of imagination and feeling, not leave it just an extension of our physical arms and legs.

It has to be acknowledged that, to a large extent, the progress we've made has been mostly technical. It's provided more effective ways to satisfy existing desires rather than changing the nature of human goals. For instance, there's no modern civilization that matches Greek culture in every way. Science is still too new to have fully integrated into our imagination and emotions. People are able to achieve their goals faster and more reliably, but their goals largely remain the same as they were before scientific advancement. This reality creates a responsibility for education to use science in a way that changes our habitual attitudes toward imagination and feelings, rather than simply expanding our physical capabilities.

The advance of science has already modified men's thoughts of the purposes and goods of life to a sufficient extent to give some idea of the nature of this responsibility and the ways of meeting it. Science taking effect in human activity has broken down physical barriers which formerly separated men; it has immensely widened the area of intercourse. It has brought about interdependence of interests on an enormous scale. It has brought with it an established conviction of the possibility of control of nature in the interests of mankind and thus has led men to look to the future, instead of the past. The coincidence of the ideal of progress with the advance of science is not a mere coincidence. Before this advance men placed the golden age in remote antiquity. Now they face the future with a firm belief that intelligence properly used can do away with evils once thought inevitable. To subjugate devastating disease is no longer a dream; the hope of abolishing poverty is not utopian. Science has familiarized men with the idea of development, taking effect practically in persistent gradual amelioration of the estate of our common humanity.

The progress of science has already changed how people think about the purposes and benefits of life enough to give us an idea of the responsibility we have and how to address it. Science, by influencing human activities, has removed the physical barriers that used to separate people; it has greatly expanded the scope of interaction. It has created a vast interdependence of interests. It has brought with it a strong belief in the possibility of controlling nature for the benefit of humanity, leading people to look forward instead of backward. The alignment of the ideal of progress with scientific advancement is more than just a coincidence. In the past, people viewed the golden age as something from ancient history. Now, they look toward the future with a strong belief that, when used wisely, intelligence can eliminate problems once thought unavoidable. Conquering devastating diseases is no longer just a dream; the hope of ending poverty is not unrealistic. Science has made people accustomed to the idea of development, practically resulting in ongoing gradual improvements in the well-being of our shared humanity.

The problem of an educational use of science is then to create an intelligence pregnant with belief in the possibility of the direction of human affairs by itself. The method of science engrained through education in habit means emancipation from rule of thumb and from the routine generated by rule of thumb procedure. The word empirical in its ordinary use does not mean "connected with experiment," but rather crude and unrational. Under the influence of conditions created by the non-existence of experimental science, experience was opposed in all the ruling philosophies of the past to reason and the truly rational. Empirical knowledge meant the knowledge accumulated by a multitude of past instances without intelligent insight into the principles of any of them. To say that medicine was empirical meant that it was not scientific, but a mode of practice based upon accumulated observations of diseases and of remedies used more or less at random. Such a mode of practice is of necessity happy-go-lucky; success depends upon chance. It lends itself to deception and quackery. Industry that is "empirically" controlled forbids constructive applications of intelligence; it depends upon following in an imitative slavish manner the models set in the past. Experimental science means the possibility of using past experiences as the servant, not the master, of mind. It means that reason operates within experience, not beyond it, to give it an intelligent or reasonable quality. Science is experience becoming rational. The effect of science is thus to change men's idea of the nature and inherent possibilities of experience. By the same token, it changes the idea and the operation of reason. Instead of being something beyond experience, remote, aloof, concerned with a sublime region that has nothing to do with the experienced facts of life, it is found indigenous in experience:—the factor by which past experiences are purified and rendered into tools for discovery and advance.

The challenge of using science in education is to foster an understanding that believes in the ability to guide human progress on its own. The method of science, instilled through education and routine practice, leads to freedom from guesswork and habits formed by careless methods. In everyday language, "empirical" doesn't really mean "related to experiments," but rather something that's crude and lacking in reasoning. Because there hasn't been a proper experimental science, experience was often seen in past philosophies as the opposite of reason and genuine rational thought. Empirical knowledge referred to the information gathered from many previous instances without any insightful understanding of the underlying principles. Saying that medicine was empirical suggested it was unscientific, relying on a collection of observations about illnesses and treatments used arbitrarily. This kind of practice is inherently unpredictable; its success is based on luck. It is susceptible to fraud and charlatanism. Industries that rely on "empirical" methods restrict the innovative use of intelligence; they depend on blindly following past examples. Experimental science allows us to use past experiences as a tool, not a master, for our minds. It shows that reason works within experience—not outside it—to impart intelligent and reasonable qualities. Science is basically experience becoming rational. Consequently, science shifts how people perceive the nature and potential of their experiences. In the same way, it transforms the concept and function of reason. Instead of being something detached from experience, removed and concerned with lofty ideas that ignore the realities of life, it is rooted in experience—serving as the means through which past experiences are refined and turned into tools for discovery and progress.

The term "abstract" has a rather bad name in popular speech, being used to signify not only that which is abstruse and hard to understand, but also that which is far away from life. But abstraction is an indispensable trait in reflective direction of activity. Situations do not literally repeat themselves. Habit treats new occurrences as if they were identical with old ones; it suffices, accordingly, when the different or novel element is negligible for present purposes. But when the new element requires especial attention, random reaction is the sole recourse unless abstraction is brought into play. For abstraction deliberately selects from the subject matter of former experiences that which is thought helpful in dealing with the new. It signifies conscious transfer of a meaning embedded in past experience for use in a new one. It is the very artery of intelligence, of the intentional rendering of one experience available for guidance of another.

The term "abstract" has a pretty bad reputation in everyday language, being used to describe things that are not only complicated and difficult to grasp, but also those that seem disconnected from real life. However, abstraction is a crucial aspect of thoughtful action. Situations never play out exactly the same way twice. Habits treat new events as if they were the same as old ones; it’s enough when the differences or new aspects aren't significant for our current needs. But when the new aspect calls for special attention, just reacting randomly is the only option unless we use abstraction. Abstraction purposefully picks out from past experiences what is useful for addressing the new situation. It involves consciously applying a meaning from past experiences to a new one. It is the very lifeblood of intelligence, allowing us to use one experience as a guide for another.

Science carries on this working over of prior subject matter on a large scale. It aims to free an experience from all which is purely personal and strictly immediate; it aims to detach whatever it has in common with the subject matter of other experiences, and which, being common, may be saved for further use. It is, thus, an indispensable factor in social progress. In any experience just as it occurs there is much which, while it may be of precious import to the individual implicated in the experience, is peculiar and unreduplicable. From the standpoint of science, this material is accidental, while the features which are widely shared are essential. Whatever is unique in the situation, since dependent upon the peculiarities of the individual and the coincidence of circumstance, is not available for others; so that unless what is shared is abstracted and fixed by a suitable symbol, practically all the value of the experience may perish in its passing. But abstraction and the use of terms to record what is abstracted put the net value of individual experience at the permanent disposal of mankind. No one can foresee in detail when or how it may be of further use. The man of science in developing his abstractions is like a manufacturer of tools who does not know who will use them nor when. But intellectual tools are indefinitely more flexible in their range of adaptation than other mechanical tools.

Science works through existing knowledge on a large scale. It aims to remove anything that is purely personal or immediate from an experience; it seeks to separate what it has in common with the experiences of others, which can be preserved for future use. Thus, it plays an essential role in social progress. In any experience as it happens, there is a lot that may be very important to the individual involved, but is unique and irreplaceable. From a scientific perspective, this unique material is incidental, while the shared aspects are crucial. Anything that is unique to a situation, depending on individual traits and specific circumstances, isn't useful to others; so, unless the common elements are abstracted and recorded with an appropriate symbol, most of the value of the experience may be lost with time. However, abstraction and the use of terms to capture what has been abstracted place the lasting value of individual experiences at the disposal of humanity. No one can predict when or how it will be useful again. The scientist, in developing these abstractions, is like a tool manufacturer who doesn't know who will use the tools or when. But intellectual tools are much more adaptable in their uses than other mechanical tools.

Generalization is the counterpart of abstraction. It is the functioning of an abstraction in its application to a new concrete experience,—its extension to clarify and direct new situations. Reference to these possible applications is necessary in order that the abstraction may be fruitful, instead of a barren formalism ending in itself. Generalization is essentially a social device. When men identified their interests exclusively with the concerns of a narrow group, their generalizations were correspondingly restricted. The viewpoint did not permit a wide and free survey. Men's thoughts were tied down to a contracted space and a short time,—limited to their own established customs as a measure of all possible values. Scientific abstraction and generalization are equivalent to taking the point of view of any man, whatever his location in time and space. While this emancipation from the conditions and episodes of concrete experiences accounts for the remoteness, the "abstractness," of science, it also accounts for its wide and free range of fruitful novel applications in practice. Terms and propositions record, fix, and convey what is abstracted. A meaning detached from a given experience cannot remain hanging in the air. It must acquire a local habitation. Names give abstract meanings a physical locus and body. Formulation is thus not an after-thought or by-product; it is essential to the completion of the work of thought. Persons know many things which they cannot express, but such knowledge remains practical, direct, and personal. An individual can use it for himself; he may be able to act upon it with efficiency. Artists and executives often have their knowledge in this state. But it is personal, untransferable, and, as it were, instinctive. To formulate the significance of an experience a man must take into conscious account the experiences of others. He must try to find a standpoint which includes the experience of others as well as his own. Otherwise his communication cannot be understood. He talks a language which no one else knows. While literary art furnishes the supreme successes in stating of experiences so that they are vitally significant to others, the vocabulary of science is designed, in another fashion, to express the meaning of experienced things in symbols which any one will know who studies the science. Aesthetic formulation reveals and enhances the meaning of experiences one already has; scientific formulation supplies one with tools for constructing new experiences with transformed meanings.

Generalization is the opposite of abstraction. It’s how an abstraction works when applied to a new real-life experience—its expansion to clarify and guide new situations. Referring to these potential applications is essential for the abstraction to be useful, rather than just an empty formula that leads nowhere. Generalization is fundamentally a social tool. When people focus solely on the interests of a limited group, their generalizations become equally narrow. This perspective does not allow for a broad and open view. People’s thoughts get constrained by a limited scope and a short timeframe—restricted to their established customs as a benchmark for all possible values. Scientific abstraction and generalization mean adopting the viewpoint of any person, no matter when or where they are. While this freedom from the specifics of concrete experiences explains the distance, the "abstractness," of science, it also supports its wide and open range of useful new applications in practice. Terms and propositions document, set, and share what has been abstracted. A meaning removed from a particular experience can’t just float aimlessly; it needs to be grounded. Names provide abstract meanings with a physical presence. Thus, formulating ideas isn’t an afterthought or a side effect; it’s crucial for completing the thinking process. People know many things they can’t articulate, but this kind of knowledge remains practical, immediate, and personal. An individual can use it for themselves; they might act on it effectively. Artists and leaders often possess their knowledge in this form. But it’s personal, non-transferable, and somewhat instinctive. To clarify the significance of an experience, a person must consciously consider the experiences of others. They must aim to find a perspective that includes both their experience and that of others. Otherwise, their communication won’t be understood. They will be speaking a language that no one else knows. While literary art provides the highest achievements in expressing experiences in ways that are deeply meaningful to others, the vocabulary of science is crafted, in a different way, to convey the significance of experienced things in symbols that anyone studying the science will recognize. Aesthetic formulation uncovers and enhances the meaning of experiences one already has; scientific formulation provides tools for creating new experiences with changed meanings.

To sum up: Science represents the office of intelligence, in projection and control of new experiences, pursued systematically, intentionally, and on a scale due to freedom from limitations of habit. It is the sole instrumentality of conscious, as distinct from accidental, progress. And if its generality, its remoteness from individual conditions, confer upon it a certain technicality and aloofness, these qualities are very different from those of merely speculative theorizing. The latter are in permanent dislocation from practice; the former are temporarily detached for the sake of wider and freer application in later concrete action. There is a kind of idle theory which is antithetical to practice; but genuinely scientific theory falls within practice as the agency of its expansion and its direction to new possibilities.

To sum up: Science represents the field of intelligence, focusing on the projection and control of new experiences, pursued methodically, intentionally, and on a scale that benefits from the freedom of habits. It is the only means of achieving conscious, as opposed to accidental, progress. And while its generality and distance from individual situations give it a certain technical feel and detachment, these traits are very different from mere speculative theorizing. The latter often disrupts practical application; the former is temporarily separate to allow for broader and freer utilization in future concrete actions. There is a type of idle theory that goes against practice, but genuinely scientific theory is part of practice as it drives its expansion and directs it toward new possibilities.

3. Naturalism and Humanism in Education. There exists an educational tradition which opposes science to literature and history in the curriculum. The quarrel between the representatives of the two interests is easily explicable historically. Literature and language and a literary philosophy were entrenched in all higher institutions of learning before experimental science came into being. The latter had naturally to win its way. No fortified and protected interest readily surrenders any monopoly it may possess. But the assumption, from whichever side, that language and literary products are exclusively humanistic in quality, and that science is purely physical in import, is a false notion which tends to cripple the educational use of both studies. Human life does not occur in a vacuum, nor is nature a mere stage setting for the enactment of its drama (ante, p. 211). Man's life is bound up in the processes of nature; his career, for success or defeat, depends upon the way in which nature enters it. Man's power of deliberate control of his own affairs depends upon ability to direct natural energies to use: an ability which is in turn dependent upon insight into nature's processes. Whatever natural science may be for the specialist, for educational purposes it is knowledge of the conditions of human action. To be aware of the medium in which social intercourse goes on, and of the means and obstacles to its progressive development is to be in command of a knowledge which is thoroughly humanistic in quality. One who is ignorant of the history of science is ignorant of the struggles by which mankind has passed from routine and caprice, from superstitious subjection to nature, from efforts to use it magically, to intellectual self-possession. That science may be taught as a set of formal and technical exercises is only too true. This happens whenever information about the world is made an end in itself. The failure of such instruction to procure culture is not, however, evidence of the antithesis of natural knowledge to humanistic concern, but evidence of a wrong educational attitude. Dislike to employ scientific knowledge as it functions in men's occupations is itself a survival of an aristocratic culture. The notion that "applied" knowledge is somehow less worthy than "pure" knowledge, was natural to a society in which all useful work was performed by slaves and serfs, and in which industry was controlled by the models set by custom rather than by intelligence. Science, or the highest knowing, was then identified with pure theorizing, apart from all application in the uses of life; and knowledge relating to useful arts suffered the stigma attaching to the classes who engaged in them (See below, Ch. XIX). The idea of science thus generated persisted after science had itself adopted the appliances of the arts, using them for the production of knowledge, and after the rise of democracy. Taking theory just as theory, however, that which concerns humanity is of more significance for man than that which concerns a merely physical world. In adopting the criterion of knowledge laid down by a literary culture, aloof from the practical needs of the mass of men, the educational advocates of scientific education put themselves at a strategic disadvantage. So far as they adopt the idea of science appropriate to its experimental method and to the movements of a democratic and industrial society, they have no difficulty in showing that natural science is more humanistic than an alleged humanism which bases its educational schemes upon the specialized interests of a leisure class. For, as we have already stated, humanistic studies when set in opposition to study of nature are hampered. They tend to reduce themselves to exclusively literary and linguistic studies, which in turn tend to shrink to "the classics," to languages no longer spoken. For modern languages may evidently be put to use, and hence fall under the ban. It would be hard to find anything in history more ironical than the educational practices which have identified the "humanities" exclusively with a knowledge of Greek and Latin. Greek and Roman art and institutions made such important contributions to our civilization that there should always be the amplest opportunities for making their acquaintance. But to regard them as par excellence the humane studies involves a deliberate neglect of the possibilities of the subject matter which is accessible in education to the masses, and tends to cultivate a narrow snobbery: that of a learned class whose insignia are the accidents of exclusive opportunity. Knowledge is humanistic in quality not because it is about human products in the past, but because of what it does in liberating human intelligence and human sympathy. Any subject matter which accomplishes this result is humane, and any subject matter which does not accomplish it is not even educational.

3. Naturalism and Humanism in Education. There is an educational tradition that pits science against literature and history in the curriculum. The conflict between the supporters of these two interests is easily explained historically. Literature, language, and literary philosophy were securely established in all higher educational institutions before experimental science emerged. Naturally, science had to carve out its own place. No entrenched interest willingly gives up any monopoly it might hold. However, the assumption, from either side, that language and literary works are purely humanistic, while science is solely physical, is a misconception that undermines the educational value of both fields. Human life does not exist in a vacuum, nor is nature just a backdrop for the unfolding of its narrative (ante, p. 211). A person's life is intertwined with natural processes; their success or failure relies on how nature influences it. A person's ability to consciously manage their own affairs depends on their skill in directing natural forces for practical use—an ability that requires understanding nature's processes. Regardless of what natural science means to a specialist, in educational terms, it is knowledge about the conditions of human action. Being aware of the environment in which social interactions occur, along with the means and obstacles to its advancement, is to possess knowledge that is thoroughly humanistic. Someone who is unaware of the history of science is oblivious to the struggles through which humanity has progressed from habitual actions and whims, from superstitious submission to nature, to efforts to master it intellectually. It is true that science can be taught as a collection of formal and technical exercises. This occurs when information about the world is treated as an end in itself. The failure of such instruction to cultivate culture does not indicate opposition between natural knowledge and humanistic interests, but rather reflects a flawed educational perspective. A reluctance to apply scientific knowledge to the work of men is itself a remnant of an aristocratic culture. The idea that "applied" knowledge is somehow less significant than "pure" knowledge was common in a society where all useful labor was done by slaves and serfs, and where industry was shaped by custom rather than by intellect. During that time, science, or the highest understanding, was identified with pure theorizing separate from any practical application in daily life; knowledge related to useful trades bore the stigma attached to the classes engaged in them (See below, Ch. XIX). This perception of science persisted even after science itself adopted the tools of the arts to create knowledge and after the emergence of democracy. However, valuing theory alone, what relates to humanity holds more significance for people than what pertains only to the physical world. By adhering to the standards of knowledge established by a literary culture, distant from the practical needs of the masses, the proponents of scientific education place themselves at a strategic disadvantage. As long as they embrace the concept of science that aligns with its experimental method and the dynamics of democratic and industrial society, they can easily demonstrate that natural science is more humanistic than a so-called humanism that bases its educational agendas on the narrow interests of a leisure class. As we mentioned earlier, humanistic studies, when set against the study of nature, face limitations. They often reduce themselves to strictly literary and linguistic studies, which in turn tend to narrow down to "the classics," to languages that are no longer spoken. Modern languages, on the other hand, can be practically utilized, and thus are often overlooked. It would be difficult to find anything more ironic in history than the educational practices that have defined the "humanities" solely through the study of Greek and Latin. Greek and Roman art and institutions have contributed significantly to our civilization, so there should always be ample opportunities to engage with them. However, to view these as the epitome of humane studies involves a conscious neglect of the subject matter that is accessible in education to the masses and tends to foster a narrow elitism: that of a learned class whose credentials are based on rare opportunities. Knowledge is humanistic not because it focuses on human creations from the past, but because of its ability to liberate human intelligence and empathy. Any subject matter that achieves this is humane, and any subject matter that does not achieve this cannot even be considered educational.





Summary. Science represents the fruition of the cognitive factors in

experience. Instead of contenting itself with a mere statement of what commends itself to personal or customary experience, it aims at a statement which will reveal the sources, grounds, and consequences of a belief. The achievement of this aim gives logical character to the statements. Educationally, it has to be noted that logical characteristics of method, since they belong to subject matter which has reached a high degree of intellectual elaboration, are different from the method of the learner—the chronological order of passing from a cruder to a more refined intellectual quality of experience. When this fact is ignored, science is treated as so much bare information, which however is less interesting and more remote than ordinary information, being stated in an unusual and technical vocabulary. The function which science has to perform in the curriculum is that which it has performed for the race: emancipation from local and temporary incidents of experience, and the opening of intellectual vistas unobscured by the accidents of personal habit and predilection. The logical traits of abstraction, generalization, and definite formulation are all associated with this function. In emancipating an idea from the particular context in which it originated and giving it a wider reference the results of the experience of any individual are put at the disposal of all men. Thus ultimately and philosophically science is the organ of general social progress. 1 Upon the positive side, the value of problems arising in work in the garden, the shop, etc., may be referred to (See p. 200). The laboratory may be treated as an additional resource to supply conditions and appliances for the better pursuit of these problems.

experience. Instead of settling for a simple statement based on personal or common experience, it strives for a statement that uncovers the sources, reasons, and impacts of a belief. Accomplishing this goal gives logical depth to the statements. Educationally, it's important to note that the logical features of method, since they relate to subject matter that has been developed intellectually at a high level, differ from the method of the learner—the step-by-step progression from a basic to a more sophisticated understanding of experience. When this fact is overlooked, science is seen merely as dry information, which is often less engaging and more distant than everyday knowledge, expressed in unusual and technical jargon. The role that science plays in the curriculum is similar to its role in human history: liberating us from the specific and temporary aspects of experience, and opening up intellectual horizons that are clear of the biases of personal habits and preferences. The logical aspects of abstraction, generalization, and precise formulation all connect with this role. By freeing an idea from the particular context it came from and expanding its relevance, the experiences of any individual become available to everyone. Thus, ultimately and philosophically, science serves as a driver of broader social progress. 1 On the positive side, the value of challenges found in activities like gardening, working in a shop, etc., can be referenced (See p. 200). The laboratory can be seen as an additional resource that provides the tools and conditions for pursuing these challenges more effectively.





Chapter Eighteen: Educational Values

The considerations involved in a discussion of educational values have already been brought out in the discussion of aims and interests.

The factors involved in discussing educational values have already been addressed in the conversation about goals and interests.

The specific values usually discussed in educational theories coincide with aims which are usually urged. They are such things as utility, culture, information, preparation for social efficiency, mental discipline or power, and so on. The aspect of these aims in virtue of which they are valuable has been treated in our analysis of the nature of interest, and there is no difference between speaking of art as an interest or concern and referring to it as a value. It happens, however, that discussion of values has usually been centered about a consideration of the various ends subserved by specific subjects of the curriculum. It has been a part of the attempt to justify those subjects by pointing out the significant contributions to life accruing from their study. An explicit discussion of educational values thus affords an opportunity for reviewing the prior discussion of aims and interests on one hand and of the curriculum on the other, by bringing them into connection with one another.

The specific values commonly talked about in educational theories align with the goals that are often emphasized. These include things like usefulness, culture, information, preparation for social effectiveness, mental discipline or strength, and more. The aspect of these goals that makes them valuable has been explored in our analysis of interest, and there's no difference between discussing art as an interest or concern and calling it a value. However, discussions about values have typically focused on the different purposes served by specific subjects in the curriculum. This has been part of the effort to justify those subjects by highlighting the important benefits to life that come from studying them. An explicit discussion of educational values provides an opportunity to review the previous conversation about goals and interests on one side and the curriculum on the other, by linking them together.

1. The Nature of Realization or Appreciation. Much of our experience is indirect; it is dependent upon signs which intervene between the things and ourselves, signs which stand for or represent the former. It is one thing to have been engaged in war, to have shared its dangers and hardships; it is another thing to hear or read about it. All language, all symbols, are implements of an indirect experience; in technical language the experience which is procured by their means is "mediated." It stands in contrast with an immediate, direct experience, something in which we take part vitally and at first hand, instead of through the intervention of representative media. As we have seen, the scope of personal, vitally direct experience is very limited. If it were not for the intervention of agencies for representing absent and distant affairs, our experience would remain almost on the level of that of the brutes. Every step from savagery to civilization is dependent upon the invention of media which enlarge the range of purely immediate experience and give it deepened as well as wider meaning by connecting it with things which can only be signified or symbolized. It is doubtless this fact which is the cause of the disposition to identify an uncultivated person with an illiterate person—so dependent are we on letters for effective representative or indirect experience.

1. The Nature of Realization or Appreciation. Much of our experience is indirect; it relies on signs that come between things and us, signs that represent them. It’s one thing to have fought in a war, to have faced its dangers and hardships; it’s another to hear or read about it. All language and symbols are tools for indirect experience; in technical terms, the experience they provide is "mediated." This is different from immediate, direct experience, where we participate fully and firsthand rather than through the lens of representative media. As we’ve seen, the extent of personal, direct experience is quite limited. Without the means to represent distant or absent events, our experience would be almost at the level of animals. Every step from savagery to civilization relies on the development of media that expand the scope of immediate experience and give it greater depth and meaning by connecting it to things that can only be represented or symbolized. It’s likely this fact leads to the tendency to equate an uncultivated person with an illiterate one—such is our reliance on written words for meaningful representative or indirect experience.

At the same time (as we have also had repeated occasion to see) there is always a danger that symbols will not be truly representative; danger that instead of really calling up the absent and remote in a way to make it enter a present experience, the linguistic media of representation will become an end in themselves. Formal education is peculiarly exposed to this danger, with the result that when literacy supervenes, mere bookishness, what is popularly termed the academic, too often comes with it. In colloquial speech, the phrase a "realizing sense" is used to express the urgency, warmth, and intimacy of a direct experience in contrast with the remote, pallid, and coldly detached quality of a representative experience. The terms "mental realization" and "appreciation" (or genuine appreciation) are more elaborate names for the realizing sense of a thing. It is not possible to define these ideas except by synonyms, like "coming home to one" "really taking it in," etc., for the only way to appreciate what is meant by a direct experience of a thing is by having it. But it is the difference between reading a technical description of a picture, and seeing it; or between just seeing it and being moved by it; between learning mathematical equations about light and being carried away by some peculiarly glorious illumination of a misty landscape. We are thus met by the danger of the tendency of technique and other purely representative forms to encroach upon the sphere of direct appreciations; in other words, the tendency to assume that pupils have a foundation of direct realization of situations sufficient for the superstructure of representative experience erected by formulated school studies. This is not simply a matter of quantity or bulk. Sufficient direct experience is even more a matter of quality; it must be of a sort to connect readily and fruitfully with the symbolic material of instruction. Before teaching can safely enter upon conveying facts and ideas through the media of signs, schooling must provide genuine situations in which personal participation brings home the import of the material and the problems which it conveys. From the standpoint of the pupil, the resulting experiences are worth while on their own account; from the standpoint of the teacher they are also means of supplying subject matter required for understanding instruction involving signs, and of evoking attitudes of open-mindedness and concern as to the material symbolically conveyed.

At the same time, as we’ve seen multiple times, there’s always a risk that symbols won’t truly represent what they’re meant to. Instead of genuinely bringing the absent and distant into a present experience, the language we use can become an end in itself. Traditional education is particularly vulnerable to this risk, leading to a situation where, when students become literate, they often end up with a shallow book knowledge, what we commonly call academicism. In everyday speech, we use the phrase "realizing sense" to capture the urgency, warmth, and closeness of direct experience, as opposed to the distant, dull, and detached nature of represented experiences. The terms "mental realization" and "appreciation" (or genuine appreciation) are just more complex ways of describing that realizing sense. We can’t really define these ideas except through synonyms like "coming home to one" or "really taking it in," because the only way to grasp the meaning of a direct experience is to actually have it. It’s the difference between reading a technical description of a painting and actually seeing it; or between just looking at it and being emotionally touched by it; or between learning math equations about light and being captivated by some uniquely beautiful lighting in a foggy landscape. We face the danger of techniques and other purely representative methods intruding upon direct appreciation; in other words, there’s a tendency to assume that students have enough direct experiences to support the representative learning from structured school studies. This isn’t simply a matter of quantity. Sufficient direct experience is more about quality; it needs to be the kind that easily connects and enriches the symbolic material being taught. Before teaching can effectively share facts and ideas through symbols, education must provide real situations where personal involvement emphasizes the meaning of the material and the issues it presents. From the student’s perspective, these resulting experiences are valuable on their own; from the teacher’s standpoint, they’re also a way to provide the necessary context for understanding lessons involving symbols, and to encourage open-mindedness and concern about the material being represented.

In the outline given of the theory of educative subject matter, the demand for this background of realization or appreciation is met by the provision made for play and active occupations embodying typical situations. Nothing need be added to what has already been said except to point out that while the discussion dealt explicitly with the subject matter of primary education, where the demand for the available background of direct experience is most obvious, the principle applies to the primary or elementary phase of every subject. The first and basic function of laboratory work, for example, in a high school or college in a new field, is to familiarize the student at first hand with a certain range of facts and problems—to give him a "feeling" for them. Getting command of technique and of methods of reaching and testing generalizations is at first secondary to getting appreciation. As regards the primary school activities, it is to be borne in mind that the fundamental intent is not to amuse nor to convey information with a minimum of vexation nor yet to acquire skill,—though these results may accrue as by-products,—but to enlarge and enrich the scope of experience, and to keep alert and effective the interest in intellectual progress.

In the outline provided for the theory of educational content, the need for a background of understanding or appreciation is met by including play and active tasks that represent typical situations. There's nothing more to add to what has already been mentioned except to emphasize that while the discussion focused specifically on the subject matter of primary education—where the demand for direct experience is most apparent—the principle applies to the foundational phase of every subject. For instance, the main purpose of laboratory work in high school or college within a new field is to introduce students firsthand to a certain variety of facts and problems—to give them a "feel" for these topics. Mastering the techniques and methods for developing and testing generalizations comes second to achieving appreciation. Regarding primary school activities, it’s important to remember that the primary goal is not to entertain or to provide information with minimal frustration, nor to acquire skills—though these outcomes may happen as additional benefits—but to broaden and deepen the scope of experience and to maintain engagement and effectiveness in the pursuit of intellectual growth.

The rubric of appreciation supplies an appropriate head for bringing out three further principles: the nature of effective or real (as distinct from nominal) standards of value; the place of the imagination in appreciative realizations; and the place of the fine arts in the course of study.

The framework of appreciation provides a suitable basis for highlighting three additional principles: the essence of genuine standards of value (as opposed to just nominal ones); the role of imagination in appreciation; and the importance of the fine arts in the educational journey.

1. The nature of standards of valuation. Every adult has acquired, in the course of his prior experience and education, certain measures of the worth of various sorts of experience. He has learned to look upon qualities like honesty, amiability, perseverance, loyalty, as moral goods; upon certain classics of literature, painting, music, as aesthetic values, and so on. Not only this, but he has learned certain rules for these values—the golden rule in morals; harmony, balance, etc., proportionate distribution in aesthetic goods; definition, clarity, system in intellectual accomplishments. These principles are so important as standards of judging the worth of new experiences that parents and instructors are always tending to teach them directly to the young. They overlook the danger that standards so taught will be merely symbolic; that is, largely conventional and verbal. In reality, working as distinct from professed standards depend upon what an individual has himself specifically appreciated to be deeply significant in concrete situations. An individual may have learned that certain characteristics are conventionally esteemed in music; he may be able to converse with some correctness about classic music; he may even honestly believe that these traits constitute his own musical standards. But if in his own past experience, what he has been most accustomed to and has most enjoyed is ragtime, his active or working measures of valuation are fixed on the ragtime level. The appeal actually made to him in his own personal realization fixes his attitude much more deeply than what he has been taught as the proper thing to say; his habitual disposition thus fixed forms his real "norm" of valuation in subsequent musical experiences.

1. The nature of standards of valuation. Every adult has developed, through their previous experiences and education, certain measures of the value of different types of experiences. They have learned to see qualities like honesty, friendliness, perseverance, and loyalty as moral goods; certain classics in literature, art, and music as aesthetic values, and so on. Moreover, they have learned specific rules for evaluating these values—the golden rule in morals; concepts like harmony and balance in aesthetics; and clarity, definition, and structure in intellectual achievements. These principles are so crucial as standards for judging the value of new experiences that parents and teachers always try to teach them directly to young people. They often overlook the risk that these taught standards will be merely symbolic; that is, mainly conventional and verbal. In reality, how people actually judge value, as opposed to what they claim to believe, depends on what they have personally found to be deeply meaningful in real situations. A person might learn that certain traits are traditionally valued in music; they might be able to discuss classical music reasonably well; they might even sincerely believe that these traits represent their own musical standards. But if their own past experiences have mostly involved and brought them joy from ragtime, their active or practical measures of value are set at the ragtime level. The emotional connection they have personally experienced shapes their attitude far more than what they’ve been told is the right thing to say; this habitual mindset then becomes their true "norm" of value in future musical experiences.

Probably few would deny this statement as to musical taste. But it applies equally well in judgments of moral and intellectual worth. A youth who has had repeated experience of the full meaning of the value of kindliness toward others built into his disposition has a measure of the worth of generous treatment of others. Without this vital appreciation, the duty and virtue of unselfishness impressed upon him by others as a standard remains purely a matter of symbols which he cannot adequately translate into realities. His "knowledge" is second-handed; it is only a knowledge that others prize unselfishness as an excellence, and esteem him in the degree in which he exhibits it. Thus there grows up a split between a person's professed standards and his actual ones. A person may be aware of the results of this struggle between his inclinations and his theoretical opinions; he suffers from the conflict between doing what is really dear to him and what he has learned will win the approval of others. But of the split itself he is unaware; the result is a kind of unconscious hypocrisy, an instability of disposition. In similar fashion, a pupil who has worked through some confused intellectual situation and fought his way to clearing up obscurities in a definite outcome, appreciates the value of clarity and definition. He has a standard which can be depended upon. He may be trained externally to go through certain motions of analysis and division of subject matter and may acquire information about the value of these processes as standard logical functions, but unless it somehow comes home to him at some point as an appreciation of his own, the significance of the logical norms—so-called—remains as much an external piece of information as, say, the names of rivers in China. He may be able to recite, but the recital is a mechanical rehearsal.

Probably few would disagree with this statement about musical taste. But it applies equally well to judgments of moral and intellectual worth. A young person who has experienced the true value of kindness toward others embedded in their character understands the importance of treating others generously. Without this essential appreciation, the duty and virtue of selflessness taught by others as a standard remains merely symbolic, which they cannot effectively translate into reality. Their "knowledge" is second-hand; it’s just an awareness that others value selflessness as a quality and think highly of them to the extent that they demonstrate it. As a result, a gap develops between a person’s professed beliefs and their true ones. A person might recognize the struggle between their personal inclinations and their theoretical beliefs; they feel the conflict between what they truly hold dear and what they’ve learned will earn the approval of others. However, they are unaware of the split itself; the outcome is a type of unconscious hypocrisy, leading to an instability in their character. Similarly, a student who has worked through a confusing intellectual situation and has struggled to clarify obscurities to reach a clear conclusion understands the value of clarity and definition. They have a reliable standard. They may be externally trained to go through certain analytical steps and may learn about the significance of these processes as standard logical functions, but unless they genuinely internalize this appreciation at some point, the importance of the so-called logical norms remains as external information, much like the names of rivers in China. They may be able to recite this knowledge, but it's merely a mechanical performance.

It is, then, a serious mistake to regard appreciation as if it were confined to such things as literature and pictures and music. Its scope is as comprehensive as the work of education itself. The formation of habits is a purely mechanical thing unless habits are also tastes—habitual modes of preference and esteem, an effective sense of excellence. There are adequate grounds for asserting that the premium so often put in schools upon external "discipline," and upon marks and rewards, upon promotion and keeping back, are the obverse of the lack of attention given to life situations in which the meaning of facts, ideas, principles, and problems is vitally brought home.

It's a big mistake to think that appreciation only applies to things like literature, art, and music. Its reach is as wide as the entire educational process. Forming habits is just a mechanical task unless those habits also include tastes—consistent patterns of preference and value, along with a real sense of what’s excellent. There are strong reasons for saying that the emphasis often placed in schools on external "discipline," grades, rewards, promotions, and retention is the opposite of the attention needed for real-life situations where the significance of facts, ideas, principles, and problems becomes clear.

2. Appreciative realizations are to be distinguished from symbolic or representative experiences. They are not to be distinguished from the work of the intellect or understanding. Only a personal response involving imagination can possibly procure realization even of pure "facts." The imagination is the medium of appreciation in every field. The engagement of the imagination is the only thing that makes any activity more than mechanical. Unfortunately, it is too customary to identify the imaginative with the imaginary, rather than with a warm and intimate taking in of the full scope of a situation. This leads to an exaggerated estimate of fairy tales, myths, fanciful symbols, verse, and something labeled "Fine Art," as agencies for developing imagination and appreciation; and, by neglecting imaginative vision in other matters, leads to methods which reduce much instruction to an unimaginative acquiring of specialized skill and amassing of a load of information. Theory, and—to some extent—practice, have advanced far enough to recognize that play-activity is an imaginative enterprise. But it is still usual to regard this activity as a specially marked-off stage of childish growth, and to overlook the fact that the difference between play and what is regarded as serious employment should be not a difference between the presence and absence of imagination, but a difference in the materials with which imagination is occupied. The result is an unwholesome exaggeration of the phantastic and "unreal" phases of childish play and a deadly reduction of serious occupation to a routine efficiency prized simply for its external tangible results. Achievement comes to denote the sort of thing that a well-planned machine can do better than a human being can, and the main effect of education, the achieving of a life of rich significance, drops by the wayside. Meantime mind-wandering and wayward fancy are nothing but the unsuppressible imagination cut loose from concern with what is done.

2. Appreciative realizations should be seen as different from symbolic or representative experiences. They are not separate from intellectual work or understanding. Only a personal response that involves imagination can lead to a realization of even pure "facts." Imagination is the key to appreciation in every area. Engaging the imagination is what makes any activity more than just mechanical. Unfortunately, it's too common to equate the imaginative with the imaginary, rather than recognizing it as a deep and personal understanding of a situation. This leads to an inflated view of fairy tales, myths, fanciful symbols, poetry, and what’s termed "Fine Art" as tools for developing imagination and appreciation. By neglecting imaginative vision in other areas, we reduce much education to a dull acquisition of specialized skills and a burden of information. Theory, and to some extent practice, has progressed enough to acknowledge that play is an imaginative activity. However, it's still typical to see this play as just a distinct phase of childish development, ignoring the fact that the difference between play and what we consider serious work should not be about the presence or absence of imagination, but rather about the different materials that imagination engages with. As a result, there is an unhealthy exaggeration of the fantastical and "unreal" aspects of childhood play and a detrimental reduction of serious work to a routine efficiency that is valued solely for its visible results. Achievement starts to mean something that a well-designed machine can do better than a human, and the main goal of education—creating a life of rich significance—falls by the wayside. Meanwhile, mind-wandering and whimsical thoughts are just the unstoppable imagination freeing itself from the concern of what is being done.

An adequate recognition of the play of imagination as the medium of realization of every kind of thing which lies beyond the scope of direct physical response is the sole way of escape from mechanical methods in teaching. The emphasis put in this book, in accord with many tendencies in contemporary education, upon activity, will be misleading if it is not recognized that the imagination is as much a normal and integral part of human activity as is muscular movement. The educative value of manual activities and of laboratory exercises, as well as of play, depends upon the extent in which they aid in bringing about a sensing of the meaning of what is going on. In effect, if not in name, they are dramatizations. Their utilitarian value in forming habits of skill to be used for tangible results is important, but not when isolated from the appreciative side. Were it not for the accompanying play of imagination, there would be no road from a direct activity to representative knowledge; for it is by imagination that symbols are translated over into a direct meaning and integrated with a narrower activity so as to expand and enrich it. When the representative creative imagination is made merely literary and mythological, symbols are rendered mere means of directing physical reactions of the organs of speech.

Recognizing the role of imagination as the means of realizing everything that goes beyond direct physical response is the only way to break free from mechanical teaching methods. The focus in this book, in line with many current trends in education, on activity, can be misleading if we don't understand that imagination is just as essential and natural a part of human activity as physical movement. The educational value of hands-on activities, laboratory exercises, and play relies on how well they help us grasp the meaning of what we're experiencing. Essentially, if not explicitly, these activities are forms of dramatization. Their practical value in developing skills for tangible outcomes is significant, but not when separated from the appreciation aspect. Without the accompanying play of imagination, there would be no connection from direct action to representational knowledge; it is through imagination that symbols are transformed into direct meanings and integrated with narrower activities to expand and enrich them. When creative imagination is reduced to just literary or mythological forms, symbols become mere tools for directing physical responses of our speech organs.

3. In the account previously given nothing was explicitly said about the place of literature and the fine arts in the course of study. The omission at that point was intentional. At the outset, there is no sharp demarcation of useful, or industrial, arts and fine arts. The activities mentioned in Chapter XV contain within themselves the factors later discriminated into fine and useful arts. As engaging the emotions and the imagination, they have the qualities which give the fine arts their quality. As demanding method or skill, the adaptation of tools to materials with constantly increasing perfection, they involve the element of technique indispensable to artistic production. From the standpoint of product, or the work of art, they are naturally defective, though even in this respect when they comprise genuine appreciation they often have a rudimentary charm. As experiences they have both an artistic and an esthetic quality. When they emerge into activities which are tested by their product and when the socially serviceable value of the product is emphasized, they pass into useful or industrial arts. When they develop in the direction of an enhanced appreciation of the immediate qualities which appeal to taste, they grow into fine arts.

3. In the earlier account, nothing was specifically mentioned about the role of literature and the fine arts in the curriculum. This omission was deliberate. At the beginning, there isn't a clear distinction between useful or industrial arts and fine arts. The activities described in Chapter XV contain the elements that are later differentiated into fine and useful arts. Since they engage the emotions and imagination, they possess the qualities that characterize fine arts. Because they require method and skill, as well as the adaptation of tools to materials with ever-increasing precision, they include the essential element of technique needed for artistic creation. From the perspective of the final product, or the artwork, they are naturally lacking, though even in this regard, when they involve genuine appreciation, they often have a basic charm. As experiences, they carry both artistic and aesthetic qualities. When they evolve into activities assessed by their outcomes and when the socially valuable aspects of the product are highlighted, they transition into useful or industrial arts. Conversely, when they progress toward a greater appreciation of the immediate qualities that appeal to taste, they develop into fine arts.

In one of its meanings, appreciation is opposed to depreciation. It denotes an enlarged, an intensified prizing, not merely a prizing, much less—like depreciation—a lowered and degraded prizing. This enhancement of the qualities which make any ordinary experience appealing, appropriable—capable of full assimilation—and enjoyable, constitutes the prime function of literature, music, drawing, painting, etc., in education. They are not the exclusive agencies of appreciation in the most general sense of that word; but they are the chief agencies of an intensified, enhanced appreciation. As such, they are not only intrinsically and directly enjoyable, but they serve a purpose beyond themselves. They have the office, in increased degree, of all appreciation in fixing taste, in forming standards for the worth of later experiences. They arouse discontent with conditions which fall below their measure; they create a demand for surroundings coming up to their own level. They reveal a depth and range of meaning in experiences which otherwise might be mediocre and trivial. They supply, that is, organs of vision. Moreover, in their fullness they represent the concentration and consummation of elements of good which are otherwise scattered and incomplete. They select and focus the elements of enjoyable worth which make any experience directly enjoyable. They are not luxuries of education, but emphatic expressions of that which makes any education worth while.

In one of its meanings, appreciation is the opposite of depreciation. It signifies a greater, more intense valuing—not just valuing, and definitely not like depreciation, which involves a reduced and diminished valuing. This enhancement of qualities that make any ordinary experience appealing, accessible—able to be fully absorbed—and enjoyable is the main function of literature, music, drawing, painting, etc., in education. They aren’t the only means of appreciation in the broadest sense of the term; however, they are the primary means of a deeper, enhanced appreciation. Because of this, they are not only inherently and immediately enjoyable, but they also serve a purpose beyond themselves. They actively help to refine taste and establish standards for evaluating future experiences. They provoke dissatisfaction with conditions that fall short of their standards and create a desire for environments that meet their level. They expose a depth and range of meaning in experiences that could otherwise seem average and trivial. In other words, they provide lenses for seeing. Furthermore, in their fullness, they embody the concentration and culmination of good elements that would otherwise be scattered and incomplete. They sift through and highlight the enjoyable aspects that make any experience inherently enjoyable. They aren’t luxuries in education; rather, they are powerful representations of what makes any education truly valuable.

2. The Valuation of Studies. The theory of educational values involves not only an account of the nature of appreciation as fixing the measure of subsequent valuations, but an account of the specific directions in which these valuations occur. To value means primarily to prize, to esteem; but secondarily it means to apprise, to estimate. It means, that is, the act of cherishing something, holding it dear, and also the act of passing judgment upon the nature and amount of its value as compared with something else. To value in the latter sense is to valuate or evaluate. The distinction coincides with that sometimes made between intrinsic and instrumental values. Intrinsic values are not objects of judgment, they cannot (as intrinsic) be compared, or regarded as greater and less, better or worse. They are invaluable; and if a thing is invaluable, it is neither more nor less so than any other invaluable. But occasions present themselves when it is necessary to choose, when we must let one thing go in order to take another. This establishes an order of preference, a greater and less, better and worse. Things judged or passed upon have to be estimated in relation to some third thing, some further end. With respect to that, they are means, or instrumental values.

2. The Valuation of Studies. The theory of educational values involves not only an explanation of how appreciation sets the standard for later valuations but also an exploration of the specific areas where these valuations take place. To value means primarily to treasure or hold in high regard; but secondarily, it means to assess or evaluate. In other words, it refers to the act of cherishing something and considering it valuable, as well as the act of judging its value in comparison to something else. Valuing in this latter sense is to evaluate or appraise. This distinction aligns with the one often made between intrinsic and instrumental values. Intrinsic values aren't subject to judgment; they can't be compared or ranked as greater or lesser, better or worse. They are priceless; and if something is priceless, it is neither more nor less so than anything else that is priceless. However, there are times when we need to make choices, when we must give up one thing to choose another. This creates a hierarchy of preference, a sense of greater and lesser, better and worse. Things that are judged or assessed need to be evaluated in relation to something else, some additional purpose. In that light, they become means or instrumental values.

We may imagine a man who at one time thoroughly enjoys converse with his friends, at another the hearing of a symphony; at another the eating of his meals; at another the reading of a book; at another the earning of money, and so on. As an appreciative realization, each of these is an intrinsic value. It occupies a particular place in life; it serves its own end, which cannot be supplied by a substitute. There is no question of comparative value, and hence none of valuation. Each is the specific good which it is, and that is all that can be said. In its own place, none is a means to anything beyond itself. But there may arise a situation in which they compete or conflict, in which a choice has to be made. Now comparison comes in. Since a choice has to be made, we want to know the respective claims of each competitor. What is to be said for it? What does it offer in comparison with, as balanced over against, some other possibility? Raising these questions means that a particular good is no longer an end in itself, an intrinsic good. For if it were, its claims would be incomparable, imperative. The question is now as to its status as a means of realizing something else, which is then the invaluable of that situation. If a man has just eaten, or if he is well fed generally and the opportunity to hear music is a rarity, he will probably prefer the music to eating. In the given situation that will render the greater contribution. If he is starving, or if he is satiated with music for the time being, he will naturally judge food to have the greater worth. In the abstract or at large, apart from the needs of a particular situation in which choice has to be made, there is no such thing as degrees or order of value. Certain conclusions follow with respect to educational values. We cannot establish a hierarchy of values among studies. It is futile to attempt to arrange them in an order, beginning with one having least worth and going on to that of maximum value. In so far as any study has a unique or irreplaceable function in experience, in so far as it marks a characteristic enrichment of life, its worth is intrinsic or incomparable. Since education is not a means to living, but is identical with the operation of living a life which is fruitful and inherently significant, the only ultimate value which can be set up is just the process of living itself. And this is not an end to which studies and activities are subordinate means; it is the whole of which they are ingredients. And what has been said about appreciation means that every study in one of its aspects ought to have just such ultimate significance. It is true of arithmetic as it is of poetry that in some place and at some time it ought to be a good to be appreciated on its own account—just as an enjoyable experience, in short. If it is not, then when the time and place come for it to be used as a means or instrumentality, it will be in just that much handicapped. Never having been realized or appreciated for itself, one will miss something of its capacity as a resource for other ends.

We can picture a man who at one point really enjoys chatting with his friends, at another time listening to a symphony, then eating his meals, reading a book, making money, and so on. Each of these experiences has its own inherent value. It holds a specific place in life; it serves its purpose, which cannot be replaced by anything else. There's no question of comparing their values, so there's no valuation involved. Each experience is uniquely valuable as it is, and that’s all that can be said. In its own context, none of these experiences serves as a means to something beyond itself. However, there may come a time when they compete or conflict, and a choice must be made. That's when comparison becomes necessary. Since a choice has to be made, we want to understand what each option brings to the table. What are its benefits? How does it stack up against other possibilities? Asking these questions means that a particular good can no longer be seen as an end in itself; it shifts to being a means of achieving something else, which then becomes the main consideration in that situation. If a man has just eaten, or if he is generally well-fed and the chance to listen to music is rare, he will likely choose the music over eating. In that moment, it offers a greater benefit. Conversely, if he is starving, or if he has had enough music for now, he will naturally see food as more valuable. In general, outside of the specific context of a choice, there are no degrees or hierarchy of value. This leads to specific conclusions about educational values. We can't create a hierarchy of value among subjects. It's pointless to try to arrange them from the least valuable to the most valuable. As long as any subject has a unique or irreplaceable role in experience, and as long as it contributes uniquely to life, its value is inherent and incomparable. Since education is not just a means to living, but is the essence of living a meaningful and productive life, the ultimate value we can identify is the process of living itself. This is not simply an end to which studies and activities serve as subordinate tools; it is the entirety that these studies and activities contribute to. What has been mentioned about appreciation means that every subject should ultimately have significance in this way. This applies to arithmetic just as it does to poetry; at some point and in some context, each should be valued on its own terms—as a pleasurable experience. If it isn’t, then when the right time and context come to use it as a tool or resource, it will be at a disadvantage. If it has never been appreciated for its own sake, one will lose out on its potential as a resource for other purposes.

It equally follows that when we compare studies as to their values, that is, treat them as means to something beyond themselves, that which controls their proper valuation is found in the specific situation in which they are to be used. The way to enable a student to apprehend the instrumental value of arithmetic is not to lecture him upon the benefit it will be to him in some remote and uncertain future, but to let him discover that success in something he is interested in doing depends upon ability to use number.

It also makes sense that when we evaluate studies based on their values, meaning when we consider them as tools for something greater, the key to understanding their true worth lies in the specific context in which they will be applied. To help a student grasp the practical value of arithmetic, it's not effective to lecture them about how useful it might be in a distant and uncertain future. Instead, it's better to allow them to realize that succeeding in something they care about relies on their ability to use numbers.

It also follows that the attempt to distribute distinct sorts of value among different studies is a misguided one, in spite of the amount of time recently devoted to the undertaking. Science for example may have any kind of value, depending upon the situation into which it enters as a means. To some the value of science may be military; it may be an instrument in strengthening means of offense or defense; it may be technological, a tool for engineering; or it may be commercial—an aid in the successful conduct of business; under other conditions, its worth may be philanthropic—the service it renders in relieving human suffering; or again it may be quite conventional—of value in establishing one's social status as an "educated" person. As matter of fact, science serves all these purposes, and it would be an arbitrary task to try to fix upon one of them as its "real" end. All that we can be sure of educationally is that science should be taught so as to be an end in itself in the lives of students—something worth while on account of its own unique intrinsic contribution to the experience of life. Primarily it must have "appreciation value." If we take something which seems to be at the opposite pole, like poetry, the same sort of statement applies. It may be that, at the present time, its chief value is the contribution it makes to the enjoyment of leisure. But that may represent a degenerate condition rather than anything necessary. Poetry has historically been allied with religion and morals; it has served the purpose of penetrating the mysterious depths of things. It has had an enormous patriotic value. Homer to the Greeks was a Bible, a textbook of morals, a history, and a national inspiration. In any case, it may be said that an education which does not succeed in making poetry a resource in the business of life as well as in its leisure, has something the matter with it—or else the poetry is artificial poetry.

It follows that trying to assign different types of value to various fields of study is misguided, despite the time recently spent on this effort. For example, science can have many kinds of value depending on how it’s used. To some, science might have military value; it could be a tool for improving offensive or defensive capabilities. It can be technological, serving as a resource for engineering; or it can have commercial value—helping businesses succeed. In other cases, its worth might be philanthropic—providing help to relieve human suffering; or it might simply be conventional—helping someone establish their social status as an “educated” person. In reality, science fulfills all these roles, and it would be arbitrary to insist that one of them is its “true” purpose. What we can be sure of, in terms of education, is that science should be taught as an end in itself in students' lives—something valuable for its unique contribution to the experience of life. Primarily, it must have “appreciation value.” If we consider something that seems quite different, like poetry, the same idea applies. Currently, its main value might be its contribution to the enjoyment of leisure. However, that could indicate a decline rather than a necessity. Historically, poetry has been linked with religion and ethics; it has explored the mysterious depths of existence. It has held significant patriotic value. For the Greeks, Homer was like a Bible, a textbook of morals, a history, and a source of national pride. Ultimately, an education that fails to make poetry a valuable resource in both life's challenges and leisure time has a serious flaw—or else the poetry is just superficial.

The same considerations apply to the value of a study or a topic of a study with reference to its motivating force. Those responsible for planning and teaching the course of study should have grounds for thinking that the studies and topics included furnish both direct increments to the enriching of lives of the pupils and also materials which they can put to use in other concerns of direct interest. Since the curriculum is always getting loaded down with purely inherited traditional matter and with subjects which represent mainly the energy of some influential person or group of persons in behalf of something dear to them, it requires constant inspection, criticism, and revision to make sure it is accomplishing its purpose. Then there is always the probability that it represents the values of adults rather than those of children and youth, or those of pupils a generation ago rather than those of the present day. Hence a further need for a critical outlook and survey. But these considerations do not mean that for a subject to have motivating value to a pupil (whether intrinsic or instrumental) is the same thing as for him to be aware of the value, or to be able to tell what the study is good for.

The same factors apply to the value of a study or a topic of a study in terms of its motivating power. Those in charge of planning and teaching the curriculum should have reasons to believe that the studies and topics included enhance the lives of students directly and provide materials they can use in their other interests. Since the curriculum often gets weighed down with outdated traditional content and subjects pushed by influential individuals or groups for their own agendas, it needs regular review and revision to ensure it fulfills its purpose. Moreover, there's a good chance it reflects the values of adults rather than those of children and teens, or the perspectives of students from a generation ago rather than those of today's youth. Therefore, there is an ongoing need for a critical viewpoint and assessment. However, these points do not imply that for a subject to be motivating for a student (whether in its own right or as a means to an end) is the same as them being aware of its value or understanding what the study is useful for.

In the first place, as long as any topic makes an immediate appeal, it is not necessary to ask what it is good for. This is a question which can be asked only about instrumental values. Some goods are not good for anything; they are just goods. Any other notion leads to an absurdity. For we cannot stop asking the question about an instrumental good, one whose value lies in its being good for something, unless there is at some point something intrinsically good, good for itself. To a hungry, healthy child, food is a good of the situation; we do not have to bring him to consciousness of the ends subserved by food in order to supply a motive to eat. The food in connection with his appetite is a motive. The same thing holds of mentally eager pupils with respect to many topics. Neither they nor the teacher could possibly foretell with any exactness the purposes learning is to accomplish in the future; nor as long as the eagerness continues is it advisable to try to specify particular goods which are to come of it. The proof of a good is found in the fact that the pupil responds; his response is use. His response to the material shows that the subject functions in his life. It is unsound to urge that, say, Latin has a value per se in the abstract, just as a study, as a sufficient justification for teaching it. But it is equally absurd to argue that unless teacher or pupil can point out some definite assignable future use to which it is to be put, it lacks justifying value. When pupils are genuinely concerned in learning Latin, that is of itself proof that it possesses value. The most which one is entitled to ask in such cases is whether in view of the shortness of time, there are not other things of intrinsic value which in addition have greater instrumental value.

First of all, as long as a topic catches people's interest right away, there's no need to question what it's useful for. This question only applies to things that have instrumental value. Some things are just good on their own and not for anything else. Any other idea leads to confusion. We can’t stop asking about the usefulness of something that has value because it’s good for something unless there’s something that’s good in itself. For a hungry, healthy child, food is relevant to the situation; we don’t need to make them aware of the reasons food serves to motivate them to eat. The food, in relation to their appetite, serves as motivation. The same applies to eager students when it comes to various subjects. Neither they nor the teacher can accurately predict the goals that learning will achieve in the future; and as long as that eagerness remains, it’s not helpful to try to pinpoint specific outcomes. The proof of something being good is seen in the student’s engagement; their engagement shows its usefulness. It doesn’t make sense to argue that, say, Latin has inherent value just for its own sake as a reason to teach it. But it’s also unreasonable to say that unless the teacher or student can identify a clear future application for it, it has no justifiable value. When students show a genuine interest in learning Latin, that itself is proof that it has value. The most we can ask in such cases is whether, given the limited time, there might be other things with intrinsic value that also have greater practical value.

This brings us to the matter of instrumental values—topics studied because of some end beyond themselves. If a child is ill and his appetite does not lead him to eat when food is presented, or if his appetite is perverted so that he prefers candy to meat and vegetables, conscious reference to results is indicated. He needs to be made conscious of consequences as a justification of the positive or negative value of certain objects. Or the state of things may be normal enough, and yet an individual not be moved by some matter because he does not grasp how his attainment of some intrinsic good depends upon active concern with what is presented. In such cases, it is obviously the part of wisdom to establish consciousness of connection. In general what is desirable is that a topic be presented in such a way that it either have an immediate value, and require no justification, or else be perceived to be a means of achieving something of intrinsic value. An instrumental value then has the intrinsic value of being a means to an end. It may be questioned whether some of the present pedagogical interest in the matter of values of studies is not either excessive or else too narrow. Sometimes it appears to be a labored effort to furnish an apologetic for topics which no longer operate to any purpose, direct or indirect, in the lives of pupils. At other times, the reaction against useless lumber seems to have gone to the extent of supposing that no subject or topic should be taught unless some quite definite future utility can be pointed out by those making the course of study or by the pupil himself, unmindful of the fact that life is its own excuse for being; and that definite utilities which can be pointed out are themselves justified only because they increase the experienced content of life itself. 3. The Segregation and Organization of Values. It is of course possible to classify in a general way the various valuable phases of life. In order to get a survey of aims sufficiently wide (See ante, p. 110) to give breadth and flexibility to the enterprise of education, there is some advantage in such a classification. But it is a great mistake to regard these values as ultimate ends to which the concrete satisfactions of experience are subordinate. They are nothing but generalizations, more or less adequate, of concrete goods. Health, wealth, efficiency, sociability, utility, culture, happiness itself are only abstract terms which sum up a multitude of particulars. To regard such things as standards for the valuation of concrete topics and process of education is to subordinate to an abstraction the concrete facts from which the abstraction is derived. They are not in any true sense standards of valuation; these are found, as we have previously seen, in the specific realizations which form tastes and habits of preference. They are, however, of significance as points of view elevated above the details of life whence to survey the field and see how its constituent details are distributed, and whether they are well proportioned. No classification can have other than a provisional validity. The following may prove of some help. We may say that the kind of experience to which the work of the schools should contribute is one marked by executive competency in the management of resources and obstacles encountered (efficiency); by sociability, or interest in the direct companionship of others; by aesthetic taste or capacity to appreciate artistic excellence in at least some of its classic forms; by trained intellectual method, or interest in some mode of scientific achievement; and by sensitiveness to the rights and claims of others—conscientiousness. And while these considerations are not standards of value, they are useful criteria for survey, criticism, and better organization of existing methods and subject matter of instruction.

This brings us to the topic of instrumental values—subjects studied for a purpose beyond themselves. If a child is sick and doesn’t eat when food is offered, or if he prefers candy over meat and vegetables, it’s important to make him aware of the consequences as a way to justify the positive or negative values of certain foods. He needs to understand how his pursuit of real benefits depends on actively engaging with what's offered. Even in normal situations, a person might not be motivated by something because they don’t see how achieving a true good relies on caring about what’s presented. In these cases, it’s wise to highlight the connections. Ideally, a topic should be introduced so that it either has immediate value with no need for justification or is seen as a tool for achieving something intrinsically valuable. Therefore, an instrumental value holds the intrinsic value of being a means to an end. It's worth questioning whether the current educational focus on the value of studies is excessive or too narrow. Sometimes it seems like a forced attempt to justify subjects that no longer serve any purpose in students' lives. Other times, the push against irrelevant content seems to have led to the belief that no subject should be taught unless a clear future benefit can be identified by the course designers or the students themselves, overlooking the fact that life has its own inherent worth; and that specific benefits are justified only because they enhance the overall experience of life itself. 3. The Segregation and Organization of Values. It is certainly possible to broadly classify the different valuable aspects of life. To gain a wide perspective on aims (See ante, p. 110) that provides depth and flexibility in education, such classification can be beneficial. However, it’s a major mistake to see these values as ultimate goals subordinate to the practical satisfactions of experience. They are simply generalizations of concrete goods, varying in adequacy. Concepts like health, wealth, efficiency, sociability, utility, culture, and happiness are just abstract terms that summarize a range of specific realities. Using these as standards to evaluate concrete topics and educational processes subordinates real facts to an abstract idea. They do not serve as true standards of value; those are found in the specific experiences that shape tastes and preferences. However, they are significant as elevated viewpoints from which to look over the details of life, assessing how those details are distributed and whether they are well-balanced. Any classification can only claim provisional validity. The following may be somewhat helpful. We can say that the type of experience the work of schools should foster is characterized by skill in managing resources and obstacles (efficiency); by an interest in direct companionship with others (sociability); by an appreciation for artistic excellence in some classic forms (aesthetic taste); by a trained intellectual approach or interest in scientific achievements; and by awareness of the rights and claims of others—conscientiousness. While these factors aren’t standards of value, they are useful criteria for evaluating, critiquing, and improving existing teaching methods and subject matter.

The need of such general points of view is the greater because of a tendency to segregate educational values due to the isolation from one another of the various pursuits of life. The idea is prevalent that different studies represent separate kinds of values, and that the curriculum should, therefore, be constituted by gathering together various studies till a sufficient variety of independent values have been cared for. The following quotation does not use the word value, but it contains the notion of a curriculum constructed on the idea that there are a number of separate ends to be reached, and that various studies may be evaluated by referring each study to its respective end. "Memory is trained by most studies, but best by languages and history; taste is trained by the more advanced study of languages, and still better by English literature; imagination by all higher language teaching, but chiefly by Greek and Latin poetry; observation by science work in the laboratory, though some training is to be got from the earlier stages of Latin and Greek; for expression, Greek and Latin composition comes first and English composition next; for abstract reasoning, mathematics stands almost alone; for concrete reasoning, science comes first, then geometry; for social reasoning, the Greek and Roman historians and orators come first, and general history next. Hence the narrowest education which can claim to be at all complete includes Latin, one modern language, some history, some English literature, and one science." There is much in the wording of this passage which is irrelevant to our point and which must be discounted to make it clear. The phraseology betrays the particular provincial tradition within which the author is writing. There is the unquestioned assumption of "faculties" to be trained, and a dominant interest in the ancient languages; there is comparative disregard of the earth on which men happen to live and the bodies they happen to carry around with them. But with allowances made for these matters (even with their complete abandonment) we find much in contemporary educational philosophy which parallels the fundamental notion of parceling out special values to segregated studies. Even when some one end is set up as a standard of value, like social efficiency or culture, it will often be found to be but a verbal heading under which a variety of disconnected factors are comprised. And although the general tendency is to allow a greater variety of values to a given study than does the passage quoted, yet the attempt to inventory a number of values attaching to each study and to state the amount of each value which the given study possesses emphasizes an implied educational disintegration.

The need for a general perspective is even more important because there is a tendency to separate educational values due to the isolation of different life pursuits. It's a common belief that various studies represent distinct kinds of values, so the curriculum should be created by bringing together a variety of studies until enough independent values are represented. The following quote doesn’t use the word “value,” but it conveys the idea of a curriculum built on the concept that there are multiple separate goals to achieve and that different studies can be assessed based on their respective goals: "Memory is trained by most studies, but best by languages and history; taste is developed through more advanced language studies, and even better by English literature; imagination is nurtured by all higher-level language teaching, but especially by Greek and Latin poetry; observation is cultivated through laboratory science work, though some training can be gained from earlier Latin and Greek; for expression, Greek and Latin composition comes first, followed by English composition; for abstract reasoning, mathematics stands nearly alone; for concrete reasoning, science is prioritized, then geometry; for social reasoning, the Greek and Roman historians and orators come first, followed by general history. Therefore, the most basic education that can be considered somewhat complete includes Latin, one modern language, some history, some English literature, and one science." Much of the wording in this passage is irrelevant to our point and needs to be set aside for clarity. The phraseology reveals the specific provincial tradition within which the author writes. There’s an unquestioned assumption of "faculties" to be developed and a strong focus on ancient languages; there’s a relative indifference to the actual world people live in and their physical bodies. However, even with these considerations in mind (or even disregarding them entirely), we find much in contemporary educational philosophy that parallels the core idea of assigning special values to separate studies. Even when a single goal is established as a standard of value, like social efficiency or culture, it often ends up being just a verbal label under which various disconnected factors are grouped. Although the general trend is to recognize a greater variety of values for a given study than what the quoted passage suggests, the effort to list several values associated with each study and quantify the amount of each value that a given study holds highlights an underlying educational disintegration.

As matter of fact, such schemes of values of studies are largely but unconscious justifications of the curriculum with which one is familiar. One accepts, for the most part, the studies of the existing course and then assigns values to them as a sufficient reason for their being taught. Mathematics is said to have, for example, disciplinary value in habituating the pupil to accuracy of statement and closeness of reasoning; it has utilitarian value in giving command of the arts of calculation involved in trade and the arts; culture value in its enlargement of the imagination in dealing with the most general relations of things; even religious value in its concept of the infinite and allied ideas. But clearly mathematics does not accomplish such results, because it is endowed with miraculous potencies called values; it has these values if and when it accomplishes these results, and not otherwise. The statements may help a teacher to a larger vision of the possible results to be effected by instruction in mathematical topics. But unfortunately, the tendency is to treat the statement as indicating powers inherently residing in the subject, whether they operate or not, and thus to give it a rigid justification. If they do not operate, the blame is put not on the subject as taught, but on the indifference and recalcitrancy of pupils.

In reality, these value systems around education are mostly just unthinking justifications for the curriculum we know. People generally accept the courses that are already offered and then attribute value to them as a reason for why they should be taught. For example, mathematics is said to have disciplinary value because it trains students to be precise in their statements and reasoning; it has utilitarian value because it teaches practical calculation skills used in business and the arts; it holds cultural value by broadening the imagination in understanding the broader relationships between things; and even religious value through its concept of the infinite and related ideas. However, mathematics doesn’t achieve these outcomes simply because it is thought to have these so-called values; it possesses these values only when it actually produces these outcomes. These statements can help teachers gain a broader perspective on the potential results of teaching math topics. Unfortunately, the common tendency is to treat these claims as inherent qualities of the subject, regardless of whether they actually work, thus providing a weak justification. If they don’t result in expected outcomes, the blame tends to fall not on the subject being taught but on the lack of interest or defiance from the students.

This attitude toward subjects is the obverse side of the conception of experience or life as a patchwork of independent interests which exist side by side and limit one another. Students of politics are familiar with a check and balance theory of the powers of government. There are supposed to be independent separate functions, like the legislative, executive, judicial, administrative, and all goes well if each of these checks all the others and thus creates an ideal balance. There is a philosophy which might well be called the check and balance theory of experience. Life presents a diversity of interests. Left to themselves, they tend to encroach on one another. The ideal is to prescribe a special territory for each till the whole ground of experience is covered, and then see to it each remains within its own boundaries. Politics, business, recreation, art, science, the learned professions, polite intercourse, leisure, represent such interests. Each of these ramifies into many branches: business into manual occupations, executive positions, bookkeeping, railroading, banking, agriculture, trade and commerce, etc., and so with each of the others. An ideal education would then supply the means of meeting these separate and pigeon-holed interests. And when we look at the schools, it is easy to get the impression that they accept this view of the nature of adult life, and set for themselves the task of meeting its demands. Each interest is acknowledged as a kind of fixed institution to which something in the course of study must correspond. The course of study must then have some civics and history politically and patriotically viewed: some utilitarian studies; some science; some art (mainly literature of course); some provision for recreation; some moral education; and so on. And it will be found that a large part of current agitation about schools is concerned with clamor and controversy about the due meed of recognition to be given to each of these interests, and with struggles to secure for each its due share in the course of study; or, if this does not seem feasible in the existing school system, then to secure a new and separate kind of schooling to meet the need. In the multitude of educations education is forgotten.

This attitude toward subjects is the flip side of viewing experience or life as a collection of independent interests that coexist and limit each other. Political science students are familiar with the theory of checks and balances in government. It’s believed there are separate independent functions like legislative, executive, judicial, and administrative, and everything works well if each one checks the others, creating an ideal balance. There’s a philosophy that could be called the checks and balances theory of experience. Life offers a variety of interests. Left unmanaged, they tend to intrude on one another. The ideal is to assign a specific area for each interest until the entire spectrum of experience is covered, and then ensure that each stays within its own limits. Politics, business, recreation, art, science, various professions, and leisure represent these interests. Each one branches out into many areas: business includes manual jobs, executive roles, bookkeeping, railroads, banking, agriculture, trade, and more, and the same goes for the others. An ideal education would provide the means to address these separate and defined interests. When we examine schools, it’s easy to think they accept this view of adult life and aim to meet its requirements. Each interest is recognized as a kind of established institution that something in the curriculum must correspond to. The curriculum then needs to include some civics and history viewed politically and patriotically, some practical studies, some science, some art (mainly literature, of course), some leisure activities, some moral education, and so forth. Many current debates about schools revolve around the demands for recognition given to each of these interests and the efforts to ensure each gets its fair share in the curriculum; or, if that doesn’t seem possible within the current school system, then to create a new and separate kind of schooling to meet those needs. In the multitude of different educations, the essence of education gets overlooked.

The obvious outcome is congestion of the course of study, overpressure and distraction of pupils, and a narrow specialization fatal to the very idea of education. But these bad results usually lead to more of the same sort of thing as a remedy. When it is perceived that after all the requirements of a full life experience are not met, the deficiency is not laid to the isolation and narrowness of the teaching of the existing subjects, and this recognition made the basis of reorganization of the system. No, the lack is something to be made up for by the introduction of still another study, or, if necessary, another kind of school. And as a rule those who object to the resulting overcrowding and consequent superficiality and distraction usually also have recourse to a merely quantitative criterion: the remedy is to cut off a great many studies as fads and frills, and return to the good old curriculum of the three R's in elementary education and the equally good and equally old-fashioned curriculum of the classics and mathematics in higher education.

The clear result is a jam-packed curriculum, stress and distractions for students, and a narrow focus that undermines the very concept of education. However, these negative outcomes often lead to more of the same as a solution. When it becomes evident that the needs for a fulfilling life are still not being fulfilled, the issue isn't recognized as stemming from the isolation and narrowness of current subjects; instead, the response is to add yet another course or, if needed, create a new type of school. Typically, those who criticize the resulting overcrowding and the resulting lack of depth and distractions also resort to a purely quantitative approach: the solution is to eliminate many courses deemed unnecessary and revert to the traditional curriculum focusing on the three R’s in elementary education and the equally traditional curriculum of classics and math in higher education.

The situation has, of course, its historic explanation. Various epochs of the past have had their own characteristic struggles and interests. Each of these great epochs has left behind itself a kind of cultural deposit, like a geologic stratum. These deposits have found their way into educational institutions in the form of studies, distinct courses of study, distinct types of schools. With the rapid change of political, scientific, and economic interests in the last century, provision had to be made for new values. Though the older courses resisted, they have had at least in this country to retire their pretensions to a monopoly. They have not, however, been reorganized in content and aim; they have only been reduced in amount. The new studies, representing the new interests, have not been used to transform the method and aim of all instruction; they have been injected and added on. The result is a conglomerate, the cement of which consists in the mechanics of the school program or time table. Thence arises the scheme of values and standards of value which we have mentioned.

The situation, of course, has its historical explanation. Different periods in the past have had their own unique struggles and interests. Each of these significant periods has left behind a kind of cultural residue, similar to a geological layer. These residues have integrated into educational institutions through various studies, specific courses, and distinct types of schools. With the rapid changes in political, scientific, and economic interests over the last century, there has been a need to accommodate new values. Although the older courses fought to maintain their dominance, they have had to relinquish their monopoly here in this country. However, they haven't been restructured in terms of content and purpose; they've merely been scaled back. The new studies, reflecting the new interests, haven't been used to transform the methods and goals of all teaching; they've just been added on. The result is a mix, held together by the mechanics of the school schedule. This leads to the system of values and standards we mentioned.

This situation in education represents the divisions and separations which obtain in social life. The variety of interests which should mark any rich and balanced experience have been torn asunder and deposited in separate institutions with diverse and independent purposes and methods. Business is business, science is science, art is art, politics is politics, social intercourse is social intercourse, morals is morals, recreation is recreation, and so on. Each possesses a separate and independent province with its own peculiar aims and ways of proceeding. Each contributes to the others only externally and accidentally. All of them together make up the whole of life by just apposition and addition. What does one expect from business save that it should furnish money, to be used in turn for making more money and for support of self and family, for buying books and pictures, tickets to concerts which may afford culture, and for paying taxes, charitable gifts and other things of social and ethical value? How unreasonable to expect that the pursuit of business should be itself a culture of the imagination, in breadth and refinement; that it should directly, and not through the money which it supplies, have social service for its animating principle and be conducted as an enterprise in behalf of social organization! The same thing is to be said, mutatis mutandis, of the pursuit of art or science or politics or religion. Each has become specialized not merely in its appliances and its demands upon time, but in its aim and animating spirit. Unconsciously, our course of studies and our theories of the educational values of studies reflect this division of interests. The point at issue in a theory of educational value is then the unity or integrity of experience. How shall it be full and varied without losing unity of spirit? How shall it be one and yet not narrow and monotonous in its unity? Ultimately, the question of values and a standard of values is the moral question of the organization of the interests of life. Educationally, the question concerns that organization of schools, materials, and methods which will operate to achieve breadth and richness of experience. How shall we secure breadth of outlook without sacrificing efficiency of execution? How shall we secure the diversity of interests, without paying the price of isolation? How shall the individual be rendered executive in his intelligence instead of at the cost of his intelligence? How shall art, science, and politics reinforce one another in an enriched temper of mind instead of constituting ends pursued at one another's expense? How can the interests of life and the studies which enforce them enrich the common experience of men instead of dividing men from one another? With the questions of reorganization thus suggested, we shall be concerned in the concluding chapters.

This situation in education reflects the divisions and separations present in social life. The range of interests that should characterize a rich and balanced experience have been fragmented and placed in different institutions with distinct and independent purposes and approaches. Business is business, science is science, art is art, politics is politics, social interaction is social interaction, morals are morals, recreation is recreation, and so on. Each has its own separate and independent domain with unique goals and methods. Each contributes to the others only in an external and accidental way. Together, they make up the entirety of life through mere juxtaposition and addition. What can we expect from business except for it to provide money, which is then used to make more money and to support oneself and one's family, to buy books and artworks, to get tickets to concerts that may provide culture, and to pay taxes, charitable donations, and other things of social and ethical significance? How unreasonable is it to think that the pursuit of business should itself cultivate the imagination in breadth and sophistication; that it should directly, and not just through the money it generates, have social service as its guiding principle and be run as an enterprise for the sake of social organization! The same applies, with necessary adjustments, to the pursuits of art, science, politics, or religion. Each has become specialized not only in its tools and time demands but also in its objectives and driving spirit. Unconsciously, our educational programs and our theories about educational value reflect this division of interests. The fundamental issue in a theory of educational value is the unity or integrity of experience. How can it be comprehensive and varied without losing a unified spirit? How can it be one yet not narrow and monotonous in that unity? Ultimately, the question of values and a standard of values is a moral question about how to organize life's interests. From an educational standpoint, the question concerns how to organize schools, materials, and methods to achieve a breadth and richness of experience. How can we ensure a broad perspective without sacrificing effective execution? How can we ensure a diversity of interests without paying the price of isolation? How can individuals be empowered in their intelligence rather than at the expense of their intelligence? How can art, science, and politics support one another in a more enriched mindset instead of being seen as pursuits that undermine each other? How can the interests of life and the studies that promote them enhance the shared experience of people rather than divide them? We will be addressing the questions of reorganization thus raised in the concluding chapters.





Summary. Fundamentally, the elements involved in a discussion of value

have been covered in the prior discussion of aims and interests. But since educational values are generally discussed in connection with the claims of the various studies of the curriculum, the consideration of aim and interest is here resumed from the point of view of special studies. The term "value" has two quite different meanings. On the one hand, it denotes the attitude of prizing a thing finding it worth while, for its own sake, or intrinsically. This is a name for a full or complete experience. To value in this sense is to appreciate. But to value also means a distinctively intellectual act—an operation of comparing and judging—to valuate. This occurs when direct full experience is lacking, and the question arises which of the various possibilities of a situation is to be preferred in order to reach a full realization, or vital experience.

have been covered in the previous discussion of aims and interests. However, since educational values are usually talked about in relation to the claims of various curriculum studies, let's revisit the concepts of aim and interest from the perspective of specific studies. The term "value" has two very different meanings. On one hand, it refers to the attitude of valuing something and finding it worthwhile for its own sake, or intrinsically. This represents a full or complete experience. To value in this sense means to appreciate. But valuing also involves a distinctly intellectual act—an operation of comparing and judging—to valuate. This happens when direct full experience is missing, and the question arises regarding which of the different possibilities in a situation should be preferred to achieve a full realization or meaningful experience.

We must not, however, divide the studies of the curriculum into the appreciative, those concerned with intrinsic value, and the instrumental, concerned with those which are of value or ends beyond themselves. The formation of proper standards in any subject depends upon a realization of the contribution which it makes to the immediate significance of experience, upon a direct appreciation. Literature and the fine arts are of peculiar value because they represent appreciation at its best—a heightened realization of meaning through selection and concentration. But every subject at some phase of its development should possess, what is for the individual concerned with it, an aesthetic quality.

We shouldn't separate the studies in the curriculum into two categories: the appreciative ones that focus on intrinsic value and the instrumental ones that relate to value or goals beyond themselves. Establishing proper standards in any subject relies on understanding the contribution it makes to the immediate significance of experience and appreciating it directly. Literature and the fine arts are especially valuable because they showcase appreciation at its finest—a deeper understanding of meaning through selection and focus. However, every subject, at some stage of its development, should have an aesthetic quality that resonates with the individual engaging with it.

Contribution to immediate intrinsic values in all their variety in experience is the only criterion for determining the worth of instrumental and derived values in studies. The tendency to assign separate values to each study and to regard the curriculum in its entirety as a kind of composite made by the aggregation of segregated values is a result of the isolation of social groups and classes. Hence it is the business of education in a democratic social group to struggle against this isolation in order that the various interests may reinforce and play into one another.

Contribution to immediate intrinsic values in all their variety in experience is the only standard for assessing the worth of instrumental and derived values in studies. The tendency to assign separate values to each study and to view the curriculum as a sort of composite created by adding together isolated values comes from the separation of social groups and classes. Therefore, it's the role of education in a democratic society to fight against this separation so that different interests can support and enhance one another.





Chapter Nineteen: Labor and Leisure

1. The Origin of the Opposition.

The isolation of aims and values which we have been considering leads to opposition between them. Probably the most deep-seated antithesis which has shown itself in educational history is that between education in preparation for useful labor and education for a life of leisure. The bare terms "useful labor" and "leisure" confirm the statement already made that the segregation and conflict of values are not self-inclosed, but reflect a division within social life. Were the two functions of gaining a livelihood by work and enjoying in a cultivated way the opportunities of leisure, distributed equally among the different members of a community, it would not occur to any one that there was any conflict of educational agencies and aims involved. It would be self-evident that the question was how education could contribute most effectively to both. And while it might be found that some materials of instruction chiefly accomplished one result and other subject matter the other, it would be evident that care must be taken to secure as much overlapping as conditions permit; that is, the education which had leisure more directly in view should indirectly reinforce as much as possible the efficiency and the enjoyment of work, while that aiming at the latter should produce habits of emotion and intellect which would procure a worthy cultivation of leisure. These general considerations are amply borne out by the historical development of educational philosophy. The separation of liberal education from professional and industrial education goes back to the time of the Greeks, and was formulated expressly on the basis of a division of classes into those who had to labor for a living and those who were relieved from this necessity. The conception that liberal education, adapted to men in the latter class, is intrinsically higher than the servile training given to the latter class reflected the fact that one class was free and the other servile in its social status. The latter class labored not only for its own subsistence, but also for the means which enabled the superior class to live without personally engaging in occupations taking almost all the time and not of a nature to engage or reward intelligence.

The separation of goals and values that we've been discussing leads to a conflict between them. One of the most entrenched oppositions in educational history is between education aimed at preparing for practical work and education focused on a life of leisure. The simple terms "practical work" and "leisure" support the claim that the division and clash of values are not isolated but instead reflect a split within society. If the two roles of earning a living through work and enjoying leisure were evenly distributed among community members, no one would think there was any conflict among educational systems and goals. It would be clear that the question is how education can effectively support both. While it might turn out that some teaching materials primarily achieve one outcome and others the opposite, it would be obvious that efforts should be made to overlap as much as possible. This means that education focused more directly on leisure should still enhance the efficiency and enjoyment of work whenever possible, while education aimed at work should foster habits of emotion and intellect that promote a fulfilling experience of leisure. These broader ideas are well supported by the historical development of educational philosophy. The division of liberal education from professional and industrial education dates back to ancient Greece and was explicitly formulated based on a class division between those who had to work for a living and those who were freed from such necessity. The idea that liberal education, tailored for the latter group, is inherently superior to the vocational training of the former reflected the reality that one class was free while the other was not in terms of social status. The latter class worked not only for its own survival but also for the means that allowed the upper class to live without engaging in time-consuming jobs that did not stimulate or reward intelligence.

That a certain amount of labor must be engaged in goes without saying. Human beings have to live and it requires work to supply the resources of life. Even if we insist that the interests connected with getting a living are only material and hence intrinsically lower than those connected with enjoyment of time released from labor, and even if it were admitted that there is something engrossing and insubordinate in material interests which leads them to strive to usurp the place belonging to the higher ideal interests, this would not—barring the fact of socially divided classes—lead to neglect of the kind of education which trains men for the useful pursuits. It would rather lead to scrupulous care for them, so that men were trained to be efficient in them and yet to keep them in their place; education would see to it that we avoided the evil results which flow from their being allowed to flourish in obscure purlieus of neglect. Only when a division of these interests coincides with a division of an inferior and a superior social class will preparation for useful work be looked down upon with contempt as an unworthy thing: a fact which prepares one for the conclusion that the rigid identification of work with material interests, and leisure with ideal interests is itself a social product. The educational formulations of the social situation made over two thousand years ago have been so influential and give such a clear and logical recognition of the implications of the division into laboring and leisure classes, that they deserve especial note. According to them, man occupies the highest place in the scheme of animate existence. In part, he shares the constitution and functions of plants and animals—nutritive, reproductive, motor or practical. The distinctively human function is reason existing for the sake of beholding the spectacle of the universe. Hence the truly human end is the fullest possible of this distinctive human prerogative. The life of observation, meditation, cogitation, and speculation pursued as an end in itself is the proper life of man. From reason moreover proceeds the proper control of the lower elements of human nature—the appetites and the active, motor, impulses. In themselves greedy, insubordinate, lovers of excess, aiming only at their own satiety, they observe moderation—the law of the mean—and serve desirable ends as they are subjected to the rule of reason.

It's obvious that a certain amount of work must be done. People need to survive, and that requires effort to provide the essentials of life. Even if we argue that the concerns related to earning a living are only material and therefore inherently less important than those related to enjoying free time, and even if we accept that there's something distracting and rebellious about material interests that leads them to try to take the place of higher ideals, this wouldn’t—except for the fact of socially divided classes—lead to neglecting education that prepares individuals for practical pursuits. Instead, it would lead to a careful focus on that kind of education, ensuring that people are trained to be effective in these areas while still keeping them in their proper context; education would help prevent the negative outcomes that arise when these practical pursuits are allowed to thrive in unappreciated corners. Only when the division of these interests aligns with a divide between lower and higher social classes will preparing for practical work be viewed with disdain as something unworthy: a reality that leads to the conclusion that strictly equating work with material interests and leisure with ideal pursuits is itself a societal construct. The educational frameworks created over two thousand years ago have been so influential and provide such a clear understanding of the implications of the division between labor and leisure classes that they deserve special attention. According to these frameworks, humans hold the highest position in the hierarchy of living beings. In part, they share the characteristics and functions of plants and animals—nutrition, reproduction, movement, or practical tasks. The uniquely human function is reason, which exists to appreciate the spectacle of the universe. Therefore, the true human goal is to fully exercise this distinctive human capacity. A life of observation, contemplation, thought, and speculation pursued as an end in itself is the proper life for a person. Furthermore, reason leads to the appropriate control of the lower aspects of human nature—the desires and active impulses. By nature, these impulses are greedy, unruly, and indulgent, aiming solely at their own satisfaction, but they adhere to moderation—the principle of the mean—and serve valuable ends when guided by the authority of reason.

Such is the situation as an affair of theoretical psychology and as most adequately stated by Aristotle. But this state of things is reflected in the constitution of classes of men and hence in the organization of society. Only in a comparatively small number is the function of reason capable of operating as a law of life. In the mass of people, vegetative and animal functions dominate. Their energy of intelligence is so feeble and inconstant that it is constantly overpowered by bodily appetite and passion. Such persons are not truly ends in themselves, for only reason constitutes a final end. Like plants, animals and physical tools, they are means, appliances, for the attaining of ends beyond themselves, although unlike them they have enough intelligence to exercise a certain discretion in the execution of the tasks committed to them. Thus by nature, and not merely by social convention, there are those who are slaves—that is, means for the ends of others. 1 The great body of artisans are in one important respect worse off than even slaves. Like the latter they are given up to the service of ends external to themselves; but since they do not enjoy the intimate association with the free superior class experienced by domestic slaves they remain on a lower plane of excellence. Moreover, women are classed with slaves and craftsmen as factors among the animate instrumentalities of production and reproduction of the means for a free or rational life.

The situation reflects an issue in theoretical psychology, as Aristotle aptly described. This reality is mirrored in the structure of social classes and, therefore, in the organization of society. Only a relatively small group can use reason as a guiding principle in their lives. For most people, basic instincts and desires take precedence. Their ability to think critically is so weak and inconsistent that it is often overshadowed by physical cravings and emotions. These individuals are not truly ends in themselves because true fulfillment comes from reason. Like plants, animals, and tools, they serve as means to achieve goals beyond themselves; however, they possess enough intelligence to make some choices in executing their assigned tasks. Thus, inherently—not just by societal norms—there are those who serve as tools for others' ends. Additionally, many laborers are in a worse position than slaves. Like slaves, they are devoted to external goals, but they lack the close connection with a free and superior class that domestic slaves have, which keeps them at a lower level of achievement. Furthermore, women are categorized alongside slaves and laborers as integral components in the production and reproduction processes necessary for a free or rational life.

Individually and collectively there is a gulf between merely living and living worthily. In order that one may live worthily he must first live, and so with collective society. The time and energy spent upon mere life, upon the gaining of subsistence, detracts from that available for activities that have an inherent rational meaning; they also unfit for the latter. Means are menial, the serviceable is servile. The true life is possible only in the degree in which the physical necessities are had without effort and without attention. Hence slaves, artisans, and women are employed in furnishing the means of subsistence in order that others, those adequately equipped with intelligence, may live the life of leisurely concern with things intrinsically worth while.

Individually and collectively, there's a big difference between just existing and living a meaningful life. To live meaningfully, one must first be alive, and the same goes for society as a whole. The time and energy spent merely surviving and securing basic necessities takes away from what could be devoted to activities that truly have purpose; it also makes it harder to focus on those activities. Basic needs are menial, and being helpful often feels like servitude. A true life can only be achieved to the extent that physical necessities are met effortlessly and without distraction. Therefore, slaves, workers, and women provide the means of survival so that others, who are better equipped with intelligence, can engage in the leisurely pursuit of things that are inherently valuable.

To these two modes of occupation, with their distinction of servile and free activities (or "arts") correspond two types of education: the base or mechanical and the liberal or intellectual. Some persons are trained by suitable practical exercises for capacity in doing things, for ability to use the mechanical tools involved in turning out physical commodities and rendering personal service. This training is a mere matter of habituation and technical skill; it operates through repetition and assiduity in application, not through awakening and nurturing thought. Liberal education aims to train intelligence for its proper office: to know. The less this knowledge has to do with practical affairs, with making or producing, the more adequately it engages intelligence. So consistently does Aristotle draw the line between menial and liberal education that he puts what are now called the "fine" arts, music, painting, sculpture, in the same class with menial arts so far as their practice is concerned. They involve physical agencies, assiduity of practice, and external results. In discussing, for example, education in music he raises the question how far the young should be practiced in the playing of instruments. His answer is that such practice and proficiency may be tolerated as conduce to appreciation; that is, to understanding and enjoyment of music when played by slaves or professionals. When professional power is aimed at, music sinks from the liberal to the professional level. One might then as well teach cooking, says Aristotle. Even a liberal concern with the works of fine art depends upon the existence of a hireling class of practitioners who have subordinated the development of their own personality to attaining skill in mechanical execution. The higher the activity the more purely mental is it; the less does it have to do with physical things or with the body. The more purely mental it is, the more independent or self-sufficing is it.

To these two ways of engaging in work, with their distinction between manual and intellectual activities (or "arts"), correspond two types of education: the basic or mechanical and the liberal or intellectual. Some individuals are trained through appropriate practical exercises to develop skills in doing tasks, specifically in using the mechanical tools needed to produce physical goods and provide personal services. This training is simply a matter of practice and technical skill; it relies on repetition and diligence in application, not on fostering and developing thought. Liberal education aims to cultivate intelligence for its true purpose: to know. The less this knowledge pertains to practical matters, like creating or producing, the more effectively it engages intelligence. Aristotle draws a clear line between manual and liberal education, placing what we now call the "fine" arts—music, painting, sculpture—in the same category as manual arts in terms of practice. They involve physical efforts, dedication to practice, and tangible results. For instance, when discussing music education, he questions how much the young should practice playing instruments. His response suggests that practice and skill may be acceptable if they lead to appreciation—meaning understanding and enjoyment of music played by others, like professionals or skilled individuals. When aiming for professional ability, music shifts from a liberal art to a trade. Aristotle even suggests that one might as well teach cooking. Moreover, even a liberal interest in fine arts relies on the existence of a class of hired practitioners who have prioritized developing their mechanical skills over their personal growth. The higher the level of activity, the more it is purely intellectual; the less it relates to physical things or the body. The more intellectual it is, the more it stands alone and sustains itself.

These last words remind us that Aristotle again makes a distinction of superior and inferior even within those living the life of reason. For there is a distinction in ends and in free action, according as one's life is merely accompanied by reason or as it makes reason its own medium. That is to say, the free citizen who devotes himself to the public life of his community, sharing in the management of its affairs and winning personal honor and distinction, lives a life accompanied by reason. But the thinker, the man who devotes himself to scientific inquiry and philosophic speculation, works, so to speak, in reason, not simply by *. Even the activity of the citizen in his civic relations, in other words, retains some of the taint of practice, of external or merely instrumental doing. This infection is shown by the fact that civic activity and civic excellence need the help of others; one cannot engage in public life all by himself. But all needs, all desires imply, in the philosophy of Aristotle, a material factor; they involve lack, privation; they are dependent upon something beyond themselves for completion. A purely intellectual life, however, one carries on by himself, in himself; such assistance as he may derive from others is accidental, rather than intrinsic. In knowing, in the life of theory, reason finds its own full manifestation; knowing for the sake of knowing irrespective of any application is alone independent, or self-sufficing. Hence only the education that makes for power to know as an end in itself, without reference to the practice of even civic duties, is truly liberal or free. 2. The Present Situation. If the Aristotelian conception represented just Aristotle's personal view, it would be a more or less interesting historical curiosity. It could be dismissed as an illustration of the lack of sympathy or the amount of academic pedantry which may coexist with extraordinary intellectual gifts. But Aristotle simply described without confusion and without that insincerity always attendant upon mental confusion, the life that was before him. That the actual social situation has greatly changed since his day there is no need to say. But in spite of these changes, in spite of the abolition of legal serfdom, and the spread of democracy, with the extension of science and of general education (in books, newspapers, travel, and general intercourse as well as in schools), there remains enough of a cleavage of society into a learned and an unlearned class, a leisure and a laboring class, to make his point of view a most enlightening one from which to criticize the separation between culture and utility in present education. Behind the intellectual and abstract distinction as it figures in pedagogical discussion, there looms a social distinction between those whose pursuits involve a minimum of self-directive thought and aesthetic appreciation, and those who are concerned more directly with things of the intelligence and with the control of the activities of others.

These last words remind us that Aristotle distinguishes between those who live a life of reason—some being superior and others inferior. There’s a difference in goals and actions based on whether a person's life is merely guided by reason or actively engages with it. In other words, the free citizen participating in the public life of his community, managing affairs and earning personal honor, leads a life connected to reason. However, the thinker, the person dedicated to scientific research and philosophical exploration, operates within reason itself, not simply through it. Even the citizen's engagement in civic matters still carries some of the nuances of practical, external action. This is evident since civic activity and excellence rely on the help of others; one cannot fully participate in public life alone. According to Aristotle, all needs and desires suggest a material aspect; they involve a sense of lack and depend on something external for fulfillment. In contrast, a purely intellectual life is pursued independently; any help from others is incidental, not essential. In the realm of knowledge and theoretical life, reason finds its ultimate expression; knowing for its own sake, regardless of any practical use, stands alone as independent and self-sufficient. Thus, only education designed to empower knowledge as an end in itself, without considering even civic responsibilities, is genuinely freeing or liberal. 2. The Present Situation. If Aristotle's views were merely his personal beliefs, they might be seen as an intriguing historical curiosity. It could be dismissed as indicative of a lack of empathy or the academic pedantry that can accompany great intellectual talent. But Aristotle clearly described the life he observed without confusion or the insincerity that often accompanies mental uncertainty. It's obvious that the actual social landscape has significantly shifted since his time. Yet, despite these changes—like the end of legal serfdom and the rise of democracy, alongside advancements in science and widespread education (through books, newspapers, travel, and everyday interactions as well as in schools)—there's still a noticeable divide in society between the learned and the unlearned, the leisure class and the working class. This makes Aristotle's perspective a valuable lens for critiquing the current divide between culture and practicality in education. Beyond the intellectual and abstract distinctions discussed in educational theory, there's a social divide between those whose activities require minimal self-directed thought and aesthetic appreciation, and those who are more focused on intellectual tasks and overseeing others' actions.

Aristotle was certainly permanently right when he said that "any occupation or art or study deserves to be called mechanical if it renders the body or soul or intellect of free persons unfit for the exercise and practice of excellence." The force of the statement is almost infinitely increased when we hold, as we nominally do at present, that all persons, instead of a comparatively few, are free. For when the mass of men and all women were regarded as unfree by the very nature of their bodies and minds, there was neither intellectual confusion nor moral hypocrisy in giving them only the training which fitted them for mechanical skill, irrespective of its ulterior effect upon their capacity to share in a worthy life. He was permanently right also when he went on to say that "all mercenary employments as well as those which degrade the condition of the body are mechanical, since they deprive the intellect of leisure and dignity,"—permanently right, that is, if gainful pursuits as matter of fact deprive the intellect of the conditions of its exercise and so of its dignity. If his statements are false, it is because they identify a phase of social custom with a natural necessity. But a different view of the relations of mind and matter, mind and body, intelligence and social service, is better than Aristotle's conception only if it helps render the old idea obsolete in fact—in the actual conduct of life and education. Aristotle was permanently right in assuming the inferiority and subordination of mere skill in performance and mere accumulation of external products to understanding, sympathy of appreciation, and the free play of ideas. If there was an error, it lay in assuming the necessary separation of the two: in supposing that there is a natural divorce between efficiency in producing commodities and rendering service, and self-directive thought; between significant knowledge and practical achievement. We hardly better matters if we just correct his theoretical misapprehension, and tolerate the social state of affairs which generated and sanctioned his conception. We lose rather than gain in change from serfdom to free citizenship if the most prized result of the change is simply an increase in the mechanical efficiency of the human tools of production. So we lose rather than gain in coming to think of intelligence as an organ of control of nature through action, if we are content that an unintelligent, unfree state persists in those who engage directly in turning nature to use, and leave the intelligence which controls to be the exclusive possession of remote scientists and captains of industry. We are in a position honestly to criticize the division of life into separate functions and of society into separate classes only so far as we are free from responsibility for perpetuating the educational practices which train the many for pursuits involving mere skill in production, and the few for a knowledge that is an ornament and a cultural embellishment. In short, ability to transcend the Greek philosophy of life and education is not secured by a mere shifting about of the theoretical symbols meaning free, rational, and worthy. It is not secured by a change of sentiment regarding the dignity of labor, and the superiority of a life of service to that of an aloof self-sufficing independence. Important as these theoretical and emotional changes are, their importance consists in their being turned to account in the development of a truly democratic society, a society in which all share in useful service and all enjoy a worthy leisure. It is not a mere change in the concepts of culture—or a liberal mind—and social service which requires an educational reorganization; but the educational transformation is needed to give full and explicit effect to the changes implied in social life. The increased political and economic emancipation of the "masses" has shown itself in education; it has effected the development of a common school system of education, public and free. It has destroyed the idea that learning is properly a monopoly of the few who are predestined by nature to govern social affairs. But the revolution is still incomplete. The idea still prevails that a truly cultural or liberal education cannot have anything in common, directly at least, with industrial affairs, and that the education which is fit for the masses must be a useful or practical education in a sense which opposes useful and practical to nurture of appreciation and liberation of thought. As a consequence, our actual system is an inconsistent mixture. Certain studies and methods are retained on the supposition that they have the sanction of peculiar liberality, the chief content of the term liberal being uselessness for practical ends. This aspect is chiefly visible in what is termed the higher education—that of the college and of preparation for it. But it has filtered through into elementary education and largely controls its processes and aims. But, on the other hand, certain concessions have been made to the masses who must engage in getting a livelihood and to the increased role of economic activities in modern life. These concessions are exhibited in special schools and courses for the professions, for engineering, for manual training and commerce, in vocational and prevocational courses; and in the spirit in which certain elementary subjects, like the three R's, are taught. The result is a system in which both "cultural" and "utilitarian" subjects exist in an inorganic composite where the former are not by dominant purpose socially serviceable and the latter not liberative of imagination or thinking power.

Aristotle was definitely right when he said that "any occupation, art, or study is considered mechanical if it makes the body, soul, or intellect of free persons unfit for exercising and practicing excellence." The impact of this statement is amplified when we acknowledge that, as we claim today, all people, rather than just a select few, are free. When most men and all women were seen as unfree by the nature of their bodies and minds, there was no confusion or moral hypocrisy in training them only for mechanical skills, regardless of how it affected their ability to lead a meaningful life. He was also right when he stated that "all mercenary jobs as well as those that degrade the body are mechanical because they deny the intellect of leisure and dignity"—right, that is, if these gainful pursuits actually strip the intellect of the conditions necessary for its exercise and dignity. If his statements are incorrect, it's because they mistake a social custom for a natural necessity. However, a different perspective on the relationship between mind and matter, mind and body, intelligence and social service, is only better than Aristotle's view if it helps make the old idea irrelevant in practice—in the actual conduct of life and education. Aristotle correctly recognized the inferiority and subordination of mere skill in performance and mere accumulation of external products compared to understanding, appreciation, and the free exchange of ideas. If he erred, it was in assuming a necessary separation between the two: in believing that there is a natural divide between efficiency in producing goods and providing service, and self-directed thinking; between meaningful knowledge and practical accomplishment. We do not improve our situation if we merely correct his theoretical misunderstanding and accept the social conditions that gave rise to and reinforced his ideas. We actually lose rather than gain by moving from serfdom to free citizenship if the main result of that change is just an increase in the mechanical efficiency of human tools of production. Similarly, we lose rather than gain if we start to view intelligence merely as a tool for controlling nature through action, while allowing a state of unintelligent, unfree labor to persist among those who work directly with nature, leaving control to scientists and industry leaders who are remote. We can critique the division of life into distinct functions and society into different classes only to the extent that we are not responsible for continuing educational practices that train the many for jobs focused on mere production skills, and the few for knowledge that serves as mere decoration and cultural enhancement. In short, moving beyond the old Greek philosophy of life and education is not achieved simply by rearranging theoretical symbols that stand for free, rational, and worthy. It's not enough to change our feelings about the dignity of labor, or the value of a life of service compared to an independent, self-sufficient existence. While these theoretical and emotional shifts are important, they matter deeply only when they contribute to the formation of a genuinely democratic society—one in which everyone participates in meaningful service and everyone enjoys a worthy leisure. It's not just a shift in the concepts of culture—or a liberal mindset—and social service that requires educational reform; it's necessary to transform education to fully realize the changes implied by social life. The growing political and economic freedom of the "masses" has had an impact on education; it has led to the establishment of a public and free common school system. It has dismantled the notion that learning should be a privilege of only a few who are naturally predisposed to manage social affairs. However, the revolution is not yet complete. The belief persists that a truly cultural or liberal education cannot directly engage with industrial matters, and that the education suitable for the masses must be practical or useful in a way that contrasts practicality with the cultivation of appreciation and liberation of thought. As a result, our current educational system is an inconsistent blend. Some subjects and methods are maintained under the assumption that they exemplify a unique form of liberality, where liberal education is largely defined by its lack of practical usefulness. This tendency is most apparent in what is referred to as higher education—college education and its preparation. However, this has also seeped into elementary education and largely influences its goals and processes. On the flip side, there have been concessions made to the masses who need to make a living and to the growing importance of economic activities in modern life. These concessions are reflected in specialized schools and programs for various professions, engineering, manual training, and commerce, as well as vocational and prevocational courses; and in the manner in which essential subjects like the three R's are taught. The result is a system in which both "cultural" and "utilitarian" subjects coexist in a mismatched combination, where the former are not primarily aimed at serving society and the latter do not inspire imagination or thinking skills.

In the inherited situation, there is a curious intermingling, in even the same study, of concession to usefulness and a survival of traits once exclusively attributed to preparation for leisure. The "utility" element is found in the motives assigned for the study, the "liberal" element in methods of teaching. The outcome of the mixture is perhaps less satisfactory than if either principle were adhered to in its purity. The motive popularly assigned for making the studies of the first four or five years consist almost entirely of reading, spelling, writing, and arithmetic, is, for example, that ability to read, write, and figure accurately is indispensable to getting ahead. These studies are treated as mere instruments for entering upon a gainful employment or of later progress in the pursuit of learning, according as pupils do not or do remain in school. This attitude is reflected in the emphasis put upon drill and practice for the sake of gaining automatic skill. If we turn to Greek schooling, we find that from the earliest years the acquisition of skill was subordinated as much as possible to acquisition of literary content possessed of aesthetic and moral significance. Not getting a tool for subsequent use but present subject matter was the emphasized thing. Nevertheless the isolation of these studies from practical application, their reduction to purely symbolic devices, represents a survival of the idea of a liberal training divorced from utility. A thorough adoption of the idea of utility would have led to instruction which tied up the studies to situations in which they were directly needed and where they were rendered immediately and not remotely helpful. It would be hard to find a subject in the curriculum within which there are not found evil results of a compromise between the two opposed ideals. Natural science is recommended on the ground of its practical utility, but is taught as a special accomplishment in removal from application. On the other hand, music and literature are theoretically justified on the ground of their culture value and are then taught with chief emphasis upon forming technical modes of skill.

In the inherited situation, there’s an interesting mix, even within the same subject, of practicality and remnants of characteristics once tied only to leisure preparation. The "utility" aspect shows up in the reasons given for studying, while the "liberal" aspect is found in teaching methods. The result of this blend is probably less effective than if either principle were followed strictly. The commonly stated reason for focusing the first four or five years of study mainly on reading, writing, spelling, and arithmetic is that being able to read and write well and perform calculations is essential for success. These subjects are seen as simply tools for getting a job or for furthering education, depending on whether students stay in school or not. This mindset reflects the focus on drill and practice aimed at achieving automatic skills. Looking at ancient Greek education, we see that from the very beginning, gaining skills was downplayed as much as possible in favor of acquiring literary content that had aesthetic and moral importance. The focus was not on acquiring tools for future use but rather on the subject matter itself. However, the separation of these studies from practical application, reducing them to mere symbols, shows a leftover notion of liberal education separate from practical use. Fully embracing the idea of utility would have resulted in teaching that connected the studies to situations where they were directly needed and immediately helpful. It's tough to find any subject in the curriculum that doesn't show negative outcomes from a compromise between these two conflicting ideals. Natural science is promoted for its practical usefulness, but it’s taught as something separate from real-world application. Conversely, music and literature are usually justified in terms of their cultural value but are taught mainly with a focus on developing technical skills.

If we had less compromise and resulting confusion, if we analyzed more carefully the respective meanings of culture and utility, we might find it easier to construct a course of study which should be useful and liberal at the same time. Only superstition makes us believe that the two are necessarily hostile so that a subject is illiberal because it is useful and cultural because it is useless. It will generally be found that instruction which, in aiming at utilitarian results, sacrifices the development of imagination, the refining of taste and the deepening of intellectual insight—surely cultural values—also in the same degree renders what is learned limited in its use. Not that it makes it wholly unavailable but that its applicability is restricted to routine activities carried on under the supervision of others. Narrow modes of skill cannot be made useful beyond themselves; any mode of skill which is achieved with deepening of knowledge and perfecting of judgment is readily put to use in new situations and is under personal control. It was not the bare fact of social and economic utility which made certain activities seem servile to the Greeks but the fact that the activities directly connected with getting a livelihood were not, in their days, the expression of a trained intelligence nor carried on because of a personal appreciation of their meaning. So far as farming and the trades were rule-of-thumb occupations and so far as they were engaged in for results external to the minds of agricultural laborers and mechanics, they were illiberal—but only so far. The intellectual and social context has now changed. The elements in industry due to mere custom and routine have become subordinate in most economic callings to elements derived from scientific inquiry. The most important occupations of today represent and depend upon applied mathematics, physics, and chemistry. The area of the human world influenced by economic production and influencing consumption has been so indefinitely widened that geographical and political considerations of an almost infinitely wide scope enter in. It was natural for Plato to deprecate the learning of geometry and arithmetic for practical ends, because as matter of fact the practical uses to which they were put were few, lacking in content and mostly mercenary in quality. But as their social uses have increased and enlarged, their liberalizing or "intellectual" value and their practical value approach the same limit.

If we had fewer compromises and resulting confusion, and if we analyzed the meanings of culture and utility more carefully, we might find it easier to create a course of study that is both useful and enriching. Only superstition leads us to believe that the two are necessarily in opposition, suggesting that a subject is unworthy because it is useful and valuable because it is useless. Typically, instruction that aims for practical results at the expense of developing imagination, refining taste, and deepening intellectual insight—clearly important cultural values—also limits what is learned in terms of its usefulness. This doesn’t mean it becomes completely useless, but rather that its applicability is restricted to routine tasks supervised by others. Narrow skills cannot be practically applied beyond their own scope; any skill that is developed alongside deeper knowledge and better judgment can easily be applied in new situations and is under personal control. For the Greeks, it wasn’t just the practical social and economic utility that made certain activities seem servile, but the fact that the tasks directly connected to earning a living were not expressions of trained intelligence nor pursued because of a personal understanding of their significance. As long as farming and trades were based on instinct and were performed for results external to the minds of agricultural workers and mechanics, they were seen as unworthy—but only to a point. The intellectual and social contexts have now changed. Elements of industry that were once governed by routine and tradition have mostly become subordinate to those derived from scientific inquiry. Today's most important occupations are based on applied mathematics, physics, and chemistry. The human world shaped by economic production and influencing consumption has expanded so much that geographical and political factors of almost unimaginable scope now play a role. It was understandable for Plato to dismiss the study of geometry and arithmetic for practical purposes because, at that time, the practical applications of these subjects were few, lacking depth, and mainly mercenary in nature. However, as their social applications have grown and evolved, their liberating or "intellectual" value and practical value have begun to converge.

Doubtless the factor which chiefly prevents our full recognition and employment of this identification is the conditions under which so much work is still carried on. The invention of machines has extended the amount of leisure which is possible even while one is at work. It is a commonplace that the mastery of skill in the form of established habits frees the mind for a higher order of thinking. Something of the same kind is true of the introduction of mechanically automatic operations in industry. They may release the mind for thought upon other topics. But when we confine the education of those who work with their hands to a few years of schooling devoted for the most part to acquiring the use of rudimentary symbols at the expense of training in science, literature, and history, we fail to prepare the minds of workers to take advantage of this opportunity. More fundamental is the fact that the great majority of workers have no insight into the social aims of their pursuits and no direct personal interest in them. The results actually achieved are not the ends of their actions, but only of their employers. They do what they do, not freely and intelligently, but for the sake of the wage earned. It is this fact which makes the action illiberal, and which will make any education designed simply to give skill in such undertakings illiberal and immoral. The activity is not free because not freely participated in.

Undoubtedly, the main reason we don't fully recognize and utilize this connection is the way much of the work is still done. The invention of machines has increased the amount of free time even while people are at work. It's a well-known fact that mastering a skill through established habits allows the mind to engage in more advanced thinking. A similar idea applies to the rise of automatic operations in industry; they can free up the mind to think about other things. However, when we limit the education of those who work with their hands to just a few years of schooling focused mainly on learning basic skills, while neglecting training in science, literature, and history, we fail to equip workers to make the most of this opportunity. More importantly, most workers lack an understanding of the social goals of their work and have no personal investment in it. The results they achieve aren’t really their end goals, but rather those of their employers. They perform their tasks not freely and thoughtfully, but just to earn a paycheck. This reality makes the work less dignified, and any education aimed only at providing skills for such tasks becomes unworthy and unethical. The work is not truly free because it isn't engaged in voluntarily.

Nevertheless, there is already an opportunity for an education which, keeping in mind the larger features of work, will reconcile liberal nurture with training in social serviceableness, with ability to share efficiently and happily in occupations which are productive. And such an education will of itself tend to do away with the evils of the existing economic situation. In the degree in which men have an active concern in the ends that control their activity, their activity becomes free or voluntary and loses its externally enforced and servile quality, even though the physical aspect of behavior remain the same. In what is termed politics, democratic social organization makes provision for this direct participation in control: in the economic region, control remains external and autocratic. Hence the split between inner mental action and outer physical action of which the traditional distinction between the liberal and the utilitarian is the reflex. An education which should unify the disposition of the members of society would do much to unify society itself.

Nonetheless, there's already a chance for an education that, considering the broader aspects of work, can blend a well-rounded upbringing with training in social responsibility, enabling individuals to share effectively and joyfully in productive jobs. Such an education would naturally help eliminate the problems of the current economic situation. The more people have an active interest in the goals that guide their work, the more their activities become free or voluntary, shedding the externally imposed and servile nature, even if the physical actions remain unchanged. In what we call politics, democratic social organization allows for this direct involvement in control; however, in the economic field, control stays external and authoritarian. This creates a divide between inner mental activities and outer physical actions, which reflects the traditional distinction between liberal and utilitarian education. An education that unifies the attitudes of society's members could significantly help unify society itself.





Summary. Of the segregations of educational values discussed in the

last chapter, that between culture and utility is probably the most fundamental. While the distinction is often thought to be intrinsic and absolute, it is really historical and social. It originated, so far as conscious formulation is concerned, in Greece, and was based upon the fact that the truly human life was lived only by a few who subsisted upon the results of the labor of others. This fact affected the psychological doctrine of the relation of intelligence and desire, theory and practice. It was embodied in a political theory of a permanent division of human beings into those capable of a life of reason and hence having their own ends, and those capable only of desire and work, and needing to have their ends provided by others. The two distinctions, psychological and political, translated into educational terms, effected a division between a liberal education, having to do with the self-sufficing life of leisure devoted to knowing for its own sake, and a useful, practical training for mechanical occupations, devoid of intellectual and aesthetic content. While the present situation is radically diverse in theory and much changed in fact, the factors of the older historic situation still persist sufficiently to maintain the educational distinction, along with compromises which often reduce the efficacy of the educational measures. The problem of education in a democratic society is to do away with the dualism and to construct a course of studies which makes thought a guide of free practice for all and which makes leisure a reward of accepting responsibility for service, rather than a state of exemption from it.

The last chapter discusses the essential divide between culture and utility. While this distinction is often seen as inherent and absolute, it is actually shaped by historical and social contexts. It began, in terms of conscious thought, in Greece and was based on the idea that a truly human life was only experienced by a few who lived off the labor of others. This reality influenced the psychological understanding of the connection between intelligence and desire, as well as theory and practice. It was reflected in a political theory that created a permanent divide between those who could live a life of reason and pursue their own goals and those who were only fit for desire and work, needing others to define their aims. These psychological and political distinctions translated into educational terms, resulting in a split between a liberal education focused on the self-sufficient life of leisure dedicated to knowledge for its own sake and a practical training for mechanical jobs that lacked intellectual and aesthetic value. Although the current situation is drastically different in theory and has evolved significantly in practice, remnants of the past still exist, enough to sustain this educational divide, along with compromises that often diminish the effectiveness of educational efforts. The challenge of education in a democratic society is to eliminate this dualism and create a curriculum that makes thought a guide for free practice for everyone and transforms leisure into a reward for taking on responsibility for service, instead of a way to escape from it.

1 Aristotle does not hold that the class of actual slaves and of natural slaves necessarily coincide.

1 Aristotle does not believe that the group of actual slaves and the group of natural slaves have to be the same.





Chapter Twenty: Intellectual and Practical Studies

1. The Opposition of Experience and True Knowledge. As livelihood and leisure are opposed, so are theory and practice, intelligence and execution, knowledge and activity. The latter set of oppositions doubtless springs from the same social conditions which produce the former conflict; but certain definite problems of education connected with them make it desirable to discuss explicitly the matter of the relationship and alleged separation of knowing and doing.

1. The Opposition of Experience and True Knowledge. Just like livelihood and leisure oppose each other, so do theory and practice, intelligence and execution, knowledge and action. This latter set of oppositions likely arises from the same social conditions that create the former conflict; however, specific educational issues related to these topics make it important to explicitly discuss the relationship and supposed separation of knowing and doing.

The notion that knowledge is derived from a higher source than is practical activity, and possesses a higher and more spiritual worth, has a long history. The history so far as conscious statement is concerned takes us back to the conceptions of experience and of reason formulated by Plato and Aristotle. Much as these thinkers differed in many respects, they agreed in identifying experience with purely practical concerns; and hence with material interests as to its purpose and with the body as to its organ. Knowledge, on the other hand, existed for its own sake free from practical reference, and found its source and organ in a purely immaterial mind; it had to do with spiritual or ideal interests. Again, experience always involved lack, need, desire; it was never self-sufficing. Rational knowing on the other hand, was complete and comprehensive within itself. Hence the practical life was in a condition of perpetual flux, while intellectual knowledge concerned eternal truth.

The idea that knowledge comes from a higher source than practical activity and has more spiritual significance has a long history. When we look at conscious statements, we trace this back to the views on experience and reason developed by Plato and Aristotle. Although these thinkers had many differences, they both identified experience with purely practical matters, linking it to material interests and the physical body. In contrast, knowledge existed for its own sake, free from practical needs, and was sourced in an immaterial mind; it was concerned with spiritual or ideal pursuits. Additionally, experience always involved lack, need, or desire; it was never self-sufficient. Rational knowledge, on the other hand, was complete and comprehensive within itself. Therefore, practical life was in constant flux, while intellectual knowledge dealt with eternal truths.

This sharp antithesis is connected with the fact that Athenian philosophy began as a criticism of custom and tradition as standards of knowledge and conduct. In a search for something to replace them, it hit upon reason as the only adequate guide of belief and activity. Since custom and tradition were identified with experience, it followed at once that reason was superior to experience. Moreover, experience, not content with its proper position of subordination, was the great foe to the acknowledgment of the authority of reason. Since custom and traditionary beliefs held men in bondage, the struggle of reason for its legitimate supremacy could be won only by showing the inherently unstable and inadequate nature of experience. The statement of Plato that philosophers should be kings may best be understood as a statement that rational intelligence and not habit, appetite, impulse, and emotion should regulate human affairs. The former secures unity, order, and law; the latter signify multiplicity and discord, irrational fluctuations from one estate to another.

This stark contrast is connected to the fact that Athenian philosophy started as a critique of customs and traditions as standards of knowledge and behavior. In searching for something to replace them, it discovered reason as the only adequate guide for belief and action. Since customs and traditions were associated with experience, it immediately followed that reason was superior to experience. Furthermore, experience, not satisfied with its rightful subordinate role, became a major opponent to recognizing the authority of reason. Because customs and traditional beliefs kept people in bondage, the battle for reason to claim its rightful dominance could only be won by demonstrating the inherently unstable and inadequate nature of experience. Plato's assertion that philosophers should be kings can be best understood as a declaration that rational intelligence, rather than habit, desire, impulse, or emotion, should govern human affairs. The former ensures unity, order, and law; the latter leads to multiplicity and chaos, with irrational shifts from one state to another.

The grounds for the identification of experience with the unsatisfactory condition of things, the state of affairs represented by rule of mere custom, are not far to seek. Increasing trade and travel, colonizations, migrations and wars, had broadened the intellectual horizon. The customs and beliefs of different communities were found to diverge sharply from one another. Civil disturbance had become a custom in Athens; the fortunes of the city seemed given over to strife of factions. The increase of leisure coinciding with the broadening of the horizon had brought into ken many new facts of nature and had stimulated curiosity and speculation. The situation tended to raise the question as to the existence of anything constant and universal in the realm of nature and society. Reason was the faculty by which the universal principle and essence is apprehended; while the senses were the organs of perceiving change,—the unstable and the diverse as against the permanent and uniform. The results of the work of the senses, preserved in memory and imagination, and applied in the skill given by habit, constituted experience.

The reasons for recognizing the dissatisfaction with how things are—essentially the state of affairs governed by mere tradition—are not hard to find. Growing trade and travel, colonization, migrations, and wars expanded the intellectual landscape. The customs and beliefs of various communities were found to differ significantly from one another. Civil unrest had become a norm in Athens; the city's fate seemed caught up in factional conflicts. The increase in leisure, along with this expanded worldview, brought many new facts about nature to light and sparked curiosity and speculation. This situation led to questions about whether anything constant and universal exists in nature and society. Reason is the ability to grasp universal principles and essences, while our senses are the means of perceiving changes—the variable and diverse opposed to the permanent and uniform. The outcomes from our senses, stored in memory and imagination, and applied with the skills developed through practice, make up our experience.

Experience at its best is thus represented in the various handicrafts—the arts of peace and war. The cobbler, the flute player, the soldier, have undergone the discipline of experience to acquire the skill they have. This means that the bodily organs, particularly the senses, have had repeated contact with things and that the result of these contacts has been preserved and consolidated till ability in foresight and in practice had been secured. Such was the essential meaning of the term "empirical." It suggested a knowledge and an ability not based upon insight into principles, but expressing the result of a large number of separate trials. It expressed the idea now conveyed by "method of trial and error," with especial emphasis upon the more or less accidental character of the trials. So far as ability of control, of management, was concerned, it amounted to rule-of-thumb procedure, to routine. If new circumstances resembled the past, it might work well enough; in the degree in which they deviated, failure was likely. Even to-day to speak of a physician as an empiricist is to imply that he lacks scientific training, and that he is proceeding simply on the basis of what he happens to have got out of the chance medley of his past practice. Just because of the lack of science or reason in "experience" it is hard to keep it at its poor best. The empiric easily degenerates into the quack. He does not know where his knowledge begins or leaves off, and so when he gets beyond routine conditions he begins to pretend—to make claims for which there is no justification, and to trust to luck and to ability to impose upon others—to "bluff." Moreover, he assumes that because he has learned one thing, he knows others—as the history of Athens showed that the common craftsmen thought they could manage household affairs, education, and politics, because they had learned to do the specific things of their trades. Experience is always hovering, then, on the edge of pretense, of sham, of seeming, and appearance, in distinction from the reality upon which reason lays hold.

Experience at its best is shown through various crafts—the skills of both peace and war. The cobbler, the flute player, and the soldier have all gained their skills through hands-on experience. This means that their bodies, especially their senses, have repeatedly interacted with their craft, and the lessons learned from those interactions have been stored and solidified, leading to improved foresight and practice. This captures the essence of the term "empirical." It refers to knowledge and skill not rooted in theoretical principles, but rather born from many individual attempts. It reflects the idea we now know as "trial and error," highlighting the often accidental nature of these attempts. In terms of control and management skills, it comes down to a practical, rule-of-thumb approach. If new situations are similar to past ones, it might work fine; but as they diverge, the likelihood of failure increases. Even today, calling a doctor an empiricist suggests that he lacks scientific training and relies solely on the random experiences he's accumulated from his practice. Due to the absence of science or logic in "experience," it’s difficult to maximize its potential. The empiricist can easily turn into a fraud. He doesn't know where his knowledge starts or ends, so when he goes beyond familiar situations, he starts to make unfounded claims and relies on luck and the ability to deceive others—essentially "bluffing." Furthermore, he assumes that because he has mastered one area, he understands others—much like how the average craftsman in Athens believed he could handle domestic affairs, education, and politics, simply because he was skilled in his trade. Experience, therefore, always teeters on the brink of deception, imitation, and superficial understanding, in contrast to the true reality that reason grasps.

The philosophers soon reached certain generalizations from this state of affairs. The senses are connected with the appetites, with wants and desires. They lay hold not on the reality of things but on the relation which things have to our pleasures and pains, to the satisfaction of wants and the welfare of the body. They are important only for the life of the body, which is but a fixed substratum for a higher life. Experience thus has a definitely material character; it has to do with physical things in relation to the body. In contrast, reason, or science, lays hold of the immaterial, the ideal, the spiritual. There is something morally dangerous about experience, as such words as sensual, carnal, material, worldly, interests suggest; while pure reason and spirit connote something morally praiseworthy. Moreover, ineradicable connection with the changing, the inexplicably shifting, and with the manifold, the diverse, clings to experience. Its material is inherently variable and untrustworthy. It is anarchic, because unstable. The man who trusts to experience does not know what he depends upon, since it changes from person to person, from day to day, to say nothing of from country to country. Its connection with the "many," with various particulars, has the same effect, and also carries conflict in its train.

The philosophers quickly came to some general conclusions from this situation. Our senses are tied to our appetites, wants, and desires. They don't grasp the reality of things but focus on how things relate to our pleasures and pains, the fulfillment of desires, and our physical well-being. They matter only for our body, which serves as a foundation for a higher life. Experience is clearly material; it deals with physical things concerning the body. In contrast, reason or science focuses on the immaterial, the ideal, and the spiritual. There’s something morally troubling about experience, as words like sensual, carnal, material, and worldly suggest; while pure reason and spirit imply something morally admirable. Moreover, experience is inescapably linked to the changing, the unpredictably shifting, and to the diverse. Its material is inherently variable and unreliable. It is chaotic because it is unstable. A person who relies on experience doesn’t know what to depend on, as it changes from person to person, day to day, not to mention from country to country. Its connection with the "many," with various specifics, leads to the same outcome and brings conflict along with it.

Only the single, the uniform, assures coherence and harmony. Out of experience come warrings, the conflict of opinions and acts within the individual and between individuals. From experience no standard of belief can issue, because it is the very nature of experience to instigate all kinds of contrary beliefs, as varieties of local custom proved. Its logical outcome is that anything is good and true to the particular individual which his experience leads him to believe true and good at a particular time and place. Finally practice falls of necessity within experience. Doing proceeds from needs and aims at change. To produce or to make is to alter something; to consume is to alter. All the obnoxious characters of change and diversity thus attach themselves to doing while knowing is as permanent as its object. To know, to grasp a thing intellectually or theoretically, is to be out of the region of vicissitude, chance, and diversity. Truth has no lack; it is untouched by the perturbations of the world of sense. It deals with the eternal and the universal. And the world of experience can be brought under control, can be steadied and ordered, only through subjection to its law of reason.

Only the single, the uniform, ensures coherence and harmony. From experience come conflicts, the clash of opinions and actions within individuals and among them. No standard of belief can emerge from experience because it naturally leads to all kinds of opposing beliefs, as shown by different local customs. The logical conclusion is that anything is considered good and true by an individual based on their own experiences at a specific time and place. Ultimately, practice is inherently tied to experience. Action comes from needs and aims for change. To produce or create is to alter something; to consume is also to change. All the negative aspects of change and diversity are linked to doing, while knowing remains as stable as its subject. To understand something intellectually or theoretically is to step outside the realm of change, chance, and diversity. Truth is complete; it remains unaffected by the disturbances of the sensory world. It relates to the eternal and the universal. The world of experience can be organized and controlled only by adhering to its law of reason.

It would not do, of course, to say that all these distinctions persisted in full technical definiteness. But they all of them profoundly influenced men's subsequent thinking and their ideas about education. The contempt for physical as compared with mathematical and logical science, for the senses and sense observation; the feeling that knowledge is high and worthy in the degree in which it deals with ideal symbols instead of with the concrete; the scorn of particulars except as they are deductively brought under a universal; the disregard for the body; the depreciation of arts and crafts as intellectual instrumentalities, all sought shelter and found sanction under this estimate of the respective values of experience and reason—or, what came to the same thing, of the practical and the intellectual. Medieval philosophy continued and reinforced the tradition. To know reality meant to be in relation to the supreme reality, or God, and to enjoy the eternal bliss of that relation. Contemplation of supreme reality was the ultimate end of man to which action is subordinate. Experience had to do with mundane, profane, and secular affairs, practically necessary indeed, but of little import in comparison with supernatural objects of knowledge. When we add to this motive the force derived from the literary character of the Roman education and the Greek philosophic tradition, and conjoin to them the preference for studies which obviously demarcated the aristocratic class from the lower classes, we can readily understand the tremendous power exercised by the persistent preference of the "intellectual" over the "practical" not simply in educational philosophies but in the higher schools. 2. The Modern Theory of Experience and Knowledge. As we shall see later, the development of experimentation as a method of knowledge makes possible and necessitates a radical transformation of the view just set forth. But before coming to that, we have to note the theory of experience and knowledge developed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In general, it presents us with an almost complete reversal of the classic doctrine of the relations of experience and reason. To Plato experience meant habituation, or the conservation of the net product of a lot of past chance trials. Reason meant the principle of reform, of progress, of increase of control. Devotion to the cause of reason meant breaking through the limitations of custom and getting at things as they really were. To the modern reformers, the situation was the other way around. Reason, universal principles, a priori notions, meant either blank forms which had to be filled in by experience, by sense observations, in order to get significance and validity; or else were mere indurated prejudices, dogmas imposed by authority, which masqueraded and found protection under august names. The great need was to break way from captivity to conceptions which, as Bacon put it, "anticipated nature" and imposed merely human opinions upon her, and to resort to experience to find out what nature was like. Appeal to experience marked the breach with authority. It meant openness to new impressions; eagerness in discovery and invention instead of absorption in tabulating and systematizing received ideas and "proving" them by means of the relations they sustained to one another. It was the irruption into the mind of the things as they really were, free from the veil cast over them by preconceived ideas.

It wouldn't be accurate to say that all these distinctions remained completely clear-cut. However, they all significantly influenced how people thought afterward and their views on education. There was a disdain for physical sciences compared to mathematical and logical sciences, for sensory experiences and observations; a belief that knowledge was more valuable the more it dealt with abstract symbols rather than concrete realities; an aversion to specifics unless they could be universally generalized; a neglect of the body; and a devaluation of arts and crafts as intellectual tools—all of which found support in the way experience and reason were valued, or, essentially, of the practical over the intellectual. Medieval philosophy continued this tradition and reinforced it. Knowing reality meant being connected to the ultimate reality, or God, and enjoying the eternal happiness that came with that connection. Contemplating this supreme reality was considered the ultimate goal for humans, with action being secondary. Experience related to everyday, secular matters, which were indeed practically necessary but deemed insignificant compared to the supernatural knowledge. When we consider this motivation alongside the influence of the literary nature of Roman education and the Greek philosophical tradition, as well as the preference for studies that clearly set the aristocratic class apart from the lower classes, it’s easy to see how strong the persistent preference for the "intellectual" over the "practical" was, not just in educational philosophies but also in higher education. 2. The Modern Theory of Experience and Knowledge. As we’ll explore later, the development of experimentation as a method of understanding necessitates a major change in the perspective just outlined. However, before we get to that, we need to acknowledge the theory of experience and knowledge that emerged in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Overall, this presents us with an almost complete reversal of the classical views on the relationship between experience and reason. For Plato, experience was about habituation or the preservation of the accumulated results of numerous past random trials. Reason signified the principle of reform, progress, and enhanced control. Commitment to reason meant breaking free from the limitations of tradition and understanding things as they truly were. For modern reformers, however, it was the other way around. Reason, universal principles, and a priori ideas were seen as either empty frameworks that needed to be filled with experiences and sensory observations to gain meaning and validity, or as rigid prejudices and dogmas imposed by authority, disguised by esteemed names. The pressing need was to escape from being confined to ideas that, as Bacon noted, "anticipated nature" and projected merely human views onto it, and instead turn to experience to discover what nature truly was. Turning to experience signified a break from authority. It represented a willingness to embrace new insights; a passion for discovery and innovation rather than just focusing on organizing and systematizing accepted ideas and "proving" them through their interrelations. It was a surge of genuine understanding of things as they really were, unclouded by preconceived notions.

The change was twofold. Experience lost the practical meaning which it had borne from the time of Plato. It ceased to mean ways of doing and being done to, and became a name for something intellectual and cognitive. It meant the apprehension of material which should ballast and check the exercise of reasoning. By the modern philosophic empiricist and by his opponent, experience has been looked upon just as a way of knowing. The only question was how good a way it is. The result was an even greater "intellectualism" than is found in ancient philosophy, if that word be used to designate an emphatic and almost exclusive interest in knowledge in its isolation. Practice was not so much subordinated to knowledge as treated as a kind of tag-end or aftermath of knowledge. The educational result was only to confirm the exclusion of active pursuits from the school, save as they might be brought in for purely utilitarian ends—the acquisition by drill of certain habits. In the second place, the interest in experience as a means of basing truth upon objects, upon nature, led to looking at the mind as purely receptive. The more passive the mind is, the more truly objects will impress themselves upon it. For the mind to take a hand, so to speak, would be for it in the very process of knowing to vitiate true knowledge—to defeat its own purpose. The ideal was a maximum of receptivity. Since the impressions made upon the mind by objects were generally termed sensations, empiricism thus became a doctrine of sensationalism—that is to say, a doctrine which identified knowledge with the reception and association of sensory impressions. In John Locke, the most influential of the empiricists, we find this sensationalism mitigated by a recognition of certain mental faculties, like discernment or discrimination, comparison, abstraction, and generalization which work up the material of sense into definite and organized forms and which even evolve new ideas on their own account, such as the fundamental conceptions of morals and mathematics. (See ante, p. 61.) But some of his successors, especially in France in the latter part of the eighteenth century, carried his doctrine to the limit; they regarded discernment and judgment as peculiar sensations made in us by the conjoint presence of other sensations. Locke had held that the mind is a blank piece of paper, or a wax tablet with nothing engraved on it at birth (a tabula rasa) so far as any contents of ideas were concerned, but had endowed it with activities to be exercised upon the material received. His French successors razed away the powers and derived them also from impressions received.

The change was twofold. Experience lost its practical meaning that it had from the time of Plato. It stopped being about ways of doing and being done to, and became a term for something intellectual and cognitive. It came to mean the understanding of material that should ground and limit the use of reasoning. Both modern philosophical empiricists and their opponents viewed experience simply as a way of knowing. The only question was how effective that way was. The result was an even greater "intellectualism" than found in ancient philosophy, if we use that term to refer to a strong and almost exclusive focus on knowledge in isolation. Practice was not so much subordinated to knowledge as treated as an afterthought or byproduct of knowledge. The educational outcome only reinforced the exclusion of active pursuits from schools, except when they could be brought in for purely practical purposes—the repetition to acquire certain habits. Secondly, the interest in experience as a way to base truth on objects, on nature, led to viewing the mind as purely receptive. The more passive the mind is, the more accurately objects will impress themselves upon it. If the mind were to take an active role, so to speak, it would compromise true knowledge in the very process of knowing—defeating its own purpose. The ideal was maximum receptivity. Since the impressions made on the mind by objects were typically called sensations, empiricism thus became a theory of sensationalism—that is, a theory that equated knowledge with the reception and association of sensory impressions. In John Locke, the most influential of the empiricists, we see this sensationalism tempered by a recognition of certain mental faculties, like discernment, comparison, abstraction, and generalization, which process sensory material into clear and organized forms and even develop new ideas like the basic concepts of morals and mathematics. (See ante, p. 61.) However, some of his successors, especially in France during the late eighteenth century, pushed his ideas to their limit; they viewed discernment and judgment as unique sensations created in us by the combination of other sensations. Locke believed that the mind is a blank slate, or a wax tablet with nothing written on it at birth (a tabula rasa) in terms of ideas, but gave it the ability to act upon the material received. His French successors removed those powers and based them entirely on impressions received.

As we have earlier noted, this notion was fostered by the new interest in education as method of social reform. (See ante, p. 93.) The emptier the mind to begin with, the more it may be made anything we wish by bringing the right influences to bear upon it. Thus Helvetius, perhaps the most extreme and consistent sensationalist, proclaimed that education could do anything—that it was omnipotent. Within the sphere of school instruction, empiricism found its directly beneficial office in protesting against mere book learning. If knowledge comes from the impressions made upon us by natural objects, it is impossible to procure knowledge without the use of objects which impress the mind. Words, all kinds of linguistic symbols, in the lack of prior presentations of objects with which they may be associated, convey nothing but sensations of their own shape and color—certainly not a very instructive kind of knowledge. Sensationalism was an extremely handy weapon with which to combat doctrines and opinions resting wholly upon tradition and authority. With respect to all of them, it set up a test: Where are the real objects from which these ideas and beliefs are received? If such objects could not be produced, ideas were explained as the result of false associations and combinations. Empiricism also insisted upon a first-hand element. The impression must be made upon me, upon my mind. The further we get away from this direct, first-hand source of knowledge, the more numerous the sources of error, and the vaguer the resulting idea.

As we noted earlier, this idea was encouraged by the growing interest in education as a way to bring about social change. (See ante, p. 93.) The more empty the mind is at the start, the more it can be shaped into anything we want by introducing the right influences. Helvetius, who was perhaps the most radical and consistent sensationalist, claimed that education could do anything—it was all-powerful. In the realm of schooling, empiricism played a valuable role in arguing against simply learning from books. If knowledge comes from the impressions we receive from real objects, then it’s impossible to gain knowledge without using those objects to engage our minds. Words and other linguistic symbols, without prior exposure to the objects they refer to, only convey sensations of their own shape and color—not very useful knowledge at all. Sensationalism was a very effective tool for challenging beliefs and opinions based solely on tradition and authority. It established a standard: Where are the real objects that these ideas and beliefs come from? If such objects couldn't be shown, ideas were seen as the result of false associations and combinations. Empiricism also stressed the importance of direct experience. The impression must be made on me, on my mind. The farther we move from this direct, first-hand source of knowledge, the more sources of error arise and the vaguer the resulting idea becomes.

As might be expected, however, the philosophy was weak upon the positive side. Of course, the value of natural objects and firsthand acquaintance was not dependent upon the truth of the theory. Introduced into the schools they would do their work, even if the sensational theory about the way in which they did it was quite wrong. So far, there is nothing to complain of. But the emphasis upon sensationalism also operated to influence the way in which natural objects were employed, and to prevent full good being got from them. "Object lessons" tended to isolate the mere sense-activity and make it an end in itself. The more isolated the object, the more isolated the sensory quality, the more distinct the sense-impression as a unit of knowledge. The theory worked not only in the direction of this mechanical isolation, which tended to reduce instruction to a kind of physical gymnastic of the sense-organs (good like any gymnastic of bodily organs, but not more so), but also to the neglect of thinking. According to the theory there was no need of thinking in connection with sense-observation; in fact, in strict theory such thinking would be impossible till afterwards, for thinking consisted simply in combining and separating sensory units which had been received without any participation of judgment.

As expected, though, the philosophy was lacking on the positive side. The value of natural objects and direct experience didn't rely on the accuracy of the theory. Once introduced in schools, they would work, even if the sensational theory explaining how they worked was completely off base. So far, there's nothing to complain about. But the focus on sensationalism also affected how natural objects were used and prevented them from being fully beneficial. "Object lessons" tended to isolate the mere sensory activity, making it an end in itself. The more an object was isolated, the more its sensory quality was isolated, leading to clearer sense impressions as distinct units of knowledge. The theory not only pushed for this mechanical isolation, which reduced teaching to a kind of physical exercise for the senses (beneficial like any physical exercise, but no more so), but also ignored the importance of thinking. According to the theory, there was no need for thought in relation to sensory observation; in fact, strictly speaking, such thinking would only occur later since thinking was merely about combining and separating sensory units received without any judgment involved.

As a matter of fact, accordingly, practically no scheme of education upon a purely sensory basis has ever been systematically tried, at least after the early years of infancy. Its obvious deficiencies have caused it to be resorted to simply for filling in "rationalistic" knowledge (that is to say, knowledge of definitions, rules, classifications, and modes of application conveyed through symbols), and as a device for lending greater "interest" to barren symbols. There are at least three serious defects of sensationalistic empiricism as an educational philosophy of knowledge. (a) the historical value of the theory was critical; it was a dissolvent of current beliefs about the world and political institutions. It was a destructive organ of criticism of hard and fast dogmas. But the work of education is constructive, not critical. It assumes not old beliefs to be eliminated and revised, but the need of building up new experience into intellectual habitudes as correct as possible from the start. Sensationalism is highly unfitted for this constructive task. Mind, understanding, denotes responsiveness to meanings (ante, p. 29), not response to direct physical stimuli. And meaning exists only with reference to a context, which is excluded by any scheme which identifies knowledge with a combination of sense-impressions. The theory, so far as educationally applied, led either to a magnification of mere physical excitations or else to a mere heaping up of isolated objects and qualities.

Actually, almost no education system based solely on sensory experiences has been systematically tried, especially after early childhood. Its clear shortcomings have led to it being used primarily to supplement "rationalistic" knowledge—essentially knowledge of definitions, rules, classifications, and applications conveyed through symbols—and as a way to add more "interest" to uninspiring symbols. There are at least three major flaws in the idea of sensationalistic empiricism as a philosophy of knowledge in education. (a) The historical significance of this theory was critical; it challenged existing beliefs about the world and political structures. It served as a destructive tool for questioning established dogmas. However, education is a constructive process, not a critical one. It doesn’t just aim to eliminate and revise old beliefs but focuses on building new experiences into intellectual habits as accurately as possible from the start. Sensationalism is poorly suited for this constructive purpose. Mind and understanding refer to responsiveness to meanings (see p. 29), not just reactions to direct physical stimuli. Meaning only exists in relation to a context, which any approach that equates knowledge with a mix of sense impressions excludes. When applied educationally, this theory either exaggerated mere physical sensations or resulted in just a collection of isolated objects and qualities.

(b) While direct impression has the advantage of being first hand, it also has the disadvantage of being limited in range. Direct acquaintance with the natural surroundings of the home environment so as to give reality to ideas about portions of the earth beyond the reach of the senses, and as a means of arousing intellectual curiosity, is one thing. As an end-all and be-all of geographical knowledge it is fatally restricted. In precisely analogous fashion, beans, shoe pegs, and counters may be helpful aids to a realization of numerical relations, but when employed except as aids to thought—the apprehension of meaning—they become an obstacle to the growth of arithmetical understanding. They arrest growth on a low plane, the plane of specific physical symbols. Just as the race developed especial symbols as tools of calculation and mathematical reasonings, because the use of the fingers as numerical symbols got in the way, so the individual must progress from concrete to abstract symbols—that is, symbols whose meaning is realized only through conceptual thinking. And undue absorption at the outset in the physical object of sense hampers this growth. (c) A thoroughly false psychology of mental development underlay sensationalistic empiricism. Experience is in truth a matter of activities, instinctive and impulsive, in their interactions with things. What even an infant "experiences" is not a passively received quality impressed by an object, but the effect which some activity of handling, throwing, pounding, tearing, etc., has upon an object, and the consequent effect of the object upon the direction of activities. (See ante, p. 140.) Fundamentally (as we shall see in more detail), the ancient notion of experience as a practical matter is truer to fact that the modern notion of it as a mode of knowing by means of sensations. The neglect of the deep-seated active and motor factors of experience is a fatal defect of the traditional empirical philosophy. Nothing is more uninteresting and mechanical than a scheme of object lessons which ignores and as far as may be excludes the natural tendency to learn about the qualities of objects by the uses to which they are put through trying to do something with them.

(b) While firsthand experiences are valuable, they also have the drawback of being limited in scope. Being directly familiar with the natural surroundings of one’s home can bring ideas about faraway places to life and spark intellectual curiosity, but it cannot encompass all geographical knowledge. Similarly, while beans, shoe pegs, and counters can help in understanding numerical relationships, using them solely as tools can hinder the development of arithmetic skills. Relying too much on physical symbols keeps understanding on a basic level. Just as society developed specific symbols to aid in calculations because using fingers as numerical symbols was limiting, individuals must move from concrete symbols to abstract ones—symbols that are understood only through conceptual thinking. Focusing excessively on tangible objects from the outset can obstruct this progress. (c) A fundamentally flawed understanding of mental development underpin sensationalistic empiricism. In reality, experience involves instinctive and impulsive activities interacting with the environment. Even what infants "experience" is not a passive quality left by an object but reflects the effects of their actions—like handling, throwing, pounding, or tearing—on an object and how these actions influence their future activities. (See ante, p. 140.) At its core (as we’ll explore in more depth), the ancient view of experience as a practical matter aligns more closely with reality than the modern perspective that defines it purely through sensations. Overlooking the essential active and physical aspects of experience is a critical flaw in traditional empirical philosophy. Nothing is more dull and mechanical than a system of object lessons that ignores, and tries to minimize, the natural inclination to learn about an object's qualities by exploring their practical uses.

It is obvious, accordingly, that even if the philosophy of experience represented by modern empiricism had received more general theoretical assent than has been accorded to it, it could not have furnished a satisfactory philosophy of the learning process. Its educational influence was confined to injecting a new factor into the older curriculum, with incidental modifications of the older studies and methods. It introduced greater regard for observation of things directly and through pictures and graphic descriptions, and it reduced the importance attached to verbal symbolization. But its own scope was so meager that it required supplementation by information concerning matters outside of sense-perception and by matters which appealed more directly to thought. Consequently it left unimpaired the scope of informational and abstract, or "rationalistic" studies.

It’s clear, then, that even if the philosophy of experience represented by modern empiricism had received broader theoretical acceptance than it has, it still wouldn’t have provided a satisfactory philosophy of the learning process. Its impact on education was limited to adding a new element to the existing curriculum, along with some minor adjustments to older subjects and methods. It emphasized the importance of observing things directly and through images and detailed descriptions, while downplaying the significance of verbal representation. However, its coverage was so limited that it needed to be supplemented with information beyond sensory perception and with content that appealed more directly to reasoning. As a result, it didn’t diminish the relevance of informational and abstract, or "rationalistic" studies.

3. Experience as Experimentation. It has already been intimated that sensational empiricism represents neither the idea of experience justified by modern psychology nor the idea of knowledge suggested by modern scientific procedure. With respect to the former, it omits the primary position of active response which puts things to use and which learns about them through discovering the consequences that result from use. It would seem as if five minutes' unprejudiced observation of the way an infant gains knowledge would have sufficed to overthrow the notion that he is passively engaged in receiving impressions of isolated ready-made qualities of sound, color, hardness, etc. For it would be seen that the infant reacts to stimuli by activities of handling, reaching, etc., in order to see what results follow upon motor response to a sensory stimulation; it would be seen that what is learned are not isolated qualities, but the behavior which may be expected from a thing, and the changes in things and persons which an activity may be expected to produce. In other words, what he learns are connections. Even such qualities as red color, sound of a high pitch, have to be discriminated and identified on the basis of the activities they call forth and the consequences these activities effect. We learn what things are hard and what are soft by finding out through active experimentation what they respectively will do and what can be done and what cannot be done with them. In like fashion, children learn about persons by finding out what responsive activities these persons exact and what these persons will do in reply to the children's activities. And the combination of what things do to us (not in impressing qualities on a passive mind) in modifying our actions, furthering some of them and resisting and checking others, and what we can do to them in producing new changes constitutes experience. The methods of science by which the revolution in our knowledge of the world dating from the seventeenth century, was brought about, teach the same lesson. For these methods are nothing but experimentation carried out under conditions of deliberate control. To the Greek, it seemed absurd that such an activity as, say, the cobbler punching holes in leather, or using wax and needle and thread, could give an adequate knowledge of the world. It seemed almost axiomatic that for true knowledge we must have recourse to concepts coming from a reason above experience. But the introduction of the experimental method signified precisely that such operations, carried on under conditions of control, are just the ways in which fruitful ideas about nature are obtained and tested. In other words, it is only needed to conduct such an operation as the pouring of an acid on a metal for the purpose of getting knowledge instead of for the purpose of getting a trade result, in order to lay hold of the principle upon which the science of nature was henceforth to depend. Sense perceptions were indeed indispensable, but there was less reliance upon sense perceptions in their natural or customary form than in the older science. They were no longer regarded as containing within themselves some "form" or "species" of universal kind in a disguised mask of sense which could be stripped off by rational thought. On the contrary, the first thing was to alter and extend the data of sense perception: to act upon the given objects of sense by the lens of the telescope and microscope, and by all sorts of experimental devices. To accomplish this in a way which would arouse new ideas (hypotheses, theories) required even more general ideas (like those of mathematics) than were at the command of ancient science. But these general conceptions were no longer taken to give knowledge in themselves. They were implements for instituting, conducting, interpreting experimental inquiries and formulating their results.

3. Experience as Experimentation. It has already been suggested that sensational empiricism doesn't represent the concept of experience validated by modern psychology or the idea of knowledge proposed by contemporary scientific methods. Regarding the former, it overlooks the crucial role of active engagement, which involves putting things to use and learning about them by discovering the consequences that result from that use. Five minutes of unbiased observation of how an infant gains knowledge would likely disprove the idea that they passively receive impressions of isolated qualities like sound, color, or hardness. It becomes clear that infants respond to stimuli through actions like handling and reaching to see what happens when they react to sensory input; what they learn isn't just standalone qualities, but rather the behavior they can expect from an object and the changes in things and people resulting from their actions. In other words, they're learning about connections. Even qualities like the color red or a high-pitched sound need to be recognized and defined based on the actions they provoke and the outcomes those actions produce. We determine which things are hard and which are soft by actively experimenting to see what each can do and what actions are possible or impossible with them. Similarly, children learn about people by figuring out what actions those people require in response to their own behaviors. The combination of how things affect us (not just imprinting qualities on a passive mind) by modifying our actions—promoting some and restricting others—and what we can do to them to create new changes constitutes experience. The scientific methods that sparked the revolution in our understanding of the world since the seventeenth century teach the same lesson. These methods are simply experimentation performed under controlled conditions. To the ancient Greeks, it seemed ridiculous that activities like a cobbler making holes in leather or using wax with a needle and thread could yield sufficient knowledge of the world. It seemed almost self-evident that true knowledge must rely on concepts derived from a reasoning process beyond experience. However, the introduction of the experimental method signified that these operations, conducted under controlled conditions, are precisely how productive ideas about nature are developed and tested. In other words, it’s enough to perform an experiment like pouring acid on metal to gain knowledge for scientific purposes rather than for practical applications, thus grasping the principles on which the science of nature would rely. Sense perceptions are indeed necessary, but there’s less dependence on them in their natural or customary form compared to older approaches to science. They are no longer seen as containing some inherent "form" or "species" of universal truth masked in sensible appearances that could be revealed through rational thought. On the contrary, the first step is to modify and broaden the data from sense perceptions: to act upon the objects we perceive using telescopes, microscopes, and various experimental tools. Achieving this in a way that stimulates new ideas (hypotheses, theories) requires even broader concepts (like mathematics) than those available in ancient science. However, these general concepts are no longer viewed as sources of knowledge in themselves. Instead, they serve as tools for conducting, interpreting, and formulating the results of experimental investigations.

The logical outcome is a new philosophy of experience and knowledge, a philosophy which no longer puts experience in opposition to rational knowledge and explanation. Experience is no longer a mere summarizing of what has been done in a more or less chance way in the past; it is a deliberate control of what is done with reference to making what happens to us and what we do to things as fertile as possible of suggestions (of suggested meanings) and a means for trying out the validity of the suggestions. When trying, or experimenting, ceases to be blinded by impulse or custom, when it is guided by an aim and conducted by measure and method, it becomes reasonable—rational. When what we suffer from things, what we undergo at their hands, ceases to be a matter of chance circumstance, when it is transformed into a consequence of our own prior purposive endeavors, it becomes rationally significant—enlightening and instructive. The antithesis of empiricism and rationalism loses the support of the human situation which once gave it meaning and relative justification.

The logical result is a new philosophy of experience and knowledge, a philosophy that no longer pits experience against rational knowledge and explanation. Experience is no longer just a compilation of what was done in a somewhat random way in the past; it is a purposeful control of actions aimed at making what happens to us and what we do to things as rich as possible in suggestions (suggested meanings) and a way to test the validity of those suggestions. When trying, or experimenting, is no longer clouded by impulse or tradition, but is instead guided by a clear aim and carried out with measurement and method, it becomes reasonable—rational. When what we endure from things, what we experience at their hands, moves away from being a matter of random circumstance, and instead becomes a result of our own prior purposeful efforts, it gains rational significance—becoming enlightening and instructive. The opposition between empiricism and rationalism loses the grounding in human experience that once gave it meaning and partial justification.

The bearing of this change upon the opposition of purely practical and purely intellectual studies is self-evident. The distinction is not intrinsic but is dependent upon conditions, and upon conditions which can be regulated. Practical activities may be intellectually narrow and trivial; they will be so in so far as they are routine, carried on under the dictates of authority, and having in view merely some external result. But childhood and youth, the period of schooling, is just the time when it is possible to carry them on in a different spirit. It is inexpedient to repeat the discussions of our previous chapters on thinking and on the evolution of educative subject matter from childlike work and play to logically organized subject matter. The discussions of this chapter and the prior one should, however, give an added meaning to those results.

The impact of this change on the debate between purely practical and purely intellectual studies is clear. This distinction isn't inherent; it depends on certain conditions, which can be influenced. Practical activities can be intellectually limited and unimportant, especially when they're routine, dictated by authority, and only focused on achieving some external goal. However, childhood and adolescence, the time of education, is exactly when these activities can be pursued in a different way. It wouldn’t be beneficial to revisit the discussions from our earlier chapters on thinking and the development of educational content from playful and simple tasks to well-organized subject matters. Nevertheless, the discussions in this chapter and the previous one should add more depth to those conclusions.

(i) Experience itself primarily consists of the active relations subsisting between a human being and his natural and social surroundings. In some cases, the initiative in activity is on the side of the environment; the human being undergoes or suffers certain checkings and deflections of endeavors. In other cases, the behavior of surrounding things and persons carries to a successful issue the active tendencies of the individual, so that in the end what the individual undergoes are consequences which he has himself tried to produce. In just the degree in which connections are established between what happens to a person and what he does in response, and between what he does to his environment and what it does in response to him, his acts and the things about him acquire meaning. He learns to understand both himself and the world of men and things. Purposive education or schooling should present such an environment that this interaction will effect acquisition of those meanings which are so important that they become, in turn, instruments of further learnings. (ante, Ch. XI.) As has been repeatedly pointed out, activity out of school is carried on under conditions which have not been deliberately adapted to promoting the function of understanding and formation of effective intellectual dispositions. The results are vital and genuine as far as they go, but they are limited by all kinds of circumstances. Some powers are left quite undeveloped and undirected; others get only occasional and whimsical stimulations; others are formed into habits of a routine skill at the expense of aims and resourceful initiative and inventiveness. It is not the business of the school to transport youth from an environment of activity into one of cramped study of the records of other men's learning; but to transport them from an environment of relatively chance activities (accidental in the relation they bear to insight and thought) into one of activities selected with reference to guidance of learning. A slight inspection of the improved methods which have already shown themselves effective in education will reveal that they have laid hold, more or less consciously, upon the fact that "intellectual" studies instead of being opposed to active pursuits represent an intellectualizing of practical pursuits. It remains to grasp the principle with greater firmness.

(i) Experience mainly consists of the active relationships between a person and their natural and social environment. Sometimes, the environment prompts the activity, and the person faces certain limitations and changes in their efforts. Other times, the behavior of the things and people around them helps the individual's active tendencies succeed, leading to outcomes that the individual has tried to create. The more connections there are between what happens to someone and their reactions, as well as between what they do to their environment and how it responds, the more meaningful their actions and surroundings become. They learn to understand themselves and the world of people and things. Intentional education or schooling should provide an environment that encourages this interaction, helping individuals acquire important meanings that then serve as tools for further learning. (ante, Ch. XI.) As has been noted many times, activities outside of school occur under conditions that haven't been intentionally adjusted to enhance understanding and the development of effective thinking skills. The results are significant and genuine, but limited by various circumstances. Some abilities remain underdeveloped and unfocused; others receive only sporadic and random stimulation; and some become mere habits that hinder goals, resourcefulness, and creativity. The school's role isn't to move students from an active environment into one of restricted study of others' knowledge; instead, it should guide them from a series of random activities (which are unrelated to insight and thought) into activities chosen to promote learning. A brief look at improved educational methods already proven effective will show that they have, either consciously or unconsciously, recognized the idea that "intellectual" studies, rather than opposing practical activities, represent an intellectual enhancement of those activities. It is important to hold onto this principle more firmly.

(ii) The changes which are taking place in the content of social life tremendously facilitate selection of the sort of activities which will intellectualize the play and work of the school. When one bears in mind the social environment of the Greeks and the people of the Middle Ages, where such practical activities as could be successfully carried on were mostly of a routine and external sort and even servile in nature, one is not surprised that educators turned their backs upon them as unfitted to cultivate intelligence. But now that even the occupations of the household, agriculture, and manufacturing as well as transportation and intercourse are instinct with applied science, the case stands otherwise. It is true that many of those who now engage in them are not aware of the intellectual content upon which their personal actions depend. But this fact only gives an added reason why schooling should use these pursuits so as to enable the coming generation to acquire a comprehension now too generally lacking, and thus enable persons to carry on their pursuits intelligently instead of blindly. (iii) The most direct blow at the traditional separation of doing and knowing and at the traditional prestige of purely "intellectual" studies, however, has been given by the progress of experimental science. If this progress has demonstrated anything, it is that there is no such thing as genuine knowledge and fruitful understanding except as the offspring of doing. The analysis and rearrangement of facts which is indispensable to the growth of knowledge and power of explanation and right classification cannot be attained purely mentally—just inside the head. Men have to do something to the things when they wish to find out something; they have to alter conditions. This is the lesson of the laboratory method, and the lesson which all education has to learn. The laboratory is a discovery of the condition under which labor may become intellectually fruitful and not merely externally productive. If, in too many cases at present, it results only in the acquisition of an additional mode of technical skill, that is because it still remains too largely but an isolated resource, not resorted to until pupils are mostly too old to get the full advantage of it, and even then is surrounded by other studies where traditional methods isolate intellect from activity.

(ii) The changes happening in social life make it much easier to choose activities that can enhance the learning and effort in schools. When you consider the social context of the Greeks and people in the Middle Ages, where most practical activities were routine, external, and often servile, it's understandable that educators rejected them as unsuitable for developing intelligence. But now, even household tasks, farming, manufacturing, as well as transportation and communication, are infused with applied science, which changes the situation. It’s true that many people engaged in these activities don’t realize the intellectual basis of their actions. However, this only strengthens the argument that education should incorporate these pursuits to help the next generation gain an understanding that is currently lacking, enabling individuals to pursue their work intelligently rather than mindlessly. (iii) The most significant challenge to the traditional divide between doing and knowing, as well as the traditional respect for purely "intellectual" studies, has come from the advances in experimental science. If these advances have shown anything, it’s that true knowledge and meaningful understanding only arise from action. The analysis and organization of facts essential for developing knowledge, explaining concepts, and making accurate classifications cannot happen solely in one’s mind. People need to do something with things to learn about them; they have to change the conditions. This is the insight provided by the laboratory method, and it's a crucial lesson that all education must embrace. The laboratory reveals the conditions under which work can be intellectually rewarding instead of just externally productive. If, all too often, it ends up being just another way to learn technical skills, that's because it's still too much of an isolated resource, typically introduced when students are older and unable to gain the full benefits, and even then, it’s surrounded by other subjects where traditional methods separate intellectual pursuits from active engagement.





Summary. The Greeks were induced to philosophize by the increasing

failure of their traditional customs and beliefs to regulate life. Thus they were led to criticize custom adversely and to look for some other source of authority in life and belief. Since they desired a rational standard for the latter, and had identified with experience the customs which had proved unsatisfactory supports, they were led to a flat opposition of reason and experience. The more the former was exalted, the more the latter was depreciated. Since experience was identified with what men do and suffer in particular and changing situations of life, doing shared in the philosophic depreciation. This influence fell in with many others to magnify, in higher education, all the methods and topics which involved the least use of sense-observation and bodily activity. The modern age began with a revolt against this point of view, with an appeal to experience, and an attack upon so-called purely rational concepts on the ground that they either needed to be ballasted by the results of concrete experiences, or else were mere expressions of prejudice and institutionalized class interest, calling themselves rational for protection. But various circumstances led to considering experience as pure cognition, leaving out of account its intrinsic active and emotional phases, and to identifying it with a passive reception of isolated "sensations." Hence the education reform effected by the new theory was confined mainly to doing away with some of the bookishness of prior methods; it did not accomplish a consistent reorganization.

failure of their traditional customs and beliefs to regulate life. Thus, they began to criticize customs negatively and sought a different source of authority in life and belief. They wanted a rational standard for this and had found the customs tied to experience to be unreliable supports, leading them to strongly oppose reason and experience. The more they praised reason, the more they looked down on experience. Because experience was linked to what people do and endure in specific and changing life situations, actions faced the same philosophical criticism. This influence coincided with many others to elevate, in higher education, all methods and topics that involved minimal use of sensory observation and physical activity. The modern age began with a rebellion against this perspective, advocating for experience and attacking so-called purely rational concepts on the grounds that they either needed to be supported by concrete experiences or were merely expressions of bias and institutionalized class interests masquerading as rationality. However, various factors led to viewing experience solely as cognitive, ignoring its inherent active and emotional aspects, and identifying it with a passive reception of isolated "sensations." As a result, the educational reform brought about by the new theory mainly focused on reducing some of the bookishness of previous methods; it did not achieve a consistent reorganization.

Meantime, the advance of psychology, of industrial methods, and of the experimental method in science makes another conception of experience explicitly desirable and possible. This theory reinstates the idea of the ancients that experience is primarily practical, not cognitive—a matter of doing and undergoing the consequences of doing. But the ancient theory is transformed by realizing that doing may be directed so as to take up into its own content all which thought suggests, and so as to result in securely tested knowledge. "Experience" then ceases to be empirical and becomes experimental. Reason ceases to be a remote and ideal faculty, and signifies all the resources by which activity is made fruitful in meaning. Educationally, this change denotes such a plan for the studies and method of instruction as has been developed in the previous chapters.

In the meantime, the progress in psychology, industrial methods, and the experimental approach in science makes it clear that a new understanding of experience is both desirable and achievable. This theory brings back the ancient idea that experience is mainly practical, not just about knowledge—it’s about doing things and facing the results of those actions. However, the ancient concept evolves by acknowledging that actions can be guided to incorporate everything that thought suggests, leading to knowledge that is well-tested. "Experience" then shifts from being just empirical to becoming experimental. Reason is no longer viewed as a distant and ideal capability; it represents all the tools that make our actions meaningful. In terms of education, this shift suggests a framework for studies and teaching methods that has been outlined in the previous chapters.





Chapter Twenty-one: Physical and Social Studies: Naturalism and Humanism

ALLUSION has already been made to the conflict of natural science with literary studies for a place in the curriculum. The solution thus far reached consists essentially in a somewhat mechanical compromise whereby the field is divided between studies having nature and studies having man as their theme. The situation thus presents us with another instance of the external adjustment of educational values, and focuses attention upon the philosophy of the connection of nature with human affairs. In general, it may be said that the educational division finds a reflection in the dualistic philosophies. Mind and the world are regarded as two independent realms of existence having certain points of contact with each other. From this point of view it is natural that each sphere of existence should have its own separate group of studies connected with it; it is even natural that the growth of scientific studies should be viewed with suspicion as marking a tendency of materialistic philosophy to encroach upon the domain of spirit. Any theory of education which contemplates a more unified scheme of education than now exists is under the necessity of facing the question of the relation of man to nature.

ALLUSION has already been made to the conflict between natural science and literary studies for space in the curriculum. The solution reached so far consists mainly of a somewhat mechanical compromise where the field is split between studies focused on nature and those centered on humanity. This situation gives us another example of the external adjustment of educational values and highlights the philosophy of how nature connects with human affairs. Generally, it can be said that this educational division reflects dualistic philosophies. The mind and the world are seen as two separate realms of existence that have certain points of connection. From this perspective, it makes sense for each realm to have its own distinct set of studies related to it; it even seems reasonable that the rise of scientific studies could be viewed with skepticism as a sign of materialistic philosophy intruding into the spiritual domain. Any educational theory that aims for a more unified approach than what currently exists must confront the question of humanity's relationship with nature.

1. The Historic Background of Humanistic Study. It is noteworthy that classic Greek philosophy does not present the problem in its modern form. Socrates indeed appears to have thought that science of nature was not attainable and not very important. The chief thing to know is the nature and end of man. Upon that knowledge hangs all that is of deep significance—all moral and social achievement. Plato, however, makes right knowledge of man and society depend upon knowledge of the essential features of nature. His chief treatise, entitled the Republic, is at once a treatise on morals, on social organization, and on the metaphysics and science of nature. Since he accepts the Socratic doctrine that right achievement in the former depends upon rational knowledge, he is compelled to discuss the nature of knowledge. Since he accepts the idea that the ultimate object of knowledge is the discovery of the good or end of man, and is discontented with the Socratic conviction that all we know is our own ignorance, he connects the discussion of the good of man with consideration of the essential good or end of nature itself. To attempt to determine the end of man apart from a knowledge of the ruling end which gives law and unity to nature is impossible. It is thus quite consistent with his philosophy that he subordinates literary studies (under the name of music) to mathematics and to physics as well as to logic and metaphysics. But on the other hand, knowledge of nature is not an end in itself; it is a necessary stage in bringing the mind to a realization of the supreme purpose of existence as the law of human action, corporate and individual. To use the modern phraseology, naturalistic studies are indispensable, but they are in the interests of humanistic and ideal ends.

1. The Historic Background of Humanistic Study. It's important to note that classic Greek philosophy doesn't frame the problem in today’s terms. Socrates seems to have believed that understanding the natural world wasn't possible or particularly significant. What really matters is understanding the nature and purpose of human beings. This knowledge is what shapes all meaningful moral and social progress. However, Plato argues that properly understanding humanity and society relies on understanding the essential aspects of nature. His main work, called the Republic, serves as a discussion on ethics, social structure, and the metaphysics and science of nature. Because he agrees with Socrates that proper achievements in the former depend on rational understanding, he's forced to explore the nature of knowledge itself. He believes that the ultimate goal of knowledge is to discover what is good for humanity and is dissatisfied with Socratic thinking that all we truly know is our own ignorance. Therefore, he ties the idea of the good for humanity to a consideration of the essential good or purpose of nature as a whole. It’s impossible to figure out the purpose of humanity without understanding the governing purpose that gives law and coherence to nature. Thus, it aligns with his philosophy to rank literary studies (under the term music) below mathematics, physics, logic, and metaphysics. Nevertheless, understanding the natural world isn't an end in itself; it's a crucial step in leading the mind to grasp the ultimate purpose of existence as the guiding principle of human action, both collectively and individually. To put it in modern terms, naturalistic studies are essential, but they serve the larger goals of humanistic and ideal ends.

Aristotle goes even farther, if anything, in the direction of naturalistic studies. He subordinates (ante, p. 254) civic relations to the purely cognitive life. The highest end of man is not human but divine—participation in pure knowing which constitutes the divine life. Such knowing deals with what is universal and necessary, and finds, therefore, a more adequate subject matter in nature at its best than in the transient things of man. If we take what the philosophers stood for in Greek life, rather than the details of what they say, we might summarize by saying that the Greeks were too much interested in free inquiry into natural fact and in the aesthetic enjoyment of nature, and were too deeply conscious of the extent in which society is rooted in nature and subject to its laws, to think of bringing man and nature into conflict. Two factors conspire in the later period of ancient life, however, to exalt literary and humanistic studies. One is the increasingly reminiscent and borrowed character of culture; the other is the political and rhetorical bent of Roman life.

Aristotle goes even further, if anything, in the direction of naturalistic studies. He prioritizes civic relationships over the purely intellectual life. The ultimate purpose of humanity is not human but divine—participation in pure knowledge, which makes up the divine life. This kind of knowledge focuses on what is universal and necessary, and therefore, finds a more suitable subject in nature at its best rather than in the temporary affairs of humans. If we consider what the philosophers represented in Greek life, instead of the specifics of their arguments, we could summarize by saying that the Greeks were highly interested in free inquiry into natural facts and in the aesthetic appreciation of nature, and were acutely aware of how society is rooted in nature and subject to its laws, making them unlikely to see man and nature as being in opposition. However, two factors converge in the later period of ancient life to elevate literary and humanistic studies. One is the increasingly reflective and borrowed nature of culture; the other is the political and rhetorical inclination of Roman life.

Greek achievement in civilization was native; the civilization of the Alexandrians and Romans was inherited from alien sources. Consequently it looked back to the records upon which it drew, instead of looking out directly upon nature and society, for material and inspiration. We cannot do better than quote the words of Hatch to indicate the consequences for educational theory and practice. "Greece on one hand had lost political power, and on the other possessed in her splendid literature an inalienable heritage. It was natural that she should turn to letters. It was natural also that the study of letters should be reflected upon speech. The mass of men in the Greek world tended to lay stress on that acquaintance with the literature of bygone generations, and that habit of cultivated speech, which has ever since been commonly spoken of as education. Our own comes by direct tradition from it. It set a fashion which until recently has uniformly prevailed over the entire civilized world. We study literature rather than nature because the Greeks did so, and because when the Romans and the Roman provincials resolved to educate their sons, they employed Greek teachers and followed in Greek paths." 1

Greek achievements in civilization were original; the civilization of the Alexandrians and Romans was inherited from outside sources. As a result, it focused on past records for materials and inspiration rather than directly engaging with nature and society. We can best illustrate the impact on educational theory and practice by quoting Hatch: "Greece, on one hand, had lost political power, but on the other, possessed in her great literature an invaluable legacy. It was natural for her to turn to literature. It was also natural for the study of literature to influence speech. Most people in the Greek world emphasized familiarity with the literature of past generations and a refined manner of speaking, which has since been commonly referred to as education. Our own educational system directly derives from this tradition. It set a standard that has dominated the entire civilized world until recently. We study literature rather than nature because the Greeks did so, and when the Romans and their provinces decided to educate their sons, they engaged Greek teachers and followed Greek methods." 1

The so-called practical bent of the Romans worked in the same direction. In falling back upon the recorded ideas of the Greeks, they not only took the short path to attaining a cultural development, but they procured just the kind of material and method suited to their administrative talents. For their practical genius was not directed to the conquest and control of nature but to the conquest and control of men.

The practical approach of the Romans had a similar effect. By relying on the recorded thoughts of the Greeks, they not only found a quicker way to achieve cultural growth, but they also obtained exactly the type of materials and methods that matched their administrative skills. Their practical genius wasn’t aimed at conquering and controlling nature, but rather at conquering and controlling people.

Mr. Hatch, in the passage quoted, takes a good deal of history for granted in saying that we have studied literature rather than nature because the Greeks, and the Romans whom they taught, did so. What is the link that spans the intervening centuries? The question suggests that barbarian Europe but repeated on a larger scale and with increased intensity the Roman situation. It had to go to school to Greco-Roman civilization; it also borrowed rather than evolved its culture. Not merely for its general ideas and their artistic presentation but for its models of law it went to the records of alien peoples. And its dependence upon tradition was increased by the dominant theological interests of the period. For the authorities to which the Church appealed were literatures composed in foreign tongues. Everything converged to identify learning with linguistic training and to make the language of the learned a literary language instead of the mother speech.

Mr. Hatch, in the quoted passage, assumes a lot of history when he says that we have focused on literature over nature because the Greeks and the Romans they influenced did the same. What connects the centuries in between? The question implies that barbarian Europe simply repeated the Roman experience on a larger and more intense scale. It had to learn from Greco-Roman civilization; it also borrowed rather than developed its own culture. It looked to the records of foreign peoples not only for general ideas and their artistic expression but also for its legal models. Its reliance on tradition was heightened by the prevailing theological interests of the time. The authorities that the Church referred to were literatures written in foreign languages. Everything came together to associate learning with language training and to make the language of scholars a literary one instead of the native tongue.

The full scope of this fact escapes us, moreover, until we recognize that this subject matter compelled recourse to a dialectical method. Scholasticism frequently has been used since the time of the revival of learning as a term of reproach. But all that it means is the method of The Schools, or of the School Men. In its essence, it is nothing but a highly effective systematization of the methods of teaching and learning which are appropriate to transmit an authoritative body of truths. Where literature rather than contemporary nature and society furnishes material of study, methods must be adapted to defining, expounding, and interpreting the received material, rather than to inquiry, discovery, and invention. And at bottom what is called Scholasticism is the whole-hearted and consistent formulation and application of the methods which are suited to instruction when the material of instruction is taken ready-made, rather than as something which students are to find out for themselves. So far as schools still teach from textbooks and rely upon the principle of authority and acquisition rather than upon that of discovery and inquiry, their methods are Scholastic—minus the logical accuracy and system of Scholasticism at its best. Aside from laxity of method and statement, the only difference is that geographies and histories and botanies and astronomies are now part of the authoritative literature which is to be mastered.

The full extent of this fact eludes us until we realize that this topic required a dialectical approach. Scholasticism has often been used since the Renaissance as a term of criticism. But all it really refers to is the method used by The Schools, or the School Men. Essentially, it’s just a very effective way of organizing the teaching and learning methods needed to convey a set body of truths. When literature, rather than contemporary nature and society, provides the study material, methods must focus on defining, explaining, and interpreting the received material, rather than on inquiry, discovery, and invention. At its core, what we call Scholasticism is the committed and consistent formulation and application of the methods that are suited for teaching when the instructional material is provided rather than found out by students themselves. As long as schools still use textbooks and depend on authority and acquisition rather than discovery and inquiry, their methods are Scholastic—minus the logical precision and structure of Scholasticism at its best. Aside from the laxity in method and expression, the only difference is that now geographies, histories, botanies, and astronomies are part of the authoritative literature to be mastered.

As a consequence, the Greek tradition was lost in which a humanistic interest was used as a basis of interest in nature, and a knowledge of nature used to support the distinctively human aims of man. Life found its support in authority, not in nature. The latter was moreover an object of considerable suspicion. Contemplation of it was dangerous, for it tended to draw man away from reliance upon the documents in which the rules of living were already contained. Moreover nature could be known only through observation; it appealed to the senses—which were merely material as opposed to a purely immaterial mind. Furthermore, the utilities of a knowledge of nature were purely physical and secular; they connected with the bodily and temporal welfare of man, while the literary tradition concerned his spiritual and eternal well-being.

As a result, the Greek tradition was lost, where a humanistic interest served as a foundation for understanding nature, and knowledge of nature was used to support distinctly human goals. Life became dependent on authority rather than on nature. Nature was also viewed with a lot of suspicion. Thinking about it was risky because it often led people away from relying on established documents that contained the rules for living. Additionally, nature could only be understood through observation; it engaged the senses, which were seen as merely physical compared to a purely non-material mind. Moreover, the practical benefits of understanding nature were strictly physical and secular; they related to the physical and temporary well-being of people, while the literary tradition focused on their spiritual and eternal welfare.

2. The Modern Scientific Interest in Nature. The movement of the fifteenth century which is variously termed the revival of learning and the renascence was characterized by a new interest in man's present life, and accordingly by a new interest in his relationships with nature. It was naturalistic, in the sense that it turned against the dominant supernaturalistic interest. It is possible that the influence of a return to classic Greek pagan literature in bringing about this changed mind has been overestimated. Undoubtedly the change was mainly a product of contemporary conditions. But there can be no doubt that educated men, filled with the new point of view, turned eagerly to Greek literature for congenial sustenance and reinforcement. And to a considerable extent, this interest in Greek thought was not in literature for its own sake, but in the spirit it expressed. The mental freedom, the sense of the order and beauty of nature, which animated Greek expression, aroused men to think and observe in a similar untrammeled fashion. The history of science in the sixteenth century shows that the dawning sciences of physical nature largely borrowed their points of departure from the new interest in Greek literature. As Windelband has said, the new science of nature was the daughter of humanism. The favorite notion of the time was that man was in microcosm that which the universe was in macrocosm.

2. The Modern Scientific Interest in Nature. The movement of the fifteenth century, known as the revival of learning and the Renaissance, was marked by a fresh focus on human life and, consequently, a renewed interest in our connection to nature. It was naturalistic in that it opposed the prevailing supernatural perspective. While some may have overestimated the impact of a return to classical Greek pagan literature in shaping this new mindset, it is clear that the shift was primarily a result of contemporary circumstances. Educated individuals, inspired by this new perspective, eagerly turned to Greek literature for supportive and like-minded insights. To a large extent, their interest in Greek thought went beyond literature for its own sake; it was about the spirit it conveyed. The intellectual freedom and appreciation for the order and beauty of nature found in Greek expression encouraged people to think and observe in a similarly liberated way. The history of science in the sixteenth century indicates that the emerging sciences of the physical world largely drew inspiration from this revived interest in Greek literature. As Windelband noted, the new science of nature was the offspring of humanism. The prevailing idea of the time was that humanity in microcosm reflected what the universe was in macrocosm.

This fact raises anew the question of how it was that nature and man were later separated and a sharp division made between language and literature and the physical sciences. Four reasons may be suggested. (a) The old tradition was firmly entrenched in institutions. Politics, law, and diplomacy remained of necessity branches of authoritative literature, for the social sciences did not develop until the methods of the sciences of physics and chemistry, to say nothing of biology, were much further advanced. The same is largely true of history. Moreover, the methods used for effective teaching of the languages were well developed; the inertia of academic custom was on their side. Just as the new interest in literature, especially Greek, had not been allowed at first to find lodgment in the scholastically organized universities, so when it found its way into them it joined hands with the older learning to minimize the influence of experimental science. The men who taught were rarely trained in science; the men who were scientifically competent worked in private laboratories and through the medium of academies which promoted research, but which were not organized as teaching bodies. Finally, the aristocratic tradition which looked down upon material things and upon the senses and the hands was still mighty.

This fact raises once again the question of how nature and humanity became separated, leading to a clear divide between language and literature and the physical sciences. Four reasons can be suggested. (a) The old tradition was deeply rooted in institutions. Politics, law, and diplomacy were inherently branches of authoritative literature, as the social sciences didn’t develop until the methods of physics and chemistry, not to mention biology, were much more advanced. The same largely applies to history. Additionally, the methods for effectively teaching languages were well established; the inertia of academic custom supported them. Just as the new interest in literature, especially Greek, hadn't initially found a place in the scholastically organized universities, when it did enter, it aligned with the older learning to downplay the influence of experimental science. The instructors were rarely trained in science; those who were scientifically knowledgeable worked in private labs and through academies that promoted research but were not organized as teaching institutions. Finally, the aristocratic tradition that looked down on material things, as well as the senses and manual skills, was still powerful.

(b) The Protestant revolt brought with it an immense increase of interest in theological discussion and controversies. The appeal on both sides was to literary documents. Each side had to train men in ability to study and expound the records which were relied upon. The demand for training men who could defend the chosen faith against the other side, who were able to propagandize and to prevent the encroachments of the other side, was such that it is not too much to say that by the middle of the seventeenth century the linguistic training of gymnasia and universities had been captured by the revived theological interest, and used as a tool of religious education and ecclesiastical controversy. Thus the educational descent of the languages as they are found in education to-day is not direct from the revival of learning, but from its adaptation to theological ends.

(b) The Protestant Reformation sparked a huge increase in interest in theological discussion and debates. Both sides relied on literary texts for support. Each side needed to train people to study and interpret the texts they depended on. The demand for training individuals who could defend their chosen faith against the opposing side, who could promote their beliefs and counter the advances of the other side, was so great that by the mid-seventeenth century, the linguistic training in schools and universities had been taken over by this renewed interest in theology and used as a tool for religious education and church debates. Therefore, the educational lineage of languages as seen in today's education doesn’t come directly from the revival of learning, but from its adaptation for theological purposes.

(c) The natural sciences were themselves conceived in a way which sharpened the opposition of man and nature. Francis Bacon presents an almost perfect example of the union of naturalistic and humanistic interest. Science, adopting the methods of observation and experimentation, was to give up the attempt to "anticipate" nature—to impose preconceived notions upon her—and was to become her humble interpreter. In obeying nature intellectually, man would learn to command her practically. "Knowledge is power." This aphorism meant that through science man is to control nature and turn her energies to the execution of his own ends. Bacon attacked the old learning and logic as purely controversial, having to do with victory in argument, not with discovery of the unknown. Through the new method of thought which was set forth in his new logic an era of expansive discoveries was to emerge, and these discoveries were to bear fruit in inventions for the service of man. Men were to give up their futile, never-finished effort to dominate one another to engage in the cooperative task of dominating nature in the interests of humanity.

(c) The natural sciences were developed in a way that emphasized the conflict between humans and nature. Francis Bacon serves as an excellent example of the blend of naturalistic and humanistic interest. Science, by using observation and experimentation, was meant to stop trying to "predict" nature or impose preconceived ideas on it, and instead become its humble interpreter. By understanding nature intellectually, humans would learn to control it practically. "Knowledge is power." This saying implied that through science, humans would manage nature and harness its energies for their own purposes. Bacon criticized the traditional learning and logic as merely argumentative, focused on winning debates rather than discovering the unknown. His new logical approach was supposed to initiate an era of significant discoveries, which would lead to inventions that serve humanity. People were encouraged to abandon their endless, fruitless attempts to dominate each other and instead focus on the cooperative challenge of mastering nature for the benefit of all.

In the main, Bacon prophesied the direction of subsequent progress. But he "anticipated" the advance. He did not see that the new science was for a long time to be worked in the interest of old ends of human exploitation. He thought that it would rapidly give man new ends. Instead, it put at the disposal of a class the means to secure their old ends of aggrandizement at the expense of another class. The industrial revolution followed, as he foresaw, upon a revolution in scientific method. But it is taking the revolution many centuries to produce a new mind. Feudalism was doomed by the applications of the new science, for they transferred power from the landed nobility to the manufacturing centers. But capitalism rather than a social humanism took its place. Production and commerce were carried on as if the new science had no moral lesson, but only technical lessons as to economies in production and utilization of saving in self-interest. Naturally, this application of physical science (which was the most conspicuously perceptible one) strengthened the claims of professed humanists that science was materialistic in its tendencies. It left a void as to man's distinctively human interests which go beyond making, saving, and expending money; and languages and literature put in their claim to represent the moral and ideal interests of humanity.

For the most part, Bacon predicted the path of future progress. However, he "anticipated" the development. He didn’t realize that the new science would primarily be used to serve the old goals of human exploitation for quite some time. He believed it would quickly provide humanity with new aims. Instead, it offered a way for one class to achieve its long-standing objectives of expansion at the expense of another class. The industrial revolution followed, as he anticipated, a transformation in scientific methodology. However, it is taking many centuries for this revolution to foster a new mindset. The new science condemned feudalism because it shifted power from the landowning nobility to industrial centers. But capitalism, not a socially conscious humanism, replaced it. Production and commerce operated as if the new science had no moral implications, only practical lessons focused on efficiency and self-interest. Naturally, this application of physical science (which was the most visible one) bolstered the claims of self-proclaimed humanists that science was materialistic in nature. It left a gap regarding distinctly human interests that extend beyond earning, saving, and spending money; thus, literature and languages asserted their role in representing the moral and ideal interests of humanity.

(d) Moreover, the philosophy which professed itself based upon science, which gave itself out as the accredited representative of the net significance of science, was either dualistic in character, marked by a sharp division between mind (characterizing man) and matter, constituting nature; or else it was openly mechanical, reducing the signal features of human life to illusion. In the former case, it allowed the claims of certain studies to be peculiar consignees of mental values, and indirectly strengthened their claim to superiority, since human beings would incline to regard human affairs as of chief importance at least to themselves. In the latter case, it called out a reaction which threw doubt and suspicion upon the value of physical science, giving occasion for treating it as an enemy to man's higher interests.

(d) Furthermore, the philosophy that claimed to be based on science, presenting itself as the official voice of science's overall significance, was either dualistic, sharply separating mind (which characterizes humanity) from matter, which makes up nature, or it was openly mechanical, reducing the key aspects of human life to mere illusion. In the first scenario, it allowed certain fields of study to be seen as important bearers of mental value, unintentionally boosting their claim to be superior since people tend to view their own affairs as the most important. In the second scenario, it sparked a reaction that raised doubts and suspicions about the value of physical science, leading to the perception of it as a threat to humanity's higher interests.

Greek and medieval knowledge accepted the world in its qualitative variety, and regarded nature's processes as having ends, or in technical phrase as teleological. New science was expounded so as to deny the reality of all qualities in real, or objective, existence. Sounds, colors, ends, as well as goods and bads, were regarded as purely subjective—as mere impressions in the mind. Objective existence was then treated as having only quantitative aspects—as so much mass in motion, its only differences being that at one point in space there was a larger aggregate mass than at another, and that in some spots there were greater rates of motion than at others. Lacking qualitative distinctions, nature lacked significant variety. Uniformities were emphasized, not diversities; the ideal was supposed to be the discovery of a single mathematical formula applying to the whole universe at once from which all the seeming variety of phenomena could be derived. This is what a mechanical philosophy means.

Greek and medieval knowledge embraced the world's diverse qualities and viewed nature's processes as having purposes, or in technical terms, as teleological. However, modern science has been described in a way that denies the reality of all qualities in real, or objective, existence. Sounds, colors, purposes, as well as good and bad, are seen as purely subjective—just impressions in the mind. Objective existence is then viewed as having only quantitative aspects—like a certain amount of mass in motion, with the only differences being that one location in space has a larger mass than another, and that some areas have higher rates of motion than others. Without qualitative distinctions, nature loses significant variety. Uniformities are highlighted, not diversities; the goal is believed to be the discovery of a single mathematical formula that applies to the entire universe and from which all the apparent variety of phenomena can be derived. This is what a mechanical philosophy entails.

Such a philosophy does not represent the genuine purport of science. It takes the technique for the thing itself; the apparatus and the terminology for reality, the method for its subject matter. Science does confine its statements to conditions which enable us to predict and control the happening of events, ignoring the qualities of the events. Hence its mechanical and quantitative character. But in leaving them out of account, it does not exclude them from reality, nor relegate them to a purely mental region; it only furnishes means utilizable for ends. Thus while in fact the progress of science was increasing man's power over nature, enabling him to place his cherished ends on a firmer basis than ever before, and also to diversify his activities almost at will, the philosophy which professed to formulate its accomplishments reduced the world to a barren and monotonous redistribution of matter in space. Thus the immediate effect of modern science was to accentuate the dualism of matter and mind, and thereby to establish the physical and the humanistic studies as two disconnected groups. Since the difference between better and worse is bound up with the qualities of experience, any philosophy of science which excludes them from the genuine content of reality is bound to leave out what is most interesting and most important to mankind.

Such a philosophy doesn't truly reflect what science is about. It confuses the tools with the actual substance; the equipment and the language with reality, and the approach with its subject. Science limits its claims to conditions that allow us to predict and control events, overlooking the qualities of those events. This gives it a mechanical and quantitative nature. However, by ignoring these qualities, it doesn't dismiss them from reality or push them to a purely mental space; it merely provides means that can be used for specific ends. While the progress of science effectively increased humanity's power over nature, allowing people to establish their goals more securely than ever while diversifying their activities almost freely, the philosophy that aimed to capture its achievements reduced the world to a dull and uniform rearrangement of matter in space. As a result, modern science highlighted the division between matter and mind, creating a gap between physical and humanistic studies. Since the distinction between better and worse is tied to the qualities of experience, any philosophy of science that neglects them fails to address what is most intriguing and essential to humanity.

3. The Present Educational Problem. In truth, experience knows no division between human concerns and a purely mechanical physical world. Man's home is nature; his purposes and aims are dependent for execution upon natural conditions. Separated from such conditions they become empty dreams and idle indulgences of fancy. From the standpoint of human experience, and hence of educational endeavor, any distinction which can be justly made between nature and man is a distinction between the conditions which have to be reckoned with in the formation and execution of our practical aims, and the aims themselves. This philosophy is vouched for by the doctrine of biological development which shows that man is continuous with nature, not an alien entering her processes from without. It is reinforced by the experimental method of science which shows that knowledge accrues in virtue of an attempt to direct physical energies in accord with ideas suggested in dealing with natural objects in behalf of social uses. Every step forward in the social sciences—the studies termed history, economics, politics, sociology—shows that social questions are capable of being intelligently coped with only in the degree in which we employ the method of collected data, forming hypotheses, and testing them in action which is characteristic of natural science, and in the degree in which we utilize in behalf of the promotion of social welfare the technical knowledge ascertained by physics and chemistry. Advanced methods of dealing with such perplexing problems as insanity, intemperance, poverty, public sanitation, city planning, the conservation of natural resources, the constructive use of governmental agencies for furthering the public good without weakening personal initiative, all illustrate the direct dependence of our important social concerns upon the methods and results of natural science.

3. The Present Educational Problem. In reality, experience doesn’t draw a line between human issues and the purely mechanical physical world. Humans are part of nature; our goals and purposes depend on the natural conditions to achieve them. Without these conditions, they remain empty dreams and fanciful ideas. From a human experience perspective, and therefore in terms of educational efforts, any valid distinction made between nature and humans is really just a distinction between conditions that need to be considered when forming and pursuing our practical goals, and the goals themselves. This idea is supported by the theory of biological development, which shows that humans are connected to nature, not outsiders entering its processes from the outside. It’s backed by the scientific method, which demonstrates that knowledge grows from our efforts to guide physical energies according to ideas that arise from interacting with natural objects for social purposes. Every advancement in social sciences—like history, economics, politics, and sociology—shows that we can only effectively address social issues to the extent that we use methods of gathering data, forming hypotheses, and testing them in practice, which are characteristic of natural science, and to the extent that we apply the technical knowledge gained from physics and chemistry to promote social welfare. Improved methods for addressing complex problems like mental illness, alcoholism, poverty, public health, urban planning, conservation of natural resources, and effectively using government resources to enhance public good without diminishing personal initiative all demonstrate how closely our significant social issues are tied to the methods and outcomes of natural science.

With respect then to both humanistic and naturalistic studies, education should take its departure from this close interdependence. It should aim not at keeping science as a study of nature apart from literature as a record of human interests, but at cross-fertilizing both the natural sciences and the various human disciplines such as history, literature, economics, and politics. Pedagogically, the problem is simpler than the attempt to teach the sciences as mere technical bodies of information and technical forms of physical manipulation, on one side; and to teach humanistic studies as isolated subjects, on the other. For the latter procedure institutes an artificial separation in the pupils' experience. Outside of school pupils meet with natural facts and principles in connection with various modes of human action. (See ante, p. 30.) In all the social activities in which they have shared they have had to understand the material and processes involved. To start them in school with a rupture of this intimate association breaks the continuity of mental development, makes the student feel an indescribable unreality in his studies, and deprives him of the normal motive for interest in them.

Regarding both humanistic and naturalistic studies, education should begin with their close interdependence. It should aim not to keep science, as a study of nature, separate from literature, as a record of human interests, but to connect and enrich both the natural sciences and various humanities like history, literature, economics, and politics. From a teaching perspective, this issue is simpler than trying to teach sciences as just technical knowledge and physical skills on one side, while treating humanistic studies as unrelated subjects on the other. The latter creates an artificial divide in students' experiences. Outside of school, students encounter natural facts and principles related to different forms of human activity. In all the social situations they participate in, they've had to grasp the materials and processes involved. Starting school with a split from this close connection disrupts the continuity of mental growth, leads the student to feel an unexplainable disconnect in their studies, and removes their natural motivation to engage with the material.

There is no doubt, of course, that the opportunities of education should be such that all should have a chance who have the disposition to advance to specialized ability in science, and thus devote themselves to its pursuit as their particular occupation in life. But at present, the pupil too often has a choice only between beginning with a study of the results of prior specialization where the material is isolated from his daily experiences, or with miscellaneous nature study, where material is presented at haphazard and does not lead anywhere in particular. The habit of introducing college pupils into segregated scientific subject matter, such as is appropriate to the man who wishes to become an expert in a given field, is carried back into the high schools. Pupils in the latter simply get a more elementary treatment of the same thing, with difficulties smoothed over and topics reduced to the level of their supposed ability. The cause of this procedure lies in following tradition, rather than in conscious adherence to a dualistic philosophy. But the effect is the same as if the purpose were to inculcate an idea that the sciences which deal with nature have nothing to do with man, and vice versa. A large part of the comparative ineffectiveness of the teaching of the sciences, for those who never become scientific specialists, is the result of a separation which is unavoidable when one begins with technically organized subject matter. Even if all students were embryonic scientific specialists, it is questionable whether this is the most effective procedure. Considering that the great majority are concerned with the study of sciences only for its effect upon their mental habits—in making them more alert, more open-minded, more inclined to tentative acceptance and to testing of ideas propounded or suggested,—and for achieving a better understanding of their daily environment, it is certainly ill-advised. Too often the pupil comes out with a smattering which is too superficial to be scientific and too technical to be applicable to ordinary affairs.

There’s no doubt that educational opportunities should allow everyone who wants to advance in science to pursue it as their career. But right now, students often only have the option to start with either studying specialized results, which feels disconnected from their everyday lives, or random nature study, which is presented haphazardly and doesn’t lead anywhere specific. The practice of introducing college students to isolated scientific subjects, suitable for those aiming to be experts in a specific area, is pushed down into high school. Students in high school just receive a more basic version of the same material, with difficulties glossed over and topics simplified to fit their presumed abilities. This happens more because of tradition than a deliberate belief in separation. But it ends up giving the impression that sciences related to nature have nothing to do with people, and vice versa. A big part of why science teaching isn’t very effective for those who won’t become scientific specialists is the unavoidable separation that arises when starting with highly technical subjects. Even if all students were on their way to becoming scientific specialists, it’s debatable whether this is the best approach. Since most students are studying sciences mainly to improve their mental habits—becoming more alert, open-minded, and willing to test new ideas—and to better understand their daily lives, this is definitely not the right way to go about it. Too often, students end up with a superficial understanding that’s too shallow to be scientific and too technical to be useful in everyday situations.

The utilization of ordinary experience to secure an advance into scientific material and method, while keeping the latter connected with familiar human interests, is easier to-day than it ever was before. The usual experience of all persons in civilized communities to-day is intimately associated with industrial processes and results. These in turn are so many cases of science in action. The stationary and traction steam engine, gasoline engine, automobile, telegraph and telephone, the electric motor enter directly into the lives of most individuals. Pupils at an early age are practically acquainted with these things. Not only does the business occupation of their parents depend upon scientific applications, but household pursuits, the maintenance of health, the sights seen upon the streets, embody scientific achievements and stimulate interest in the connected scientific principles. The obvious pedagogical starting point of scientific instruction is not to teach things labeled science, but to utilize the familiar occupations and appliances to direct observation and experiment, until pupils have arrived at a knowledge of some fundamental principles by understanding them in their familiar practical workings.

Using everyday experiences to access scientific concepts and methods, while keeping them tied to relatable human interests, is easier today than it has ever been. The daily experiences of people in modern societies are closely linked to industrial processes and results. These are essentially real-world examples of science in action. The stationary and traction steam engine, gasoline engine, automobile, telegraph, telephone, and electric motor are integral to most people's lives. Students from a young age are familiar with these technologies. Not only do their parents' jobs rely on scientific applications, but also household activities, health maintenance, and the sights around them showcase scientific achievements and spark interest in the related scientific principles. The clear starting point for teaching science is not to present labeled science topics, but to use familiar jobs and tools to encourage observation and experimentation, guiding students to understand some fundamental principles through their practical, everyday applications.

The opinion sometimes advanced that it is a derogation from the "purity" of science to study it in its active incarnation, instead of in theoretical abstraction, rests upon a misunderstanding. AS matter of fact, any subject is cultural in the degree in which it is apprehended in its widest possible range of meanings. Perception of meanings depends upon perception of connections, of context. To see a scientific fact or law in its human as well as in its physical and technical context is to enlarge its significance and give it increased cultural value. Its direct economic application, if by economic is meant something having money worth, is incidental and secondary, but a part of its actual connections. The important thing is that the fact be grasped in its social connections—its function in life.

The belief that studying science in its active form rather than in a theoretical way somehow undermines its "purity" is based on a misunderstanding. In reality, any subject is cultural to the extent that it is understood in its broadest range of meanings. Understanding meanings depends on recognizing connections and context. Viewing a scientific fact or law within its human, physical, and technical context expands its significance and enhances its cultural value. Its direct economic application, if we define economic as having monetary value, is incidental and secondary, yet still part of its actual connections. The key is to understand the fact within its social context—its role in life.

On the other hand, "humanism" means at bottom being imbued with an intelligent sense of human interests. The social interest, identical in its deepest meaning with a moral interest, is necessarily supreme with man. Knowledge about man, information as to his past, familiarity with his documented records of literature, may be as technical a possession as the accumulation of physical details. Men may keep busy in a variety of ways, making money, acquiring facility in laboratory manipulation, or in amassing a store of facts about linguistic matters, or the chronology of literary productions. Unless such activity reacts to enlarge the imaginative vision of life, it is on a level with the busy work of children. It has the letter without the spirit of activity. It readily degenerates itself into a miser's accumulation, and a man prides himself on what he has, and not on the meaning he finds in the affairs of life. Any study so pursued that it increases concern for the values of life, any study producing greater sensitiveness to social well-being and greater ability to promote that well-being is humane study. The humanistic spirit of the Greeks was native and intense but it was narrow in scope. Everybody outside the Hellenic circle was a barbarian, and negligible save as a possible enemy. Acute as were the social observations and speculations of Greek thinkers, there is not a word in their writings to indicate that Greek civilization was not self-inclosed and self-sufficient. There was, apparently, no suspicion that its future was at the mercy of the despised outsider. Within the Greek community, the intense social spirit was limited by the fact that higher culture was based on a substratum of slavery and economic serfdom—classes necessary to the existence of the state, as Aristotle declared, and yet not genuine parts of it. The development of science has produced an industrial revolution which has brought different peoples in such close contact with one another through colonization and commerce that no matter how some nations may still look down upon others, no country can harbor the illusion that its career is decided wholly within itself. The same revolution has abolished agricultural serfdom, and created a class of more or less organized factory laborers with recognized political rights, and who make claims for a responsible role in the control of industry—claims which receive sympathetic attention from many among the well-to-do, since they have been brought into closer connections with the less fortunate classes through the breaking down of class barriers.

On the other hand, "humanism" fundamentally means being filled with an intelligent understanding of human interests. The social interest, which deeply aligns with moral interest, is inherently the highest priority for humanity. Knowledge about people, insights into their history, and familiarity with their documented literary works can be as technical as collecting physical information. People can stay busy in many ways—making money, gaining skills in laboratory work, or gathering facts about languages or the timeline of literature. However, if this work doesn't expand their imaginative understanding of life, it equates to the trivial activities of children. It has the surface without the essence of genuine activity. It can quickly turn into a hoarding mentality, where a person values what they possess rather than the significance they find in life's experiences. Any study that fosters a deeper concern for the values of life, increases awareness of social well-being, and enhances the ability to promote that well-being is considered humane study. The humanistic spirit of the Greeks was intense and inherent, but it was also limited in perspective. Everyone outside the Greek world was seen as a barbarian, largely insignificant unless they posed a threat. Despite the insightful social observations and theories of Greek thinkers, their writings show no indication that Greek civilization was anything other than self-contained and self-sufficient. There appeared to be no recognition that its future could be affected by the despised outsiders. Within the Greek community, the strong social spirit was constrained by the reality that higher culture relied on a foundation of slavery and economic serfdom—classes deemed essential for the state's existence, as Aristotle noted, yet not considered real members of it. The advancement of science has led to an industrial revolution that has connected diverse peoples through colonization and trade, making it impossible for any nation to believe its future is solely determined by itself, regardless of whether some nations still look down on others. This same revolution has ended agricultural serfdom and created a class of more or less organized factory workers who have recognized political rights and demand a say in industrial governance—demands that many among the wealthy view with empathy, as they are increasingly connected to the less fortunate due to the dismantling of class barriers.

This state of affairs may be formulated by saying that the older humanism omitted economic and industrial conditions from its purview. Consequently, it was one sided. Culture, under such circumstances, inevitably represented the intellectual and moral outlook of the class which was in direct social control. Such a tradition as to culture is, as we have seen (ante, p. 260), aristocratic; it emphasizes what marks off one class from another, rather than fundamental common interests. Its standards are in the past; for the aim is to preserve what has been gained rather than widely to extend the range of culture.

This situation can be described by saying that traditional humanism ignored economic and industrial factors. As a result, it was one-sided. Culture, in this context, naturally reflected the intellectual and moral perspectives of the class that held social power. This kind of cultural tradition is, as we’ve noted (ante, p. 260), aristocratic; it highlights the differences between classes instead of focusing on shared interests. Its standards are rooted in history, as the goal is to maintain existing achievements rather than to broadly expand cultural access.

The modifications which spring from taking greater account of industry and of whatever has to do with making a living are frequently condemned as attacks upon the culture derived from the past. But a wider educational outlook would conceive industrial activities as agencies for making intellectual resources more accessible to the masses, and giving greater solidity to the culture of those having superior resources. In short, when we consider the close connection between science and industrial development on the one hand, and between literary and aesthetic cultivation and an aristocratic social organization on the other, we get light on the opposition between technical scientific studies and refining literary studies. We have before us the need of overcoming this separation in education if society is to be truly democratic.

The changes that come from paying more attention to industry and anything related to making a living are often criticized as attacks on the culture rooted in the past. However, a broader educational perspective would see industrial activities as means to make intellectual resources more available to the masses and strengthen the culture of those with more resources. Essentially, when we recognize the close relationship between science and industrial growth on one side, and between literary and artistic development and an aristocratic social structure on the other, we gain insight into the conflict between technical scientific studies and refined literary studies. We face the necessity of bridging this gap in education if society is to be genuinely democratic.





Summary. The philosophic dualism between man and nature is reflected in

the division of studies between the naturalistic and the humanistic with a tendency to reduce the latter to the literary records of the past. This dualism is not characteristic (as were the others which we have noted) of Greek thought. It arose partly because of the fact that the culture of Rome and of barbarian Europe was not a native product, being borrowed directly or indirectly from Greece, and partly because political and ecclesiastic conditions emphasized dependence upon the authority of past knowledge as that was transmitted in literary documents.

the separation of studies into the natural sciences and the humanities, often leaning towards reducing the latter to just the literary works of the past. This division is not typical (unlike the other divisions we've mentioned) of Greek thought. It emerged partly because the culture of Rome and barbarian Europe was not original; it was borrowed directly or indirectly from Greece, and partly because political and church conditions stressed reliance on the authority of historical knowledge as it was passed down in literary documents.

At the outset, the rise of modern science prophesied a restoration of the intimate connection of nature and humanity, for it viewed knowledge of nature as the means of securing human progress and well-being. But the more immediate applications of science were in the interests of a class rather than of men in common; and the received philosophic formulations of scientific doctrine tended either to mark it off as merely material from man as spiritual and immaterial, or else to reduce mind to a subjective illusion. In education, accordingly, the tendency was to treat the sciences as a separate body of studies, consisting of technical information regarding the physical world, and to reserve the older literary studies as distinctively humanistic. The account previously given of the evolution of knowledge, and of the educational scheme of studies based upon it, are designed to overcome the separation, and to secure recognition of the place occupied by the subject matter of the natural sciences in human affairs.

At the beginning, the rise of modern science promised a revival of the close relationship between nature and humanity, as it saw understanding nature as a way to achieve human progress and well-being. However, the immediate uses of science served the interests of a specific class rather than everyone. The established philosophical views of scientific doctrine either separated it as purely material while considering humanity as spiritual and immaterial, or they dismissed the mind as a mere illusion. In education, the trend became to treat the sciences as a separate field focused on technical knowledge about the physical world, while the traditional literary studies were viewed as uniquely humanistic. The previous account of how knowledge evolved and the educational framework built around it aims to bridge this gap and acknowledge the importance of natural sciences in human life.

1 The Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church. pp. 43-44.

1 The Influence of Greek Ideas and Practices on the Christian Church. pp. 43-44.





Chapter Twenty-two: The Individual and the World

1. Mind as Purely Individual. We have been concerned with the influences which have effected a division between work and leisure, knowing and doing, man and nature. These influences have resulted in splitting up the subject matter of education into separate studies. They have also found formulation in various philosophies which have opposed to each other body and mind, theoretical knowledge and practice, physical mechanism and ideal purpose. Upon the philosophical side, these various dualisms culminate in a sharp demarcation of individual minds from the world, and hence from one another. While the connection of this philosophical position with educational procedure is not so obvious as is that of the points considered in the last three chapters, there are certain educational considerations which correspond to it; such as the antithesis supposed to exist between subject matter (the counterpart of the world) and method (the counterpart of mind); such as the tendency to treat interest as something purely private, without intrinsic connection with the material studied. Aside from incidental educational bearings, it will be shown in this chapter that the dualistic philosophy of mind and the world implies an erroneous conception of the relationship between knowledge and social interests, and between individuality or freedom, and social control and authority. The identification of the mind with the individual self and of the latter with a private psychic consciousness is comparatively modern. In both the Greek and medieval periods, the rule was to regard the individual as a channel through which a universal and divine intelligence operated. The individual was in no true sense the knower; the knower was the "Reason" which operated through him. The individual interfered at his peril, and only to the detriment of the truth. In the degree in which the individual rather than reason "knew," conceit, error, and opinion were substituted for true knowledge. In Greek life, observation was acute and alert; and thinking was free almost to the point of irresponsible speculations. Accordingly the consequences of the theory were only such as were consequent upon the lack of an experimental method. Without such a method individuals could not engage in knowing, and be checked up by the results of the inquiries of others. Without such liability to test by others, the minds of men could not be intellectually responsible; results were to be accepted because of their aesthetic consistency, agreeable quality, or the prestige of their authors. In the barbarian period, individuals were in a still more humble attitude to truth; important knowledge was supposed to be divinely revealed, and nothing remained for the minds of individuals except to work it over after it had been received on authority. Aside from the more consciously philosophic aspects of these movements, it never occurs to any one to identify mind and the personal self wherever beliefs are transmitted by custom.

1. Mind as Purely Individual. We’ve been focused on the influences that have created a divide between work and leisure, knowing and doing, and humanity and nature. These influences have led to the fragmentation of education into separate subjects. They have also been expressed in various philosophies that pit body against mind, theoretical knowledge against practice, and physical mechanisms against ideal purposes. On the philosophical side, these different dualisms culminate in a clear separation of individual minds from the world, and consequently from each other. Although the connection between this philosophical stance and educational practices isn’t as obvious as those discussed in the last three chapters, there are certain educational aspects that relate to it, such as the perceived gap between subject matter (reflecting the world) and method (reflecting the mind) and the tendency to see interest as something entirely private, disconnected from the material being studied. Apart from incidental educational implications, this chapter will demonstrate that the dualistic philosophy of mind and the world suggests a flawed understanding of the relationship between knowledge and social interests, as well as between individuality or freedom and social control and authority. The identification of the mind with the individual self, and the latter with a private psychic consciousness, is a relatively recent development. In both Greek and medieval times, the norm was to view the individual as a channel through which a universal and divine intelligence flowed. The individual wasn’t truly the knower; the knower was the "Reason" that operated through them. The individual’s interference was risky and often detrimental to the truth. To the extent that the individual, rather than reason, claimed to "know," arrogance, error, and opinion replaced true knowledge. In Greek society, observation was keen and alert, and thinking was free—almost to the point of irresponsible speculation. Thus, the outcomes of this theory were simply the results of lacking an experimental method. Without such a method, individuals couldn’t engage in knowing or verify their findings against the inquiries of others. Without this capacity to be tested by others, individuals could not be intellectually responsible; results had to be accepted based on their aesthetic appeal, pleasantness, or the prestige of those who created them. During the barbarian period, individuals held an even more submissive view of truth; important knowledge was believed to be divinely revealed, leaving individuals with only the task of processing it after receiving it on authority. Beyond the more consciously philosophical aspects of these movements, it never occurred to anyone to equate mind with the personal self wherever beliefs were passed down by tradition.

In the medieval period there was a religious individualism. The deepest concern of life was the salvation of the individual soul. In the later Middle Ages, this latent individualism found conscious formulation in the nominalistic philosophies, which treated the structure of knowledge as something built up within the individual through his own acts, and mental states. With the rise of economic and political individualism after the sixteenth century, and with the development of Protestantism, the times were ripe for an emphasis upon the rights and duties of the individual in achieving knowledge for himself. This led to the view that knowledge is won wholly through personal and private experiences. As a consequence, mind, the source and possessor of knowledge, was thought of as wholly individual. Thus upon the educational side, we find educational reformers, like Montaigne, Bacon, Locke, henceforth vehemently denouncing all learning which is acquired on hearsay, and asserting that even if beliefs happen to be true, they do not constitute knowledge unless they have grown up in and been tested by personal experience. The reaction against authority in all spheres of life, and the intensity of the struggle, against great odds, for freedom of action and inquiry, led to such an emphasis upon personal observations and ideas as in effect to isolate mind, and set it apart from the world to be known.

During the medieval period, there was a sense of religious individualism. The main concern in life was the salvation of one's own soul. In the later Middle Ages, this underlying individualism became more explicit in nominalistic philosophies, which viewed knowledge as something constructed by the individual through their own actions and mental states. With the rise of economic and political individualism after the sixteenth century and the growth of Protestantism, the time was right to emphasize the rights and responsibilities of individuals in gaining knowledge for themselves. This led to the belief that knowledge is completely obtained through personal and private experiences. As a result, the mind, being the source and holder of knowledge, was considered entirely individual. Consequently, in the realm of education, reformers like Montaigne, Bacon, and Locke strongly criticized any learning that was based on hearsay, asserting that even if beliefs turned out to be true, they do not constitute knowledge unless they have been developed and tested through personal experience. The backlash against authority in all areas of life, along with the intense struggle for freedom of action and inquiry against significant obstacles, highlighted the importance of personal observations and ideas, effectively isolating the mind and separating it from the world to be understood.

This isolation is reflected in the great development of that branch of philosophy known as epistemology—the theory of knowledge. The identification of mind with the self, and the setting up of the self as something independent and self-sufficient, created such a gulf between the knowing mind and the world that it became a question how knowledge was possible at all. Given a subject—the knower—and an object—the thing to be known—wholly separate from one another, it is necessary to frame a theory to explain how they get into connection with each other so that valid knowledge may result. This problem, with the allied one of the possibility of the world acting upon the mind and the mind acting upon the world, became almost the exclusive preoccupation of philosophic thought.

This isolation is evident in the significant growth of the branch of philosophy known as epistemology—the theory of knowledge. The identification of the mind with the self, and the establishment of the self as something independent and self-sufficient, created a huge gap between the knowing mind and the world, raising the question of how knowledge is even possible. With a subject—the knower—and an object—the thing to be known—completely separate from each other, it became necessary to develop a theory to explain how they connect so that valid knowledge can arise. This issue, along with the related question of how the world can influence the mind and the mind can influence the world, became almost the sole focus of philosophical thought.

The theories that we cannot know the world as it really is but only the impressions made upon the mind, or that there is no world beyond the individual mind, or that knowledge is only a certain association of the mind's own states, were products of this preoccupation. We are not directly concerned with their truth; but the fact that such desperate solutions were widely accepted is evidence of the extent to which mind had been set over the world of realities. The increasing use of the term "consciousness" as an equivalent for mind, in the supposition that there is an inner world of conscious states and processes, independent of any relationship to nature and society, an inner world more truly and immediately known than anything else, is evidence of the same fact. In short, practical individualism, or struggle for greater freedom of thought in action, was translated into philosophic subjectivism.

The theories suggesting that we can’t know the world as it truly is, but only the impressions it leaves on our minds; or that there’s no world beyond our individual minds; or that knowledge is simply a collection of our own mental states, all stemmed from this concern. We're not focused on their validity, but the fact that such desperate answers gained widespread acceptance shows how much the mind was prioritized over the real world. The growing use of the term "consciousness" as a substitute for mind, based on the idea that there’s an inner world of conscious states and processes separate from nature and society—an inner world that's better and more immediately understood than anything else—reflects this same situation. In short, the pursuit of individual freedom of thought in practice turned into philosophical subjectivism.

2. Individual Mind as the Agent of Reorganization. It should be obvious that this philosophic movement misconceived the significance of the practical movement. Instead of being its transcript, it was a perversion. Men were not actually engaged in the absurdity of striving to be free from connection with nature and one another. They were striving for greater freedom in nature and society. They wanted greater power to initiate changes in the world of things and fellow beings; greater scope of movement and consequently greater freedom in observations and ideas implied in movement. They wanted not isolation from the world, but a more intimate connection with it. They wanted to form their beliefs about it at first hand, instead of through tradition. They wanted closer union with their fellows so that they might influence one another more effectively and might combine their respective actions for mutual aims.

2. Individual Mind as the Agent of Reorganization. It should be clear that this philosophical movement misunderstood the importance of the practical movement. Instead of reflecting it accurately, it distorted it. People weren't actually trying to escape their connections with nature and each other. They were seeking greater freedom within nature and society. They wanted more power to make changes in the world around them and with their fellow humans; more opportunities for action and, as a result, greater freedom in their observations and ideas that come from action. They sought not isolation from the world, but a deeper connection to it. They wanted to develop their beliefs firsthand, rather than relying on tradition. They aimed for a closer bond with others so they could influence one another more effectively and coordinate their efforts towards shared goals.

So far as their beliefs were concerned, they felt that a great deal which passed for knowledge was merely the accumulated opinions of the past, much of it absurd and its correct portions not understood when accepted on authority. Men must observe for themselves, and form their own theories and personally test them. Such a method was the only alternative to the imposition of dogma as truth, a procedure which reduced mind to the formal act of acquiescing in truth. Such is the meaning of what is sometimes called the substitution of inductive experimental methods of knowing for deductive. In some sense, men had always used an inductive method in dealing with their immediate practical concerns. Architecture, agriculture, manufacture, etc., had to be based upon observation of the activities of natural objects, and ideas about such affairs had to be checked, to some extent, by results. But even in such things there was an undue reliance upon mere custom, followed blindly rather than understandingly. And this observational-experimental method was restricted to these "practical" matters, and a sharp distinction maintained between practice and theoretical knowledge or truth. (See Ch. XX.) The rise of free cities, the development of travel, exploration, and commerce, the evolution of new methods of producing commodities and doing business, threw men definitely upon their own resources. The reformers of science like Galileo, Descartes, and their successors, carried analogous methods into ascertaining the facts about nature. An interest in discovery took the place of an interest in systematizing and "proving" received beliefs.

As far as their beliefs were concerned, they thought that a lot of what was considered knowledge was just the accumulated opinions of the past, much of it ridiculous, and the correct parts weren’t fully understood when accepted on authority. People needed to observe for themselves, develop their own theories, and test them personally. That approach was the only alternative to accepting dogma as truth, a process that reduced thought to merely agreeing with what was considered true. This is what is sometimes referred to as replacing deductive reasoning with inductive experimental methods of knowing. In a way, people had always used an inductive approach when dealing with their immediate practical concerns. Fields like architecture, agriculture, and manufacturing had to rely on observing natural processes, and ideas in those areas had to be somewhat verified by their outcomes. However, even in these areas, there was an excessive dependence on mere custom, followed without understanding. Additionally, this observational-experimental method was limited to these "practical" issues, with a distinct separation made between practice and theoretical knowledge or truth. (See Ch. XX.) The rise of free cities, the growth of travel, exploration, and trade, and the development of new ways to produce goods and conduct business forced people to rely on their own capabilities. Reformers in science like Galileo, Descartes, and their successors applied similar methods to uncovering facts about nature. A focus on discovery replaced a focus on organizing and "proving" accepted beliefs.

A just philosophic interpretation of these movements would, indeed, have emphasized the rights and responsibilities of the individual in gaining knowledge and personally testing beliefs, no matter by what authorities they were vouched for. But it would not have isolated the individual from the world, and consequently isolated individuals—in theory—from one another. It would have perceived that such disconnection, such rupture of continuity, denied in advance the possibility of success in their endeavors. As matter of fact every individual has grown up, and always must grow up, in a social medium. His responses grow intelligent, or gain meaning, simply because he lives and acts in a medium of accepted meanings and values. (See ante, p. 30.) Through social intercourse, through sharing in the activities embodying beliefs, he gradually acquires a mind of his own. The conception of mind as a purely isolated possession of the self is at the very antipodes of the truth. The self achieves mind in the degree in which knowledge of things is incarnate in the life about him; the self is not a separate mind building up knowledge anew on its own account.

A fair philosophical interpretation of these movements would have highlighted the rights and responsibilities of individuals in gaining knowledge and personally testing their beliefs, regardless of the authorities backing them. However, it would not have separated the individual from the world, and consequently separated individuals—in theory—from each other. It would have recognized that such disconnection, such a break in continuity, undermined the possibility of success in their pursuits. In fact, every person has grown up, and must always grow up, in a social environment. Their responses become intelligent or meaningful simply because they live and act within a context of shared meanings and values. (See ante, p. 30.) Through social interaction and participation in activities that embody beliefs, they gradually develop their own mind. The idea of the mind as a purely isolated possession of the self is completely opposite to the truth. The self develops a mind to the extent that knowledge of things is embodied in the life around it; the self is not a separate mind creating knowledge independently.

Yet there is a valid distinction between knowledge which is objective and impersonal, and thinking which is subjective and personal. In one sense, knowledge is that which we take for granted. It is that which is settled, disposed of, established, under control. What we fully know, we do not need to think about. In common phrase, it is certain, assured. And this does not mean a mere feeling of certainty. It denotes not a sentiment, but a practical attitude, a readiness to act without reserve or quibble. Of course we may be mistaken. What is taken for knowledge—for fact and truth—at a given time may not be such. But everything which is assumed without question, which is taken for granted in our intercourse with one another and nature is what, at the given time, is called knowledge. Thinking on the contrary, starts, as we have seen, from doubt or uncertainty. It marks an inquiring, hunting, searching attitude, instead of one of mastery and possession. Through its critical process true knowledge is revised and extended, and our convictions as to the state of things reorganized. Clearly the last few centuries have been typically a period of revision and reorganization of beliefs. Men did not really throw away all transmitted beliefs concerning the realities of existence, and start afresh upon the basis of their private, exclusive sensations and ideas. They could not have done so if they had wished to, and if it had been possible general imbecility would have been the only outcome. Men set out from what had passed as knowledge, and critically investigated the grounds upon which it rested; they noted exceptions; they used new mechanical appliances to bring to light data inconsistent with what had been believed; they used their imaginations to conceive a world different from that in which their forefathers had put their trust. The work was a piecemeal, a retail, business. One problem was tackled at a time. The net results of all the revisions amounted, however, to a revolution of prior conceptions of the world. What occurred was a reorganization of prior intellectual habitudes, infinitely more efficient than a cutting loose from all connections would have been.

There is a clear difference between objective and impersonal knowledge and subjective and personal thinking. In one way, knowledge is what we take for granted. It’s what is settled, established, and under control. What we know fully doesn’t require us to think about it. It is, in common terms, certain and assured. This doesn't just mean having a feeling of certainty; it signifies a practical attitude, a willingness to act without doubt or hesitation. Of course, we can be wrong. What is considered knowledge—what we view as fact and truth—can change over time. But everything assumed without question, taken for granted in our interactions with each other and the world around us, is what, at that time, is called knowledge. Thinking, on the other hand, begins with doubt or uncertainty. It represents an inquiring, searching attitude, rather than one of mastery and ownership. Through critical thinking, true knowledge is revisited and expanded, and our beliefs about the state of things are reorganized. Clearly, the past few centuries have been a time of revising and reorganizing beliefs. People didn’t just discard all previously accepted beliefs about reality and start fresh based on their own private feelings and ideas. They couldn’t have done that even if they wanted to, and if it had been possible, it would have led to widespread ignorance. Instead, people began with what was accepted as knowledge and critically examined the evidence behind it; they noted exceptions; they employed new tools to uncover data that contradicted previous beliefs; they used their imaginations to envision a world different from that which their ancestors believed in. This process was gradual and detailed, addressing one issue at a time. However, the overall result of these revisions led to a radical change in how we understand the world. What happened was a reorganization of earlier intellectual habits, far more effective than severing all connections would have been.

This state of affairs suggests a definition of the role of the individual, or the self, in knowledge; namely, the redirection, or reconstruction of accepted beliefs. Every new idea, every conception of things differing from that authorized by current belief, must have its origin in an individual. New ideas are doubtless always sprouting, but a society governed by custom does not encourage their development. On the contrary, it tends to suppress them, just because they are deviations from what is current. The man who looks at things differently from others is in such a community a suspect character; for him to persist is generally fatal. Even when social censorship of beliefs is not so strict, social conditions may fail to provide the appliances which are requisite if new ideas are to be adequately elaborated; or they may fail to provide any material support and reward to those who entertain them. Hence they remain mere fancies, romantic castles in the air, or aimless speculations. The freedom of observation and imagination involved in the modern scientific revolution were not easily secured; they had to be fought for; many suffered for their intellectual independence. But, upon the whole, modern European society first permitted, and then, in some fields at least, deliberately encouraged the individual reactions which deviate from what custom prescribes. Discovery, research, inquiry in new lines, inventions, finally came to be either the social fashion, or in some degree tolerable. However, as we have already noted, philosophic theories of knowledge were not content to conceive mind in the individual as the pivot upon which reconstruction of beliefs turned, thus maintaining the continuity of the individual with the world of nature and fellow men. They regarded the individual mind as a separate entity, complete in each person, and isolated from nature and hence from other minds. Thus a legitimate intellectual individualism, the attitude of critical revision of former beliefs which is indispensable to progress, was explicitly formulated as a moral and social individualism. When the activities of mind set out from customary beliefs and strive to effect transformations of them which will in turn win general conviction, there is no opposition between the individual and the social. The intellectual variations of the individual in observation, imagination, judgment, and invention are simply the agencies of social progress, just as conformity to habit is the agency of social conservation. But when knowledge is regarded as originating and developing within an individual, the ties which bind the mental life of one to that of his fellows are ignored and denied.

This situation points to a definition of the role of the individual, or the self, in knowledge; specifically, the redirection or reconstruction of accepted beliefs. Every new idea, every perspective that differs from what is currently accepted, must come from an individual. New ideas are certainly always emerging, but a society driven by tradition doesn't foster their growth. Instead, it tends to suppress them simply because they deviate from the norm. A person who views things differently from others is seen as suspicious in such a community; for them to persist is usually perilous. Even when social censorship of beliefs isn’t too harsh, social conditions might not provide the tools necessary for adequately developing new ideas; or they may fail to offer any material support or rewards to those who hold them. As a result, these ideas remain mere fantasies, lofty dreams, or pointless speculations. The freedom of observation and imagination that characterized the modern scientific revolution wasn't easily won; it had to be fought for, with many suffering for their intellectual independence. However, overall, modern European society first allowed, and then in some areas at least, actively promoted the individual reactions that stray from traditional customs. Discoveries, research, inquiries into new areas, and inventions eventually became either a social trend or at least somewhat acceptable. Yet, as we’ve already noted, philosophical theories of knowledge were not satisfied to see the individual mind as the center around which belief reconstruction revolves, thus maintaining the individual's connection to the natural world and other people. They viewed the individual mind as a separate, complete entity, isolated from nature and therefore from other minds. Consequently, a legitimate intellectual individualism— the critical reevaluation of previous beliefs that is essential for progress— was explicitly defined as moral and social individualism. When the activities of the mind begin with customary beliefs and aim to transform them in a way that gains broader acceptance, there is no conflict between the individual and society. The intellectual differences of individuals in observation, imagination, judgment, and invention merely drive social progress, just as adherence to tradition upholds social stability. However, when knowledge is considered to originate and develop solely within an individual, the connections linking one person's mental life to that of others are overlooked and dismissed.

When the social quality of individualized mental operations is denied, it becomes a problem to find connections which will unite an individual with his fellows. Moral individualism is set up by the conscious separation of different centers of life. It has its roots in the notion that the consciousness of each person is wholly private, a self-inclosed continent, intrinsically independent of the ideas, wishes, purposes of everybody else. But when men act, they act in a common and public world. This is the problem to which the theory of isolated and independent conscious minds gave rise: Given feelings, ideas, desires, which have nothing to do with one another, how can actions proceeding from them be controlled in a social or public interest? Given an egoistic consciousness, how can action which has regard for others take place?

When we ignore the social aspect of individual mental processes, it becomes difficult to find ways to connect one person with others. Moral individualism arises from the deliberate separation of different life centers. It stems from the belief that each person’s consciousness is completely private, like a self-contained island, fundamentally independent of the ideas, desires, and goals of others. However, when people act, they do so in a shared and public realm. This presents the issue that the theory of isolated and independent minds creates: Given feelings, thoughts, and desires that are unrelated, how can actions based on them be aligned with social or public interests? With a self-centered consciousness, how can actions that consider others actually occur?

Moral philosophies which have started from such premises have developed four typical ways of dealing with the question. (i) One method represents the survival of the older authoritative position, with such concessions and compromises as the progress of events has made absolutely inevitable. The deviations and departures characterizing an individual are still looked upon with suspicion; in principle they are evidences of the disturbances, revolts, and corruptions inhering in an individual apart from external authoritative guidance. In fact, as distinct from principle, intellectual individualism is tolerated in certain technical regions—in subjects like mathematics and physics and astronomy, and in the technical inventions resulting therefrom. But the applicability of a similar method to morals, social, legal, and political matters, is denied. In such matters, dogma is still to be supreme; certain eternal truths made known by revelation, intuition, or the wisdom of our forefathers set unpassable limits to individual observation and speculation. The evils from which society suffers are set down to the efforts of misguided individuals to transgress these boundaries. Between the physical and the moral sciences, lie intermediate sciences of life, where the territory is only grudgingly yielded to freedom of inquiry under the pressure of accomplished fact. Although past history has demonstrated that the possibilities of human good are widened and made more secure by trusting to a responsibility built up within the very process of inquiry, the "authority" theory sets apart a sacred domain of truth which must be protected from the inroads of variation of beliefs. Educationally, emphasis may not be put on eternal truth, but it is put on the authority of book and teacher, and individual variation is discouraged.

Moral philosophies that have emerged from such ideas have developed four common approaches to the question. (i) One method reflects the survival of older authoritative views, adapted with necessary concessions and compromises due to changing circumstances. Any deviations or unique traits of an individual are still treated with skepticism; in principle, they are seen as signs of disorder, rebellion, and corruption that arise in a person without external authoritative guidance. In practice, intellectual individualism is accepted in certain specialized fields—like mathematics, physics, and astronomy, along with the technological advancements they produce. However, applying a similar approach to moral, social, legal, and political issues is rejected. In these areas, dogma remains dominant; certain timeless truths, revealed through intuition or the wisdom of our ancestors, create unbreakable limits on personal observation and speculation. The problems that society faces are attributed to misguided individuals trying to cross these boundaries. Between the physical and moral sciences exist intermediate fields, where the scope is only reluctantly allowed to explore freely due to established facts. Although history shows that the potential for human goodness expands and becomes more secure when we rely on responsibility built through the process of inquiry, the "authority" theory designates a sacred realm of truth that must be shielded from varying beliefs. In education, the focus may not be on eternal truths, but rather on the authority of textbooks and teachers, while individual differences are discouraged.

(ii) Another method is sometimes termed rationalism or abstract intellectualism. A formal logical faculty is set up in distinction from tradition and history and all concrete subject matter. This faculty of reason is endowed with power to influence conduct directly. Since it deals wholly with general and impersonal forms, when different persons act in accord with logical findings, their activities will be externally consistent. There is no doubt of the services rendered by this philosophy. It was a powerful factor in the negative and dissolving criticism of doctrines having nothing but tradition and class interest behind them; it accustomed men to freedom of discussion and to the notion that beliefs had to be submitted to criteria of reasonableness. It undermined the power of prejudice, superstition, and brute force, by habituating men to reliance upon argument, discussion, and persuasion. It made for clarity and order of exposition. But its influence was greater in destruction of old falsities than in the construction of new ties and associations among men. Its formal and empty nature, due to conceiving reason as something complete in itself apart from subject matter, its hostile attitude toward historical institutions, its disregard of the influence of habit, instinct, and emotion, as operative factors in life, left it impotent in the suggestion of specific aims and methods. Bare logic, however important in arranging and criticizing existing subject matter, cannot spin new subject matter out of itself. In education, the correlative is trust in general ready-made rules and principles to secure agreement, irrespective of seeing to it that the pupil's ideas really agree with one another.

(ii) Another method is sometimes called rationalism or abstract intellectualism. A formal logical reasoning ability is established, separate from tradition, history, and all concrete subjects. This reasoning faculty has the power to directly influence behavior. Since it only deals with general and impersonal ideas, when different people act according to logical conclusions, their actions will be consistently aligned. There's no doubt about the contributions of this philosophy. It played a significant role in critically examining doctrines based solely on tradition and class interests; it encouraged people to engage in open discussions and to think that beliefs should meet standards of reasonableness. It eroded the power of prejudice, superstition, and brute force by teaching people to rely on argument, discussion, and persuasion. It promoted clarity and order in explanation. However, its impact was greater in dismantling old falsehoods than in building new connections and associations among people. Its formal and empty nature, due to viewing reason as self-sufficient and unrelated to subject matter, its antagonistic view towards historical institutions, and its neglect of the role of habit, instinct, and emotion in life, left it ineffective in suggesting specific goals and methods. Pure logic, as crucial as it is for organizing and critiquing existing subjects, cannot create new subjects from nothing. In education, this correlates to a reliance on general standard rules and principles to ensure agreement, regardless of whether the student's ideas actually align with each other.

(iii) While this rationalistic philosophy was developing in France, English thought appealed to the intelligent self-interest of individuals in order to secure outer unity in the acts which issued from isolated streams of consciousness. Legal arrangements, especially penal administration, and governmental regulations, were to be such as to prevent the acts which proceeded from regard for one's own private sensations from interfering with the feelings of others. Education was to instill in individuals a sense that non-interference with others and some degree of positive regard for their welfare were necessary for security in the pursuit of one's own happiness. Chief emphasis was put, however, upon trade as a means of bringing the conduct of one into harmony with that of others. In commerce, each aims at the satisfaction of his own wants, but can gain his own profit only by furnishing some commodity or service to another. Thus in aiming at the increase of his own private pleasurable states of consciousness, he contributes to the consciousness of others. Again there is no doubt that this view expressed and furthered a heightened perception of the values of conscious life, and a recognition that institutional arrangements are ultimately to be judged by the contributions which they make to intensifying and enlarging the scope of conscious experience. It also did much to rescue work, industry, and mechanical devices from the contempt in which they had been held in communities founded upon the control of a leisure class. In both ways, this philosophy promoted a wider and more democratic social concern. But it was tainted by the narrowness of its fundamental premise: the doctrine that every individual acts only from regard for his own pleasures and pains, and that so-called generous and sympathetic acts are only indirect ways of procuring and assuring one's own comfort. In other words, it made explicit the consequences inhering in any doctrine which makes mental life a self-inclosed thing, instead of an attempt to redirect and readapt common concerns. It made union among men a matter of calculation of externals. It lent itself to the contemptuous assertions of Carlyle that it was a doctrine of anarchy plus a constable, and recognized only a "cash nexus" among men. The educational equivalents of this doctrine in the uses made of pleasurable rewards and painful penalties are only too obvious. (iv) Typical German philosophy followed another path. It started from what was essentially the rationalistic philosophy of Descartes and his French successors. But while French thought upon the whole developed the idea of reason in opposition to the religious conception of a divine mind residing in individuals, German thought (as in Hegel) made a synthesis of the two. Reason is absolute. Nature is incarnate reason. History is reason in its progressive unfolding in man. An individual becomes rational only as he absorbs into himself the content of rationality in nature and in social institutions. For an absolute reason is not, like the reason of rationalism, purely formal and empty; as absolute it must include all content within itself. Thus the real problem is not that of controlling individual freedom so that some measure of social order and concord may result, but of achieving individual freedom through developing individual convictions in accord with the universal law found in the organization of the state as objective Reason. While this philosophy is usually termed absolute or objective idealism, it might better be termed, for educational purposes at least, institutional idealism. (See ante, p. 59.) It idealized historical institutions by conceiving them as incarnations of an immanent absolute mind. There can be no doubt that this philosophy was a powerful influence in rescuing philosophy in the beginning of the nineteenth century from the isolated individualism into which it had fallen in France and England. It served also to make the organization of the state more constructively interested in matters of public concern. It left less to chance, less to mere individual logical conviction, less to the workings of private self-interest. It brought intelligence to bear upon the conduct of affairs; it accentuated the need of nationally organized education in the interests of the corporate state. It sanctioned and promoted freedom of inquiry in all technical details of natural and historical phenomena. But in all ultimate moral matters, it tended to reinstate the principle of authority. It made for efficiency of organization more than did any of the types of philosophy previously mentioned, but it made no provision for free experimental modification of this organization. Political democracy, with its belief in the right of individual desire and purpose to take part in readapting even the fundamental constitution of society, was foreign to it.

(iii) While this rational philosophy was developing in France, English thought focused on appealing to the self-interest of individuals to achieve unity in actions that came from separate streams of consciousness. Legal systems, especially penal laws, and government regulations aimed to stop actions driven by personal sensations from interfering with others' feelings. Education was supposed to instill in people the idea that not interfering with others and having some regard for their well-being were necessary for securing one's own happiness. The main focus, however, was on trade as a way to align individual conduct with that of others. In commerce, everyone aims to meet their own needs, but they can only benefit by providing goods or services to someone else. Thus, in seeking their own pleasure, they contribute to the well-being of others. There's no doubt that this view highlighted and promoted a greater appreciation for the values of conscious life and recognized that institutional systems should be evaluated based on how they enhance and expand conscious experience. It also helped to improve the perception of work, industry, and technology, which had often been looked down upon in societies dominated by a leisure class. In both respects, this philosophy encouraged a broader and more democratic social awareness. However, it was flawed by its narrow core belief: the idea that every individual acts solely out of self-interest and that what are called generous and sympathetic acts are just indirect ways to ensure one's own comfort. Essentially, it made clear the implications of any theory that treats mental life as an isolated entity rather than an effort to redirect and adapt common interests. It reduced unity among people to a calculation of external factors. It supported the dismissive claims of Carlyle, who said it was a doctrine of chaos plus a cop, only recognizing a "cash nexus" between people. The educational implications of this belief, particularly in the use of rewards and punishments, are painfully obvious. (iv) Typical German philosophy took a different route. It started with what was essentially the rational thought of Descartes and his French successors. But while French thought generally developed the idea of reason against the religious belief in a divine mind within individuals, German thought (as seen in Hegel) synthesized the two. Reason is absolute. Nature embodies reason. History is reason unfolding progressively within humanity. An individual becomes rational only by integrating the rational content found in nature and social systems into themselves. Absolute reason is not, like the reason of rationalism, purely formal and empty; as absolute, it must encompass all content within itself. Therefore, the real challenge is not controlling individual freedom to achieve some social order and harmony but achieving individual freedom by developing personal beliefs aligned with the universal laws present in the organization of the state as objective Reason. While this philosophy is often called absolute or objective idealism, it might be better termed institutional idealism for educational purposes. It idealized historical institutions by viewing them as manifestations of an inherent absolute mind. It's clear that this philosophy significantly helped rescue philosophy in the early nineteenth century from the isolated individualism it had entered in France and England. It also made the state's organization more constructively engaged in public issues, leaving less to chance, mere individual reasoning, or private interests. It brought intelligence to the management of affairs; it emphasized the necessity of nationally organized education for the benefit of the collective state. It supported and encouraged freedom of inquiry into all aspects of natural and historical phenomena. However, in matters of ultimate morality, it tended to reinforce the principle of authority. It optimized organizational efficiency more than any previously mentioned philosophies but did not allow for free experimental changes in that organization. Political democracy, with its belief in the right of individuals to participate in restructuring even the fundamental constitution of society, was alien to it.

3. Educational Equivalents. It is not necessary to consider in detail the educational counterparts of the various defects found in these various types of philosophy. It suffices to say that in general the school has been the institution which exhibited with greatest clearness the assumed antithesis between purely individualistic methods of learning and social action, and between freedom and social control. The antithesis is reflected in the absence of a social atmosphere and motive for learning, and the consequent separation, in the conduct of the school, between method of instruction and methods of government; and in the slight opportunity afforded individual variations. When learning is a phase of active undertakings which involve mutual exchange, social control enters into the very process of learning. When the social factor is absent, learning becomes a carrying over of some presented material into a purely individual consciousness, and there is no inherent reason why it should give a more socialized direction to mental and emotional disposition. There is tendency on the part of both the upholders and the opponents of freedom in school to identify it with absence of social direction, or, sometimes, with merely physical unconstraint of movement. But the essence of the demand for freedom is the need of conditions which will enable an individual to make his own special contribution to a group interest, and to partake of its activities in such ways that social guidance shall be a matter of his own mental attitude, and not a mere authoritative dictation of his acts. Because what is often called discipline and "government" has to do with the external side of conduct alone, a similar meaning is attached, by reaction, to freedom. But when it is perceived that each idea signifies the quality of mind expressed in action, the supposed opposition between them falls away. Freedom means essentially the part played by thinking—which is personal—in learning:—it means intellectual initiative, independence in observation, judicious invention, foresight of consequences, and ingenuity of adaptation to them.

3. Educational Equivalents. We don’t need to dive deep into the educational equivalents of the different flaws seen in various philosophies. It’s enough to say that, generally, schools have clearly shown the contrast between purely individualistic approaches to learning and social action, as well as between freedom and social control. This contrast is evident in the lack of a social atmosphere and motivation for learning, which leads to a disconnection in the school between teaching methods and governance methods, and also in the limited chance for individual differences. When learning is a part of active endeavors that involve mutual exchange, social control becomes an integral part of the learning process. Without a social element, learning turns into a transfer of material into an individual’s mind, and there’s no natural reason for it to develop a more socialized outlook on thoughts and feelings. Both supporters and opponents of freedom in schools tend to confuse it with a lack of social guidance or, at times, with just physical freedom of movement. But the core of the call for freedom is the need for conditions that allow an individual to contribute to a group interest and engage in its activities in a way that makes social guidance a personal mental choice rather than just a set of commands. Since what’s often referred to as discipline and "governance" focuses only on the external aspects of behavior, a similar meaning is incorrectly ascribed to freedom. However, once we realize that each term reflects the mindset demonstrated through actions, the supposed conflict between them disappears. Freedom fundamentally represents the role of personal thinking in learning—it embodies intellectual initiative, independence in observation, thoughtful invention, foresight of outcomes, and the creativity to adapt to them.

But because these are the mental phase of behavior, the needed play of individuality—or freedom—cannot be separated from opportunity for free play of physical movements. Enforced physical quietude may be unfavorable to realization of a problem, to undertaking the observations needed to define it, and to performance of the experiments which test the ideas suggested. Much has been said about the importance of "self-activity" in education, but the conception has too frequently been restricted to something merely internal—something excluding the free use of sensory and motor organs. Those who are at the stage of learning from symbols, or who are engaged in elaborating the implications of a problem or idea preliminary to more carefully thought-out activity, may need little perceptible overt activity. But the whole cycle of self-activity demands an opportunity for investigation and experimentation, for trying out one's ideas upon things, discovering what can be done with materials and appliances. And this is incompatible with closely restricted physical activity. Individual activity has sometimes been taken as meaning leaving a pupil to work by himself or alone. Relief from need of attending to what any one else is doing is truly required to secure calm and concentration. Children, like grown persons, require a judicious amount of being let alone. But the time, place, and amount of such separate work is a matter of detail, not of principle. There is no inherent opposition between working with others and working as an individual. On the contrary, certain capacities of an individual are not brought out except under the stimulus of associating with others. That a child must work alone and not engage in group activities in order to be free and let his individuality develop, is a notion which measures individuality by spatial distance and makes a physical thing of it.

But since these are the mental aspects of behavior, the necessary expression of individuality—or freedom—cannot be separated from the opportunity for free physical movement. Enforced physical stillness may hinder the understanding of a problem, the necessary observations to define it, and the experiments needed to test the suggested ideas. A lot has been said about the importance of "self-activity" in education, but this idea is often limited to something internal—something that excludes the free use of our senses and movement. Those who are at the stage of learning from symbols, or who are working through the implications of a problem or idea before moving on to more carefully thought-out actions, may need little visible activity. However, the whole cycle of self-activity requires opportunities for investigation and experimentation, for trying out ideas on materials and tools. This is not compatible with tightly restricted physical activity. Individual activity has sometimes been interpreted as leaving a student to work by themselves or alone. Some relief from needing to focus on what others are doing is truly necessary for achieving calm and concentration. Children, like adults, need a balanced amount of time to be left alone. However, the timing, location, and extent of this independent work are details, not principles. There is no inherent conflict between collaborating with others and working as an individual. In fact, some individual abilities are only developed through the encouragement of interacting with others. The belief that a child must work alone and avoid group activities to be free and develop their individuality is a perspective that measures individuality by physical distance and makes it a physical issue.

Individuality as a factor to be respected in education has a double meaning. In the first place, one is mentally an individual only as he has his own purpose and problem, and does his own thinking. The phrase "think for one's self" is a pleonasm. Unless one does it for one's self, it isn't thinking. Only by a pupil's own observations, reflections, framing and testing of suggestions can what he already knows be amplified and rectified. Thinking is as much an individual matter as is the digestion of food. In the second place, there are variations of point of view, of appeal of objects, and of mode of attack, from person to person. When these variations are suppressed in the alleged interests of uniformity, and an attempt is made to have a single mold of method of study and recitation, mental confusion and artificiality inevitably result. Originality is gradually destroyed, confidence in one's own quality of mental operation is undermined, and a docile subjection to the opinion of others is inculcated, or else ideas run wild. The harm is greater now than when the whole community was governed by customary beliefs, because the contrast between methods of learning in school and those relied upon outside the school is greater. That systematic advance in scientific discovery began when individuals were allowed, and then encouraged, to utilize their own peculiarities of response to subject matter, no one will deny. If it is said in objection, that pupils in school are not capable of any such originality, and hence must be confined to appropriating and reproducing things already known by the better informed, the reply is twofold. (i) We are concerned with originality of attitude which is equivalent to the unforced response of one's own individuality, not with originality as measured by product. No one expects the young to make original discoveries of just the same facts and principles as are embodied in the sciences of nature and man. But it is not unreasonable to expect that learning may take place under such conditions that from the standpoint of the learner there is genuine discovery. While immature students will not make discoveries from the standpoint of advanced students, they make them from their own standpoint, whenever there is genuine learning. (ii) In the normal process of becoming acquainted with subject matter already known to others, even young pupils react in unexpected ways. There is something fresh, something not capable of being fully anticipated by even the most experienced teacher, in the ways they go at the topic, and in the particular ways in which things strike them. Too often all this is brushed aside as irrelevant; pupils are deliberately held to rehearsing material in the exact form in which the older person conceives it. The result is that what is instinctively original in individuality, that which marks off one from another, goes unused and undirected. Teaching then ceases to be an educative process for the teacher. At most he learns simply to improve his existing technique; he does not get new points of view; he fails to experience any intellectual companionship. Hence both teaching and learning tend to become conventional and mechanical with all the nervous strain on both sides therein implied.

Individuality as a factor that should be respected in education has a twofold meaning. First, a person is mentally an individual only when they have their own purpose and problems and engage in their own thinking. The phrase "think for oneself" is redundant. If someone isn't doing it for themselves, it's not really thinking. Only through a student's own observations, reflections, crafting, and testing of ideas can what they already know be expanded and corrected. Thinking is as personal as digesting food. Second, individuals have different perspectives, interests, and approaches. When these differences are suppressed in the name of uniformity, and there's an attempt to force everyone into a single method of studying and reciting, mental confusion and artificiality will inevitably occur. Originality gets stifled, confidence in one’s own mental abilities diminishes, and a blind acceptance of others' opinions is encouraged, or else ideas become chaotic. The damage is more profound now than when the community was guided by customary beliefs, because the gap between learning methods in school and those used outside school is larger. It’s undeniable that systematic progress in scientific discovery started when people were allowed, and then encouraged, to use their unique responses to subjects. If it is argued that students in school lack the capability for such originality and must instead focus on absorbing and reproducing knowledge already held by more informed individuals, the response is twofold. (i) We are talking about originality of attitude, which reflects the natural responses of one's individuality, not originality measured by output. No one expects young people to make original discoveries of the same facts and principles found in the sciences of nature and human behavior. However, it's not unreasonable to anticipate that learning can happen in a way that feels like a genuine discovery from the learner's perspective. While younger students may not uncover things from the viewpoint of advanced learners, they do make discoveries from their own perspective whenever real learning occurs. (ii) Even in the normal process of getting to know material that others already understand, young students can respond in unexpected ways. They bring something fresh and surprising that even the most experienced teacher can't fully anticipate in the ways they approach the topic and how they perceive it. Too often, this is dismissed as irrelevant; students are intentionally kept to rehearse material in the exact way an older person sees it. As a result, what is inherently original in individuality—what differentiates one person from another—is left unused and unchanneled. Teaching then stops being an educational process for the educator. At best, the teacher learns to refine their existing techniques; they miss out on gaining new perspectives and experience any intellectual companionship. Thus, both teaching and learning risk becoming conventional and mechanical, which creates stress on both sides.

As maturity increases and as the student has a greater background of familiarity upon which a new topic is projected, the scope of more or less random physical experimentation is reduced. Activity is defined or specialized in certain channels. To the eyes of others, the student may be in a position of complete physical quietude, because his energies are confined to nerve channels and to the connected apparatus of the eyes and vocal organs. But because this attitude is evidence of intense mental concentration on the part of the trained person, it does not follow that it should be set up as a model for students who still have to find their intellectual way about. And even with the adult, it does not cover the whole circuit of mental energy. It marks an intermediate period, capable of being lengthened with increased mastery of a subject, but always coming between an earlier period of more general and conspicuous organic action and a later time of putting to use what has been apprehended.

As students mature and build a stronger background of knowledge, the extent of random physical experimentation decreases. Activities become more defined and focused in specific areas. To onlookers, the student may seem completely still, as their energy is directed towards their nervous system and the connected parts of their eyes and vocal cords. However, while this stillness reflects deep mental concentration in a trained individual, it shouldn’t serve as a model for students who are still figuring things out intellectually. Even for adults, this doesn't encompass the full range of mental energy. It represents an intermediate phase, which can be extended with greater mastery of a subject, but always falls between a prior stage of broader and more noticeable physical activity and a later phase of applying what has been learned.

When, however, education takes cognizance of the union of mind and body in acquiring knowledge, we are not obliged to insist upon the need of obvious, or external, freedom. It is enough to identify the freedom which is involved in teaching and studying with the thinking by which what a person already knows and believes is enlarged and refined. If attention is centered upon the conditions which have to be met in order to secure a situation favorable to effective thinking, freedom will take care of itself. The individual who has a question which being really a question to him instigates his curiosity, which feeds his eagerness for information that will help him cope with it, and who has at command an equipment which will permit these interests to take effect, is intellectually free. Whatever initiative and imaginative vision he possesses will be called into play and control his impulses and habits. His own purposes will direct his actions. Otherwise, his seeming attention, his docility, his memorizings and reproductions, will partake of intellectual servility. Such a condition of intellectual subjection is needed for fitting the masses into a society where the many are not expected to have aims or ideas of their own, but to take orders from the few set in authority. It is not adapted to a society which intends to be democratic.

When education recognizes the connection between mind and body in gaining knowledge, we don’t need to emphasize the importance of obvious or external freedom. It’s enough to see that the freedom involved in teaching and studying is linked to the thinking that expands and refines what a person already knows and believes. If we focus on creating conditions that promote effective thinking, freedom will manage itself. A person with a question that genuinely intrigues them sparks their curiosity, which drives their desire for information to help them address it, and if they have the resources to pursue these interests, they are intellectually free. Their own initiative and creative thinking will engage, guiding their impulses and habits. Their own goals will steer their actions. Otherwise, their apparent attention, compliance, memorization, and reproduction will amount to intellectual servitude. This state of intellectual subjugation is necessary to integrate the masses into a society where most aren’t expected to have their own goals or ideas but to follow the orders of a few in power. This approach isn’t suitable for a society that aims to be democratic.





Summary. True individualism is a product of the relaxation of the grip

of the authority of custom and traditions as standards of belief. Aside from sporadic instances, like the height of Greek thought, it is a comparatively modern manifestation. Not but that there have always been individual diversities, but that a society dominated by conservative custom represses them or at least does not utilize them and promote them. For various reasons, however, the new individualism was interpreted philosophically not as meaning development of agencies for revising and transforming previously accepted beliefs, but as an assertion that each individual's mind was complete in isolation from everything else. In the theoretical phase of philosophy, this produced the epistemological problem: the question as to the possibility of any cognitive relationship of the individual to the world. In its practical phase, it generated the problem of the possibility of a purely individual consciousness acting on behalf of general or social interests,—the problem of social direction. While the philosophies which have been elaborated to deal with these questions have not affected education directly, the assumptions underlying them have found expression in the separation frequently made between study and government and between freedom of individuality and control by others. Regarding freedom, the important thing to bear in mind is that it designates a mental attitude rather than external unconstraint of movements, but that this quality of mind cannot develop without a fair leeway of movements in exploration, experimentation, application, etc. A society based on custom will utilize individual variations only up to a limit of conformity with usage; uniformity is the chief ideal within each class. A progressive society counts individual variations as precious since it finds in them the means of its own growth. Hence a democratic society must, in consistency with its ideal, allow for intellectual freedom and the play of diverse gifts and interests in its educational measures.

of the authority of customs and traditions as standards of belief. Besides a few rare examples, like the peak of Greek thought, this is a relatively modern development. While there have always been individual differences, a society dominated by conservative customs tends to suppress them or at least fails to recognize and promote them. However, for various reasons, this new individualism was philosophically interpreted not as the development of means to revise and transform previously accepted beliefs, but as a claim that each individual’s mind is complete on its own, disconnected from everything else. In the theoretical phase of philosophy, this led to the epistemological problem: the question of whether any individual can have a cognitive relationship with the world. In its practical phase, it raised the issue of whether a purely individual consciousness can act for general or social interests—the problem of social direction. While the philosophies developed to address these questions have not directly impacted education, the underlying assumptions have often resulted in a division between study and governance and between individual freedom and outside control. When it comes to freedom, it’s important to understand that it represents a mindset rather than simply a lack of restrictions on actions, but this mindset cannot develop without enough freedom to explore, experiment, and apply ideas. A society built on customs will make use of individual variations only up to a point of conformity with traditional practices; uniformity is the primary goal within each class. A progressive society values individual differences as essential for its own growth. Therefore, a democratic society must, in keeping with its ideals, support intellectual freedom and the expression of diverse talents and interests in its educational practices.





Chapter Twenty-Three: Vocational Aspects of Education

1. The Meaning of Vocation. At the present time the conflict of philosophic theories focuses in discussion of the proper place and function of vocational factors in education. The bald statement that significant differences in fundamental philosophical conceptions find their chief issue in connection with this point may arouse incredulity: there seems to be too great a gap between the remote and general terms in which philosophic ideas are formulated and the practical and concrete details of vocational education. But a mental review of the intellectual presuppositions underlying the oppositions in education of labor and leisure, theory and practice, body and mind, mental states and the world, will show that they culminate in the antithesis of vocational and cultural education. Traditionally, liberal culture has been linked to the notions of leisure, purely contemplative knowledge and a spiritual activity not involving the active use of bodily organs. Culture has also tended, latterly, to be associated with a purely private refinement, a cultivation of certain states and attitudes of consciousness, separate from either social direction or service. It has been an escape from the former, and a solace for the necessity of the latter.

1. The Meaning of Vocation. Right now, the debate around different philosophical theories centers on the role and purpose of vocational elements in education. The straightforward claim that major differences in fundamental philosophical ideas mainly revolve around this topic might seem hard to believe: there appears to be too much of a divide between the abstract terms in which philosophical concepts are expressed and the practical realities of vocational education. However, if we take a moment to reflect on the intellectual assumptions behind the tensions in education regarding work and leisure, theory and practice, body and mind, mental states and the external world, it becomes clear that they culminate in the contrast between vocational and cultural education. Traditionally, liberal culture has been associated with ideas of leisure, purely contemplative knowledge, and a kind of spiritual activity that does not require the active use of our physical bodies. More recently, culture has tended to be linked with a private sense of refinement, focused on developing certain states and attitudes of consciousness, distinct from any social purpose or service. It has served as a way to escape from the former and a comfort for the demands of the latter.

So deeply entangled are these philosophic dualisms with the whole subject of vocational education, that it is necessary to define the meaning of vocation with some fullness in order to avoid the impression that an education which centers about it is narrowly practical, if not merely pecuniary. A vocation means nothing but such a direction of life activities as renders them perceptibly significant to a person, because of the consequences they accomplish, and also useful to his associates. The opposite of a career is neither leisure nor culture, but aimlessness, capriciousness, the absence of cumulative achievement in experience, on the personal side, and idle display, parasitic dependence upon the others, on the social side. Occupation is a concrete term for continuity. It includes the development of artistic capacity of any kind, of special scientific ability, of effective citizenship, as well as professional and business occupations, to say nothing of mechanical labor or engagement in gainful pursuits.

These philosophical dualisms are so deeply connected to the whole topic of vocational education that we need to clearly define what vocation means. This will help prevent the notion that an education focused on vocation is merely practical or just about making money. A vocation is essentially a direction of life activities that are meaningful to a person because of the results they achieve and also beneficial to others around them. The opposite of a career isn’t leisure or culture, but rather aimlessness, randomness, and the lack of meaningful accomplishments in one’s personal experiences, along with showiness and dependence on others socially. Occupation is a specific term for continuity. It involves developing any kind of artistic skills, specialized scientific abilities, effective citizenship, as well as professional and business roles, not to mention manual labor or other forms of earning a living.

We must avoid not only limitation of conception of vocation to the occupations where immediately tangible commodities are produced, but also the notion that vocations are distributed in an exclusive way, one and only one to each person. Such restricted specialism is impossible; nothing could be more absurd than to try to educate individuals with an eye to only one line of activity. In the first place, each individual has of necessity a variety of callings, in each of which he should be intelligently effective; and in the second place any one occupation loses its meaning and becomes a routine keeping busy at something in the degree in which it is isolated from other interests. (i) No one is just an artist and nothing else, and in so far as one approximates that condition, he is so much the less developed human being; he is a kind of monstrosity. He must, at some period of his life, be a member of a family; he must have friends and companions; he must either support himself or be supported by others, and thus he has a business career. He is a member of some organized political unit, and so on. We naturally name his vocation from that one of the callings which distinguishes him, rather than from those which he has in common with all others. But we should not allow ourselves to be so subject to words as to ignore and virtually deny his other callings when it comes to a consideration of the vocational phases of education.

We need to move beyond limiting the idea of vocation to jobs that produce immediate, tangible goods, and also the belief that vocations are assigned exclusively, with one vocation for each person. Such a narrow focus on specialization is unrealistic; it’s ridiculous to try to prepare individuals for just one career path. First, every individual naturally has multiple callings, in all of which they should be effectively engaged; and second, any single job loses its significance and turns into mere routine if it's cut off from other interests. No one is just an artist and nothing more; the closer someone gets to that idea, the less fully developed they are as a person; it’s somewhat unnatural. At some point in their life, they need to be part of a family; they should have friends and companions; they need to either make a living or depend on others, which means they have a professional life. They belong to some organized political group, and so on. We usually identify someone's vocation by one of the roles that set them apart, rather than by the roles they share with everyone else. However, we shouldn't get so caught up in labels that we overlook and practically deny their other callings when considering the vocational aspects of education.

(ii) As a man's vocation as artist is but the emphatically specialized phase of his diverse and variegated vocational activities, so his efficiency in it, in the humane sense of efficiency, is determined by its association with other callings. A person must have experience, he must live, if his artistry is to be more than a technical accomplishment. He cannot find the subject matter of his artistic activity within his art; this must be an expression of what he suffers and enjoys in other relationships—a thing which depends in turn upon the alertness and sympathy of his interests. What is true of an artist is true of any other special calling. There is doubtless—in general accord with the principle of habit—a tendency for every distinctive vocation to become too dominant, too exclusive and absorbing in its specialized aspect. This means emphasis upon skill or technical method at the expense of meaning. Hence it is not the business of education to foster this tendency, but rather to safeguard against it, so that the scientific inquirer shall not be merely the scientist, the teacher merely the pedagogue, the clergyman merely one who wears the cloth, and so on.

(ii) Just as an artist's job is a highly specialized part of their various and diverse activities, their effectiveness in it, in a meaningful way, is determined by how it connects with other careers. A person needs to have experiences and live fully for their artistry to be more than just a technical skill. The subject matter of their art can’t solely come from within that art itself; it has to express what they experience and feel in other areas of life—something that relies on their awareness and empathy. What's true for an artist applies to anyone in a specialized profession. Generally, there’s a tendency for any specific vocation to become too dominant and all-consuming in its specialized form, focusing too much on skill or technical methods at the cost of deeper meaning. Therefore, it's not education's role to encourage this tendency, but to protect against it, ensuring that the scientific researcher isn't just a scientist, the teacher isn't just a pedagogue, the clergyman isn't just someone in a collar, and so on.

2. The Place of Vocational Aims in Education. Bearing in mind the varied and connected content of the vocation, and the broad background upon which a particular calling is projected, we shall now consider education for the more distinctive activity of an individual.

2. The Role of Career Goals in Education. Keeping in mind the diverse and interconnected aspects of a vocation, as well as the wide-ranging context in which a specific calling is situated, we will now look at education for the more unique pursuits of an individual.

1. An occupation is the only thing which balances the distinctive capacity of an individual with his social service. To find out what one is fitted to do and to secure an opportunity to do it is the key to happiness. Nothing is more tragic than failure to discover one's true business in life, or to find that one has drifted or been forced by circumstance into an uncongenial calling. A right occupation means simply that the aptitudes of a person are in adequate play, working with the minimum of friction and the maximum of satisfaction. With reference to other members of a community, this adequacy of action signifies, of course, that they are getting the best service the person can render. It is generally believed, for example, that slave labor was ultimately wasteful even from the purely economic point of view—that there was not sufficient stimulus to direct the energies of slaves, and that there was consequent wastage. Moreover, since slaves were confined to certain prescribed callings, much talent must have remained unavailable to the community, and hence there was a dead loss. Slavery only illustrates on an obvious scale what happens in some degree whenever an individual does not find himself in his work. And he cannot completely find himself when vocations are looked upon with contempt, and a conventional ideal of a culture which is essentially the same for all is maintained. Plato (ante, p. 88) laid down the fundamental principle of a philosophy of education when he asserted that it was the business of education to discover what each person is good for, and to train him to mastery of that mode of excellence, because such development would also secure the fulfillment of social needs in the most harmonious way. His error was not in qualitative principle, but in his limited conception of the scope of vocations socially needed; a limitation of vision which reacted to obscure his perception of the infinite variety of capacities found in different individuals.

1. A job is the only thing that balances a person's unique abilities with their contribution to society. Discovering what you're meant to do and having the chance to pursue it is the key to happiness. There's nothing more tragic than failing to find your true calling in life or being pushed into an unsuitable job by circumstances. The right job simply means that a person's skills are being used effectively, with minimal frustration and maximum satisfaction. In relation to other members of a community, this effective action means they're receiving the best service the person can provide. It's widely believed, for instance, that slave labor was ultimately inefficient from an economic standpoint—there wasn’t enough motivation to direct the efforts of slaves, which resulted in waste. Additionally, since slaves were limited to specific roles, a lot of talent must have gone untapped, leading to a loss for the community. Slavery clearly shows what happens, to some extent, whenever someone isn't suited for their work. An individual can't fully find themselves in their job when work is viewed with disdain and a conventional culture ideal is enforced for everyone. Plato (ante, p. 88) established a key principle of educational philosophy when he said that education should identify each person's strengths and train them to excel in that area, as this development would also meet social needs in the most balanced way. His mistake wasn't in the quality of the principle, but in his narrow view of the variety of jobs that society needed; a limitation that clouded his understanding of the vast range of abilities that different individuals possess.

2. An occupation is a continuous activity having a purpose. Education through occupations consequently combines within itself more of the factors conducive to learning than any other method. It calls instincts and habits into play; it is a foe to passive receptivity. It has an end in view; results are to be accomplished. Hence it appeals to thought; it demands that an idea of an end be steadily maintained, so that activity cannot be either routine or capricious. Since the movement of activity must be progressive, leading from one stage to another, observation and ingenuity are required at each stage to overcome obstacles and to discover and readapt means of execution. In short, an occupation, pursued under conditions where the realization of the activity rather than merely the external product is the aim, fulfills the requirements which were laid down earlier in connection with the discussion of aims, interest, and thinking. (See Chapters VIII, X, XII.)

2. An occupation is a continuous activity with a purpose. Education through occupations, therefore, combines more elements that support learning than any other method. It engages instincts and habits; it’s against being a passive learner. It has a goal; results need to be achieved. This is why it engages our thinking; it requires us to keep a clear idea of the goal in mind, ensuring that our actions are neither routine nor random. Since the progress of activity must be continuous, advancing from one stage to another, observation and creativity are necessary at each stage to overcome challenges and to find and adapt ways to get things done. In short, an occupation, pursued in a way that focuses on the process of the activity rather than just the final product, meets the criteria discussed earlier regarding aims, interest, and thinking. (See Chapters VIII, X, XII.)

A calling is also of necessity an organizing principle for information and ideas; for knowledge and intellectual growth. It provides an axis which runs through an immense diversity of detail; it causes different experiences, facts, items of information to fall into order with one another. The lawyer, the physician, the laboratory investigator in some branch of chemistry, the parent, the citizen interested in his own locality, has a constant working stimulus to note and relate whatever has to do with his concern. He unconsciously, from the motivation of his occupation, reaches out for all relevant information, and holds to it. The vocation acts as both magnet to attract and as glue to hold. Such organization of knowledge is vital, because it has reference to needs; it is so expressed and readjusted in action that it never becomes stagnant. No classification, no selection and arrangement of facts, which is consciously worked out for purely abstract ends, can ever compare in solidity or effectiveness with that knit under the stress of an occupation; in comparison the former sort is formal, superficial, and cold.

A calling is also an essential way to organize information and ideas, and to foster knowledge and intellectual growth. It serves as a central point that connects a vast range of details, helping different experiences, facts, and pieces of information come together. The lawyer, the doctor, the lab researcher in a specific area of chemistry, the parent, and the engaged citizen all have a continuous motivation to observe and link anything related to their interests. Unknowingly driven by their work, they seek out all relevant information and hold onto it. Their profession acts as both a magnet to attract and a glue to bind. This organization of knowledge is crucial because it relates to their needs; it is expressed and adjusted in action, ensuring it never becomes stagnant. No classification or arrangement of facts that is designed solely for abstract purposes can ever match the depth or effectiveness of that formed under the pressure of a profession; in contrast, the latter is well-founded, meaningful, and dynamic.

3. The only adequate training for occupations is training through occupations. The principle stated early in this book (see Chapter VI) that the educative process is its own end, and that the only sufficient preparation for later responsibilities comes by making the most of immediately present life, applies in full force to the vocational phases of education. The dominant vocation of all human beings at all times is living—intellectual and moral growth. In childhood and youth, with their relative freedom from economic stress, this fact is naked and unconcealed. To predetermine some future occupation for which education is to be a strict preparation is to injure the possibilities of present development and thereby to reduce the adequacy of preparation for a future right employment. To repeat the principle we have had occasion to appeal to so often, such training may develop a machine-like skill in routine lines (it is far from being sure to do so, since it may develop distaste, aversion, and carelessness), but it will be at the expense of those qualities of alert observation and coherent and ingenious planning which make an occupation intellectually rewarding. In an autocratically managed society, it is often a conscious object to prevent the development of freedom and responsibility, a few do the planning and ordering, the others follow directions and are deliberately confined to narrow and prescribed channels of endeavor. However much such a scheme may inure to the prestige and profit of a class, it is evident that it limits the development of the subject class; hardens and confines the opportunities for learning through experience of the master class, and in both ways hampers the life of the society as a whole. (See ante, p. 260.)

3. The best training for jobs is training through jobs. The idea mentioned earlier in this book (see Chapter VI) that the educational process is valuable in itself, and that the best preparation for future responsibilities comes from fully engaging with present life, applies strongly to the vocational aspects of education. The main job for all people, at all times, is living—focusing on intellectual and moral growth. In childhood and youth, when they are relatively free from economic pressures, this fact is clear and obvious. Planning out a specific future job for which education is strictly designed can hinder current development and reduce the preparation needed for a suitable future career. To repeat the principle we've referenced frequently, such training might produce a mechanical skill in routine tasks (though it doesn’t guarantee this, as it can also lead to dislike, avoidance, and carelessness), but it will do so at the expense of qualities like keen observation and thoughtful, creative planning, which make a job intellectually fulfilling. In a society run by a few in charge, there’s often a deliberate aim to stifle freedom and responsibility; a small group does the planning while others simply follow orders and are restricted to narrow paths of work. While this sort of system may benefit the elite and increase their status and wealth, it is clear that it limits the growth of the working class, restricts opportunities for learning that could come from real experiences with the elite, and ultimately hinders the overall life of society. (See ante, p. 260.)

The only alternative is that all the earlier preparation for vocations be indirect rather than direct; namely, through engaging in those active occupations which are indicated by the needs and interests of the pupil at the time. Only in this way can there be on the part of the educator and of the one educated a genuine discovery of personal aptitudes so that the proper choice of a specialized pursuit in later life may be indicated. Moreover, the discovery of capacity and aptitude will be a constant process as long as growth continues. It is a conventional and arbitrary view which assumes that discovery of the work to be chosen for adult life is made once for all at some particular date. One has discovered in himself, say, an interest, intellectual and social, in the things which have to do with engineering and has decided to make that his calling. At most, this only blocks out in outline the field in which further growth is to be directed. It is a sort of rough sketch for use in direction of further activities. It is the discovery of a profession in the sense in which Columbus discovered America when he touched its shores. Future explorations of an indefinitely more detailed and extensive sort remain to be made. When educators conceive vocational guidance as something which leads up to a definitive, irretrievable, and complete choice, both education and the chosen vocation are likely to be rigid, hampering further growth. In so far, the calling chosen will be such as to leave the person concerned in a permanently subordinate position, executing the intelligence of others who have a calling which permits more flexible play and readjustment. And while ordinary usages of language may not justify terming a flexible attitude of readjustment a choice of a new and further calling, it is such in effect. If even adults have to be on the lookout to see that their calling does not shut down on them and fossilize them, educators must certainly be careful that the vocational preparation of youth is such as to engage them in a continuous reorganization of aims and methods.

The only alternative is that all the earlier preparation for careers be indirect rather than direct; that is, through participating in those active roles that reflect the needs and interests of the student at the time. Only in this way can both the educator and the learner genuinely discover personal strengths, so that a proper choice of a specialized career later on can be made. Additionally, discovering capability and talent will be an ongoing process as long as growth continues. It's a conventional and arbitrary viewpoint to assume that the decision about one's adult career is made once and for all at a specific moment. For instance, a person may discover an interest, both intellectual and social, in engineering and decide to pursue that as their career. At most, this only outlines the area where further growth should be directed. It’s a rough sketch for guiding future activities. It’s like how Columbus discovered America when he first landed there. Future explorations of a much more detailed and expansive nature still need to take place. When educators view vocational guidance as something that leads to a final, irreversible, and complete decision, both the education and the chosen career are likely to become rigid, hindering further growth. Consequently, the chosen career might keep the individual in a permanently subordinate role, executing the ideas of others who have a career that allows for more flexibility and adaptation. And while common language may not support calling this flexible attitude a choice of a new and further career, it essentially is. If even adults have to be vigilant to ensure their careers don’t confine and stagnate them, educators must certainly be careful that the vocational preparation of young people engages them in a continuous reorganization of goals and methods.

3. Present Opportunities and Dangers. In the past, education has been much more vocational in fact than in name. (i) The education of the masses was distinctly utilitarian. It was called apprenticeship rather than education, or else just learning from experience. The schools devoted themselves to the three R's in the degree in which ability to go through the forms of reading, writing, and figuring were common elements in all kinds of labor. Taking part in some special line of work, under the direction of others, was the out-of-school phase of this education. The two supplemented each other; the school work in its narrow and formal character was as much a part of apprenticeship to a calling as that explicitly so termed.

3. Present Opportunities and Dangers. In the past, education has been much more practical than it appears. (i) The education of the masses was clearly focused on utility. It was referred to as apprenticeship instead of education, or simply learned through experience. Schools were mainly focused on the basics—reading, writing, and math—because these skills were essential in all kinds of work. Engaging in specific jobs under the guidance of others was the hands-on part of this education. The two aspects supported each other; the school work, despite its limited and formal nature, was just as much a part of the apprenticeship for a profession as the actual apprenticeship itself.

(ii) To a considerable extent, the education of the dominant classes was essentially vocational—it only happened that their pursuits of ruling and of enjoying were not called professions. For only those things were named vocations or employments which involved manual labor, laboring for a reward in keep, or its commuted money equivalent, or the rendering of personal services to specific persons. For a long time, for example, the profession of the surgeon and physician ranked almost with that of the valet or barber—partly because it had so much to do with the body, and partly because it involved rendering direct service for pay to some definite person. But if we go behind words, the business of directing social concerns, whether politically or economically, whether in war or peace, is as much a calling as anything else; and where education has not been completely under the thumb of tradition, higher schools in the past have been upon the whole calculated to give preparation for this business. Moreover, display, the adornment of person, the kind of social companionship and entertainment which give prestige, and the spending of money, have been made into definite callings. Unconsciously to themselves the higher institutions of learning have been made to contribute to preparation for these employments. Even at present, what is called higher education is for a certain class (much smaller than it once was) mainly preparation for engaging effectively in these pursuits.

(ii) For the most part, the education of the ruling classes was primarily vocational—it just happened that their roles of governing and enjoying life weren't considered professions. Only those jobs that involved manual labor, working for a salary, or providing personal services to specific individuals were labeled as vocations or occupations. For a long time, for instance, the professions of surgeon and physician were almost on par with that of a valet or barber—partly because they dealt with the body, and partly because they involved providing direct service for payment to a specific person. However, if we look beyond the terminology, managing social issues, whether politically or economically, in times of war or peace is just as much a vocation as anything else; and where education hasn't been entirely dominated by tradition, higher education institutions in the past have generally been designed to prepare individuals for this work. Additionally, appearances, personal grooming, the type of social connections and entertainment that confer prestige, and the act of spending money have all become distinct professions. Unknowingly, higher education institutions have played a role in preparing students for these occupations. Even today, what we refer to as higher education primarily serves as preparation for a certain class (which is much smaller than it used to be) to effectively engage in these pursuits.

In other respects, it is largely, especially in the most advanced work, training for the calling of teaching and special research. By a peculiar superstition, education which has to do chiefly with preparation for the pursuit of conspicuous idleness, for teaching, and for literary callings, and for leadership, has been regarded as non-vocational and even as peculiarly cultural. The literary training which indirectly fits for authorship, whether of books, newspaper editorials, or magazine articles, is especially subject to this superstition: many a teacher and author writes and argues in behalf of a cultural and humane education against the encroachments of a specialized practical education, without recognizing that his own education, which he calls liberal, has been mainly training for his own particular calling. He has simply got into the habit of regarding his own business as essentially cultural and of overlooking the cultural possibilities of other employments. At the bottom of these distinctions is undoubtedly the tradition which recognizes as employment only those pursuits where one is responsible for his work to a specific employer, rather than to the ultimate employer, the community.

In other ways, it is mainly, especially in the most advanced work, training for teaching and specialized research. Due to a strange belief, education that primarily prepares individuals for pursuing prominent idleness, teaching, literary careers, and leadership has been seen as non-vocational and even uniquely cultural. The literary training that indirectly prepares someone for writing—whether that's books, newspaper editorials, or magazine articles—is particularly affected by this belief: many teachers and authors advocate for a cultural and humane education against the rise of specialized practical education, without realizing that their own education, which they refer to as liberal, is mainly training for their specific career. They've simply gotten used to viewing their work as fundamentally cultural and ignoring the cultural value of other professions. At the root of these distinctions is certainly the tradition that recognizes as employment only those roles where someone is directly accountable to a specific employer, rather than to the ultimate employer, the community.

There are, however, obvious causes for the present conscious emphasis upon vocational education—for the disposition to make explicit and deliberate vocational implications previously tacit. (i) In the first place, there is an increased esteem, in democratic communities, of whatever has to do with manual labor, commercial occupations, and the rendering of tangible services to society. In theory, men and women are now expected to do something in return for their support—intellectual and economic—by society. Labor is extolled; service is a much-lauded moral ideal. While there is still much admiration and envy of those who can pursue lives of idle conspicuous display, better moral sentiment condemns such lives. Social responsibility for the use of time and personal capacity is more generally recognized than it used to be.

There are clear reasons for the current focus on vocational education—specifically, the intention to make the previously unspoken vocational implications more explicit and intentional. (i) First of all, there's a growing respect in democratic societies for anything related to manual work, commercial jobs, and providing tangible services to the community. In theory, men and women are now expected to contribute something in exchange for the support they receive—both intellectual and economic—from society. Labor is celebrated; service is widely regarded as a moral ideal. While there’s still a lot of admiration and jealousy for those who can live lives of luxurious display, a stronger moral sentiment now condemns that kind of lifestyle. There's a greater acknowledgment of social responsibility concerning how we use our time and abilities than there used to be.

(ii) In the second place, those vocations which are specifically industrial have gained tremendously in importance in the last century and a half. Manufacturing and commerce are no longer domestic and local, and consequently more or less incidental, but are world-wide. They engage the best energies of an increasingly large number of persons. The manufacturer, banker, and captain of industry have practically displaced a hereditary landed gentry as the immediate directors of social affairs. The problem of social readjustment is openly industrial, having to do with the relations of capital and labor. The great increase in the social importance of conspicuous industrial processes has inevitably brought to the front questions having to do with the relationship of schooling to industrial life. No such vast social readjustment could occur without offering a challenge to an education inherited from different social conditions, and without putting up to education new problems.

(ii) Secondly, those jobs that are specifically industrial have become incredibly important in the last 150 years. Manufacturing and commerce are no longer just local or domestic, but are now global. They involve the best efforts of an increasingly large number of people. Manufacturers, bankers, and industry leaders have effectively replaced the traditional landed gentry as the main influencers of social affairs. The challenge of social adjustment is clearly industrial, focusing on the relationship between capital and labor. The significant rise in the social importance of notable industrial processes has inevitably brought attention to issues relating to how education connects to industrial life. No massive social adjustment could take place without challenging the education that originated from different social conditions, and without presenting new issues to education.

(iii) In the third place, there is the fact already repeatedly mentioned: Industry has ceased to be essentially an empirical, rule-of-thumb procedure, handed down by custom. Its technique is now technological: that is to say, based upon machinery resulting from discoveries in mathematics, physics, chemistry, bacteriology, etc. The economic revolution has stimulated science by setting problems for solution, by producing greater intellectual respect for mechanical appliances. And industry received back payment from science with compound interest. As a consequence, industrial occupations have infinitely greater intellectual content and infinitely larger cultural possibilities than they used to possess. The demand for such education as will acquaint workers with the scientific and social bases and bearings of their pursuits becomes imperative, since those who are without it inevitably sink to the role of appendages to the machines they operate. Under the old regime all workers in a craft were approximately equals in their knowledge and outlook. Personal knowledge and ingenuity were developed within at least a narrow range, because work was done with tools under the direct command of the worker. Now the operator has to adjust himself to his machine, instead of his tool to his own purposes. While the intellectual possibilities of industry have multiplied, industrial conditions tend to make industry, for great masses, less of an educative resource than it was in the days of hand production for local markets. The burden of realizing the intellectual possibilities inhering in work is thus thrown back on the school.

(iii) Third, there’s the fact that has been mentioned repeatedly: Industry is no longer just an empirical, rule-of-thumb process passed down through tradition. Its techniques are now technological, based on machinery developed from discoveries in mathematics, physics, chemistry, bacteriology, and more. The economic revolution has pushed science forward by presenting problems that need solving and has fostered greater intellectual appreciation for mechanical tools. In exchange, industry has benefitted from science with compounded advantages. As a result, industrial jobs now have much greater intellectual depth and vastly larger cultural potential than before. There is an urgent need for education that helps workers understand the scientific and social foundations of their work, as those lacking this knowledge will inevitably become mere extensions of the machines they operate. In the past, all workers in a trade had roughly equal knowledge and perspectives. Their personal knowledge and creativity were developed within a limited scope since they worked with tools directly under their control. Now, operators have to adapt to their machines instead of customizing their tools for their own needs. While the intellectual opportunities in industry have increased, the conditions often make it a less enriching educational experience for the masses compared to the days of handcrafted production for local markets. The responsibility for unlocking the intellectual potential inherent in work has therefore shifted back to the educational system.

(iv) In the fourth place, the pursuit of knowledge has become, in science, more experimental, less dependent upon literary tradition, and less associated with dialectical methods of reasoning, and with symbols. As a result, the subject matter of industrial occupation presents not only more of the content of science than it used to, but greater opportunity for familiarity with the method by which knowledge is made. The ordinary worker in the factory is of course under too immediate economic pressure to have a chance to produce a knowledge like that of the worker in the laboratory. But in schools, association with machines and industrial processes may be had under conditions where the chief conscious concern of the students is insight. The separation of shop and laboratory, where these conditions are fulfilled, is largely conventional, the laboratory having the advantage of permitting the following up of any intellectual interest a problem may suggest; the shop the advantage of emphasizing the social bearings of the scientific principle, as well as, with many pupils, of stimulating a livelier interest.

(iv) Fourth, the pursuit of knowledge in science has become more experimental, less reliant on literary traditions, and less connected to dialectical reasoning and symbols. As a result, the topics of industrial work now offer not only more scientific content than before, but also greater opportunities to understand how knowledge is created. The average factory worker, of course, faces too much immediate economic pressure to develop knowledge like that of a laboratory worker. However, in schools, students can engage with machines and industrial processes in a way that prioritizes insight. The divide between shop and laboratory, where these conditions are met, is mostly conventional; the laboratory allows for exploring any intellectual interest sparked by a problem, while the shop emphasizes the social aspects of scientific principles and often generates a greater interest among students.

(v) Finally, the advances which have been made in the psychology of learning in general and of childhood in particular fall into line with the increased importance of industry in life. For modern psychology emphasizes the radical importance of primitive unlearned instincts of exploring, experimentation, and "trying on." It reveals that learning is not the work of something ready-made called mind, but that mind itself is an organization of original capacities into activities having significance. As we have already seen (ante, p. 204), in older pupils work is to educative development of raw native activities what play is for younger pupils. Moreover, the passage from play to work should be gradual, not involving a radical change of attitude but carrying into work the elements of play, plus continuous reorganization in behalf of greater control. The reader will remark that these five points practically resume the main contentions of the previous part of the work. Both practically and philosophically, the key to the present educational situation lies in a gradual reconstruction of school materials and methods so as to utilize various forms of occupation typifying social callings, and to bring out their intellectual and moral content. This reconstruction must relegate purely literary methods—including textbooks—and dialectical methods to the position of necessary auxiliary tools in the intelligent development of consecutive and cumulative activities.

(v) Finally, the progress made in the psychology of learning in general, and of childhood in particular, aligns with the growing importance of industry in our lives. Modern psychology highlights the essential role of basic, unlearned instincts for exploration, experimentation, and "trying things out." It shows that learning isn't just a product of a ready-made concept called the mind, but that the mind itself is a combination of original abilities organized into meaningful activities. As we’ve already noted (ante, p. 204), for older students, work is to the educational development of natural raw abilities what play is for younger students. Furthermore, the transition from play to work should be gradual, not requiring a complete shift in attitude but integrating elements of play into work while promoting continuous reorganization for better control. The reader will notice that these five points essentially summarize the main arguments from the earlier part of the text. Both practically and philosophically, the key to the current educational situation lies in gradually restructuring school materials and methods to utilize different forms of occupations that represent social roles and to highlight their intellectual and moral content. This restructuring must place purely literary methods—including textbooks—and dialectical methods in a supportive role as necessary tools in the intelligent development of ongoing and cumulative activities.

But our discussion has emphasized the fact that this educational reorganization cannot be accomplished by merely trying to give a technical preparation for industries and professions as they now operate, much less by merely reproducing existing industrial conditions in the school. The problem is not that of making the schools an adjunct to manufacture and commerce, but of utilizing the factors of industry to make school life more active, more full of immediate meaning, more connected with out-of-school experience. The problem is not easy of solution. There is a standing danger that education will perpetuate the older traditions for a select few, and effect its adjustment to the newer economic conditions more or less on the basis of acquiescence in the untransformed, unrationalized, and unsocialized phases of our defective industrial regime. Put in concrete terms, there is danger that vocational education will be interpreted in theory and practice as trade education: as a means of securing technical efficiency in specialized future pursuits. Education would then become an instrument of perpetuating unchanged the existing industrial order of society, instead of operating as a means of its transformation. The desired transformation is not difficult to define in a formal way. It signifies a society in which every person shall be occupied in something which makes the lives of others better worth living, and which accordingly makes the ties which bind persons together more perceptible—which breaks down the barriers of distance between them. It denotes a state of affairs in which the interest of each in his work is uncoerced and intelligent: based upon its congeniality to his own aptitudes. It goes without saying that we are far from such a social state; in a literal and quantitative sense, we may never arrive at it. But in principle, the quality of social changes already accomplished lies in this direction. There are more ample resources for its achievement now than ever there have been before. No insuperable obstacles, given the intelligent will for its realization, stand in the way.

But our discussion has highlighted that this educational restructuring cannot be achieved just by providing technical training for industries and professions as they currently function, let alone by simply replicating existing industrial conditions in schools. The issue isn't about turning schools into extensions of manufacturing and commerce, but about using industry elements to create a more dynamic school experience, one that's rich in immediate relevance and linked to real-world experiences outside of school. This problem isn't easy to solve. There’s a persistent risk that education will continue to uphold outdated traditions for a select few and will adjust to new economic conditions mainly by accepting the unchanged, irrational, and unsocialized aspects of our flawed industrial system. Essentially, there's a risk that vocational education will be seen, in theory and practice, as just trade education: a way to ensure technical efficiency in specific future careers. In this scenario, education would merely serve to maintain the current industrial structure of society, rather than act as a means for its transformation. The transformation we seek isn't hard to outline formally. It means a society where everyone engages in work that enhances the lives of others, creating clearer connections among people and breaking down the distance between them. It represents a situation where each person's interest in their work is voluntary and thoughtful, aligned with their own abilities. It's clear that we're far from achieving such a social state; in a literal and quantitative sense, we might never reach it. However, in principle, the social progress we've already made points in this direction. We now have more resources to achieve this than ever before. There are no insurmountable obstacles, given a genuine desire to realize it.

Success or failure in its realization depends more upon the adoption of educational methods calculated to effect the change than upon anything else. For the change is essentially a change in the quality of mental disposition—an educative change. This does not mean that we can change character and mind by direct instruction and exhortation, apart from a change in industrial and political conditions. Such a conception contradicts our basic idea that character and mind are attitudes of participative response in social affairs. But it does mean that we may produce in schools a projection in type of the society we should like to realize, and by forming minds in accord with it gradually modify the larger and more recalcitrant features of adult society. Sentimentally, it may seem harsh to say that the greatest evil of the present regime is not found in poverty and in the suffering which it entails, but in the fact that so many persons have callings which make no appeal to them, which are pursued simply for the money reward that accrues. For such callings constantly provoke one to aversion, ill will, and a desire to slight and evade. Neither men's hearts nor their minds are in their work. On the other hand, those who are not only much better off in worldly goods, but who are in excessive, if not monopolistic, control of the activities of the many are shut off from equality and generality of social intercourse. They are stimulated to pursuits of indulgence and display; they try to make up for the distance which separates them from others by the impression of force and superior possession and enjoyment which they can make upon others.

Success or failure in achieving this goal relies more on adopting educational methods aimed at making the change than on anything else. The change is fundamentally a shift in how we think—an educational shift. This doesn't mean we can change people's character and mindset just through direct teaching and encouragement, without also changing the industrial and political conditions. That idea goes against our core understanding that character and mindset are shaped by our active participation in society. However, it does mean we can create an environment in schools that reflects the kind of society we want to build. By cultivating minds in line with that vision, we can gradually alter the more stubborn aspects of adult society. It may seem harsh to say that the biggest problem with the current system isn't just the poverty and suffering it causes, but that so many people have jobs that don't fulfill them and are only pursued for the money they provide. Such jobs often lead to feelings of resentment, ill will, and a desire to avoid the work altogether. People aren't invested in their jobs—neither emotionally nor mentally. Conversely, those who are materially better off, and who often have excessive control over the lives of others, are isolated from genuine social interactions and equality. They're driven to pursue indulgence and showiness, trying to compensate for the distance between them and others by exerting an impression of power and wealth.

It would be quite possible for a narrowly conceived scheme of vocational education to perpetuate this division in a hardened form. Taking its stand upon a dogma of social predestination, it would assume that some are to continue to be wage earners under economic conditions like the present, and would aim simply to give them what is termed a trade education—that is, greater technical efficiency. Technical proficiency is often sadly lacking, and is surely desirable on all accounts—not merely for the sake of the production of better goods at less cost, but for the greater happiness found in work. For no one cares for what one cannot half do. But there is a great difference between a proficiency limited to immediate work, and a competency extended to insight into its social bearings; between efficiency in carrying out the plans of others and in one forming one's own. At present, intellectual and emotional limitation characterizes both the employing and the employed class. While the latter often have no concern with their occupation beyond the money return it brings, the former's outlook may be confined to profit and power. The latter interest generally involves much greater intellectual initiation and larger survey of conditions. For it involves the direction and combination of a large number of diverse factors, while the interest in wages is restricted to certain direct muscular movements. But none the less there is a limitation of intelligence to technical and non-humane, non-liberal channels, so far as the work does not take in its social bearings. And when the animating motive is desire for private profit or personal power, this limitation is inevitable. In fact, the advantage in immediate social sympathy and humane disposition often lies with the economically unfortunate, who have not experienced the hardening effects of a one-sided control of the affairs of others.

A narrowly defined approach to vocational education could easily reinforce this division in a rigid way. Based on a belief in social predestination, it would assume that some people are destined to remain wage earners under current economic conditions, aiming only to provide them with what is known as trade education—that is, improved technical skills. Technical skills are often sadly lacking and are definitely desirable for many reasons—not just for producing better goods at a lower cost, but also for the increased satisfaction that comes from work. No one enjoys doing something they're only halfway good at. However, there’s a significant difference between being skilled for immediate tasks and having a deep understanding of the social implications of that work; between being efficient in executing others’ plans and being capable of developing one's own. Right now, both the employed and the employers often face intellectual and emotional limitations. While the latter typically focus only on profit and power, the former usually care little about their job beyond the paycheck it provides. The interests of employers generally require much broader intellectual engagement and a wider understanding of various factors, as it involves managing and combining many different elements, while the focus on wages is limited to specific physical tasks. Nevertheless, intelligence is still constrained to technical and non-human-centric, non-liberal areas as long as work doesn’t consider its social implications. When the main motivation is personal profit or power, this limitation is unavoidable. In reality, those who are economically disadvantaged often have the advantage in social understanding and empathy because they haven’t been hardened by having a narrow control over others’ lives.

Any scheme for vocational education which takes its point of departure from the industrial regime that now exists, is likely to assume and to perpetuate its divisions and weaknesses, and thus to become an instrument in accomplishing the feudal dogma of social predestination. Those who are in a position to make their wishes good, will demand a liberal, a cultural occupation, and one which fits for directive power the youth in whom they are directly interested. To split the system, and give to others, less fortunately situated, an education conceived mainly as specific trade preparation, is to treat the schools as an agency for transferring the older division of labor and leisure, culture and service, mind and body, directed and directive class, into a society nominally democratic. Such a vocational education inevitably discounts the scientific and historic human connections of the materials and processes dealt with. To include such things in narrow trade education would be to waste time; concern for them would not be "practical." They are reserved for those who have leisure at command—the leisure due to superior economic resources. Such things might even be dangerous to the interests of the controlling class, arousing discontent or ambitions "beyond the station" of those working under the direction of others. But an education which acknowledges the full intellectual and social meaning of a vocation would include instruction in the historic background of present conditions; training in science to give intelligence and initiative in dealing with material and agencies of production; and study of economics, civics, and politics, to bring the future worker into touch with the problems of the day and the various methods proposed for its improvement. Above all, it would train power of readaptation to changing conditions so that future workers would not become blindly subject to a fate imposed upon them. This ideal has to contend not only with the inertia of existing educational traditions, but also with the opposition of those who are entrenched in command of the industrial machinery, and who realize that such an educational system if made general would threaten their ability to use others for their own ends. But this very fact is the presage of a more equitable and enlightened social order, for it gives evidence of the dependence of social reorganization upon educational reconstruction. It is accordingly an encouragement to those believing in a better order to undertake the promotion of a vocational education which does not subject youth to the demands and standards of the present system, but which utilizes its scientific and social factors to develop a courageous intelligence, and to make intelligence practical and executive.

Any vocational education program that starts from the current industrial system is likely to reinforce its divisions and weaknesses, effectively becoming a tool for the outdated belief in social predestination. People who are in a position to influence change will seek liberal and cultural careers that prepare youth they care about for leadership roles. Dividing the system and offering those who are less fortunate an education focused primarily on specific job skills means treating schools as a means to pass down the existing hierarchy of labor and leisure, culture and service, intellect and physical work, governed by those in power, into a society that pretends to be democratic. Such a limited approach to vocational education inevitably ignores the scientific and historical context of the materials and processes being taught. Including these aspects in narrow job training would be seen as wasting time; caring about them wouldn’t be considered "practical." They are only for those with leisure time—the leisure that comes from better economic standing. These topics could even be threatening to the interests of the ruling class, triggering dissatisfaction or aspirations "beyond the position" of those working for others. However, an education that recognizes the full intellectual and social significance of a vocation would incorporate lessons about the historical background of current conditions; training in science to foster understanding and initiative in working with materials and production processes; and studies of economics, civics, and politics to connect future workers with today’s challenges and various proposed solutions. Above all, it would cultivate adaptability to changing circumstances, ensuring that future workers wouldn’t become passive victims of imposed destinies. This vision has to overcome not only the established educational traditions but also the resistance from those who control the industrial system and understand that such an educational model, if widely adopted, could jeopardize their ability to manipulate others for personal gain. Yet, this very situation suggests the possibility of a more just and enlightened society, demonstrating the link between social reform and educational transformation. Therefore, it should inspire those who believe in a better future to advocate for a vocational education that doesn’t bind youth to the current system's demands and standards but instead harnesses its scientific and social elements to cultivate bold and practical intelligence.





Summary. A vocation signifies any form of continuous activity which

renders service to others and engages personal powers in behalf of the accomplishment of results. The question of the relation of vocation to education brings to a focus the various problems previously discussed regarding the connection of thought with bodily activity; of individual conscious development with associated life; of theoretical culture with practical behavior having definite results; of making a livelihood with the worthy enjoyment of leisure. In general, the opposition to recognition of the vocational phases of life in education (except for the utilitarian three R's in elementary schooling) accompanies the conservation of aristocratic ideals of the past. But, at the present juncture, there is a movement in behalf of something called vocational training which, if carried into effect, would harden these ideas into a form adapted to the existing industrial regime. This movement would continue the traditional liberal or cultural education for the few economically able to enjoy it, and would give to the masses a narrow technical trade education for specialized callings, carried on under the control of others. This scheme denotes, of course, simply a perpetuation of the older social division, with its counterpart intellectual and moral dualisms. But it means its continuation under conditions where it has much less justification for existence. For industrial life is now so dependent upon science and so intimately affects all forms of social intercourse, that there is an opportunity to utilize it for development of mind and character. Moreover, a right educational use of it would react upon intelligence and interest so as to modify, in connection with legislation and administration, the socially obnoxious features of the present industrial and commercial order. It would turn the increasing fund of social sympathy to constructive account, instead of leaving it a somewhat blind philanthropic sentiment.

renders service to others and uses personal abilities to achieve results. The question of how vocation relates to education highlights various issues discussed earlier, such as the link between thought and physical activity; individual growth and community life; theoretical knowledge versus practical behavior that yields clear outcomes; and balancing earning a living with enjoying free time. Generally, resistance to acknowledging vocational aspects of education (other than the basic three R's in elementary school) reflects a lingering attachment to old aristocratic ideals. However, currently, there’s a push for something called vocational training, which, if implemented, could solidify these ideas into a system suited for today's industrial environment. This initiative would continue the traditional liberal or cultural education for a few who can afford it while offering the majority limited technical training for specific jobs, overseen by others. This plan essentially continues the older social divisions, along with intellectual and moral disparities. Yet, it does so under conditions that have far less justification. Today, industrial life relies heavily on science and significantly influences all social interactions, providing an opportunity to use this for the growth of mind and character. Furthermore, a proper educational application could enhance intelligence and interest, potentially changing the negative social aspects of the current industrial and commercial system through legislation and administration. It would channel the growing social compassion into constructive results rather than allowing it to remain a somewhat aimless charitable sentiment.

It would give those who engage in industrial callings desire and ability to share in social control, and ability to become masters of their industrial fate. It would enable them to saturate with meaning the technical and mechanical features which are so marked a feature of our machine system of production and distribution. So much for those who now have the poorer economic opportunities. With the representatives of the more privileged portion of the community, it would increase sympathy for labor, create a disposition of mind which can discover the culturing elements in useful activity, and increase a sense of social responsibility. The crucial position of the question of vocational education at present is due, in other words, to the fact that it concentrates in a specific issue two fundamental questions:—Whether intelligence is best exercised apart from or within activity which puts nature to human use, and whether individual culture is best secured under egoistic or social conditions. No discussion of details is undertaken in this chapter, because this conclusion but summarizes the discussion of the previous chapters, XV to XXII, inclusive.

It would give those involved in industrial jobs the desire and ability to participate in social control and to take charge of their industrial destiny. It would allow them to infuse meaning into the technical and mechanical aspects that are a prominent part of our system of production and distribution. This is particularly important for those with fewer economic opportunities. For representatives of the more privileged segments of society, it would foster sympathy for workers, create a mindset that can identify the enriching elements in productive activities, and enhance a sense of social responsibility. The critical importance of vocational education today arises from the fact that it brings together two fundamental issues: whether intelligence is best exercised outside of or within activities that harness nature for human benefit, and whether individual growth is better achieved under selfish or social conditions. No detailed discussion is provided in this chapter, as this conclusion simply summarizes the discussions from the previous chapters, XV to XXII, inclusive.





Chapter Twenty-four: Philosophy of Education

1. A Critical Review. Although we are dealing with the philosophy of education, DO definition of philosophy has yet been given; nor has there been an explicit consideration of the nature of a philosophy of education. This topic is now introduced by a summary account of the logical order implied in the previous discussions, for the purpose of bringing out the philosophic issues involved. Afterwards we shall undertake a brief discussion, in more specifically philosophical terms, of the theories of knowledge and of morals implied in different educational ideals as they operate in practice. The prior chapters fall logically into three parts.

1. A Critical Review. Even though we're focusing on the philosophy of education, a clear definition of philosophy hasn't been provided yet, nor have we explicitly considered what a philosophy of education entails. This topic will now be introduced with a summary of the logical structure suggested by previous discussions, aiming to highlight the philosophical issues at play. Following that, we'll briefly discuss, using more specific philosophical language, the theories of knowledge and ethics reflected in various educational ideals as they function in real-life practice. The previous chapters are logically divided into three parts.

I. The first chapters deal with education as a social need and function. Their purpose is to outline the general features of education as the process by which social groups maintain their continuous existence. Education was shown to be a process of renewal of the meanings of experience through a process of transmission, partly incidental to the ordinary companionship or intercourse of adults and youth, partly deliberately instituted to effect social continuity. This process was seen to involve control and growth of both the immature individual and the group in which he lives.

I. The first chapters focus on education as a social necessity and role. Their aim is to highlight the key aspects of education as the means by which social groups sustain their ongoing existence. Education is described as a way to refresh the meanings of experiences through various forms of sharing—some that occur naturally through everyday interactions between adults and young people, and others that are intentionally designed to promote social continuity. This process is understood to encompass both the guidance and development of the young individual and the community they belong to.

This consideration was formal in that it took no specific account of the quality of the social group concerned—the kind of society aiming at its own perpetuation through education. The general discussion was then specified by application to social groups which are intentionally progressive, and which aim at a greater variety of mutually shared interests in distinction from those which aim simply at the preservation of established customs. Such societies were found to be democratic in quality, because of the greater freedom allowed the constituent members, and the conscious need of securing in individuals a consciously socialized interest, instead of trusting mainly to the force of customs operating under the control of a superior class. The sort of education appropriate to the development of a democratic community was then explicitly taken as the criterion of the further, more detailed analysis of education.

This consideration was formal because it didn't really take into account the quality of the social group involved—specifically, the type of society that seeks to sustain itself through education. The general discussion was then focused on social groups that are intentionally progressive, aiming for a broader range of shared interests instead of just preserving traditional customs. These societies were found to be democratic in nature, due to the greater freedom given to their members and the conscious effort to cultivate a social interest in individuals, rather than relying solely on customs controlled by a higher class. The kind of education suitable for the development of a democratic community was then explicitly used as the standard for a deeper, more detailed analysis of education.

II. This analysis, based upon the democratic criterion, was seen to imply the ideal of a continuous reconstruction or reorganizing of experience, of such a nature as to increase its recognized meaning or social content, and as to increase the capacity of individuals to act as directive guardians of this reorganization. (See Chapters VI-VII.) This distinction was then used to outline the respective characters of subject matter and method. It also defined their unity, since method in study and learning upon this basis is just the consciously directed movement of reorganization of the subject matter of experience. From this point of view the main principles of method and subject matter of learning were developed (Chapters XIII-XIV.)

II. This analysis, based on democratic principles, suggested the idea of constantly reshaping or reorganizing experience in a way that enhances its recognized meaning or social significance, and boosts individuals' ability to act as guiding stewards of this reorganization. (See Chapters VI-VII.) This distinction was then used to explain the different aspects of subject matter and method. It also clarified their connection, as the method in studying and learning on this basis is essentially the intentional process of reorganizing the subject matter of experience. From this perspective, the main principles of the method and subject matter of learning were developed (Chapters XIII-XIV.)

III. Save for incidental criticisms designed to illustrate principles by force of contrast, this phase of the discussion took for granted the democratic criterion and its application in present social life. In the subsequent chapters (XVIII-XXII) we considered the present limitation of its actual realization. They were found to spring from the notion that experience consists of a variety of segregated domains, or interests, each having its own independent value, material, and method, each checking every other, and, when each is kept properly bounded by the others, forming a kind of "balance of powers" in education. We then proceeded to an analysis of the various assumptions underlying this segregation. On the practical side, they were found to have their cause in the divisions of society into more or less rigidly marked-off classes and groups—in other words, in obstruction to full and flexible social interaction and intercourse. These social ruptures of continuity were seen to have their intellectual formulation in various dualisms or antitheses—such as that of labor and leisure, practical and intellectual activity, man and nature, individuality and association, culture and vocation. In this discussion, we found that these different issues have their counterparts in formulations which have been made in classic philosophic systems; and that they involve the chief problems of philosophy—such as mind (or spirit) and matter, body and mind, the mind and the world, the individual and his relationships to others, etc. Underlying these various separations we found the fundamental assumption to be an isolation of mind from activity involving physical conditions, bodily organs, material appliances, and natural objects. Consequently, there was indicated a philosophy which recognizes the origin, place, and function of mind in an activity which controls the environment. Thus we have completed the circuit and returned to the conceptions of the first portion of this book: such as the biological continuity of human impulses and instincts with natural energies; the dependence of the growth of mind upon participation in conjoint activities having a common purpose; the influence of the physical environment through the uses made of it in the social medium; the necessity of utilization of individual variations in desire and thinking for a progressively developing society; the essential unity of method and subject matter; the intrinsic continuity of ends and means; the recognition of mind as thinking which perceives and tests the meanings of behavior. These conceptions are consistent with the philosophy which sees intelligence to be the purposive reorganization, through action, of the material of experience; and they are inconsistent with each of the dualistic philosophies mentioned.

III. Aside from a few incidental critiques meant to show principles through contrast, this part of the discussion assumed the democratic standard and its relevance in today's social life. In the following chapters (XVIII-XXII), we examined the current limitations of its actual implementation. We discovered that these limitations arise from the idea that experience is made up of various separated areas or interests, each with its own distinct value, resources, and methods, each balancing the others, and when properly contained, creating a kind of "balance of powers" in education. We then analyzed the different assumptions behind this separation. On a practical level, these were found to stem from society being divided into more or less rigid classes and groups—in other words, barriers to complete and flexible social interaction and connection. These social breaks in continuity were recognized to have their intellectual expression in various dualities or contrasts—such as labor and leisure, practical and intellectual activities, humanity and nature, individuality and association, culture and vocation. In this discussion, we found that these various issues have counterparts in formulations made in classic philosophical systems; they involve the main problems of philosophy—like mind (or spirit) and matter, body and mind, the mind and the world, the individual and their relationships to others, etc. Behind these separations, we identified the fundamental assumption of isolating the mind from activities that involve physical conditions, bodily organs, material tools, and natural objects. As a result, there emerged a philosophy that acknowledges the origin, place, and role of the mind in activities that shape the environment. Thus, we have completed the cycle and returned to the concepts from the earlier sections of this book: like the biological continuity of human impulses and instincts with natural energies; the growth of the mind's dependence on engagement in shared activities with a common goal; the impact of the physical environment through its use in the social context; the need to leverage individual variations in desire and thinking for a society that develops progressively; the fundamental unity of method and content; the inherent connection of ends and means; and the recognition of the mind as thinking that perceives and evaluates the meanings of behavior. These concepts align with the philosophy that views intelligence as the purposeful reorganization, through action, of the material of experience; and they conflict with each of the dualistic philosophies mentioned.

2. The Nature of Philosophy. Our further task is to extract and make explicit the idea of philosophy implicit in these considerations. We have already virtually described, though not defined, philosophy in terms of the problems with which it deals; and we have pointed out that these problems originate in the conflicts and difficulties of social life. The problems are such things as the relations of mind and matter; body and soul; humanity and physical nature; the individual and the social; theory—or knowing, and practice—or doing. The philosophical systems which formulate these problems record the main lineaments and difficulties of contemporary social practice. They bring to explicit consciousness what men have come to think, in virtue of the quality of their current experience, about nature, themselves, and the reality they conceive to include or to govern both.

2. The Nature of Philosophy. Our next task is to clarify and highlight the concept of philosophy that underlies these ideas. We have already described, though not defined, philosophy based on the issues it addresses; and we have noted that these issues arise from the conflicts and challenges of social life. These problems include things like the relationship between mind and matter; body and soul; humanity and the physical world; the individual and society; theory—what we know, and practice—what we do. The philosophical systems that outline these problems reflect the key features and challenges of modern social practices. They bring to our awareness what people have come to think, based on the quality of their current experiences, about nature, themselves, and the reality they believe encompasses or controls both.

As we might expect, then, philosophy has generally been defined in ways which imply a certain totality, generality, and ultimateness of both subject matter and method. With respect to subject matter, philosophy is an attempt to comprehend—that is, to gather together the varied details of the world and of life into a single inclusive whole, which shall either be a unity, or, as in the dualistic systems, shall reduce the plural details to a small number of ultimate principles. On the side of the attitude of the philosopher and of those who accept his conclusions, there is the endeavor to attain as unified, consistent, and complete an outlook upon experience as is possible. This aspect is expressed in the word 'philosophy'—love of wisdom. Whenever philosophy has been taken seriously, it has always been assumed that it signified achieving a wisdom which would influence the conduct of life. Witness the fact that almost all ancient schools of philosophy were also organized ways of living, those who accepted their tenets being committed to certain distinctive modes of conduct; witness the intimate connection of philosophy with the theology of the Roman church in the middle ages, its frequent association with religious interests, and, at national crises, its association with political struggles.

As we might expect, philosophy has usually been defined in ways that suggest a certain completeness, generality, and finality regarding both its subject matter and its methods. When it comes to subject matter, philosophy tries to comprehend—that is, to bring together the various details of the world and of life into a single unified whole, which will either be one complete entity or, like in dualistic systems, will simplify the many details into a few fundamental principles. On the part of the philosopher and those who adopt his conclusions, there's a commitment to achieve as cohesive, consistent, and comprehensive an outlook on experience as possible. This aspect is captured in the term 'philosophy'—love of wisdom. Whenever philosophy has been taken seriously, it's been understood that it aims at acquiring wisdom that would guide how one lives. Consider that almost all ancient philosophical schools were also frameworks for living, with followers committed to specific lifestyles; note the close relationship of philosophy with the theology of the Roman church during the Middle Ages, its frequent ties to religious interests, and its association with political struggles during national crises.

This direct and intimate connection of philosophy with an outlook upon life obviously differentiates philosophy from science. Particular facts and laws of science evidently influence conduct. They suggest things to do and not do, and provide means of execution. When science denotes not simply a report of the particular facts discovered about the world but a general attitude toward it—as distinct from special things to do —it merges into philosophy. For an underlying disposition represents an attitude not to this and that thing nor even to the aggregate of known things, but to the considerations which govern conduct.

This direct and personal link between philosophy and a perspective on life clearly sets philosophy apart from science. Specific facts and laws of science certainly shape behavior. They indicate actions to take and avoid, and offer ways to achieve them. When science goes beyond just presenting the specific facts discovered about the world and embodies a general attitude toward it—rather than focusing on particular actions—it starts to blend into philosophy. This is because an underlying mindset reflects an attitude not just toward individual things or even the totality of known things, but toward the principles that guide behavior.

Hence philosophy cannot be defined simply from the side of subject matter. For this reason, the definition of such conceptions as generality, totality, and ultimateness is most readily reached from the side of the disposition toward the world which they connote. In any literal and quantitative sense, these terms do not apply to the subject matter of knowledge, for completeness and finality are out of the question. The very nature of experience as an ongoing, changing process forbids. In a less rigid sense, they apply to science rather than to philosophy. For obviously it is to mathematics, physics, chemistry, biology, anthropology, history, etc. that we must go, not to philosophy, to find out the facts of the world. It is for the sciences to say what generalizations are tenable about the world and what they specifically are. But when we ask what sort of permanent disposition of action toward the world the scientific disclosures exact of us we are raising a philosophic question.

Philosophy can't be simply defined by the topics it covers. Instead, we can better understand concepts like generality, totality, and ultimateness by looking at the attitudes toward the world that these ideas imply. In a strict sense, these

From this point of view, "totality" does not mean the hopeless task of a quantitative summation. It means rather consistency of mode of response in reference to the plurality of events which occur. Consistency does not mean literal identity; for since the same thing does not happen twice, an exact repetition of a reaction involves some maladjustment. Totality means continuity—the carrying on of a former habit of action with the readaptation necessary to keep it alive and growing. Instead of signifying a ready-made complete scheme of action, it means keeping the balance in a multitude of diverse actions, so that each borrows and gives significance to every other. Any person who is open-minded and sensitive to new perceptions, and who has concentration and responsibility in connecting them has, in so far, a philosophic disposition. One of the popular senses of philosophy is calm and endurance in the face of difficulty and loss; it is even supposed to be a power to bear pain without complaint. This meaning is a tribute to the influence of the Stoic philosophy rather than an attribute of philosophy in general. But in so far as it suggests that the wholeness characteristic of philosophy is a power to learn, or to extract meaning, from even the unpleasant vicissitudes of experience and to embody what is learned in an ability to go on learning, it is justified in any scheme. An analogous interpretation applies to the generality and ultimateness of philosophy. Taken literally, they are absurd pretensions; they indicate insanity. Finality does not mean, however, that experience is ended and exhausted, but means the disposition to penetrate to deeper levels of meaning—to go below the surface and find out the connections of any event or object, and to keep at it. In like manner the philosophic attitude is general in the sense that it is averse to taking anything as isolated; it tries to place an act in its context—which constitutes its significance. It is of assistance to connect philosophy with thinking in its distinction from knowledge. Knowledge, grounded knowledge, is science; it represents objects which have been settled, ordered, disposed of rationally. Thinking, on the other hand, is prospective in reference. It is occasioned by an unsettlement and it aims at overcoming a disturbance. Philosophy is thinking what the known demands of us—what responsive attitude it exacts. It is an idea of what is possible, not a record of accomplished fact. Hence it is hypothetical, like all thinking. It presents an assignment of something to be done—something to be tried. Its value lies not in furnishing solutions (which can be achieved only in action) but in defining difficulties and suggesting methods for dealing with them. Philosophy might almost be described as thinking which has become conscious of itself—which has generalized its place, function, and value in experience.

From this perspective, "totality" doesn't refer to the impossible task of adding everything up. Instead, it means maintaining a consistent way of responding to the various events that happen. Consistency doesn’t imply being exactly the same; since the same situation never occurs twice, repeating a response exactly suggests some kind of mismatch. Totality signifies continuity—the ongoing practice of a previous way of acting with the necessary adjustments to keep it alive and evolving. Rather than representing a pre-set, complete plan of action, it involves balancing a range of different actions so that each one influences and gives meaning to the others. Anyone who is open-minded and receptive to new ideas, and who can focus and take responsibility for connecting them, has a philosophical mindset to some degree. One common understanding of philosophy is that it embodies calmness and resilience in facing challenges and losses; it's even thought to involve the ability to endure pain without complaint. This view pays homage to the impact of Stoic philosophy rather than describing philosophy as a whole. However, as it implies that the wholeness typical of philosophy is the capacity to learn, or to derive meaning from even the tough twists of life, and to incorporate what is learned into a continual process of learning, it holds true within any context. A similar interpretation applies to the broadness and ultimate aspects of philosophy. Taken literally, they seem like absurd claims; they suggest madness. Finality, however, doesn’t mean that experience is complete and exhausted; it refers to the willingness to dig deeper for meaning—to look beneath the surface and discover the connections of any event or object, and to persist in this exploration. Similarly, the philosophical attitude is broad in that it rejects viewing anything in isolation; it seeks to situate an action within its context, which gives it significance. It helps to connect philosophy with thinking as it differs from knowledge. Grounded knowledge is science; it reflects objects that have been settled, organized, and addressed rationally. Thinking, on the other hand, is forward-looking. It arises from uncertainty and aims to resolve a disruption. Philosophy involves thinking about what the known requires from us—what kind of response it demands. It represents an idea of what might be possible, rather than a record of what has already been achieved. Therefore, it is hypothetical, like all thinking. It proposes a task to accomplish—something to explore. Its value lies not in providing solutions (which can only be found through action) but in clarifying challenges and recommending ways to address them. Philosophy could almost be described as thinking that has become aware of itself—one that has generalized its role, function, and significance in experience.

More specifically, the demand for a "total" attitude arises because there is the need of integration in action of the conflicting various interests in life. Where interests are so superficial that they glide readily into one another, or where they are not sufficiently organized to come into conflict with one another, the need for philosophy is not perceptible. But when the scientific interest conflicts with, say, the religious, or the economic with the scientific or aesthetic, or when the conservative concern for order is at odds with the progressive interest in freedom, or when institutionalism clashes with individuality, there is a stimulus to discover some more comprehensive point of view from which the divergencies may be brought together, and consistency or continuity of experience recovered. Often these clashes may be settled by an individual for himself; the area of the struggle of aims is limited and a person works out his own rough accommodations. Such homespun philosophies are genuine and often adequate. But they do not result in systems of philosophy. These arise when the discrepant claims of different ideals of conduct affect the community as a whole, and the need for readjustment is general. These traits explain some things which are often brought as objections against philosophies, such as the part played in them by individual speculation, and their controversial diversity, as well as the fact that philosophy seems to be repeatedly occupied with much the same questions differently stated. Without doubt, all these things characterize historic philosophies more or less. But they are not objections to philosophy so much as they are to human nature, and even to the world in which human nature is set. If there are genuine uncertainties in life, philosophies must reflect that uncertainty. If there are different diagnoses of the cause of a difficulty, and different proposals for dealing with it; if, that is, the conflict of interests is more or less embodied in different sets of persons, there must be divergent competing philosophies. With respect to what has happened, sufficient evidence is all that is needed to bring agreement and certainty. The thing itself is sure. But with reference to what it is wise to do in a complicated situation, discussion is inevitable precisely because the thing itself is still indeterminate. One would not expect a ruling class living at ease to have the same philosophy of life as those who were having a hard struggle for existence. If the possessing and the dispossessed had the same fundamental disposition toward the world, it would argue either insincerity or lack of seriousness. A community devoted to industrial pursuits, active in business and commerce, is not likely to see the needs and possibilities of life in the same way as a country with high aesthetic culture and little enterprise in turning the energies of nature to mechanical account. A social group with a fairly continuous history will respond mentally to a crisis in a very different way from one which has felt the shock of abrupt breaks. Even if the same data were present, they would be evaluated differently. But the different sorts of experience attending different types of life prevent just the same data from presenting themselves, as well as lead to a different scheme of values. As for the similarity of problems, this is often more a matter of appearance than of fact, due to old discussions being translated into the terms of contemporary perplexities. But in certain fundamental respects the same predicaments of life recur from time to time with only such changes as are due to change of social context, including the growth of the sciences.

The demand for a "total" attitude comes from the need to integrate conflicting interests in life. When interests are so shallow that they easily blend together, or when they aren’t organized enough to clash, the need for philosophy isn’t noticeable. However, when scientific interests conflict with religious ones, or when economic issues clash with scientific or aesthetic concerns, or when traditional desires for order contradict progressive interests in freedom, or when institutionalism battles individuality, it prompts a search for a broader perspective that can bring these differences together and restore some consistency in experience. Often, individuals can settle these clashes on their own; the area of struggle is limited, and a person navigates their own rough compromises. These personal philosophies are genuine and often sufficient. However, they don’t lead to comprehensive systems of philosophy. Such systems emerge when the conflicting claims of different ideals impact the community as a whole, requiring general adjustments. These characteristics explain some common criticisms of philosophies, like the influence of individual speculation, their controversial diversity, and the tendency for philosophy to revisit similar questions in different ways. While these traits somewhat characterize historic philosophies, they are less objections to philosophy itself and more reflections of human nature and the world in which we live. If uncertainties exist in life, philosophies must mirror that uncertainty. If there are various interpretations of what causes problems and different strategies to handle them, especially when these conflicts are represented by distinct groups, divergent and competing philosophies will emerge. Regarding past events, sufficient evidence can lead to consensus and certainty; the facts are clear. But when it comes to figuring out the best course of action in a complex situation, discussion will be necessary precisely because the situation remains unclear. One wouldn’t expect a comfortable ruling class to share the same life philosophy as those struggling to survive. If the wealthy and the underprivileged held identical worldviews, it would suggest either insincerity or a lack of seriousness. A community focused on industrial activities and engaged in business might not perceive life’s needs and possibilities the same way as a culture rich in aesthetics but lacking in entrepreneurial drive. A social group with a stable history will react mentally to a crisis very differently than one that has experienced sudden upheavals. Even if the same information is available, it will be interpreted differently. Moreover, the different types of experiences associated with varying lifestyles prevent the same data from emerging and contribute to distinct value systems. As for seemingly similar problems, this often pertains more to appearances than reality, as old debates are reframed in the context of current issues. Nevertheless, in certain fundamental ways, the same dilemmas of life resurface periodically, changing mainly due to shifts in social context, including advancements in science.

The fact that philosophic problems arise because of widespread and widely felt difficulties in social practice is disguised because philosophers become a specialized class which uses a technical language, unlike the vocabulary in which the direct difficulties are stated. But where a system becomes influential, its connection with a conflict of interests calling for some program of social adjustment may always be discovered. At this point, the intimate connection between philosophy and education appears. In fact, education offers a vantage ground from which to penetrate to the human, as distinct from the technical, significance of philosophic discussions. The student of philosophy "in itself" is always in danger of taking it as so much nimble or severe intellectual exercise—as something said by philosophers and concerning them alone. But when philosophic issues are approached from the side of the kind of mental disposition to which they correspond, or the differences in educational practice they make when acted upon, the life-situations which they formulate can never be far from view. If a theory makes no difference in educational endeavor, it must be artificial. The educational point of view enables one to envisage the philosophic problems where they arise and thrive, where they are at home, and where acceptance or rejection makes a difference in practice. If we are willing to conceive education as the process of forming fundamental dispositions, intellectual and emotional, toward nature and fellow men, philosophy may even be defined as the general theory of education. Unless a philosophy is to remain symbolic—or verbal—or a sentimental indulgence for a few, or else mere arbitrary dogma, its auditing of past experience and its program of values must take effect in conduct. Public agitation, propaganda, legislative and administrative action are effective in producing the change of disposition which a philosophy indicates as desirable, but only in the degree in which they are educative—that is to say, in the degree in which they modify mental and moral attitudes. And at the best, such methods are compromised by the fact they are used with those whose habits are already largely set, while education of youth has a fairer and freer field of operation. On the other side, the business of schooling tends to become a routine empirical affair unless its aims and methods are animated by such a broad and sympathetic survey of its place in contemporary life as it is the business of philosophy to provide. Positive science always implies practically the ends which the community is concerned to achieve. Isolated from such ends, it is matter of indifference whether its disclosures are used to cure disease or to spread it; to increase the means of sustenance of life or to manufacture war material to wipe life out. If society is interested in one of these things rather than another, science shows the way of attainment. Philosophy thus has a double task: that of criticizing existing aims with respect to the existing state of science, pointing out values which have become obsolete with the command of new resources, showing what values are merely sentimental because there are no means for their realization; and also that of interpreting the results of specialized science in their bearing on future social endeavor. It is impossible that it should have any success in these tasks without educational equivalents as to what to do and what not to do. For philosophic theory has no Aladdin's lamp to summon into immediate existence the values which it intellectually constructs. In the mechanical arts, the sciences become methods of managing things so as to utilize their energies for recognized aims. By the educative arts philosophy may generate methods of utilizing the energies of human beings in accord with serious and thoughtful conceptions of life. Education is the laboratory in which philosophic distinctions become concrete and are tested.

The reality that philosophical problems come from widespread and deeply felt issues in social practice is often hidden because philosophers become a specialized group that uses technical language, which is different from the everyday terms in which these immediate difficulties are expressed. However, when a philosophy gains influence, you can always find its link to a conflict of interests that requires some plan for social change. This is where the close relationship between philosophy and education becomes clear. Education actually provides a unique perspective to understand the human, rather than just technical, significance of philosophical discussions. A student studying philosophy “in itself” risks regarding it merely as sharp or intense intellectual exercise—as something created by philosophers that concerns them alone. But when we look at philosophical questions through the lens of the mental attitudes they represent, or the differences in educational practices they inspire, the life situations they address always come into focus. If a theory has no impact on educational efforts, it must be superficial. The educational perspective allows us to see philosophical problems where they originate and thrive, where they belong, and where their acceptance or rejection actually affects practice. If we think of education as the process of shaping fundamental intellectual and emotional attitudes towards nature and other people, philosophy could be defined as the broad theory of education. Unless philosophy is meant to stay just symbolic—or rhetorical—or a sentimental indulgence for a few, or simply arbitrary dogma, its review of past experiences and its system of values must show in actions. Public activism, propaganda, and legislative and administrative efforts can effectively bring about the change in attitudes that a philosophy suggests is needed, but only to the extent that they are educational—that is, to the extent that they transform mental and moral perspectives. At best, these methods are compromised because they are applied to those whose habits are already fairly established, while educating young people offers a better and more open opportunity for change. On the flip side, the process of schooling tends to become a routine, empirical matter unless its goals and methods are driven by a broad and empathetic understanding of its role in contemporary life, which is the purpose of philosophy. Positive science always practically involves the ends that the community aims to achieve. If it is disconnected from such purposes, it doesn't matter whether its findings are used to heal illness or spread it; to increase the means of sustaining life or to produce weapons to destroy life. If society prefers one of these outcomes over the other, science provides the path to achieve it. Thus, philosophy has a dual role: to critique existing goals in relation to the current state of science, highlight values that have become outdated due to new resources, and demonstrate which values are purely sentimental because they lack the means for realization; and also to interpret the outcomes of specialized science regarding future social efforts. It cannot succeed in these roles without educational equivalents about what actions to take and what to avoid. Philosophical theory has no magic lamp to instantly bring into existence the values it intellectually formulates. In practical fields, the sciences become ways of managing resources to harness their energies for recognized goals. Through the tools of education, philosophy can create methods for channeling human energies according to serious and reflective views of life. Education is the lab where philosophical distinctions become tangible and are tested.

It is suggestive that European philosophy originated (among the Athenians) under the direct pressure of educational questions. The earlier history of philosophy, developed by the Greeks in Asia Minor and Italy, so far as its range of topics is concerned, is mainly a chapter in the history of science rather than of philosophy as that word is understood to-day. It had nature for its subject, and speculated as to how things are made and changed. Later the traveling teachers, known as the Sophists, began to apply the results and the methods of the natural philosophers to human conduct.

It's interesting to note that European philosophy started (among the Athenians) directly influenced by educational issues. The earlier development of philosophy by the Greeks in Asia Minor and Italy, in terms of topics covered, is mainly a part of the history of science rather than philosophy as we understand it today. It focused on nature and speculated on how things are created and transformed. Later, the traveling instructors known as the Sophists began to apply the findings and methods of natural philosophy to human behavior.

When the Sophists, the first body of professional educators in Europe, instructed the youth in virtue, the political arts, and the management of city and household, philosophy began to deal with the relation of the individual to the universal, to some comprehensive class, or to some group; the relation of man and nature, of tradition and reflection, of knowledge and action. Can virtue, approved excellence in any line, be learned, they asked? What is learning? It has to do with knowledge. What, then, is knowledge? How is it achieved? Through the senses, or by apprenticeship in some form of doing, or by reason that has undergone a preliminary logical discipline? Since learning is coming to know, it involves a passage from ignorance to wisdom, from privation to fullness from defect to perfection, from non-being to being, in the Greek way of putting it. How is such a transition possible? Is change, becoming, development really possible and if so, how? And supposing such questions answered, what is the relation of instruction, of knowledge, to virtue? This last question led to opening the problem of the relation of reason to action, of theory to practice, since virtue clearly dwelt in action. Was not knowing, the activity of reason, the noblest attribute of man? And consequently was not purely intellectual activity itself the highest of all excellences, compared with which the virtues of neighborliness and the citizen's life were secondary? Or, on the other hand, was the vaunted intellectual knowledge more than empty and vain pretense, demoralizing to character and destructive of the social ties that bound men together in their community life? Was not the only true, because the only moral, life gained through obedient habituation to the customary practices of the community? And was not the new education an enemy to good citizenship, because it set up a rival standard to the established traditions of the community?

When the Sophists, the first professional educators in Europe, taught young people about virtue, political skills, and managing homes and cities, philosophy started to explore how individuals relate to the universal, to broader categories, or to specific groups; the connection between humanity and nature, tradition and thought, knowledge and action. They pondered, can virtue, recognized excellence in any field, be taught? What exactly is learning? It relates to knowledge. So, what is knowledge? How do we gain it? Through our senses, by practicing some form of doing, or through reasoning that has been logically developed beforehand? Since learning means gaining knowledge, it involves moving from ignorance to wisdom, from lack to abundance, from imperfection to wholeness, from non-existence to existence, as the Greeks would say. How is such a shift possible? Is change, growth, and development truly achievable, and if so, how? Assuming we answer these questions, what is the connection between teaching, knowledge, and virtue? This last question unlocked the issue of how reason relates to action, and theory relates to practice, since virtue clearly exists in action. Isn’t knowing, the function of reason, humanity's greatest trait? Therefore, isn’t pure intellectual activity the highest excellence, making other virtues like kindness and civic duty seem secondary? Or, conversely, is that praised intellectual knowledge just a facade, harmful to character and undermining the social bonds that connect people in their communities? Is the only true and moral life achieved through dedicated practice of community traditions? And is this new form of education a threat to good citizenship because it challenges the established values of the community?

In the course of two or three generations such questions were cut loose from their original practical bearing upon education and were discussed on their own account; that is, as matters of philosophy as an independent branch of inquiry. But the fact that the stream of European philosophical thought arose as a theory of educational procedure remains an eloquent witness to the intimate connection of philosophy and education. "Philosophy of education" is not an external application of ready-made ideas to a system of practice having a radically different origin and purpose: it is only an explicit formulation of the problems of the formation of right mental and moral habitudes in respect to the difficulties of contemporary social life. The most penetrating definition of philosophy which can be given is, then, that it is the theory of education in its most general phases.

Over the course of two or three generations, these questions became disconnected from their original practical relevance to education and started to be discussed as independent philosophical matters. However, the fact that the stream of European philosophical thought emerged as a theory of educational practice serves as a strong indication of the close relationship between philosophy and education. "Philosophy of education" isn't just an external application of pre-existing ideas to a practice that has a completely different origin and purpose; it's an explicit expression of the issues surrounding the development of proper mental and moral habits in light of the challenges of modern social life. Therefore, the best definition of philosophy is that it serves as the theory of education in its broadest aspects.

The reconstruction of philosophy, of education, and of social ideals and methods thus go hand in hand. If there is especial need of educational reconstruction at the present time, if this need makes urgent a reconsideration of the basic ideas of traditional philosophic systems, it is because of the thoroughgoing change in social life accompanying the advance of science, the industrial revolution, and the development of democracy. Such practical changes cannot take place without demanding an educational reformation to meet them, and without leading men to ask what ideas and ideals are implicit in these social changes, and what revisions they require of the ideas and ideals which are inherited from older and unlike cultures. Incidentally throughout the whole book, explicitly in the last few chapters, we have been dealing with just these questions as they affect the relationship of mind and body, theory and practice, man and nature, the individual and social, etc. In our concluding chapters we shall sum up the prior discussions with respect first to the philosophy of knowledge, and then to the philosophy of morals.

The rebuilding of philosophy, education, and social values and methods go hand in hand. If there’s a particular need for educational reform right now, it’s because we need to rethink the core concepts of traditional philosophical systems due to the significant changes in society brought about by advancements in science, the industrial revolution, and the growth of democracy. These practical changes require an educational overhaul to address them and prompt people to question what ideas and ideals are inherent in these social changes, and what adjustments are needed for the concepts inherited from older, different cultures. Throughout the book, especially in the last few chapters, we have been exploring these issues as they relate to the connection between mind and body, theory and practice, humanity and nature, the individual and society, etc. In our final chapters, we'll summarize the previous discussions regarding first the philosophy of knowledge, and then the philosophy of morals.





Summary. After a review designed to bring out the philosophic issues

implicit in the previous discussions, philosophy was defined as the generalized theory of education. Philosophy was stated to be a form of thinking, which, like all thinking, finds its origin in what is uncertain in the subject matter of experience, which aims to locate the nature of the perplexity and to frame hypotheses for its clearing up to be tested in action. Philosophic thinking has for its differentia the fact that the uncertainties with which it deals are found in widespread social conditions and aims, consisting in a conflict of organized interests and institutional claims. Since the only way of bringing about a harmonious readjustment of the opposed tendencies is through a modification of emotional and intellectual disposition, philosophy is at once an explicit formulation of the various interests of life and a propounding of points of view and methods through which a better balance of interests may be effected. Since education is the process through which the needed transformation may be accomplished and not remain a mere hypothesis as to what is desirable, we reach a justification of the statement that philosophy is the theory of education as a deliberately conducted practice.

Implicit in the previous discussions, philosophy was defined as the broad theory of education. Philosophy was described as a way of thinking that, like all thinking, originates from uncertainties in our experiences. It seeks to understand the nature of confusion and to create hypotheses to resolve it, which can be tested through action. Philosophical thinking is unique because it addresses uncertainties that arise from widespread social conditions and aims, rooted in conflicts of organized interests and institutional claims. The only way to achieve a harmonious adjustment of opposing tendencies is by changing emotional and intellectual perspectives. Thus, philosophy serves as a clear articulation of various life interests and suggests viewpoints and methods that can help create a better balance of those interests. Since education is the process that can achieve this transformation and prevent it from being just a theoretical idea of what is desirable, we support the assertion that philosophy is the theory of education as a thoughtfully conducted practice.





Chapter Twenty-five: Theories of Knowledge

1. Continuity versus Dualism. A number of theories of knowing have been criticized in the previous pages. In spite of their differences from one another, they all agree in one fundamental respect which contrasts with the theory which has been positively advanced. The latter assumes continuity; the former state or imply certain basic divisions, separations, or antitheses, technically called dualisms. The origin of these divisions we have found in the hard and fast walls which mark off social groups and classes within a group: like those between rich and poor, men and women, noble and baseborn, ruler and ruled. These barriers mean absence of fluent and free intercourse. This absence is equivalent to the setting up of different types of life-experience, each with isolated subject matter, aim, and standard of values. Every such social condition must be formulated in a dualistic philosophy, if philosophy is to be a sincere account of experience. When it gets beyond dualism—as many philosophies do in form—it can only be by appeal to something higher than anything found in experience, by a flight to some transcendental realm. And in denying duality in name such theories restore it in fact, for they end in a division between things of this world as mere appearances and an inaccessible essence of reality.

1. Continuity versus Dualism. Several theories of knowledge have been criticized in the previous sections. Despite their differences, they all share one key aspect that contrasts with the theory that has been positively proposed. The latter assumes continuity; the former indicate or suggest certain fundamental divisions, separations, or oppositions, technically referred to as dualisms. We have identified the origin of these divisions in the rigid boundaries that separate social groups and classes within a group, such as those between the rich and the poor, men and women, the noble and the common, the ruler and the ruled. These barriers create a lack of fluid and open communication. This lack is equivalent to establishing different types of life experiences, each with its own isolated subject matter, goals, and standards of values. Every such social condition must be outlined in a dualistic philosophy if philosophy is to provide an honest account of experience. When it moves beyond dualism—as many philosophies do in form—it can only be through an appeal to something greater than anything found in experience, escaping to some transcendental realm. In rejecting duality in name, such theories actually reinforce it in practice, as they result in a division between the things of this world as mere appearances and an unreachable essence of reality.

So far as these divisions persist and others are added to them, each leaves its mark upon the educational system, until the scheme of education, taken as a whole, is a deposit of various purposes and procedures. The outcome is that kind of check and balance of segregated factors and values which has been described. (See Chapter XVIII.) The present discussion is simply a formulation, in the terminology of philosophy, of various antithetical conceptions involved in the theory of knowing. In the first place, there is the opposition of empirical and higher rational knowing. The first is connected with everyday affairs, serves the purposes of the ordinary individual who has no specialized intellectual

As long as these divisions continue and new ones are created, each one influences the educational system, resulting in an overall educational framework that comprises various goals and methods. The result is a balance of distinct factors and values that has been described. (See Chapter XVIII.) The current discussion is simply a way of expressing, using philosophical terminology, the different opposing ideas involved in the theory of knowledge. First, there’s the contrast between empirical and higher rational knowledge. The former is linked to daily life and supports the needs of the average person who doesn’t have specialized intellectual training.

pursuit, and brings his wants into some kind of working connection with the immediate environment. Such knowing is depreciated, if not despised, as purely utilitarian, lacking in cultural significance. Rational knowledge is supposed to be something which touches reality in ultimate, intellectual fashion; to be pursued for its own sake and properly to terminate in purely theoretical insight, not debased by application in behavior. Socially, the distinction corresponds to that of the intelligence used by the working classes and that used by a learned class remote from concern with the means of living. Philosophically, the difference turns about the distinction of the particular and universal. Experience is an aggregate of more or less isolated particulars, acquaintance with each of which must be separately made. Reason deals with universals, with general principles, with laws, which lie above the welter of concrete details. In the educational precipitate, the pupil is supposed to have to learn, on one hand, a lot of items of specific information, each standing by itself, and upon the other hand, to become familiar with a certain number of laws and general relationships. Geography, as often taught, illustrates the former; mathematics, beyond the rudiments of figuring, the latter. For all practical purposes, they represent two independent worlds.

pursuit, and connects his needs with the immediate environment. This kind of knowledge is often looked down upon, if not outright despised, as merely practical and lacking cultural value. Rational knowledge is seen as something that engages with reality in a deep, intellectual way; it should be sought for its own sake and ideally lead to purely theoretical understanding, not cheapened by practical application. Socially, this distinction reflects the intelligence used by working-class people versus that used by an educated class that is disconnected from the realities of making a living. Philosophically, the difference revolves around the distinction between the particular and the universal. Experience consists of various isolated specifics, each of which must be learned individually. Reason deals with universals, general principles, and laws that transcend the chaos of individual details. In education, students are expected to learn both a lot of specific information, each item standing on its own, and a certain number of laws and general relationships. Geography, as commonly taught, represents the former; mathematics, beyond the basics, represents the latter. For all practical purposes, they represent two separate worlds.

Another antithesis is suggested by the two senses of the word "learning." On the one hand, learning is the sum total of what is known, as that is handed down by books and learned men. It is something external, an accumulation of cognitions as one might store material commodities in a warehouse. Truth exists ready-made somewhere. Study is then the process by which an individual draws on what is in storage. On the other hand, learning means something which the individual does when he studies. It is an active, personally conducted affair. The dualism here is between knowledge as something external, or, as it is often called, objective, and knowing as something purely internal, subjective, psychical. There is, on one side, a body of truth, ready-made, and, on the other, a ready-made mind equipped with a faculty of knowing—if it only wills to exercise it, which it is often strangely loath to do. The separation, often touched upon, between subject matter and method is the educational equivalent of this dualism. Socially the distinction has to do with the part of life which is dependent upon authority and that where individuals are free to advance. Another dualism is that of activity and passivity in knowing. Purely empirical and physical things are often supposed to be known by receiving impressions. Physical things somehow stamp themselves upon the mind or convey themselves into consciousness by means of the sense organs. Rational knowledge and knowledge of spiritual things is supposed, on the contrary, to spring from activity initiated within the mind, an activity carried on better if it is kept remote from all sullying touch of the senses and external objects. The distinction between sense training and object lessons and laboratory exercises, and pure ideas contained in books, and appropriated—so it is thought—by some miraculous output of mental energy, is a fair expression in education of this distinction. Socially, it reflects a division between those who are controlled by direct concern with things and those who are free to cultivate themselves.

Another contrast is suggested by the two meanings of the word "learning." On one hand, learning is the total amount of knowledge that’s passed down through books and learned individuals. It’s something external, like collecting physical goods in a warehouse. Truth exists ready-made somewhere. Studying is then the process by which someone taps into this stored knowledge. On the other hand, learning refers to what an individual actively does while studying. It’s an engaging, personal endeavor. The divide here is between knowledge as something external, often called objective, and knowing as something purely internal, subjective, and mental. On one side, there is a body of truth that’s ready-made, and on the other, there is a mind ready to know—if it chooses to engage with it, which it often hesitates to do. The separation, frequently mentioned, between subject matter and method is the educational equivalent of this divide. Socially, the distinction relates to the areas of life that depend on authority versus those where individuals are free to grow. Another contrast lies in the activity and passivity of knowing. Purely empirical and physical things are often thought to be known by receiving impressions. Physical things somehow imprint themselves on the mind or make their way into consciousness through the senses. Rational knowledge and understanding of spiritual matters, on the other hand, are believed to arise from activities initiated in the mind—activities best pursued away from the distracting touch of the senses and external objects. The difference between sensory training, hands-on lessons, and laboratory exercises versus pure ideas found in books, which are thought to be absorbed through a kind of miraculous mental energy, fairly expresses this distinction in education. Socially, it reflects a split between those who are governed by direct engagement with things and those who are free to develop themselves.

Another current opposition is that said to exist between the intellect and the emotions. The emotions are conceived to be purely private and personal, having nothing to do with the work of pure intelligence in apprehending facts and truths,—except perhaps the single emotion of intellectual curiosity. The intellect is a pure light; the emotions are a disturbing heat. The mind turns outward to truth; the emotions turn inward to considerations of personal advantage and loss. Thus in education we have that systematic depreciation of interest which has been noted, plus the necessity in practice, with most pupils, of recourse to extraneous and irrelevant rewards and penalties in order to induce the person who has a mind (much as his clothes have a pocket) to apply that mind to the truths to be known. Thus we have the spectacle of professional educators decrying appeal to interest while they uphold with great dignity the need of reliance upon examinations, marks, promotions and emotions, prizes, and the time-honored paraphernalia of rewards and punishments. The effect of this situation in crippling the teacher's sense of humor has not received the attention which it deserves.

Another ongoing issue is the perceived conflict between intellect and emotions. Emotions are thought to be entirely private and personal, unrelated to pure intelligence and the understanding of facts and truths—except maybe for the single emotion of intellectual curiosity. The intellect is seen as a clear light; emotions, on the other hand, are viewed as disruptive heat. The mind seeks outward toward truth, while emotions focus inward on personal gain and loss. In education, this leads to the systematic undervaluing of interest that has been observed, along with the necessity for most students to rely on external and irrelevant rewards and punishments to motivate them to use their minds (similar to how one might use a pocket in their clothes) to engage with the truths they need to learn. Consequently, we see professional educators criticizing appeals to interest while, quite ironically, they uphold the necessity of depending on exams, grades, promotions, and emotional responses, along with the traditional tools of rewards and punishments. The impact of this situation on diminishing the teacher's sense of humor has not received the attention it truly deserves.

All of these separations culminate in one between knowing and doing, theory and practice, between mind as the end and spirit of action and the body as its organ and means. We shall not repeat what has been said about the source of this dualism in the division of society into a class laboring with their muscles for material sustenance and a class which, relieved from economic pressure, devotes itself to the arts of expression and social direction. Nor is it necessary to speak again of the educational evils which spring from the separation. We shall be content to summarize the forces which tend to make the untenability of this conception obvious and to replace it by the idea of continuity. (i) The advance of physiology and the psychology associated with it have shown the connection of mental activity with that of the nervous system. Too often recognition of connection has stopped short at this point; the older dualism of soul and body has been replaced by that of the brain and the rest of the body. But in fact the nervous system is only a specialized mechanism for keeping all bodily activities working together. Instead of being isolated from them, as an organ of knowing from organs of motor response, it is the organ by which they interact responsively with one another. The brain is essentially an organ for effecting the reciprocal adjustment to each other of the stimuli received from the environment and responses directed upon it. Note that the adjusting is reciprocal; the brain not only enables organic activity to be brought to bear upon any object of the environment in response to a sensory stimulation, but this response also determines what the next stimulus will be. See what happens, for example, when a carpenter is at work upon a board, or an etcher upon his plate—or in any case of a consecutive activity. While each motor response is adjusted to the state of affairs indicated through the sense organs, that motor response shapes the next sensory stimulus. Generalizing this illustration, the brain is the machinery for a constant reorganizing of activity so as to maintain its continuity; that is to say, to make such modifications in future action as are required because of what has already been done. The continuity of the work of the carpenter distinguishes it from a routine repetition of identically the same motion, and from a random activity where there is nothing cumulative. What makes it continuous, consecutive, or concentrated is that each earlier act prepares the way for later acts, while these take account of or reckon with the results already attained—the basis of all responsibility. No one who has realized the full force of the facts of the connection of knowing with the nervous system and of the nervous system with the readjusting of activity continuously to meet new conditions, will doubt that knowing has to do with reorganizing activity, instead of being something isolated from all activity, complete on its own account.

All these separations lead to a divide between knowing and doing, theory and practice, where the mind serves as the goal and the spirit of action, while the body functions as its tool and means. We won’t revisit what has already been discussed about the root of this dualism stemming from society's division into a class that relies on physical labor for survival and a class that, free from economic stress, focuses on arts and social leadership. There’s no need to go over the educational issues that arise from this separation again. Instead, we will summarize the forces that make it clear that this separation can't hold up and will be replaced by the idea of continuity. (i) Advancements in physiology and related psychology have highlighted the link between mental activity and the nervous system. However, acknowledgment of this connection often stops at this level; the older dualism of soul and body has shifted to that of brain and body. But really, the nervous system is just a specialized mechanism for coordinating all bodily functions. Rather than being cut off from them, like knowing is separated from actions, it is the organ that allows these parts to interact responsively. The brain primarily functions to help adjust to and respond to stimuli from the environment. It’s important to note that this adjustment is mutual; the brain not only allows bodily functions to engage with environmental stimuli in response to sensory input, but this response also influences what the next stimulus will be. For instance, observe what happens when a carpenter works on a board or an etcher on his plate—or in any scenario of sequential activity. Each movement is aligned with the current situation signaled through the senses, while that same movement conditions the next sensory experience. Broadening this example, the brain is the mechanism for continuously reorganizing activity to keep it consistent; in other words, it modifies future actions based on what has already been accomplished. The carpenter's ongoing work sets it apart from simply repeating the same motion mindlessly or from random actions without accumulation. What makes it continuous, sequential, or focused is that every preceding action paves the way for subsequent acts, while these later acts consider the outcomes already reached—the foundation of all responsibility. Anyone who fully understands the critical connection between knowing and the nervous system and how the nervous system continuously adjusts activity to adapt to new situations will recognize that knowing is tied to reorganizing activity, rather than being an isolated process entirely self-sufficient.

(ii) The development of biology clinches this lesson, with its discovery of evolution. For the philosophic significance of the doctrine of evolution lies precisely in its emphasis upon continuity of simpler and more complex organic forms until we reach man. The development of organic forms begins with structures where the adjustment of environment and organism is obvious, and where anything which can be called mind is at a minimum. As activity becomes more complex, coordinating a greater number of factors in space and time, intelligence plays a more and more marked role, for it has a larger span of the future to forecast and plan for. The effect upon the theory of knowing is to displace the notion that it is the activity of a mere onlooker or spectator of the world, the notion which goes with the idea of knowing as something complete in itself. For the doctrine of organic development means that the living creature is a part of the world, sharing its vicissitudes and fortunes, and making itself secure in its precarious dependence only as it intellectually identifies itself with the things about it, and, forecasting the future consequences of what is going on, shapes its own activities accordingly. If the living, experiencing being is an intimate participant in the activities of the world to which it belongs, then knowledge is a mode of participation, valuable in the degree in which it is effective. It cannot be the idle view of an unconcerned spectator.

(ii) The development of biology drives this lesson home with its discovery of evolution. The philosophical importance of the theory of evolution lies in its focus on the continuity of simpler and more complex life forms leading up to humans. The evolution of living forms starts with structures where the interaction between the environment and the organism is clear, and where anything resembling mind is minimal. As activity becomes more complex, coordinating more factors in space and time, intelligence increasingly comes into play, as it has to anticipate and plan for a broader future. The impact on the theory of knowledge is to shift away from the idea that it is just the activity of a passive observer of the world, an idea that views knowledge as something complete in itself. The concept of organic development suggests that a living being is a part of the world, sharing its ups and downs, and can only secure itself in its uncertain dependence by intellectually connecting with its surroundings, forecasting the future implications of events, and adjusting its actions accordingly. If a living, experiencing being is an active participant in the world it belongs to, then knowledge becomes a form of involvement, valuable to the extent that it is effective. It cannot be the detached perspective of an indifferent spectator.

(iii) The development of the experimental method as the method of getting knowledge and of making sure it is knowledge, and not mere opinion—the method of both discovery and proof—is the remaining great force in bringing about a transformation in the theory of knowledge. The experimental method has two sides. (i) On one hand, it means that we have no right to call anything knowledge except where our activity has actually produced certain physical changes in things, which agree with and confirm the conception entertained. Short of such specific changes, our beliefs are only hypotheses, theories, suggestions, guesses, and are to be entertained tentatively and to be utilized as indications of experiments to be tried. (ii) On the other hand, the experimental method of thinking signifies that thinking is of avail; that it is of avail in just the degree in which the anticipation of future consequences is made on the basis of thorough observation of present conditions. Experimentation, in other words, is not equivalent to blind reacting. Such surplus activity—a surplus with reference to what has been observed and is now anticipated—is indeed an unescapable factor in all our behavior, but it is not experiment save as consequences are noted and are used to make predictions and plans in similar situations in the future. The more the meaning of the experimental method is perceived, the more our trying out of a certain way of treating the material resources and obstacles which confront us embodies a prior use of intelligence. What we call magic was with respect to many things the experimental method of the savage; but for him to try was to try his luck, not his ideas. The scientific experimental method is, on the contrary, a trial of ideas; hence even when practically—or immediately—unsuccessful, it is intellectual, fruitful; for we learn from our failures when our endeavors are seriously thoughtful.

(iii) The development of the experimental method as a way to gain knowledge and ensure that it is actual knowledge, not just opinion—the method of both discovery and proof—remains a key factor in transforming our understanding of knowledge. The experimental method has two aspects. (i) On one side, it means we can't call anything knowledge unless our actions have actually caused certain physical changes in things that align with and support our understanding. If there aren't specific changes, our beliefs are just hypotheses, theories, suggestions, or guesses; they should be considered tentatively and used as indicators for experiments to conduct. (ii) On the other side, the experimental way of thinking shows that thinking has value; it is valuable to the extent that we predict future outcomes based on a thorough observation of current conditions. Experimentation, in other words, is not the same as responding blindly. This extra activity—a result of what we've observed and what we anticipate—is indeed an unavoidable part of all our actions, but it is not true experimentation unless we note the outcomes and use them to make predictions and plans in similar future situations. The more we understand the meaning of the experimental method, the more our approach to handling the material resources and challenges we face reflects a prior use of intelligence. What we call magic was, in many cases, the experimental method of early humans; however, for them, trying was about testing their luck, not their ideas. In contrast, the scientific experimental method is a test of ideas; thus, even when it is practically—or immediately—unsuccessful, it is still intellectual and productive; we learn from our failures when our attempts are genuinely thoughtful.

The experimental method is new as a scientific resource—as a systematized means of making knowledge, though as old as life as a practical device. Hence it is not surprising that men have not recognized its full scope. For the most part, its significance is regarded as belonging to certain technical and merely physical matters. It will doubtless take a long time to secure the perception that it holds equally as to the forming and testing of ideas in social and moral matters. Men still want the crutch of dogma, of beliefs fixed by authority, to relieve them of the trouble of thinking and the responsibility of directing their activity by thought. They tend to confine their own thinking to a consideration of which one among the rival systems of dogma they will accept. Hence the schools are better adapted, as John Stuart Mill said, to make disciples than inquirers. But every advance in the influence of the experimental method is sure to aid in outlawing the literary, dialectic, and authoritative methods of forming beliefs which have governed the schools of the past, and to transfer their prestige to methods which will procure an active concern with things and persons, directed by aims of increasing temporal reach and deploying greater range of things in space. In time the theory of knowing must be derived from the practice which is most successful in making knowledge; and then that theory will be employed to improve the methods which are less successful.

The experimental method is a new scientific approach—a structured way to create knowledge, although it's as old as life itself as a practical tool. So, it’s not surprising that people haven’t recognized its full potential. Generally, its importance is seen as related only to specific technical and physical issues. It will likely take a long time for people to realize that it also applies to forming and testing ideas in social and moral contexts. People still rely on the crutch of dogma and beliefs set by authority to spare them the effort of thinking and the responsibility of guiding their actions through thought. They often limit their thinking to deciding which competing system of dogma to accept. Because of this, schools are, as John Stuart Mill pointed out, better at creating followers than critical thinkers. However, every advancement in the influence of the experimental method will help displace the literary, dialectic, and authoritative ways of forming beliefs that dominated schools in the past and will shift their prestige to methods that encourage active engagement with people and things, aimed at expanding our understanding and exploring a wider range of ideas. Eventually, the theory of knowledge must come from the practical methods that are most effective in creating knowledge, and that theory will then be used to enhance the less effective methods.

2. Schools of Method. There are various systems of philosophy with characteristically different conceptions of the method of knowing. Some of them are named scholasticism, sensationalism, rationalism, idealism, realism, empiricism, transcendentalism, pragmatism, etc. Many of them have been criticized in connection with the discussion of some educational problem. We are here concerned with them as involving deviations from that method which has proved most effective in achieving knowledge, for a consideration of the deviations may render clearer the true place of knowledge in experience. In brief, the function of knowledge is to make one experience freely available in other experiences. The word "freely" marks the difference between the principle of knowledge and that of habit. Habit means that an individual undergoes a modification through an experience, which modification forms a predisposition to easier and more effective action in a like direction in the future. Thus it also has the function of making one experience available in subsequent experiences. Within certain limits, it performs this function successfully. But habit, apart from knowledge, does not make allowance for change of conditions, for novelty. Prevision of change is not part of its scope, for habit assumes the essential likeness of the new situation with the old. Consequently it often leads astray, or comes between a person and the successful performance of his task, just as the skill, based on habit alone, of the mechanic will desert him when something unexpected occurs in the running of the machine. But a man who understands the machine is the man who knows what he is about. He knows the conditions under which a given habit works, and is in a position to introduce the changes which will readapt it to new conditions.

2. Schools of Method. There are different philosophical systems with unique views on how we know things. Some of these include scholasticism, sensationalism, rationalism, idealism, realism, empiricism, transcendentalism, pragmatism, and others. Many of these have faced criticism related to various educational issues. Here, we focus on these systems as they show deviations from the methods that have proven most effective in gaining knowledge, since examining these deviations can help clarify the true role of knowledge in our experiences. In short, the purpose of knowledge is to make one experience accessible in others. The term "freely" distinguishes knowledge from habit. Habit means that a person changes through an experience, which creates a tendency for easier and more effective actions in similar situations in the future. Thus, it also allows one experience to influence later ones. Within certain limits, it does this well. However, habit alone doesn't account for changing conditions or new things. Anticipating change isn't part of its function, because habit assumes the new situation is fundamentally similar to the old one. As a result, it can often lead someone astray or hinder them in completing their tasks, just as a mechanic who relies only on habit may struggle when an unexpected issue arises with a machine. But someone who understands the machine knows exactly what they're doing. They recognize the conditions under which a specific habit works and can make the necessary changes to adapt it to new circumstances.

In other words, knowledge is a perception of those connections of an object which determine its applicability in a given situation. To take an extreme example; savages react to a flaming comet as they are accustomed to react to other events which threaten the security of their life. Since they try to frighten wild animals or their enemies by shrieks, beating of gongs, brandishing of weapons, etc., they use the same methods to scare away the comet. To us, the method is plainly absurd—so absurd that we fail to note that savages are simply falling back upon habit in a way which exhibits its limitations. The only reason we do not act in some analogous fashion is because we do not take the comet as an isolated, disconnected event, but apprehend it in its connections with other events. We place it, as we say, in the astronomical system. We respond to its connections and not simply to the immediate occurrence. Thus our attitude to it is much freer. We may approach it, so to speak, from any one of the angles provided by its connections. We can bring into play, as we deem wise, any one of the habits appropriate to any one of the connected objects. Thus we get at a new event indirectly instead of immediately—by invention, ingenuity, resourcefulness. An ideally perfect knowledge would represent such a network of interconnections that any past experience would offer a point of advantage from which to get at the problem presented in a new experience. In fine, while a habit apart from knowledge supplies us with a single fixed method of attack, knowledge means that selection may be made from a much wider range of habits.

In other words, knowledge is an understanding of the relationships of an object that determine how it can be used in a specific situation. To illustrate this point with an extreme example, primitive people react to a flaming comet the same way they respond to other events that threaten their safety. They try to scare off wild animals or enemies with shouts, banging on drums, waving weapons, etc., and they use the same tactics to try to drive away the comet. To us, this approach seems ridiculous—so ridiculous that we overlook the fact that these people are merely relying on instinct, demonstrating its limitations. The only reason we don’t react in a similar way is that we don’t see the comet as something isolated and unrelated. Instead, we understand it in relation to other events. We position it, as we say, within the astronomical system. We respond to its connections rather than just to the immediate event. This gives us a much more flexible attitude. We can approach it, so to speak, from any angle suggested by its relationships. We can utilize, as we see fit, any habits suited to any connected objects. This way, we tackle a new event indirectly rather than directly—through creativity, innovation, and resourcefulness. Perfect knowledge would represent such a web of interconnections that any past experience could provide a strategic point of view for addressing a problem presented by a new experience. In short, while a habit without knowledge gives us a single, fixed way to respond, knowledge allows us to choose from a much broader range of habits.

Two aspects of this more general and freer availability of former experiences for subsequent ones may be distinguished. (See ante, p. 77.) (i) One, the more tangible, is increased power of control. What cannot be managed directly may be handled indirectly; or we can interpose barriers between us and undesirable consequences; or we may evade them if we cannot overcome them. Genuine knowledge has all the practical value attaching to efficient habits in any case. (ii) But it also increases the meaning, the experienced significance, attaching to an experience. A situation to which we respond capriciously or by routine has only a minimum of conscious significance; we get nothing mentally from it. But wherever knowledge comes into play in determining a new experience there is mental reward; even if we fail practically in getting the needed control we have the satisfaction of experiencing a meaning instead of merely reacting physically.

Two aspects of this broader and more flexible access to past experiences for future ones can be identified. (See ante, p. 77.) (i) One, the more concrete, is the increased ability to exert control. What we can't manage directly can be dealt with indirectly; we can set up barriers between ourselves and unwanted outcomes; or we might find ways to avoid them altogether if we can't overcome them. Genuine knowledge holds all the practical value associated with effective habits in any case. (ii) Additionally, it enhances the meaning and significance we derive from an experience. A situation we respond to randomly or just out of habit has very little conscious significance; we gain nothing mentally from it. However, whenever knowledge influences a new experience, there's a mental reward; even if we practically fail to gain the control we need, we still find satisfaction in experiencing meaning rather than just reacting physically.

While the content of knowledge is what has happened, what is taken as finished and hence settled and sure, the reference of knowledge is future or prospective. For knowledge furnishes the means of understanding or giving meaning to what is still going on and what is to be done. The knowledge of a physician is what he has found out by personal acquaintance and by study of what others have ascertained and recorded. But it is knowledge to him because it supplies the resources by which he interprets the unknown things which confront him, fills out the partial obvious facts with connected suggested phenomena, foresees their probable future, and makes plans accordingly. When knowledge is cut off from use in giving meaning to what is blind and baffling, it drops out of consciousness entirely or else becomes an object of aesthetic contemplation. There is much emotional satisfaction to be had from a survey of the symmetry and order of possessed knowledge, and the satisfaction is a legitimate one. But this contemplative attitude is aesthetic, not intellectual. It is the same sort of joy that comes from viewing a finished picture or a well composed landscape. It would make no difference if the subject matter were totally different, provided it had the same harmonious organization. Indeed, it would make no difference if it were wholly invented, a play of fancy. Applicability to the world means not applicability to what is past and gone—that is out of the question by the nature of the case; it means applicability to what is still going on, what is still unsettled, in the moving scene in which we are implicated. The very fact that we so easily overlook this trait, and regard statements of what is past and out of reach as knowledge is because we assume the continuity of past and future. We cannot entertain the conception of a world in which knowledge of its past would not be helpful in forecasting and giving meaning to its future. We ignore the prospective reference just because it is so irretrievably implied.

While the substance of knowledge is what has happened, what we see as complete and therefore certain, the focus of knowledge is on the future or what is yet to come. Knowledge helps us understand or find meaning in what is still happening and what needs to be done. A physician's knowledge comes from their personal experiences and the studies of what others have discovered and documented. This knowledge is significant to them because it provides the tools to interpret the unknown challenges they face, connects incomplete obvious facts with related phenomena, predicts likely outcomes, and helps create plans accordingly. When knowledge is disconnected from its function of providing meaning to the confusing and unclear, it fades from awareness or turns into an object of aesthetic appreciation. There is a lot of emotional satisfaction in observing the beauty and order of the knowledge we have, and that satisfaction is completely valid. However, this reflective mindset is aesthetic, not intellectual. It's similar to the joy one experiences when viewing a finished painting or a well-composed landscape. The specific subject matter wouldn’t matter if it had the same pleasing organization. In fact, it wouldn't matter if it were entirely fictional, a product of imagination. Relevance to the world doesn't refer to relevance to what is already over—that's not even possible; it refers to relevance to what is still happening, what remains uncertain, in the dynamic situation we are part of. The very fact that we often overlook this aspect and consider statements about the past as knowledge is due to our assumption of continuity between past and future. We can't conceive of a world where knowing its history wouldn't be useful in predicting and understanding its future. We overlook the forward-looking focus simply because it is so inherently included.

Yet many of the philosophic schools of method which have been mentioned transform the ignoring into a virtual denial. They regard knowledge as something complete in itself irrespective of its availability in dealing with what is yet to be. And it is this omission which vitiates them and which makes them stand as sponsors for educational methods which an adequate conception of knowledge condemns. For one has only to call to mind what is sometimes treated in schools as acquisition of knowledge to realize how lacking it is in any fruitful connection with the ongoing experience of the students—how largely it seems to be believed that the mere appropriation of subject matter which happens to be stored in books constitutes knowledge. No matter how true what is learned to those who found it out and in whose experience it functioned, there is nothing which makes it knowledge to the pupils. It might as well be something about Mars or about some fanciful country unless it fructifies in the individual's own life.

Yet many of the philosophical methods mentioned turn ignoring into a sort of denial. They see knowledge as something complete on its own, no matter how useful it is for dealing with what lies ahead. This oversight undermines their value and aligns them with educational methods that a proper understanding of knowledge would reject. If one thinks about what is sometimes labeled as knowledge acquisition in schools, it's clear how disconnected it is from students' ongoing experiences—it's often believed that simply memorizing information from books counts as knowledge. Regardless of how valid what is learned might be for those who discovered it and for whom it was relevant, it doesn't translate into real knowledge for the students. It could just as easily be about Mars or some fictional place unless it truly enriches the individual's life.

At the time when scholastic method developed, it had relevancy to social conditions. It was a method for systematizing and lending rational sanction to material accepted on authority. This subject matter meant so much that it vitalized the defining and systematizing brought to bear upon it. Under present conditions the scholastic method, for most persons, means a form of knowing which has no especial connection with any particular subject matter. It includes making distinctions, definitions, divisions, and classifications for the mere sake of making them—with no objective in experience. The view of thought as a purely physical activity having its own forms, which are applied to any material as a seal may be stamped on any plastic stuff, the view which underlies what is termed formal logic is essentially the scholastic method generalized. The doctrine of formal discipline in education is the natural counterpart of the scholastic method.

When the scholastic method was developed, it was relevant to the social conditions of the time. It was a way of organizing and providing rational justification for information accepted on authority. This subject matter was so important that it energized the defining and organizing processes applied to it. Today, the scholastic method, for most people, refers to a way of knowing that isn’t particularly tied to any specific subject. It involves making distinctions, definitions, divisions, and classifications just for the sake of doing so—without any practical purpose in experience. The perspective that thought is simply a physical activity that has its own forms, which can be applied to any material like a stamp on any kind of moldable substance, essentially generalizes what we call formal logic. The idea of formal discipline in education is the natural counterpart of the scholastic method.

The contrasting theories of the method of knowledge which go by the name of sensationalism and rationalism correspond to an exclusive emphasis upon the particular and the general respectively—or upon bare facts on one side and bare relations on the other. In real knowledge, there is a particularizing and a generalizing function working together. So far as a situation is confused, it has to be cleared up; it has to be resolved into details, as sharply defined as possible. Specified facts and qualities constitute the elements of the problem to be dealt with, and it is through our sense organs that they are specified. As setting forth the problem, they may well be termed particulars, for they are fragmentary. Since our task is to discover their connections and to recombine them, for us at the time they are partial. They are to be given meaning; hence, just as they stand, they lack it. Anything which is to be known, whose meaning has still to be made out, offers itself as particular. But what is already known, if it has been worked over with a view to making it applicable to intellectually mastering new particulars, is general in function. Its function of introducing connection into what is otherwise unconnected constitutes its generality. Any fact is general if we use it to give meaning to the elements of a new experience. "Reason" is just the ability to bring the subject matter of prior experience to bear to perceive the significance of the subject matter of a new experience. A person is reasonable in the degree in which he is habitually open to seeing an event which immediately strikes his senses not as an isolated thing but in its connection with the common experience of mankind.

The contrasting theories of knowledge known as sensationalism and rationalism focus exclusively on the particular and the general, respectively—meaning bare facts on one side and bare relationships on the other. In true knowledge, there's a collaboration of both particularizing and generalizing functions. When a situation is unclear, it needs to be clarified; it must be broken down into details that are as clearly defined as possible. Specified facts and qualities make up the elements of the problem at hand, and we identify them through our senses. As a way of framing the problem, they can be called particulars, as they are incomplete pieces. Our task is to uncover their connections and put them back together, which is why, at that moment, they are partial. They need to be given meaning; therefore, as they are, they lack it. Anything waiting to be understood, whose meaning is still to be deciphered, presents itself as particular. However, what is already known—if it has been processed to apply it to understanding new particulars—functions as general knowledge. Its role in connecting what would otherwise be unrelated constitutes its generality. Any fact becomes general when we use it to give meaning to the components of a new experience. "Reason" is simply the ability to apply the subject matter of past experiences to recognize the significance of something new. A person is reasonable to the extent that they are usually open to viewing a situation that immediately catches their attention, not as something isolated but in relation to the shared experiences of humanity.

Without the particulars as they are discriminated by the active responses of sense organs, there is no material for knowing and no intellectual growth. Without placing these particulars in the context of the meanings wrought out in the larger experience of the past—without the use of reason or thought—particulars are mere excitations or irritations. The mistake alike of the sensational and the rationalistic schools is that each fails to see that the function of sensory stimulation and thought is relative to reorganizing experience in applying the old to the new, thereby maintaining the continuity or consistency of life. The theory of the method of knowing which is advanced in these pages may be termed pragmatic. Its essential feature is to maintain the continuity of knowing with an activity which purposely modifies the environment. It holds that knowledge in its strict sense of something possessed consists of our intellectual resources—of all the habits that render our action intelligent. Only that which has been organized into our disposition so as to enable us to adapt the environment to our needs and to adapt our aims and desires to the situation in which we live is really knowledge. Knowledge is not just something which we are now conscious of, but consists of the dispositions we consciously use in understanding what now happens. Knowledge as an act is bringing some of our dispositions to consciousness with a view to straightening out a perplexity, by conceiving the connection between ourselves and the world in which we live.

Without the specifics as they are defined by the active reactions of our senses, there’s no foundation for understanding and no intellectual development. Without placing these specifics in the context of the meanings shaped by our broader experiences from the past—without using reason or thought—these specifics are just stimuli or annoyances. Both the sensational and the rationalistic schools make the mistake of failing to recognize that the roles of sensory stimulation and thought are related to reorganizing experience by applying the old to the new, which in turn maintains the continuity or consistency of life. The theory of knowing discussed here can be described as pragmatic. Its key aspect is to uphold the continuity of knowing through an activity that intentionally alters the environment. It asserts that knowledge, in its true sense of something we possess, consists of our intellectual resources—of all the habits that make our actions intelligent. Only what has been organized into our disposition in a way that allows us to adjust the environment to meet our needs and to align our goals and desires with our circumstances is truly knowledge. Knowledge isn’t just about what we are currently aware of; it includes the dispositions we consciously employ to understand what is happening now. Knowledge, as an action, is about bringing some of our dispositions to our awareness to resolve confusion by understanding the connection between ourselves and the world we live in.





Summary. Such social divisions as interfere with free and full

intercourse react to make the intelligence and knowing of members of the separated classes one-sided. Those whose experience has to do with utilities cut off from the larger end they subserve are practical empiricists; those who enjoy the contemplation of a realm of meanings in whose active production they have had no share are practical rationalists. Those who come in direct contact with things and have to adapt their activities to them immediately are, in effect, realists; those who isolate the meanings of these things and put them in a religious or so-called spiritual world aloof from things are, in effect, idealists. Those concerned with progress, who are striving to change received beliefs, emphasize the individual factor in knowing; those whose chief business it is to withstand change and conserve received truth emphasize the universal and the fixed—and so on. Philosophic systems in their opposed theories of knowledge present an explicit formulation of the traits characteristic of these cut-off and one-sided segments of experience—one-sided because barriers to intercourse prevent the experience of one from being enriched and supplemented by that of others who are differently situated.

Interactions lead to a skewed understanding and knowledge among members of separate classes. Those whose experiences are focused on practical utilities, disconnected from the broader purpose they serve, are practical empiricists. Those who engage with the abstract meanings of a realm in which they have no active involvement are practical rationalists. People who interact directly with tangible things and must adjust their actions accordingly are, in essence, realists. Those who isolate the meanings of these things and place them in a religious or supposedly spiritual context apart from reality are, in effect, idealists. Individuals focused on progress and striving to challenge established beliefs highlight the personal aspect of knowledge; those whose main role is to resist change and uphold traditional truths emphasize the universal and fixed aspects—and so forth. Philosophical systems, with their conflicting theories of knowledge, clearly articulate the characteristics of these isolated and one-sided segments of experience—one-sided because barriers to interaction hinder individuals' experiences from being enriched and supplemented by the perspectives of others in different situations.

In an analogous way, since democracy stands in principle for free interchange, for social continuity, it must develop a theory of knowledge which sees in knowledge the method by which one experience is made available in giving direction and meaning to another. The recent advances in physiology, biology, and the logic of the experimental sciences supply the specific intellectual instrumentalities demanded to work out and formulate such a theory. Their educational equivalent is the connection of the acquisition of knowledge in the schools with activities, or occupations, carried on in a medium of associated life.

In a similar way, because democracy is fundamentally about open communication and social progress, it needs to establish a theory of knowledge that views knowledge as the means through which one experience informs and gives purpose to another. Recent developments in physiology, biology, and the logic of experimental sciences provide the specific intellectual tools needed to create and articulate such a theory. The educational equivalent of this is linking knowledge gained in schools with activities or jobs carried out in a collaborative community.





Chapter Twenty-six: Theories of Morals

1. The Inner and the Outer.

Since morality is concerned with conduct, any dualisms which are set up between mind and activity must reflect themselves in the theory of morals. Since the formulations of the separation in the philosophic theory of morals are used to justify and idealize the practices employed in moral training, a brief critical discussion is in place. It is a commonplace of educational theory that the establishing of character is a comprehensive aim of school instruction and discipline. Hence it is important that we should be on our guard against a conception of the relations of intelligence to character which hampers the realization of the aim, and on the look-out for the conditions which have to be provided in order that the aim may be successfully acted upon. The first obstruction which meets us is the currency of moral ideas which split the course of activity into two opposed factors, often named respectively the inner and outer, or the spiritual and the physical. This division is a culmination of the dualism of mind and the world, soul and body, end and means, which we have so frequently noted. In morals it takes the form of a sharp demarcation of the motive of action from its consequences, and of character from conduct. Motive and character are regarded as something purely "inner," existing exclusively in consciousness, while consequences and conduct are regarded as outside of mind, conduct having to do simply with the movements which carry out motives; consequences with what happens as a result. Different schools identify morality with either the inner state of mind or the outer act and results, each in separation from the other. Action with a purpose is deliberate; it involves a consciously foreseen end and a mental weighing of considerations pro and eon. It also involves a conscious state of longing or desire for the end. The deliberate choice of an aim and of a settled disposition of desire takes time. During this time complete overt action is suspended. A person who does not have his mind made up, does not know what to do. Consequently he postpones definite action so far as possible. His position may be compared to that of a man considering jumping across a ditch. If he were sure he could or could not make it, definite activity in some direction would occur. But if he considers, he is in doubt; he hesitates. During the time in which a single overt line of action is in suspense, his activities are confined to such redistributions of energy within the organism as will prepare a determinate course of action. He measures the ditch with his eyes; he brings himself taut to get a feel of the energy at his disposal; he looks about for other ways across, he reflects upon the importance of getting across. All this means an accentuation of consciousness; it means a turning in upon the individual's own attitudes, powers, wishes, etc.

Since morality deals with behavior, any divides created between mind and action must be reflected in moral theory. Since these separations in philosophical moral theory are used to justify and idealize the practices used in moral training, a quick critical discussion is necessary. It’s a well-known idea in educational theory that building character is a major goal of school instruction and discipline. Therefore, we need to be cautious about views on the relationship between intelligence and character that could hinder achieving this goal, and we should be alert to the conditions that need to be in place for this goal to be effectively pursued. The first obstacle we encounter is the prevalence of moral concepts that split activities into two opposing factors, often referred to as the inner and outer, or the spiritual and physical. This division reflects the dualism of mind and the world, soul and body, ends and means that we have frequently observed. In morals, it manifests as a clear separation of action’s motive from its consequences, and of character from behavior. Motives and character are seen as purely "inner," existing solely in consciousness, while consequences and behavior are viewed as external, with behavior relating merely to the actions that carry out motives; consequences pertain to the results that follow. Different schools align morality with either the inner state of mind or the outer act and outcomes, each seen separately. Purposeful action is intentional; it requires a consciously anticipated end and a mental assessment of pros and cons. It also includes a conscious desire or longing for that end. The deliberate selection of a goal and a consistent desire takes time. During that time, full outward action is paused. A person who hasn’t made up their mind is uncertain about what to do. Consequently, they delay definite action as much as possible. Their situation can be compared to someone contemplating jumping over a ditch. If they were sure they could or couldn’t make it, they would act decisively in one direction. But if they are unsure, they hesitate. While a specific line of action remains unresolved, their activities are limited to redistributing energy within themselves to prepare for a definite course of action. They size up the ditch with their eyes; they tense themselves to gauge their available energy; they look for other ways across; they think about the importance of getting over. All this represents a heightened awareness; it involves an inward focus on the individual’s own attitudes, abilities, wishes, etc.

Obviously, however, this surging up of personal factors into conscious recognition is a part of the whole activity in its temporal development. There is not first a purely psychical process, followed abruptly by a radically different physical one. There is one continuous behavior, proceeding from a more uncertain, divided, hesitating state to a more overt, determinate, or complete state. The activity at first consists mainly of certain tensions and adjustments within the organism; as these are coordinated into a unified attitude, the organism as a whole acts—some definite act is undertaken. We may distinguish, of course, the more explicitly conscious phase of the continuous activity as mental or psychical. But that only identifies the mental or psychical to mean the indeterminate, formative state of an activity which in its fullness involves putting forth of overt energy to modify the environment.

Clearly, this rise of personal factors into conscious awareness is part of the entire process as it unfolds over time. There isn’t a purely mental process that is suddenly followed by a completely different physical one. It’s one continuous behavior that moves from a more uncertain, divided, and hesitant state to a more clear, definite, or complete state. Initially, the activity mainly consists of certain tensions and adjustments within the body; as these are coordinated into a unified attitude, the organism as a whole takes action—some specific act is carried out. We can certainly identify the more consciously aware phase of this ongoing activity as mental or psychological. But that simply means the mental or psychological reflects the uncertain, formative aspect of an activity that, in its entirety, involves exerting energy to change the environment.

Our conscious thoughts, observations, wishes, aversions are important, because they represent inchoate, nascent activities. They fulfill their destiny in issuing, later on, into specific and perceptible acts. And these inchoate, budding organic readjustments are important because they are our sole escape from the dominion of routine habits and blind impulse. They are activities having a new meaning in process of development. Hence, normally, there is an accentuation of personal consciousness whenever our instincts and ready formed habits find themselves blocked by novel conditions. Then we are thrown back upon ourselves to reorganize our own attitude before proceeding to a definite and irretrievable course of action. Unless we try to drive our way through by sheer brute force, we must modify our organic resources to adapt them to the specific features of the situation in which we find ourselves. The conscious deliberating and desiring which precede overt action are, then, the methodic personal readjustment implied in activity in uncertain situations. This role of mind in continuous activity is not always maintained, however. Desires for something different, aversion to the given state of things caused by the blocking of successful activity, stimulates the imagination. The picture of a different state of things does not always function to aid ingenious observation and recollection to find a way out and on. Except where there is a disciplined disposition, the tendency is for the imagination to run loose. Instead of its objects being checked up by conditions with reference to their practicability in execution, they are allowed to develop because of the immediate emotional satisfaction which they yield. When we find the successful display of our energies checked by uncongenial surroundings, natural and social, the easiest way out is to build castles in the air and let them be a substitute for an actual achievement which involves the pains of thought. So in overt action we acquiesce, and build up an imaginary world in, mind. This break between thought and conduct is reflected in those theories which make a sharp separation between mind as inner and conduct and consequences as merely outer.

Our conscious thoughts, observations, wishes, and dislikes are important because they represent early, developing activities. They ultimately fulfill their purpose by evolving into specific and noticeable actions. These early, budding organic adjustments are crucial because they are our only escape from the control of routine habits and blind impulses. They involve activities that have new meanings as they develop. Therefore, whenever our instincts and established habits face obstacles from new circumstances, we usually see a heightened sense of personal awareness. In those moments, we are forced to reflect on ourselves and reorganize our attitudes before committing to a definite and irreversible action. Unless we try to push through purely by force, we need to adjust our resources to fit the specific aspects of our situation. The conscious thought and desire that come before visible actions represent the systematic personal adjustment involved in uncertain situations. However, this role of the mind in ongoing activity isn't always consistent. Desires for something different, as well as dissatisfaction with the current situation caused by blocked successful actions, stimulate our imagination. The vision of a different state of affairs doesn't always help creative thinking and memory to find a way forward. Unless there is a disciplined mindset, the imagination tends to run wild. Instead of evaluating its ideas based on their feasibility, it allows them to grow because of the immediate emotional satisfaction they provide. When our ability to act successfully is hindered by unwelcoming surroundings, both natural and social, the simplest way out is to daydream and let those fantasies replace real achievements that require thoughtful effort. So, in our actions, we settle for building an imaginary world in our minds. This disconnect between thought and action is evident in theories that draw a sharp line between the mind as an inner experience and actions and consequences as merely external.

For the split may be more than an incident of a particular individual's experience. The social situation may be such as to throw the class given to articulate reflection back into their own thoughts and desires without providing the means by which these ideas and aspirations can be used to reorganize the environment. Under such conditions, men take revenge, as it were, upon the alien and hostile environment by cultivating contempt for it, by giving it a bad name. They seek refuge and consolation within their own states of mind, their own imaginings and wishes, which they compliment by calling both more real and more ideal than the despised outer world. Such periods have recurred in history. In the early centuries of the Christian era, the influential moral systems of Stoicism, of monastic and popular Christianity and other religious movements of the day, took shape under the influence of such conditions. The more action which might express prevailing ideals was checked, the more the inner possession and cultivation of ideals was regarded as self-sufficient—as the essence of morality. The external world in which activity belongs was thought of as morally indifferent. Everything lay in having the right motive, even though that motive was not a moving force in the world. Much the same sort of situation recurred in Germany in the later eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries; it led to the Kantian insistence upon the good will as the sole moral good, the will being regarded as something complete in itself, apart from action and from the changes or consequences effected in the world. Later it led to any idealization of existing institutions as themselves the embodiment of reason.

The split might be more than just a personal incident. The social situation could cause the group, meant to do thoughtful reflection, to turn inward, focusing on their own thoughts and desires without providing ways to reshape their environment. In these situations, people retaliate against the unfriendly world by developing contempt for it and labeling it negatively. They find comfort in their own thoughts, fantasies, and wishes, which they elevate as more real and ideal than the hated outer world. History has seen such times before. In the early centuries of the Christian era, influential moral systems like Stoicism, monastic and popular Christianity, and other religious movements emerged under similar conditions. The more actions that expressed widespread ideals were restricted, the more people viewed the inner possession and nurturing of ideals as sufficient—that is, the essence of morality. The outside world, where actions occur, was considered morally neutral. What mattered was having the right motive, even if that motive didn’t spur action in the world. A similar situation happened in Germany during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, leading to Kant's insistence that good will is the only moral good, with the will seen as complete in itself, separate from actions and the changes or outcomes it brings in the world. Eventually, this led to an idealization of existing institutions as embodiments of reason.

The purely internal morality of "meaning well," of having a good disposition regardless of what comes of it, naturally led to a reaction. This is generally known as either hedonism or utilitarianism. It was said in effect that the important thing morally is not what a man is inside of his own consciousness, but what he does—the consequences which issue, the charges he actually effects. Inner morality was attacked as sentimental, arbitrary, dogmatic, subjective—as giving men leave to dignify and shield any dogma congenial to their self-interest or any caprice occurring to imagination by calling it an intuition or an ideal of conscience. Results, conduct, are what counts; they afford the sole measure of morality. Ordinary morality, and hence that of the schoolroom, is likely to be an inconsistent compromise of both views. On one hand, certain states of feeling are made much of; the individual must "mean well," and if his intentions are good, if he had the right sort of emotional consciousness, he may be relieved of responsibility for full results in conduct. But since, on the other hand, certain things have to be done to meet the convenience and the requirements of others, and of social order in general, there is great insistence upon the doing of certain things, irrespective of whether the individual has any concern or intelligence in their doing. He must toe the mark; he must have his nose held to the grindstone; he must obey; he must form useful habits; he must learn self-control,—all of these precepts being understood in a way which emphasizes simply the immediate thing tangibly done, irrespective of the spirit of thought and desire in which it is done, and irrespective therefore of its effect upon other less obvious doings.

The purely internal morality of "doing good," of having a positive attitude no matter the outcome, naturally sparked a reaction. This is commonly known as either hedonism or utilitarianism. Essentially, it was argued that the key moral aspect is not what someone feels inside their own mind, but what they actually do—the results that come from their actions, the impact they truly have. Inner morality was criticized as sentimental, arbitrary, dogmatic, and subjective—allowing people to justify and protect any belief that aligns with their self-interest or any whim that springs to mind by labeling it as an intuition or an ideal of conscience. It’s the results and actions that matter; they provide the only true measure of morality. Everyday morality, and thus that of the classroom, is likely to be a mixed compromise of both perspectives. On one hand, certain feelings are emphasized; an individual must "mean well," and if their intentions are good, or if they have the right emotional mindset, they might be let off the hook for the full consequences of their actions. But on the other hand, certain tasks must be accomplished to meet the needs and expectations of others, and of society as a whole, leading to a strong emphasis on completing specific actions, regardless of whether the individual has any real concern or understanding in doing them. They must conform; they must work hard; they must obey; they must develop good habits; they must learn self-discipline—all of these guidelines understood in a way that focuses solely on the immediate, visible actions taken, ignoring the mindset and desires behind them, and therefore disregarding their effect on other less apparent actions.

It is hoped that the prior discussion has sufficiently elaborated the method by which both of these evils are avoided. One or both of these evils must result wherever individuals, whether young or old, cannot engage in a progressively cumulative undertaking under conditions which engage their interest and require their reflection. For only in such cases is it possible that the disposition of desire and thinking should be an organic factor in overt and obvious conduct. Given a consecutive activity embodying the student's own interest, where a definite result is to be obtained, and where neither routine habit nor the following of dictated directions nor capricious improvising will suffice, and there the rise of conscious purpose, conscious desire, and deliberate reflection are inevitable. They are inevitable as the spirit and quality of an activity having specific consequences, not as forming an isolated realm of inner consciousness.

It’s expected that the earlier discussion has clearly explained how to avoid both of these problems. One or both issues will happen whenever people, whether they are young or old, can’t take part in a progressively cumulative task under conditions that capture their interest and require them to think. Only in these situations can the way they desire and think naturally influence their clear and obvious actions. When there’s a continuous activity that reflects the student’s own interest, where a specific outcome is needed, and where mere routine, following instructions, or random improvisation won’t work, the emergence of conscious purpose, conscious desire, and intentional reflection is unavoidable. They arise as part of the nature and quality of an activity that leads to specific outcomes, not as a separate area of private thoughts.

2. The Opposition of Duty and Interest. Probably there is no antithesis more often set up in moral discussion than that between acting from "principle" and from "interest." To act on principle is to act disinterestedly, according to a general law, which is above all personal considerations. To act according to interest is, so the allegation runs, to act selfishly, with one's own personal profit in view. It substitutes the changing expediency of the moment for devotion to unswerving moral law. The false idea of interest underlying this opposition has already been criticized (See Chapter X), but some moral aspects of the question will now be considered. A clew to the matter may be found in the fact that the supporters of the "interest" side of the controversy habitually use the term "self-interest." Starting from the premises that unless there is interest in an object or idea, there is no motive force, they end with the conclusion that even when a person claims to be acting from principle or from a sense of duty, he really acts as he does because there "is something in it" for himself. The premise is sound; the conclusion false. In reply the other school argues that since man is capable of generous self-forgetting and even self-sacrificing action, he is capable of acting without interest. Again the premise is sound, and the conclusion false. The error on both sides lies in a false notion of the relation of interest and the self.

2. The Opposition of Duty and Interest. There's probably no contrast more frequently discussed in moral debates than that between acting from "principle" and acting from "interest." Acting on principle means acting selflessly, according to a general rule that goes beyond personal considerations. Acting based on interest, it is claimed, means acting selfishly, with one's own gain in mind. It replaces the shifting needs of the moment with commitment to steadfast moral laws. The misguided idea of interest behind this contrast has already been addressed (See Chapter X), but some moral aspects of the issue will now be examined. A clue to the situation can be found in the fact that those who support the "interest" side of the debate often use the term "self-interest." They start with the idea that without interest in an object or concept, there is no motivation, and they conclude that even when someone says they are acting from principle or duty, they are really acting because there is "something in it" for them. The initial idea is valid; the conclusion is incorrect. In response, the opposing side argues that since people are capable of generous, selfless, and even self-sacrificial actions, they can also act without any interest. Again, the initial idea is valid, but the conclusion is incorrect. The mistake on both sides stems from a misunderstanding of the relationship between interest and the self.

Both sides assume that the self is a fixed and hence isolated quantity. As a consequence, there is a rigid dilemma between acting for an interest of the self and without interest. If the self is something fixed antecedent to action, then acting from interest means trying to get more in the way of possessions for the self—whether in the way of fame, approval of others, power over others, pecuniary profit, or pleasure. Then the reaction from this view as a cynical depreciation of human nature leads to the view that men who act nobly act with no interest at all. Yet to an unbiased judgment it would appear plain that a man must be interested in what he is doing or he would not do it. A physician who continues to serve the sick in a plague at almost certain danger to his own life must be interested in the efficient performance of his profession—more interested in that than in the safety of his own bodily life. But it is distorting facts to say that this interest is merely a mask for an interest in something else which he gets by continuing his customary services—such as money or good repute or virtue; that it is only a means to an ulterior selfish end. The moment we recognize that the self is not something ready-made, but something in continuous formation through choice of action, the whole situation clears up. A man's interest in keeping at his work in spite of danger to life means that his self is found in that work; if he finally gave up, and preferred his personal safety or comfort, it would mean that he preferred to be that kind of a self. The mistake lies in making a separation between interest and self, and supposing that the latter is the end to which interest in objects and acts and others is a mere means. In fact, self and interest are two names for the same fact; the kind and amount of interest actively taken in a thing reveals and measures the quality of selfhood which exists. Bear in mind that interest means the active or moving identity of the self with a certain object, and the whole alleged dilemma falls to the ground.

Both sides assume that the self is a fixed and isolated thing. As a result, there's a strict dilemma between acting in the interest of the self and acting selflessly. If the self is something unchanging before action, then acting out of self-interest means trying to gain more possessions for the self—whether it’s fame, approval from others, power over others, financial gain, or pleasure. This view can lead to a cynical outlook on human nature, suggesting that people who act nobly do so without any self-interest. However, a fair assessment would show that a person must be interested in what they are doing or else they wouldn’t do it. A doctor who continues to care for the sick during a plague, knowing it may endanger his own life, must be genuinely invested in performing his job—more invested in that than in his own safety. It’s misleading to say that this interest is just a facade for seeking something else—like money or reputation or virtue; that it’s merely a means to a selfish end. Once we understand that the self isn’t a pre-made entity, but something that’s constantly shaped through choices and actions, everything becomes clearer. A person’s commitment to their work despite the risk to their life indicates that their identity is tied to that work; if they eventually give up and choose personal safety or comfort, it means they prefer to be that type of self. The error is in separating interest from self, thinking that the latter is the ultimate goal to which interest in things, actions, and others is just a way to get there. In reality, self and interest are just two ways of describing the same reality; the type and extent of interest taken in something reveals and measures the level of selfhood present. Remember that interest signifies the active connection of the self with a specific object, and the whole supposed dilemma collapses.

Unselfishness, for example, signifies neither lack of interest in what is done (that would mean only machine-like indifference) nor selflessness—which would mean absence of virility and character. As employed everywhere outside of this particular theoretical controversy, the term "unselfishness" refers to the kind of aims and objects which habitually interest a man. And if we make a mental survey of the kind of interests which evoke the use of this epithet, we shall see that they have two intimately associated features. (i) The generous self consciously identifies itself with the full range of relationships implied in its activity, instead of drawing a sharp line between itself and considerations which are excluded as alien or indifferent; (ii) it readjusts and expands its past ideas of itself to take in new consequences as they become perceptible. When the physician began his career he may not have thought of a pestilence; he may not have consciously identified himself with service under such conditions. But, if he has a normally growing or active self, when he finds that his vocation involves such risks, he willingly adopts them as integral portions of his activity. The wider or larger self which means inclusion instead of denial of relationships is identical with a self which enlarges in order to assume previously unforeseen ties.

Unselfishness, for example, doesn’t mean a lack of interest in what’s done (that would just be mechanical indifference) or selflessness—which would imply a lack of strength and character. In all contexts outside of this specific theoretical debate, the term "unselfishness" points to the kinds of goals and objectives that typically interest a person. If we think about the types of interests that lead to the use of this term, we’ll notice two closely connected features. (i) The generous self clearly sees itself as part of the full spectrum of relationships involved in its actions, rather than drawing a strict boundary between itself and considerations deemed foreign or indifferent; (ii) it adjusts and broadens its understanding of itself to incorporate new outcomes as they come into view. When the doctor started his career, he might not have considered a plague; he may not have consciously connected himself to service in such situations. But if he has a normally growing or active self, when he realizes that his work includes such risks, he willingly accepts them as essential parts of his role. The larger self that signifies inclusion rather than exclusion of relationships is the same as a self that expands to embrace previously unforeseen connections.

In such crises of readjustment—and the crisis may be slight as well as great—there may be a transitional conflict of "principle" with "interest." It is the nature of a habit to involve ease in the accustomed line of activity. It is the nature of a readjusting of habit to involve an effort which is disagreeable—something to which a man has deliberately to hold himself. In other words, there is a tendency to identify the self—or take interest—in what one has got used to, and to turn away the mind with aversion or irritation when an unexpected thing which involves an unpleasant modification of habit comes up. Since in the past one has done one's duty without having to face such a disagreeable circumstance, why not go on as one has been? To yield to this temptation means to narrow and isolate the thought of the self—to treat it as complete. Any habit, no matter how efficient in the past, which has become set, may at any time bring this temptation with it. To act from principle in such an emergency is not to act on some abstract principle, or duty at large; it is to act upon the principle of a course of action, instead of upon the circumstances which have attended it. The principle of a physician's conduct is its animating aim and spirit—the care for the diseased. The principle is not what justifies an activity, for the principle is but another name for the continuity of the activity. If the activity as manifested in its consequences is undesirable, to act upon principle is to accentuate its evil. And a man who prides himself upon acting upon principle is likely to be a man who insists upon having his own way without learning from experience what is the better way. He fancies that some abstract principle justifies his course of action without recognizing that his principle needs justification.

In times of readjustment—whether the crisis is minor or major—there can be a struggle between "principle" and "interest." Habits create comfort in familiar routines. Changing those habits requires effort, which can be unpleasant—something a person has to consciously manage. In other words, people tend to identify with what they’re used to and may react with dislike or annoyance when faced with an unexpected situation that disrupts their habits. Since they've managed their responsibilities in the past without encountering such uncomfortable changes, why not continue as before? Giving in to this temptation means limiting and isolating self-perception, treating it as complete. Any habit, no matter how effective it used to be, can present this temptation at any time. Choosing to act on principle in such a situation isn’t about adhering to a vague principle or duty overall; instead, it’s about following a course of action, regardless of the circumstances surrounding it. The principle behind a physician's actions is the underlying goal and intent—the care for the sick. The principle itself doesn’t justify an action; it merely names the continuity of that action. If the outcomes of the action are negative, acting on principle can intensify its harm. A person who takes pride in acting on principle might actually be someone who insists on getting their way without learning from experience what would be a better approach. They believe that some abstract principle justifies their choices without realizing that their principle itself requires justification.

Assuming, however, that school conditions are such as to provide desirable occupations, it is interest in the occupation as a whole—that is, in its continuous development—which keeps a pupil at his work in spite of temporary diversions and unpleasant obstacles. Where there is no activity having a growing significance, appeal to principle is either purely verbal, or a form of obstinate pride or an appeal to extraneous considerations clothed with a dignified title. Undoubtedly there are junctures where momentary interest ceases and attention flags, and where reinforcement is needed. But what carries a person over these hard stretches is not loyalty to duty in the abstract, but interest in his occupation. Duties are "offices"—they are the specific acts needed for the fulfilling of a function—or, in homely language—doing one's job. And the man who is genuinely interested in his job is the man who is able to stand temporary discouragement, to persist in the face of obstacles, to take the lean with the fat: he makes an interest out of meeting and overcoming difficulties and distraction.

Assuming that school conditions are such that they offer worthwhile activities, it's the overall interest in the occupation—meaning its ongoing development—that keeps a student engaged despite temporary distractions and unpleasant challenges. When there's no activity that feels significant and engaging, appeals to principles usually come off as just words or stubborn pride, or they rely on outside factors dressed up in a respectable manner. There are certainly times when interest wanes and attention dips, where some encouragement is necessary. However, what really helps someone get through those tough periods is not a sense of duty in a vague sense, but genuine interest in their work. Duties are specific tasks necessary to fulfill a role—or, in simpler terms, doing one's job. A person who truly cares about their job is the one who can handle temporary setbacks, push through challenges, and embrace both the good and the bad; they find interest in tackling difficulties and distractions.

3. Intelligence and Character. A noteworthy paradox often accompanies discussions of morals. On the one hand, there is an identification of the moral with the rational. Reason is set up as a faculty from which proceed ultimate moral intuitions, and sometimes, as in the Kantian theory, it is said to supply the only proper moral motive. On the other hand, the value of concrete, everyday intelligence is constantly underestimated, and even deliberately depreciated. Morals is often thought to be an affair with which ordinary knowledge has nothing to do. Moral knowledge is thought to be a thing apart, and conscience is thought of as something radically different from consciousness. This separation, if valid, is of especial significance for education. Moral education in school is practically hopeless when we set up the development of character as a supreme end, and at the same time treat the acquiring of knowledge and the development of understanding, which of necessity occupy the chief part of school time, as having nothing to do with character. On such a basis, moral education is inevitably reduced to some kind of catechetical instruction, or lessons about morals. Lessons "about morals" signify as matter of course lessons in what other people think about virtues and duties. It amounts to something only in the degree in which pupils happen to be already animated by a sympathetic and dignified regard for the sentiments of others. Without such a regard, it has no more influence on character than information about the mountains of Asia; with a servile regard, it increases dependence upon others, and throws upon those in authority the responsibility for conduct. As a matter of fact, direct instruction in morals has been effective only in social groups where it was a part of the authoritative control of the many by the few. Not the teaching as such but the reinforcement of it by the whole regime of which it was an incident made it effective. To attempt to get similar results from lessons about morals in a democratic society is to rely upon sentimental magic.

3. Intelligence and Character. A notable paradox often comes up in discussions about morals. On one hand, people associate morality with rationality. Reason is seen as the source of our ultimate moral insights, and sometimes, as in Kant’s theory, it’s viewed as the only valid moral motivation. On the other hand, everyday practical intelligence is consistently undervalued and even deliberately dismissed. Morality is often treated as something separate from ordinary understanding. Moral knowledge is viewed as distinct, and conscience is seen as fundamentally different from awareness. If this separation holds, it significantly impacts education. Moral education in schools becomes nearly impossible when we prioritize character development as the main goal while treating the acquisition of knowledge and the growth of understanding—which naturally take up most of the school day—as unrelated to character. With this approach, moral education inevitably turns into just some kind of rote teaching about morals. Lessons "about morals" essentially translate to lessons on what others think about virtues and duties. Their impact depends heavily on whether students already have a genuine and respectful view of others’ feelings. Without that respect, it influences character no more than facts about the mountains of Asia; with a subservient attitude, it creates dependence on others and places the burden of behavior on those in authority. In reality, direct moral instruction has only been effective in social groups where it was part of the control by the few over the many. It was not the teaching itself, but the support it received from the broader system that made it effective. Trying to achieve similar results from lessons about morals in a democratic society is relying on sentimental illusion.

At the other end of the scale stands the Socratic-Platonic teaching which identifies knowledge and virtue—which holds that no man does evil knowingly but only because of ignorance of the good. This doctrine is commonly attacked on the ground that nothing is more common than for a man to know the good and yet do the bad: not knowledge, but habituation or practice, and motive are what is required. Aristotle, in fact, at once attacked the Platonic teaching on the ground that moral virtue is like an art, such as medicine; the experienced practitioner is better than a man who has theoretical knowledge but no practical experience of disease and remedies. The issue turns, however, upon what is meant by knowledge. Aristotle's objection ignored the gist of Plato's teaching to the effect that man could not attain a theoretical insight into the good except as he had passed through years of practical habituation and strenuous discipline. Knowledge of the good was not a thing to be got either from books or from others, but was achieved through a prolonged education. It was the final and culminating grace of a mature experience of life. Irrespective of Plato's position, it is easy to perceive that the term knowledge is used to denote things as far apart as intimate and vital personal realization,—a conviction gained and tested in experience,—and a second-handed, largely symbolic, recognition that persons in general believe so and so—a devitalized remote information. That the latter does not guarantee conduct, that it does not profoundly affect character, goes without saying. But if knowledge means something of the same sort as our conviction gained by trying and testing that sugar is sweet and quinine bitter, the case stands otherwise. Every time a man sits on a chair rather than on a stove, carries an umbrella when it rains, consults a doctor when ill—or in short performs any of the thousand acts which make up his daily life, he proves that knowledge of a certain kind finds direct issue in conduct. There is every reason to suppose that the same sort of knowledge of good has a like expression; in fact "good" is an empty term unless it includes the satisfactions experienced in such situations as those mentioned. Knowledge that other persons are supposed to know something might lead one to act so as to win the approbation others attach to certain actions, or at least so as to give others the impression that one agrees with them; there is no reason why it should lead to personal initiative and loyalty in behalf of the beliefs attributed to them.

At the other end of the spectrum is the Socratic-Platonic view that links knowledge and virtue, suggesting that no one does wrong on purpose, but only out of ignorance of what is good. This belief is often criticized on the basis that people frequently know what is good yet still choose to do bad things; what’s really needed is practice, habits, and motivation. Aristotle challenged this Platonic idea, arguing that moral virtue is like an art—similar to medicine; a skilled practitioner is more effective than someone who only has theoretical knowledge without hands-on experience with illnesses and treatments. However, the crux of the matter lies in the definition of knowledge. Aristotle overlooked the essence of Plato's teaching, which indicated that a person cannot achieve theoretical understanding of the good unless they’ve gone through years of practical experience and rigorous training. Knowing the good isn’t something you can gain just from reading or from others; it comes from an extensive educational process. It represents the ultimate achievement of a rich life experience. Regardless of Plato's viewpoint, it's evident that the term knowledge refers to concepts ranging from deep, personal realization—a belief tested through experience—to a second-hand, largely symbolic acknowledgment of what people generally think—this is a diluted form of information. It goes without saying that the latter doesn’t guarantee behavior or significantly influence character. However, if we consider knowledge to be akin to our belief formed by testing that sugar is sweet and quinine is bitter, the situation changes. Every time someone chooses to sit on a chair instead of on a hot stove, carries an umbrella when it rains, or visits a doctor when they’re sick—essentially every one of the countless actions that make up daily life—they demonstrate that a certain kind of knowledge directly influences their behavior. There’s every reason to believe that a similar kind of knowledge regarding the good also manifests in behavior; in fact, the term "good" lacks substance unless it incorporates the satisfactions felt in such scenarios. Knowing that other people are expected to know something might lead someone to act in ways that earn the approval others associate with certain behaviors, or at least to create the impression that they share those beliefs; there's no guarantee, however, that it will inspire personal initiative and loyalty toward the beliefs believed to be held by others.

It is not necessary, accordingly, to dispute about the proper meaning of the term knowledge. It is enough for educational purposes to note the different qualities covered by the one name, to realize that it is knowledge gained at first hand through the exigencies of experience which affects conduct in significant ways. If a pupil learns things from books simply in connection with school lessons and for the sake of reciting what he has learned when called upon, then knowledge will have effect upon some conduct—namely upon that of reproducing statements at the demand of others. There is nothing surprising that such "knowledge" should not have much influence in the life out of school. But this is not a reason for making a divorce between knowledge and conduct, but for holding in low esteem this kind of knowledge. The same thing may be said of knowledge which relates merely to an isolated and technical specialty; it modifies action but only in its own narrow line. In truth, the problem of moral education in the schools is one with the problem of securing knowledge—the knowledge connected with the system of impulses and habits. For the use to which any known fact is put depends upon its connections. The knowledge of dynamite of a safecracker may be identical in verbal form with that of a chemist; in fact, it is different, for it is knit into connection with different aims and habits, and thus has a different import.

It's not necessary to argue about the exact meaning of the term "knowledge." For educational purposes, it’s enough to recognize the different qualities encompassed by the term. It's important to understand that knowledge gained firsthand through the challenges of experience significantly impacts behavior. If a student learns information from books solely for school tasks and to repeat what they've learned when asked, this knowledge will affect some behavior—specifically, the act of reproducing statements when prompted by others. It’s not surprising that such "knowledge" has little influence outside of school life. However, this isn't a reason to separate knowledge from behavior; rather, it suggests that this type of knowledge deserves less regard. The same can be said for knowledge that pertains only to a specific and technical field; it influences actions but only within a narrow scope. In reality, the issue of moral education in schools is linked to the difficulty of acquiring knowledge—the kind related to impulses and habits. The use of any known fact depends on its connections. For instance, the knowledge of dynamite held by a safecracker may be verbally the same as that of a chemist; however, it is fundamentally different because it is tied to different purposes and habits, thus carrying a different meaning.

Our prior discussion of subject-matter as proceeding from direct activity having an immediate aim, to the enlargement of meaning found in geography and history, and then to scientifically organized knowledge, was based upon the idea of maintaining a vital connection between knowledge and activity. What is learned and employed in an occupation having an aim and involving cooperation with others is moral knowledge, whether consciously so regarded or not. For it builds up a social interest and confers the intelligence needed to make that interest effective in practice. Just because the studies of the curriculum represent standard factors in social life, they are organs of initiation into social values. As mere school studies, their acquisition has only a technical worth. Acquired under conditions where their social significance is realized, they feed moral interest and develop moral insight. Moreover, the qualities of mind discussed under the topic of method of learning are all of them intrinsically moral qualities. Open-mindedness, single-mindedness, sincerity, breadth of outlook, thoroughness, assumption of responsibility for developing the consequences of ideas which are accepted, are moral traits. The habit of identifying moral characteristics with external conformity to authoritative prescriptions may lead us to ignore the ethical value of these intellectual attitudes, but the same habit tends to reduce morals to a dead and machinelike routine. Consequently while such an attitude has moral results, the results are morally undesirable—above all in a democratic society where so much depends upon personal disposition.

Our earlier conversation about how subject matter comes from direct activities with immediate goals, expanding to include geography and history, and then developing into organized scientific knowledge, was founded on the idea of keeping a strong link between knowledge and action. What we learn and apply in jobs that have a purpose and require working with others is moral knowledge, whether we recognize it as such or not. This knowledge fosters social interest and provides the understanding needed to make that interest effective in real life. Because the subjects in the curriculum reflect standard elements of social life, they are gateways into social values. When learned as just school subjects, they only have technical value. However, when learned in contexts that highlight their social importance, they nourish moral interest and enhance moral understanding. Additionally, the mental qualities discussed under learning methods are all inherently moral. Being open-minded, focused, sincere, having a broad perspective, being thorough, and taking responsibility for the outcomes of accepted ideas are all moral traits. The tendency to equate moral qualities with external compliance to authority can blind us to the ethical significance of these intellectual attitudes, and this same tendency risks reducing morals to a lifeless and mechanical routine. As a result, while such an attitude can yield moral outcomes, those outcomes can be morally undesirable—especially in a democratic society where personal disposition plays a crucial role.

4. The Social and the Moral. All of the separations which we have been criticizing—and which the idea of education set forth in the previous chapters is designed to avoid—spring from taking morals too narrowly,—giving them, on one side, a sentimental goody-goody turn without reference to effective ability to do what is socially needed, and, on the other side, overemphasizing convention and tradition so as to limit morals to a list of definitely stated acts. As a matter of fact, morals are as broad as acts which concern our relationships with others. And potentially this includes all our acts, even though their social bearing may not be thought of at the time of performance. For every act, by the principle of habit, modifies disposition—it sets up a certain kind of inclination and desire. And it is impossible to tell when the habit thus strengthened may have a direct and perceptible influence on our association with others. Certain traits of character have such an obvious connection with our social relationships that we call them "moral" in an emphatic sense—truthfulness, honesty, chastity, amiability, etc. But this only means that they are, as compared with some other attitudes, central:—that they carry other attitudes with them. They are moral in an emphatic sense not because they are isolated and exclusive, but because they are so intimately connected with thousands of other attitudes which we do not explicitly recognize—which perhaps we have not even names for. To call them virtues in their isolation is like taking the skeleton for the living body. The bones are certainly important, but their importance lies in the fact that they support other organs of the body in such a way as to make them capable of integrated effective activity. And the same is true of the qualities of character which we specifically designate virtues. Morals concern nothing less than the whole character, and the whole character is identical with the man in all his concrete make-up and manifestations. To possess virtue does not signify to have cultivated a few namable and exclusive traits; it means to be fully and adequately what one is capable of becoming through association with others in all the offices of life.

4. The Social and the Moral. All the separations we’ve been criticizing—and which the concept of education discussed in the previous chapters aims to avoid—come from a narrow view of morals. This involves both a sentimental, overly nice perspective that ignores the practical ability to meet social needs and an excessive focus on convention and tradition that limits morals to a list of clearly defined actions. In reality, morals are as broad as the actions that affect our relationships with others. This potentially includes all our actions, even if we aren’t thinking about their social implications when we perform them. Every action, through the principle of habit, shapes our disposition—it creates specific inclinations and desires. It's impossible to predict when the habits we strengthen might directly and noticeably impact our interactions with others. Certain character traits are so closely tied to our social relationships that we refer to them as "moral" in a significant way—truthfulness, honesty, chastity, amiability, and so on. But this simply means that they are central when compared to other attitudes—they bring along other attitudes with them. They are moral in a significant way not because they stand alone but because they are deeply connected to countless other attitudes that we don’t explicitly acknowledge—some of which we may not even have names for. Referring to them as virtues in isolation is like considering the skeleton as the living body. The bones are certainly important, but their significance lies in how they support other organs, enabling coordinated activity. The same applies to the character qualities we specifically call virtues. Morals involve nothing less than the whole character, and the whole character is the person in all their concrete makeup and expressions. To possess virtue doesn’t mean having cultivated a few specific and exclusive traits; it means being fully and adequately what one can become through interactions with others in all aspects of life.

The moral and the social quality of conduct are, in the last analysis, identical with each other. It is then but to restate explicitly the import of our earlier chapters regarding the social function of education to say that the measure of the worth of the administration, curriculum, and methods of instruction of the school is the extent to which they are animated by a social spirit. And the great danger which threatens school work is the absence of conditions which make possible a permeating social spirit; this is the great enemy of effective moral training. For this spirit can be actively present only when certain conditions are met.

The moral and social quality of behavior are ultimately the same. To clarify what we discussed in earlier chapters about the social role of education, we can say that the value of a school's management, curriculum, and teaching methods is measured by how much they are driven by a social spirit. The main risk facing education is the lack of conditions that foster a strong social spirit; this is the biggest obstacle to effective moral education. This spirit can only truly thrive when specific conditions are in place.

(i) In the first place, the school must itself be a community life in all which that implies. Social perceptions and interests can be developed only in a genuinely social medium—one where there is give and take in the building up of a common experience. Informational statements about things can be acquired in relative isolation by any one who previously has had enough intercourse with others to have learned language. But realization of the meaning of the linguistic signs is quite another matter. That involves a context of work and play in association with others. The plea which has been made for education through continued constructive activities in this book rests upon the fact they afford an opportunity for a social atmosphere. In place of a school set apart from life as a place for learning lessons, we have a miniature social group in which study and growth are incidents of present shared experience. Playgrounds, shops, workrooms, laboratories not only direct the natural active tendencies of youth, but they involve intercourse, communication, and cooperation,—all extending the perception of connections.

(i) First of all, the school itself needs to be a community that embodies everything that entails. Social perceptions and interests can only grow in a truly social environment—one where there’s an exchange in creating a shared experience. People can learn factual information in relative isolation if they’ve had enough interaction with others to pick up a language. But understanding what those words mean is a different story. It requires a context of work and play alongside others. The argument for education through ongoing constructive activities in this book is based on the fact that they provide an opportunity for a social atmosphere. Instead of a school that feels separate from life where lessons are learned, we have a small social group where studying and personal growth are part of a collective experience. Playgrounds, shops, workrooms, and laboratories not only channel the natural active tendencies of young people but also foster interaction, communication, and cooperation—all of which enhance the understanding of relationships.

(ii) The learning in school should be continuous with that out of school. There should be a free interplay between the two. This is possible only when there are numerous points of contact between the social interests of the one and of the other. A school is conceivable in which there should be a spirit of companionship and shared activity, but where its social life would no more represent or typify that of the world beyond the school walls than that of a monastery. Social concern and understanding would be developed, but they would not be available outside; they would not carry over. The proverbial separation of town and gown, the cultivation of academic seclusion, operate in this direction. So does such adherence to the culture of the past as generates a reminiscent social spirit, for this makes an individual feel more at home in the life of other days than in his own. A professedly cultural education is peculiarly exposed to this danger. An idealized past becomes the refuge and solace of the spirit; present-day concerns are found sordid, and unworthy of attention. But as a rule, the absence of a social environment in connection with which learning is a need and a reward is the chief reason for the isolation of the school; and this isolation renders school knowledge inapplicable to life and so infertile in character.

(ii) Learning in school should connect continuously with learning outside of school. There should be an open exchange between the two. This is only possible when there are many points of contact between social interests on both sides. It’s possible to imagine a school where there’s a spirit of friendship and shared activities, but where its social life wouldn’t reflect or represent the world outside the school walls any more than that of a monastery. Social concern and understanding could be developed, but they wouldn’t extend beyond the school; they wouldn’t carry over. The classic separation between town and gown, the cultivation of academic isolation, pushes in this direction. So does a strict adherence to past culture that fosters a nostalgic social spirit, which makes individuals feel more comfortable in the lives of yesteryear than in their own. An education that claims to be cultural is particularly susceptible to this risk. An idealized past becomes the refuge and comfort of the spirit, while present-day issues are seen as petty and unworthy of attention. Generally, the lack of a social environment where learning is both necessary and rewarding is the main reason for the isolation of schools; and this isolation makes school knowledge irrelevant to real life and therefore unproductive in nature.

A narrow and moralistic view of morals is responsible for the failure to recognize that all the aims and values which are desirable in education are themselves moral. Discipline, natural development, culture, social efficiency, are moral traits—marks of a person who is a worthy member of that society which it is the business of education to further. There is an old saying to the effect that it is not enough for a man to be good; he must be good for something. The something for which a man must be good is capacity to live as a social member so that what he gets from living with others balances with what he contributes. What he gets and gives as a human being, a being with desires, emotions, and ideas, is not external possessions, but a widening and deepening of conscious life—a more intense, disciplined, and expanding realization of meanings. What he materially receives and gives is at most opportunities and means for the evolution of conscious life. Otherwise, it is neither giving nor taking, but a shifting about of the position of things in space, like the stirring of water and sand with a stick. Discipline, culture, social efficiency, personal refinement, improvement of character are but phases of the growth of capacity nobly to share in such a balanced experience. And education is not a mere means to such a life. Education is such a life. To maintain capacity for such education is the essence of morals. For conscious life is a continual beginning afresh.

A narrow and moralistic view of ethics is responsible for not recognizing that all the goals and values that are important in education are, in fact, moral. Discipline, natural growth, culture, and social effectiveness are all moral traits—signs of a person who is a valuable member of the society that education seeks to support. There's an old saying that it’s not enough for a person to be good; they must also be good for something. The "something" that a person must be good for is the ability to live as a social being, balancing what they gain from living with others with what they contribute. What a person receives and gives as a human being—complete with desires, emotions, and ideas—isn't about external possessions, but about expanding and deepening their conscious experience—achieving a more intense, disciplined, and broad understanding of meaning. What one materially receives and gives is, at most, opportunities and means for the growth of conscious life. Otherwise, it’s neither giving nor taking, but just rearranging the positions of objects in space, like stirring up water and sand with a stick. Discipline, culture, social effectiveness, personal improvement, and character development are simply aspects of growing the ability to share in such a balanced experience. Education isn't just a tool for such a life; education is that life. Maintaining the ability for such education is the core of ethics. For conscious life is a continuous opportunity to start anew.





Summary. The most important problem of moral education in the school

concerns the relationship of knowledge and conduct. For unless the learning which accrues in the regular course of study affects character, it is futile to conceive the moral end as the unifying and culminating end of education. When there is no intimate organic connection between the methods and materials of knowledge and moral growth, particular lessons and modes of discipline have to be resorted to: knowledge is not integrated into the usual springs of action and the outlook on life, while morals become moralistic—a scheme of separate virtues.

concerns the relationship between knowledge and behavior. Because if the learning gained through regular study doesn't shape character, it's pointless to think of the moral goal as the main purpose of education. When there is no close, natural link between the methods and content of knowledge and moral development, we end up relying on specific lessons and forms of discipline: knowledge isn't woven into the typical motivations for action and perspectives on life, while morals become merely moralistic—a collection of individual virtues.

The two theories chiefly associated with the separation of learning from activity, and hence from morals, are those which cut off inner disposition and motive—the conscious personal factor—and deeds as purely physical and outer; and which set action from interest in opposition to that from principle. Both of these separations are overcome in an educational scheme where learning is the accompaniment of continuous activities or occupations which have a social aim and utilize the materials of typical social situations. For under such conditions, the school becomes itself a form of social life, a miniature community and one in close interaction with other modes of associated experience beyond school walls. All education which develops power to share effectively in social life is moral. It forms a character which not only does the particular deed socially necessary but one which is interested in that continuous readjustment which is essential to growth. Interest in learning from all the contacts of life is the essential moral interest.

The two theories mainly linked to separating learning from activity, and therefore from morals, focus on dividing inner feelings and motives—the conscious personal element—from actions, treating them as purely physical and external. They also contrast actions driven by interest with those driven by principle. These separations are addressed in an educational system where learning happens alongside ongoing activities or tasks that have a social purpose and use elements from typical social situations. In such an environment, the school itself becomes a type of social life, a small community closely interacting with other shared experiences outside its walls. Any education that enhances the ability to participate effectively in social life is moral. It shapes a character that not only performs socially necessary actions but also cares about the ongoing adjustments vital for growth. A genuine interest in learning from all life experiences is the core moral interest.








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